the numerous alternative plans of the USA……..by Sherlock Hommos PhD.

the numerous alternative plans of the USA……..by Sherlock Hommos PhD.

Plan Zero :
wait until someone (or anyone) brings down the Twin Towers
provided it is done on a Jewish-holiday and CNN does not miss it .

Plan A :
Invade Afghanistan !!
if you do not find Oussama Ben Landen,
never mind , tolerate again the Heroin fields
and then go to plan B

Plan B:
Invade Iraq !!
if you do not find the Weapons of Mass Destruction,
never mind , create a chaos and civil-war ,
and then go to plan C

Plan C:
Invade Syria !!
if you do not find the killers of Rafik Harriri ,
never mind , just install your own Puppet-President
and then go to plan D.

Plan D :
invade Iran !!
if you do not find the Atomic Weapon’s production,
never mind , just return the Shah’s son as the new-Emperor
and then go to plan E .

Plan E :
go to Israel !!……… to collect your rewards
if you do not find your , promised , rewards
never mind , go to plan F .

Plan F :
go back to the USA
and declare that you did all that invading , bombing and killing
for the sake of “Freedom and Democracy”
and then ,later, go to plan G .

Plan G:
collect your old-age-pension from ENRON
if you find that Enron , is already bankrupted .
never mind, sit down and wait …….
Halliburton or Bechtel might pay you a divident
if not ……never mind !!
Judd Bush, the next President,
will find you other places to liberate .

Sherlock Hommos , PhD
Planing hypocritical Disadventure’s
20th day of January 2006

Video: The Host and the Parasite – How Israel’s Fifth Column Consumed America

A MUST SEE VIDEO

Greg Felton, a Canadian investigative reporter and author, spoke on Feb. 25, 2008 at the Vancouver Public Library about his controversial book, “The Host and The Parasite” Watch 30-minute video of his presentation and 30-minute highlights of the heated questions and answers.

Part 1: presentation of Greg Felton, author of “The Host and The Parasite”

Part 2: Questions to the author

Posted by Haitham Sabbah

The United States of Israel

Source

“I’ve never seen a President — I don’t care who he is — stand up to them. It just boggles the mind. They always get what they want. The Israelis know what is going on all the time. I got to the point where I wasn’t writing anything down. If the American people understood what a grip these people have got on our government, they would RISE UP IN ARMS. Our citizens certainly don’t have any idea what goes on.”

Thomas H. Moorer
(1912 – 2004)
Admiral,
US Navy & Chairman,
Joint Chiefs of Staff during interview on
24 August 1983.

Stolen Youth, Early Adulthood: Palestinian Child Prisoners

Palestinian Child Prisoners

A Book Reviewby Justin Podur; February 11, 2004
Review of: Stolen Youth: The Politics of Israel’s Detention of Palestinian Children. Catherine Cook, Adam Hanieh, and Adah Kay. Pluto Press, London, 2004. 197 pages.

Three more people in masks came into the room. They blindfolded me, put a hood over my head… they kicked and slapped me. They beat me with a plastic pipe and whatever they could get their hands on. I couldn’t see anything because I was blindfolded. I just felt the blows. That lasted ten to fifteen minutes… Later they stood me on a chair and told me to grab a pipe that was fixed to the wall. They removed the chair from under me and left me hanging in the air, with my handcuffed hands holding onto the pipe and the weight of my body, hanging in the air, drawing my hands downwards. They left the room. – Ismail Sabatin, 17 years old.

So begins Stolen Youth, a book about Israel’s detention of Palestinian children that will be released in March 2004. Isma’il Sabatin’s story, the authors of the book remind us, is paralleled by the stories of the “nearly 2,000 Palestinian children from the Occupied Palestinian Territories whom the Israeli authorities have arrested over the last three years.” Some spend a few days in detention – detained, beaten, and released. Others spend years there.

At any given time there are probably hundreds of Palestinian children in detention, with some 350 in detention at the beginning of 2003. In 2002 one-fifth were between 13-14, the rest between 15-17. The military and police tend to target children between 12-17, but have arrested children as young as nine.

Children are arrested “at checkpoints, on the street, or at their homes by heavily armed Israeli soldiers in the middle of the night. The soldiers take them to detention centres in Israeli settlements or military camps… the children are interrogated. This almost always involves some form of torture or abuse, including sleep and food deprivation, threatening language, beatings with heavy batons, being punched and kicked, as well as being tied in painful and contorted positions for long periods of time…”

After interrogation, children are brought before a military ‘court’ that operates under a different set of laws than those that apply for Israelis. Where Israelis come under Israeli civil law, Palestinians fall under military orders. Whereas Israeli children, including Israeli children in settlements in the occupied territories, get child-specific courts and procedures, Palestinian children are tried by the same Israeli military courts and judges as try Palestinian adults. The rules of evidence and procedure are such that it does not make sense to call the institutions that decide where to incarcerate Palestinian children ‘courts’ at all. When these ‘courts’ have made their decisions, most Palestinian children are incarcerated in Israel itself, with children of 16-17 treated as adults by Israel’s military laws (according to these laws, Israeli children are children if they are under 18, in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, but Palestinian children are adults if they 16 or over). Visiting the children in prison is impossible for family members, given the permanent closure of the Occupied Territories that existed long before the territories were physically walled in as they are now, with the Gaza Strip being surrounded by electric fence and the West Bank nearly surrounded by the apartheid wall. But not content to simply wall and fence Palestinians in on all sides, Israel proceeds to round them up and take them off to prisons inside Israel.

Indeed, prison is “a central feature of Palestinian life”, with over 600,000 Palestinians having spent time in prison since 1967 (the population in the Occupied Territories is around 3 million). Prison, Cook, Hanieh, and Kay argue, including the detention of children, is part of Israel’s system of control, “permeating every aspect of Palestinian life. It is a system backed by legal, political, economic, cultural and psychological structures, and designed to keep more than 3 million people under submission.”

The authors of Stolen Youth worked for Defense for Children International/Palestine Section (DCI/PS) between 1999-2003. Their work is based on the human rights reports of Bt’selem, The Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, Physicians for Human Rights, the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, on the DCI/PS case files, the Israeli press, and their own research, the interviews and testimonies of children, lawyers, advocates, and families. Meticulously documented and carefully researched, it is a crystal-clear and truly damning indictment of an abominable practice. But it is far more than that: it is an indictment of the entire system of control and domination that leads directly to the moral degradation, the racism, and the inhumanity that makes the detention and torture of children acceptable and justifiable not only to Israel, but to its ‘supporters’ in the ‘international community’ as well.

The testimonies
Readers of Stolen Youth will be struck by the near-complete absence of rhetoric, opinion, or even adjectives. Given the appalling nature of the subject matter, the authors’ ability to retain rationality and analytical clarity is an achievement in itself. Indeed, most of the exceptional writers in English on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including Amira Hass, Tanya Reinhart, Hanan Ashrawi, Gideon Levy (frequently quoted in the book), Baruch Kimmerling, Noam Chomsky, Ali Abunimah, and the late Edward Said (to name a few), often exude passion and anger in their writing. Cook, Hanieh, and Kay instead marshall the evidence and let it speak for itself.

The evidence does speak, and it, presented in an unadorned fashion, evokes more emotion than any rhetorical questions, understatement, sarcasm, or metaphor could. Readers learn that “Israeli settlers are… empowered to arrest any Palestinian, with no warrant required.” They hear about Riham Musa, a 15-year old girl who “was shot several times by Israeli soldiers who accused her of trying to stab one of them with a knife.” They hear her testimony: “When the soldiers saw me, they opened fire on me and I was hit in the stomach, although I didn’t fall to the ground. I kept standing in the same spot, not moving, so that they would stop shooting.

However, another soldier shot me in the leg and then I fell to the ground. Many soldiers appeared and started to cordon off the area, but none of them came near me. They asked me – from a distance – to take all my clothes off except my underwear, so that they could examine them… They took them, even though I was wounded and bleeding.” They learn how Riham, in hospital, was “shackled to her hospital bed,” provoking Physicians for Human Rights Israel to note that “It is unreasonable to think that a 15-year old girl, who was hit in the kidney, had part of her intestine surgically removed, is attached to an intravenous solution, and two bullets are still in her body, will escape from the hospital by overcoming the IDF guards” and how, despite this, “20 days after her arrest, she remained handcuffed to the bed.”

Readers learn about the detention centres, like Ofer Detention Centre, which a lawyer visiting in May 2002 described as having “over 900 detainees, including 40 of 50 children”, in tents “erected over an asphalt surface”, “filled with dust and insects”, “each tent holding between 25 and 35 prisoners”, each detainee given “four dirty blankets”. For food, they “were given frozen schnitzels, which they had to place in the sun to defrost… A couple of cucumbers and pieces of fruit are provided for every ten detainees. A small container of yogurt is also given to every ten prisoners,” who are not given plates “and instead every eight prisoners are forced to eat collectively from a large bowl”, hygenic conditions are abysmal so “in two sections, open sewage runs from the pipes into the tents… At night, soldiers harrass the detainees by firing bullets into the air, throwing gravel at the tents and yelling at the prisoners.”

Readers learn about “position abuse”, which “involves forcing detainees into contorted positions for very long periods,” about sleep deprivation, threats, and pressures applied to children to try to get them to become collaborators with Israeli security services – a practice whose intent is to undermine and create discord in Palestinian society as much as to justify the existence of the ‘security’ services themselves.

The book describes the military court system, a farce for a wide variety of reasons exposed by the authors by simply pointing out the divergence between Israeli civil law and the military orders that apply to Palestinians. A few examples described in the book:
-As mentioned above, Israeli children are defined as people under 18 years old, Palestinians under 16.
-Israeli children must be brought before juvenile court. Palestinian children do not, and have no special provisions made for them.
-Police can only detain Israeli children without warrant in “eight specific circumstances”, while Palestinian children can be arrested “merely on the suspicion that the child has violated a military order.”
-Israeli children can only be detained for ten days before sentencing, extensible to a maximum of 75 days by order of the Attorney General. Palestinian children can be imprisoned for up to six months without indictment.
-Israelis have the right to see a lawyer as soon as possible, while Palestinians’ rights to representation are subject to military orders, which change frequently. In 2002, Palestinians could automatically denied their right to see a lawyer for 18 days, extensible for up to 90 days, under military order 1500.

The book describes much more.
The logic of atrocity
The evidence marshaled on the Israeli prison system is supplemented by a chapter on the international legal protections of the rights of the child, cruelly mocked by Israel’s prison system, and a chapter on the psychological and social impacts of imprisonment and torture on children and on society more generally. These chapters sharpen the points made by the presentation of the prison system itself: that Israel is engaged in a completely illegal, immoral attempt to destroy Palestinian society.

Several other chapters present the authors’ analysis of the historical context in which Israel’s detention of Palestinian children evolved. In chapter 2, the authors show how: “Israel’s strategy towards the OPT forms a continuum from 1967 to the present day. The essential goal has always been to control the land, the economy, and the resources without assuming direct responsibility for the resident Palestinian population.”

Following Raja Shehadeh, they present an analysis in terms of ‘phases of control’: From 1967-71, a system of military orders controlled movement, expropriated land, and took over administration. 1971-79 saw the beginning of Israeli settlements. 1979-81 created a dual system of laws: one for settlers in the territories, the other for Palestinians in the territories. 1981-1993 consolidated Israel’s control over the West Bank and, in particular, its economy. 1993-2000 were the Oslo years, in which “Israel ostensibly gave up direct responsibility for the Palestinian population… but retained absolute control through a military, economic, political and legal framework”, which created “an illusion of sovereignty” while “the actual occupation… intensified.” For 2000 to the present, in the second intifada, the authors quote Ariel Sharon in March 2002, who said that Palestinians “have to be hit hard, and it has to hurt them… Israel must cause them losses, victims, so that they will feel it.” This current phase has seen a marked increase in the incarceration of children, killings of children and adults in military incursions, the destruction of residential areas with military bulldozers, curfews, checkpoints, and an encroaching humanitarian disaster, with chronic malnutrition among children around 20% in the Gaza Strip.

The authors present this analysis to dispel the idea that the problem of incarceration of children could be solved by changing the Israeli prison system so that it conforms to international humanitarian standards. Instead, the authors encourage readers to understand that the prison system is component of a system of control that is illegal and immoral to begin with, a system of military occupation that is based on dispossessing and destroying Palestinian society: “The policies of incarceration exist to stifle resistance against occupation and will be brought to bear when needed…. Israel’s policies of detention will be halted only when the occupation which they are designed to support is also ended.”

How Israel gets away with it
In a chapter on “the foundations of Israel’s impunity”, the authors describe the ‘security discourse’ that Israel deploys to silence critics of its human rights violations. Some might be familiar with the philosophy seminar trick deployed to try to win agreement for moral relativism and torture. This trick was utilized by a justice of the Israeli High Court, whose advocacy of a one-year delay in preventing the use of torture by Israel’s security services is quoted in Stolen Youth: “Deriving from the will to prevent a situation where the ‘time bomb will tick’ before our eyes and the State’s hand will be shortened to help, I suggest that the judgment be suspended from coming into force for a period of one year. During that year, the GSS [Shabak, Israeli security] could employ exceptional methods in those rare cases of ‘ticking time bombs’, on the condition that explicit authorization is given by the Attorney General.”

Given that all Palestinians, including children, are presented (and seen) as ‘ticking time bombs’ in Israel’s (and North America’s) media, the door is wide open to torture and other inhumane practices. Israel deploys the ‘security discourse’ to justify everything, from imprisonment to the apartheid wall, from checkpoints and incursions to closures and starvation, to great effect. Israel’s use of the ‘security discourse’ is helped by a tendency in human rights forums to “reduce struggles for equality to a checklist of ‘violations’ in which the record of the oppressed is compared with that of the oppressor. This is clearly demonstrated in the Palestinian case, where the just cause of national liberation has been elided into the nebulous and apparently neutral term ‘the Israeli-Palestinian conflict’. In other words, a struggle against oppression has been reduced to a dispute where both sides are equally at fault, and some kind of power equality is assumed.”

Meanwhile the Palestinians “have not had powerful sponsors, nor has the systematic violation of their rights posed a threat to international equilibrium, or to political economic interests, sufficiently compelling for states to actively intervene.” Instead, external powers, notably the United States (but not only the US), support Israel militarily, economically, and diplomatically. This “sends a very strong message to Palestinian civilians: international law does not apply to you; it does not protect you.”

The authors argue that this situation will not change unless change is “sought on the streets and not simply in the parliaments and halls of government. Activists must move beyond information dissemination confined largely to like-minded groups and build strategic alliances that will create an environment where governmental support for criminal regimes becomes impossible to sustain.” Part of building these alliances, they say, is understanding “the common links between the Palestinian struggle and other struggles against oppression around the globe.”

These links ought to be dramatically obvious in North America, and especially in the United States, with its prison-industry complex, whose incarcerated population is 2 million and growing, where violations are also routine and systematic, and whose root causes are equally infrequently examined. By shining a bright light on both the brutality and the root of Israel’s prison system through the eyes of its most vulnerable victims, the authors of Stolen Youth have provided information that will help people understand those “common links” and make the “strategic alliances” that are so necessary.

See also
Early Adulthood, Stolen Childhood

THE JEWS OF IRAQ – TESTIMONY OF A FORMER ZIONIST

Source 

In his book, Ben Gurion’s Scandals, Mr. Giladi discusses the crimes committed by Zionists in their frenzy to import raw Jewish labor. Newly-vacated farmlands had to be plowed to provide food for the immigrants and the military ranks had to be filled with conscripts to defend the illegitimately repossesed lands.
Mr. Giladi couldn’t get his book published in Israel, and even in the U.S. he discovered that he could do so only by personally funding the project.
The Giladis, now U.S. citizens, live in New York City. By choice, they no longer hold Israeli citizenship. “I am Iraqi,” he told The Link, “born in Iraq, my culture still Iraqi Arabic, my religion Jewish, my citizenship American.”

The Link, honored in 1998 by the International Writers and Artists Association, is published by Americans for Middle East Understanding (AMEU).

In the [?] edition of The Link, Israeli historian Ilan Pappe looked at the hundreds of thousands of indigenous Palestinians whose lives were uprooted to make room for foreigners who would come to populate land confiscated by the Zionists. Most were Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe. But over half a million other Jews came from Islamic lands. Zionist propagandists claim that Israel “rescued” these Jews from their anti-Jewish, Muslim neighbors. One of those “rescued” Jews, Naeim Giladi, knows otherwise.
Naeim Giladi: “I write this article for the same reason I wrote my book: to tell the American people, and especially American Jews, that Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate willingly to Israel; that, to force them to leave, Jews killed Jews; and that, to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on numerous occasions rejected genuine peace initiatives from their Arab neighbors. I write about what the first Prime Minister of Israel called ‘cruel Zionism’. I write about it because I was part of it.”
John F. Mahoney, Executive Director, AMEU: “The Link interviewed Naeim Giladi, a Jew from Iraq, for three hours on March 16, 1998, two days prior to his 69th birthday. For nearly two other delightful hours, we were treated to a multi-course Arabic meal prepared by his wife Rachael, who is also Iraqi. “It’s our Arab culture,” he said proudly”.



 

THE JEWS OF IRAQ
By Naeim Giladi

Of course I thought I knew it all back then. I was young, idealistic, and more than willing to put my life at risk for my convictions. It was 1947 and I wasn’t quite 18 when the Iraqi authorities caught me for smuggling young Iraqi Jews like myself out of Iraq, into Iran, and then on to the Promised Land of the soon-to-be established Israel.
I was an Iraqi Jew in the Zionist underground. My Iraqi jailers did everything they could to extract the names of my co-conspirators. Fifty years later, pain still throbs in my right toe, a reminder of the day my captors used pliers to remove my toenails. On another occasion, they hauled me to the flat roof of the prison, stripped me bare on a frigid January day, then threw a bucket of cold water over me. I was left there, chained to the railing, for hours. But I never once considered giving them the information they wanted. I was a true believer.
My preoccupation during what I refer to as my “two years in hell” was with survival and escape. I had no interest then in the broad sweep of Jewish history in Iraq even though my family had been part of it right from the beginning. We were originally Haroons, a large and important family of the “Babylonian Diaspora.” My ancestors had settled in Iraq more than 2,600 years ago, 600 years before Christianity, and 1,200 years before Islam. I am descended from Jews who built the tomb of Yehezkel [The Prophet Ezekiel], a Jewish prophet of pre-biblical times. My town, where I was born in 1929, is Hillah, not far from the ancient site of Babylon.
The original Jews found Babylon, with its nourishing Tigris and Euphrates rivers, to be truly a land of milk, honey, abundance-and opportunity. Although Jews, like other minorities in what became Iraq, experienced periods of oppression and discrimination depending on the rulers of the period, their general trajectory over two and one-half millennia was upward. Under the late Ottoman rule, for example, Jewish social and religious institutions, schools, and medical facilities flourished without outside interference, and Jews were prominent in government and business.
As I sat there in my cell, unaware that a death sentence soon would be handed down against me, I could not have recounted any personal grievances that my family members would have lodged against the government or the Muslim majority. Our family had been treated well and had prospered, first as farmers with some 50,000 acres devoted to rice, dates and Arab horses.
Then, with the Ottomans, we bought and purified gold that was shipped to Istanbul and turned into coinage. The Turks were responsible in fact for changing our name to reflect our occupation-we became Khalaschi, meaning “Makers of Pure.”
I did not volunteer the information to my father that I had joined the Zionist underground. He found out several months before I was arrested when he saw me writing Hebrew and using words and expressions unfamiliar to him. He was even more surprised to learn that, yes, I had decided I would soon move to Israel myself. He was scornful. “You’ll come back with your tail between your legs,” he predicted.
About 125,000 Jews left Iraq for Israel in the late 1940s and into 1952, most because they had been lied to and put into a panic by what I came to learn were Zionist bombs. But my mother and father were among the 6,000 who did not go to Israel. Although physically I never did return to Iraq-that bridge had been burned in any event-my heart has made the journey there many, many times. My father had it right.
I was imprisoned at the military camp of Abu-Greib, about 7 miles from Baghdad. When the military court handed down my sentence of death by hanging, I had nothing to lose by attempting the escape I had been planning for many months.
It was a strange recipe for an escape: a dab of butter, an orange peel, and some army clothing that I had asked a friend to buy for me at a flea market. I deliberately ate as much bread as I could to put on fat in anticipation of the day I became 18, when they could formally charge me with a crime and attach the 50-pound ball and chain that was standard prisoner issue.
Later, after my leg had been shackled, I went on a starvation diet that often left me weak-kneed.The pat of butter was to lubricate my leg in preparation for extricating it from the metal band.The orange peel I surreptitiously stuck into the lock on the night of my planned escape, having studied how it could be placed in such a way as to keep the lock from closing.
As the jailers turned to go after locking up, I put on the old army issue that was indistinguishable from what they were wearing-a long, green coat and a stocking cap that I pulleddown over much of my face (it was winter). Then I just quietly opened the door and joined the departing group of soldiers as they strode down the hall and outside, and I offered a “good night” to the shift guard as I left. A friend with a car was waiting to speed me away.
Later I made my way to the new state of Israel, arriving in May, 1950. My passport had my name in Arabic and English, but the English couldn’t capture the “kh” sound, so it was rendered simply as Klaski. At the border, the immigration people applied the English version, which had an Eastern European, Ashkenazi ring to it. In one way, this “mistake” was my key to discovering very soon just how the Israeli caste system worked.
They asked me where I wanted to go and what I wanted to do. I was the son of a farmer; I knew allthe problems of the farm, so I volunteered to go to Dafnah, a farming kibbutz in the high Galilee. I only lasted a few weeks. The new immigrants were given the worst of everything. The food was the same, but that was the only thing that everyone had in common. For the immigrants, bad cigarettes, even bad toothpaste. Everything. I left.
Then, through the Jewish Agency, I was advised to go to al-Majdal (later renamed Ashkelon), an Arab town about 9 miles from Gaza, very close to the Mediterranean. The Israeli government planned to turn it into a farmers’ city, so my farm background would be an asset there.
When I reported to the Labor Office in al-Majdal, they saw that I could read and write Arabic and Hebrew and they said that I could find a good-paying job with the Military Governor’s office.The Arabs were under the authority of these Israeli Military Governors. A clerk handed me a bunch of forms in Arabic and Hebrew. Now it dawned on me. Before Israel could establish its farmers’ city, it had to rid al-Majdal of its indigenous Palestinians. The forms were petitions to the United Nations Inspectors asking for transfer out of Israel to Gaza, which was under Egyptian control.
I read over the petition. In signing, the Palestinian would be saying that he was of sound mind and body and was making the request for transfer free of pressure or duress. Of course, there was no way that they would leave without being pressured to do so. These families had been there hundreds of years, as farmers, primitive artisans, weavers. The Military Governor prohibited them from pursuing their livelihoods, just penned them up until they lost hope of resuming their normal lives. That’s when they signed to leave.
I was there and heard their grief. “Our hearts are in pain when we look at the orange trees that we planted with our own hands. Please let us go, let us give water to those trees. God will not be pleased with us if we leave His trees untended.” I asked the Military Governor to give them relief, but he said, “No, we want them to leave.” I could no longer be part of this oppression and I left. Those Palestinians who didn’t sign up for transfers were taken by force-just put in trucks and dumped in Gaza. About four thousand people were driven from al-Majdal in one way or another. The few who remained were collaborators with the Israeli authorities.
Subsequently, I wrote letters trying to get a government job elsewhere and I got many immediate responses asking me to come for an interview. Then they would discover that my face didn’t match my Polish/Ashkenazi name. They would ask if I spoke Yiddish or Polish, and when I said I didn’t, they would ask where I came by a Polish name. Desperate for a good job, I would usually say that I thought my great-grandfather was from Poland. I was advised time and again that “we’ll give you a call.”
Eventually, three to four years after coming to Israel, I changed my name to Giladi, which is close to the code name, Gilad, that I had in the Zionist underground. Klaski wasn’t doing me any good anyway, and my Eastern friends were always chiding me about the name they knew didn’t go with my origins as an Iraqi Jew.
I was disillusioned at what I found in the Promised Land, disillusioned personally, disillusioned at the institutionalized racism, disillusioned at what I was beginning to learn about Zionism’s cruelties. The principal interest Israel had in Jews from Islamic countries was as a supply of cheap labor, especially for the farm work that was beneath the urbanized Eastern European Jews. Ben Gurion needed the “Oriental” Jews to farm the thousands of acres of land left by Palestinians who were driven out by Israeli forces in 1948.
And I began to find out about the barbaric methods used to rid the fledgling state of as many Palestinians as possible. The world recoils today at the thought of bacteriological warfare, but Israel was probably the first to actually use it in the Middle East. In the 1948 war, Jewish forces would empty Arab villages of their populations, often by threats, sometimes by just gunning down a half-dozen unarmed Arabs as examples to the rest. To make sure the Arabs couldn’t return to make a fresh life for themselves in these villages, the Israelis put typhus and dysentery bacteria into the water wells.
Uri Mileshtin, an official historian for the Israeli Defense Force, has written and spoken about the use of bacteriological agents. According to Mileshtin, Moshe Dayan, a division commander at the time, gave orders in 1948 to remove Arabs from their villages, bulldoze their homes, and render water wells unusable with typhus and dysentery bacteria.
Acre was so situated that it could practically defend itself with one big gun, so the Haganah put bacteria into the spring that fed the town. The spring was called Capri and it ran from the north near a kibbutz. The Haganah put typhus bacteria into the water going to Acre, the people got sick, and the Jewish forces occupied Acre. This worked so well that they sent a Haganah division dressed as Arabs into Gaza, where there were Egyptian forces, and the Egyptians caught them putting two cans of bacteria, typhus and dysentery, into the water supply in wanton disregard of the civilian population. “In war, there is no sentiment,” one of the captured Haganah men was quoted as saying.
My activism in Israel began shortly after I received a letter from the Socialist/Zionist Party asking me to help with their Arabic newspaper. When I showed up at their offices at Central Housein Tel Aviv, I asked around to see just where I should report. I showed the letter to a couple of people there and, without even looking at it, they would motion me away with the words, “Room No. 8.” When I saw that they weren’t even reading the letter, I inquired of several others.But the response was the same, “Room No. 8,” with not a glance at the paper I put in front of them.
So I went to Room 8 and saw that it was the Department of Jews from Islamic Countries. I was disgusted and angry. Either I am a member of the party or I’m not. Do I have a different ideology or different politics because I am an Arab Jew? It’s segregation, I thought, just like a Negroes’ Department. I turned around and walked out. That was the start of my open protests. That same year I organized a demonstration in Ashkelon against Ben Gurion’s racist policies and 10,000 people turned out.
There wasn’t much opportunity for those of us who were second class citizens to do much about it when Israel was on a war footing with outside enemies. After the 1967 war, I was in the Army myself and served in the Sinai when there was continued fighting along the Suez Canal. But the cease-fire with Egypt in 1970 gave us our opening. We took to the streets and organized politically to demand equal rights. If it’s our country, if we were expected to risk our lives in a border war, then we expected equal treatment.
We mounted the struggle so tenaciously and received so much publicity that the Israeli government tried to discredit our movement by calling us “Israel’s Black Panthers.” They were thinking in racist terms, really, in assuming the Israeli public would reject an organization whose ideology was being compared to that of radical blacks in the United States. But we saw that what we were doing was no different than what blacks in the United States were fighting against-segregation, discrimination, unequal treatment. Rather than reject the label, we adopted it proudly. I had posters of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Nelson Mandela and other civil rights activists plastered all over my office.
With the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the Israeli-condoned Sabra and Shatilla massacres, I had had enough of Israel. I became a United States citizen and made certain to revoke my Israeli citizenship. I could never have written and published my book in Israel, not with the censorship they would impose.
Even in America, I had great difficulty finding a publisher because many are subject to pressures of one kind or another from Israel and its friends. I ended up paying $60,000 from my own pocket to publish Ben Gurion’s Scandals: How the Haganah & the Mossad Eliminated Jews, virtually the entire proceeds from having sold my house in Israel.
I still was afraid that the printer would back out or that legal proceedings would be initiated to stop its publication, like the Israeli government did in an attempt to prevent former Mossad case officer Victor Ostrovsky from publishing his first book. Ben Gurion’s Scandals had to be translated into English from two languages. I wrote in Hebrew when I was in Israel and hoped to publish the book there, and I wrote in Arabic when I was completing the book after coming to theU.S. But I was so worried that something would stop publication that I told the printer not to wait for the translations to be thoroughly checked and proofread. Now I realize that the publicity of a lawsuit would just have created a controversial interest in the book.
I am using bank vault storage for the valuable documents that back up what I have written. These documents, including some that I illegally copied from the archives at Yad Vashem, confirm what I saw myself, what I was told by other witnesses, and what reputable historians and others have written concerning the Zionist bombings in Iraq, Arab peace overtures that were rebuffed, and incidents of violence and death inflicted by Jews on Jews in the cause of creating Israel.
The Riots of 1941
If, as I have said, my family in Iraq was not persecuted personally and I knew no deprivation as a member of the Jewish minority, what led me to the steps of the gallows as a member of the Zionist underground? To answer that question, it is necessary to establish the context of the massacre that occurred in Baghdad on June 1, 1941, when several hundred Iraqi Jews were killed in riots involving junior officers of the Iraqi army. I was 12 years of age and many of those killed were my friends. I was angry, and very confused.
What I didn’t know at the time was that the riots most likely were stirred up by the British, in collusion with a pro-British Iraqi leadership.
With the breakup of the Ottoman Empire following WW I, Iraq came under British “tutelage.” Amir Faisal, son of Sharif Hussein who had led the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman sultan, was brought in from Mecca by the British to become King of Iraq in 1921. Many Jews were appointed to key administrative posts, including that of economics minister. Britain retained final authority over domestic and external affairs. Britain’s pro-Zionist attitude in Palestine, however, triggered a growing anti-Zionist backlash in Iraq, as it did in all Arab countries. Writing at the end of 1934, Sir Francis Humphreys, Britain’s Ambassador in Baghdad, noted that, while before WWI Iraqi Jews had enjoyed a more favorable position than any other minority in the country, since then “Zionism has sown dissension between Jews and Arabs, and a bitterness has grown up between the two peoples which did not previously exist.”
King Faisal died in 1933. He was succeeded by his son Ghazi, who died in a motor car accident in 1939. The crown then passed to Ghazi’s 4-year-old son, Faisal II, whose uncle, Abd al-Ilah, was named regent. Abd al-Ilah selected Nouri el-Said as prime minister. El-Said supported the British and, as hatred of the British grew, he was forced from office in March 1940 by four senior army officers who advocated Iraq’s independence from Britain. Calling themselves the Golden Square, the officers compelled the regent to name as prime minister Rashid Ali al-Kilani, leader of the National Brotherhood party.
The time was 1940 and Britain was reeling from a strong German offensive. Al-Kilani and the Golden Square saw this as their opportunity to rid themselves of the British once and for all. Cautiously they began to negotiate for German support, which led the pro-British regent Abd al-Ilah to dismiss al-Kilani in January 1941. By April, however, the Golden Square officers had reinstated the Prime Minister.
This provoked the British to send a military force into Basra on April 12, 1941. Basra, Iraq’s second largest city, had a Jewish population of 30,000. Most of these Jews made their livings from import/export, money changing, retailing, as workers in the airports, railways, and ports, or as senior government employees.
On the same day, April 12, supporters of the pro-British regent notified the Jewish leaders that the regent wanted to meet with them. As was their custom, the leaders brought flowers for the regent. Contrary to custom, however, the cars that drove them to the meeting place dropped them off at the site where the British soldiers were concentrated.
Photographs of the Jews appeared in the following day’s newspapers with the banner “Basra Jews Receive British Troops with Flowers.” That same day, April 13, groups of angry Arab youths set about to take revenge against the Jews. Several Muslim notables in Basra heard of the plan and calmed things down. Later, it was learned that the regent was not in Basra at all and that the matter was a provocation by his pro-British supporters to bring about an ethnic war in order to give the British army a pretext to intervene.
The British continued to land more forces in and around Basra. On May 7, 1941, their Gurkha unit, composed of Indian soldiers from that ethnic group, occupied Basra’s el-Oshar quarter, a neighborhood with a large Jewish population. The soldiers, led by British officers, began looting. Many shops in the commercial district were plundered. Private homes were broken into. Cases of attempted rape were reported. Local residents, Jews and Muslims, responded with pistols and old rifles, but their bullets were no match for the soldiers’ Tommy Guns. Afterwards, it was learned that the soldiers acted with the acquiescence, if not the blessing, of their British commanders. (It should be remembered that the Indian soldiers, especially those of the Gurkha unit, were known for their discipline, and it is highly unlikely they would have acted so riotously without orders.) The British goal clearly was to create chaos and to blacken the image of the pro-nationalist regime in Baghdad, thereby giving the British forces reason to proceed to the capital and to overthrow the al-Kilani government.
Baghdad fell on May 30. Al-Kilani fled to Iran, along with the Golden Square officers. Radio stations run by the British reported that Regent Abd al-Ilah would be returning to the city and that thousands of Jews and others were planning to welcome him. What inflamed young Iraqis against the Jews most, however, was the radio announcer Yunas Bahri on the German station “Berlin,” who reported in Arabic that Jews from Palestine were fighting alongside the British against Iraqi soldiers near the city of Faluja. The report was false.
On Sunday, June 1, unarmed fighting broke out in Baghdad between Jews who were still celebrating their Shabuoth holiday and young Iraqis who thought the Jews were celebrating the return of the pro-British regent. That evening, a group of Iraqis stopped a bus, removed the Jewish passengers,murdered one and fatally wounded a second.
About 8:30 the following morning, some 30 individuals in military and police uniforms opened fire along el-Amin street, a small downtown street whose jewelry, tailor and grocery shops were Jewish-owned. By 11 a.m., mobs of Iraqis with knives, switchblades and clubs were attacking Jewish homes in the area.
The riots continued throughout Monday, June 2. During this time, many Muslims rose to defend their Jewish neighbors, while some Jews successfully defended themselves. There were 124 killed and 400 injured, according to a report written by a Jewish Agency messenger who was in Iraq at the time. Other estimates, possibly less reliable, put the death toll higher, as many as 500, with from 650 to 2,000 injured. From 500 to 1,300 stores and more than 1,000 homes and apartments were looted.
Who was behind the rioting in the Jewish quarter? Yosef Meir, one of the most prominent activists in the Zionist underground movement in Iraq, known then as Yehoshafat, claims it was the British. Meir, who now works for the Israeli Defense Ministry, argues that, in order to make it appear that the regent was returning as the savior who would reestablish law and order, the British stirred up the riots against the most vulnerable and visible segment in the city, the Jews. And, not surprisingly, the riots ended as soon as the regent’s loyal soldiers entered the capital.
My own investigations as a journalist lead me to believe Meir is correct. Furthermore, I think his claims should be seen as based on documents in the archives of the Israeli Defense Ministry, the agency that published his book. Yet, even before his book came out, I had independent confirmation from a man I met in Iran in the late Forties.
His name was Michael Timosian, an Iraqi Armenian. When I met him he was working as a male nurse at the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Abadan in the south of Iran. On June 2, 1941, however, he wasworking at the Baghdad hospital where many of the riot victims were brought. Most of these victims were Jews.
Timosian said he was particularly interested in two patients whose conduct did not follow local custom. One had been hit by a bullet in his shoulder, the other by a bullet in his right knee. After the doctor removed the bullets, the staff tried to change their blood-soaked cloths. But the two men fought off their efforts, pretending to be speechless, although tests showed they could hear. To pacify them, the doctor injected them with anesthetics and, as they were sleeping,Timosian changed their cloths. He discovered that one of them had around his neck an identification tag of the type used by British troops, while the other had tattoos with Indian script on his right arm along with the familiar sword of the Gurkha.
The next day when Timosian showed up for work, he was told that a British officer, his sergeant and two Indian Gurkha soldiers had come to the hospital early that morning. Staff members overheard the Gurkha soldiers talking with the wounded patients, who were not as dumb as they had pretended. The patients saluted the visitors, covered themselves with sheets and, without signing the required release forms, left the hospital with their visitors.
Today there is no doubt in my mind that the anti-Jewish riots of 1941 were orchestrated by the British for geopolitical ends. David Kimche is certainly a man who was in a position to know the truth, and he has spoken publicly about British culpability. Kimche had been with British Intelligence during WW II and with the Mossad after the war. Later he became Director General of Israel’s Foreign Ministry, the position he held in 1982 when he addressed a forum at the British Institute for International Affairs in London.
In responding to hostile questions about Israel’s invasion of Lebanon and the refugee camp massacres in Beirut, Kimche went on the attack, reminding the audience that there was scant concern in the British Foreign Office when British Gurkha units participated in the murder of 500 Jews in the streets of Baghdad in 1941.
The Bombings of 1950-1951
The anti-Jewish riots of 1941 did more than create a pretext for the British to enter Baghdad to reinstate the pro-British regent and his pro-British prime minister, Nouri el-Said. They also gave the Zionists in Palestine a pretext to set up a Zionist underground in Iraq, first in Baghdad, then in other cities such as Basra, Amara, Hillah, Diwaneia, Abril and Karkouk.
Following WWII, a succession of governments held brief power in Iraq. Zionist conquests in Palestine, particularly the massacre of Palestinians in the village of Deir Yassin, emboldened the anti-British movement in Iraq. When the Iraqi government signed a new treaty of friendship with London in January 1948, riots broke out all over the country. The treaty was quickly abandoned and Baghdad demanded removal of the British military mission that had run Iraq’s army for 27 years.
Later in 1948, Baghdad sent an army detachment to Palestine to fight the Zionists, and when Israel declared independence in May, Iraq closed the pipeline that fed its oil to Haifa’s refinery. Abd al-Ilah, however, was still regent and the British quisling, Nouri el-Said, was back as prime minister. I was in the Abu-Greib prison in 1948, where I would remain until my escape to Iran in September 1949.
Six months later-the exact date was March 19, 1950-a bomb went off at the American Cultural Center and Library in Baghdad, causing property damage and injuring a number of people. The center was a favorite meeting place for young Jews.
The first bomb thrown directly at Jews occurred on April 8, 1950, at 9:15 p.m. A car with three young passengers hurled the grenade at Baghdad’s El-Dar El-Bida Café, where Jews were celebrating Passover. Four people were seriously injured. That night leaflets were distributed calling on Jews to leave Iraq immediately. The next day, many Jews, most of them poor with nothing to lose, jammed emigration offices to renounce their citizenship and to apply for permission to leave for Israel. So many applied, in fact, that the police had to open registration offices in Jewish schools and synagogues.
On May 10, at 3 a.m., a grenade was tossed in the direction of the display window of the Jewish-owned Beit-Lawi Automobile Company, destroying part of the building. No casualties were reported.
On June 3, 1950, another grenade was tossed from a speeding car in the El-Batawin area of Baghdad where most rich Jews and middle class Iraqis lived. No one was hurt, but following the from Iraq be increased.
On June 5, at 2:30 a.m., a bomb exploded next to the Jewish-owned Stanley Shashua building on El-Rashid street, resulting in property damage but no casualties.
On January 14, 1951, at 7 p.m., a grenade was thrown at a group of Jews outside the Masouda Shem-Tov Synagogue. The explosive struck a high-voltage cable, electrocuting three Jews, one a young boy, Itzhak Elmacher, and wounding over 30 others. Following the attack, the exodus of Jews jumped to between 600-700 per day.
Zionist propagandists still maintain that the bombs in Iraq were set off by anti-Jewish Iraqis who wanted Jews out of their country. The terrible truth is that the grenades that killed and maimed Iraqi Jews and damaged their property were thrown by Zionist Jews.
Among the most important documents in my book, I believe, are copies of two leaflets published by the Zionist underground calling on Jews to leave Iraq. One is dated March 16, 1950, the other April 8, 1950.
The difference between these two is critical. Both indicate the date of publication, but only the April 8th leaflet notes the time of day: 4 p.m. Why the time of day? Such a specification was unprecedented. Even the investigating judge, Salaman El-Beit, found it suspicious. Did the 4 p.m. writers want an alibi for a bombing they knew would occur five hours later? If so, how did they know about the bombing? The judge concluded they knew because a connection existed between the Zionist underground and the bomb throwers.
This, too, was the conclusion of Wilbur Crane Eveland, a former senior officer in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), whom I had the opportunity to meet in New York in 1988. In his book, Ropes of Sand, whose publication the CIA opposed, Eveland writes:
In attempts to portray the Iraqis as anti-American and to terrorize the Jews, the Zionists planted bombs in the U.S. Information Service library and in synagogues. Soon leaflets began to appear urging Jews to flee to Israel. . . . Although the Iraqi police later provided our embassy with evidence to show that the synagogue and library bombings, as well as the anti-Jewish and anti-American leaflet campaigns, had been the work of an underground Zionist organization, most of the world believed reports that Arab terrorism had motivated the flight of the Iraqi Jews whom the Zionists had “rescued” really just in order to increase Israel’s Jewish population.”
Eveland doesn’t detail the evidence linking the Zionists to the attacks, but in my book I do. In 1955, for example, I organized in Israel a panel of Jewish attorneys of Iraqi origin to handle claims of Iraqi Jews who still had property in Iraq. One well known attorney, who asked that I not give his name, confided in me that the laboratory tests in Iraq had confirmed that the anti-American leaflets found at the American Cultural Center bombing were typed on the same typewriter and duplicated on the same stenciling machine as the leaflets distributed by the Zionist movement just before the April 8th bombing.
Tests also showed that the type of explosive used in the Beit-Lawi attack matched traces of explosives found in the suitcase of an Iraqi Jew by the name of Yosef Basri. Basri, a lawyer, together with Shalom Salih, a shoemaker, would be put on trial for the attacks in December 1951 and executed the following month. Both men were members of Hashura, the military arm of the Zionist underground. Salih ultimately confessed that he, Basri and a third man, Yosef Habaza, carried out the attacks.
By the time of the executions in January 1952, all but 6,000 of an estimated 125,000 Iraqi Jews had fled to Israel. Moreover, the pro-British, pro-Zionist puppet el-Said saw to it that all of their possessions were frozen, including their cash assets. (There were ways of getting Iraqi dinars out, but when the immigrants went to exchange them in Israel they found that the Israeli government kept 50 percent of the value.) Even those Iraqi Jews who had not registered to emigrate, but who happened to be abroad, faced loss of their nationality if they didn’t return within a specified time. An ancient, cultured, prosperous community had been uprooted and its people transplanted to a land dominated by East European Jews, whose culture was not only foreign but entirely hateful to them.
 
The Ultimate Criminals
Zionist Leaders. From the start they knew that in order to establish a Jewish state they had to expel the indigenous Palestinian population to the neighboring Islamic states and import Jews from these same states.
Theodor Herzl, the architect of Zionism, thought it could be done by social engineering. In his diary entry for 12 June 1885, he wrote that Zionist settlers would have to “spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our own country.”
Vladimir Jabotinsky, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s ideological progenitor, frankly admitted that such a transfer of populations could only be brought about by force.
David Ben Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, told a Zionist Conference in 1937 that any proposed Jewish state would have to “transfer Arab populations out of the area, if possible of their own free will, if not by coercion.” After 750,000 Palestinians were uprooted and their lands confiscated in 1948-49, Ben Gurion had to look to the Islamic countries for Jews who could fill the resultant cheap labor market. “Emissaries” were smuggled into these countries to “convince” Jews to leave either by trickery or fear.
In the case of Iraq, both methods were used: uneducated Jews were told of a Messianic Israel in which the blind see, the lame walk, and onions grow as big as melons; educated Jews had bombs thrown at them.
A few years after the bombings, in the early 1950s, a book was published in Iraq, in Arabic, titled Venom of the Zionist Viper. The author was one of the Iraqi investigators of the 1950-51 bombings and, in his book, he implicates the Israelis, specifically one of the emissaries sent by Israel, Mordechai Ben-Porat. As soon as the book came out, all copies just disappeared, even from libraries. The word was that agents of the Israeli Mossad, working through the U.S. Embassy, bought up all the books and destroyed them. I tried on three different occasions to have one sent to me in Israel, but each time Israeli censors in the post office intercepted it. British Leaders. Britain always acted in its best colonial interests. For that reason Foreign Minister Arthur Balfour sent his famous 1917 letter to Lord Rothschild in exchange for Zionist support in WW I. During WW II the British were primarily concerned with keeping their client states in the Western camp, while Zionists were most concerned with the immigration of European Jews to Palestine, even if this meant cooperating with the Nazis. (In my book I document numerous instances of such dealings by Ben Gurion and the Zionist leadership.) After WW II the international chessboard pitted communists against capitalists. In many countries, including the United States and Iraq, Jews represented a large part of the Communist party. In Iraq, hundreds of Jews of the working intelligentsia occupied key positions in the hierarchy of the Communist and Socialist parties. To keep their client countries in the capitalist camp, Britain had to make sure these governments had pro-British leaders. And if, as in Iraq, these leaders were overthrown, then an anti-Jewish riot or two could prove a useful pretext to invade the capital and reinstate the “right” leaders.
Moreover, if the possibility existed of removing the communist influence from Iraq by transferring the whole Jewish community to Israel, well then, why not? Particularly if the leaders of Israel and Iraq conspired in the deed.
The following article, The Jews of Iraq, is the result of an interview conducted by The Link on March 16, 1998. The article was published in the [?] edition of The Link. The interviewee, Naeim Giladi, an Iraqi Jew and a former Zionist is the author of “Ben Gurion’s Scandals: How the Haganah & the Mossad Eliminated Jews”.
The Iraqi Leaders. Both the regent Abd al-Ilah and his prime minister Nouri el- Said took directions from London. Toward the end of 1948, el-Said, who had already met with Israel’s Prime Minister Ben Gurion in Vienna, began discussing with his Iraqi and British associates the need for an exchange of populations. Iraq would send the Jews in military trucks to Israel via Jordan, and Iraq would take in some of the Palestinians Israel had been evicting. His proposal included mutual confiscation of property. London nixed the idea as too radical.
El-Said then went to his back-up plan and began to create the conditions that would make the lives of Iraqi Jews so miserable they would leave for Israel. Jewish government employees were fired from their jobs; Jewish merchants were denied import/export licenses; police began to arrest Jews for trivial reasons. Still the Jews did not leave in any great numbers. In September 1949, Israel sent the spy Mordechai Ben-Porat, the one mentioned in Venom of the Zionist Viper, to Iraq. One of the first things Ben-Porat did was to approach el-Said and promise him financial incentives to have a law enacted that would lift the citizenship of Iraqi Jews.
Soon after, Zionist and Iraqi representatives began formulating a rough draft of the bill, according to the model dictated by Israel through its agents in Baghdad. The bill was passed by the Iraqi parliament in March 1950. It empowered the government to issue one-time exit visas to Jews wishing to leave the country. In March, the bombings began.
Sixteen years later, the Israeli magazine Haolam Hazeh, published by Uri Avnery, then a Knesset member, accused Ben-Porat of the Baghdad bombings. Ben-Porat, who would become a Knesset member himself, denied the charge, but never sued the magazine for libel. And Iraqi Jews in Israel still call him Morad Abu al-Knabel, Mordechai of the Bombs. As I said, all this went well beyond the comprehension of a teenager. I knew Jews were being killed and an organization existed that could lead us to the Promised Land. So I helped in the exodus to Israel. Later, on occasions, I would bump into some of these Iraqi Jews in Israel. Not infrequently they’d express the sentiment that they could kill me for what I had done.
Opportunities for Peace
After the Israeli attack on the Jordanian village of Qibya in October, 1953, Ben Gurion went into voluntary exile at the Sedeh Boker kibbutz in the Negev. The Labor party then used to organize many buses for people to go visit him there, where they would see the former prime minister working with sheep. But that was only for show. Really he was writing his diary and continuing to be active behind the scenes. I went on such a tour.
We were told not to try to speak to Ben Gurion, but when I saw him, I asked why, since Israel is a democracy with a parliament, does it not have a constitution? Ben Gurion said, “Look, boy”-I was 24 at the time-“if we have a constitution, we have to write in it the border of our country. And this is not our border, my dear.” I asked, “Then where is the border?” He said, “Wherever the Sahal will come, this is the border.” Sahal is the Israeli army.
Ben Gurion told the world that Israel accepted the partition and the Arabs rejected it. Then Israel took half of the land that was promised to the Arab state. And still he was saying it was not enough. Israel needed more land. How can a country make peace with its neighbors if it wants to take their land? How can a country demand to be secure if it won’t say what borders it will be satisfied with? For such a country, peace would be an inconvenience. I know now that from the beginning many Arab leaders wanted to make peace with Israel, but Israel always refused. Ben Gurion covered this up with propaganda. He said that the Arabs wanted to drive Israel into the sea and he called Gamal Abdel Nasser the Hitler of the Middle East whose foremost intent was to destroy Israel. He wanted America and Great Britain to treat Nasser like a pariah.
In 1954, it seemed that America was getting less critical of Nasser. Then during a three-week period in July, several terrorist bombs were set off: at the United States Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria, a British-owned theater, and the central post office in Cairo. An attempt to firebomb a cinema in Alexandria failed when the bomb went off in the pocket of one of the perpetrators. That led to the discovery that the terrorists were not anti-Western Egyptians, but were instead Israeli spies bent on souring the warming relationship between Egypt and the United States in what came to be known as the Lavon Affair.

 

Ben Gurion was still living on his kibbutz. Moshe Sharett as prime minister was in contact with Abdel Nasser through the offices of Lord Maurice Orbach of Great Britain. Sharett asked Nasser to be lenient with the captured spies, and Nasser did all that was in his power to prevent a deterioration of the situation between the two countries.
Then Ben Gurion returned as Defense Minister in February, 1955. Later that month Israeli troops attacked Egyptian military camps and Palestinian refugees in Gaza, killing 54 and injuring many more. The very night of the attack, Lord Orbach was on his way to deliver a message to Nasser, but was unable to get through because of the military action. When Orbach telephoned, Nasser’s secretary told him that the attack proved that Israel did not want peace and that he was wasting his time as a mediator.
In November, Ben Gurion announced in the Knesset that he was willing to meet with Abdel Nasser anywhere and at any time for the sake of peace and understanding. The next morning the Israeli military attacked an Egyptian military camp in the Sabaha region.
Although Nasser felt pessimistic about achieving peace with Israel, he continued to send other mediators to try. One was through the American Friends Service Committee; another via the Prime Minister of Malta, Dom Minthoff; and still another through Marshall Tito of Yugoslavia. One that looked particularly promising was through Dennis Hamilton, editor of The London Times. Nasser told Hamilton that if only he could sit and talk with Ben Gurion for two or three hours, they would be able to settle the conflict and end the state of war between the two countries. When word of this reached Ben Gurion, he arranged to meet with Hamilton. They decided to pursue the matter with the Israeli ambassador in London, Arthur Luria, as liaison. On Hamilton’s third trip to Egypt, Nasser met him with the text of a Ben Gurion speech stating that Israel would not give up an inch of land and would not take back a single refugee. Hamilton knew that Ben Gurion with his mouth had undermined a peace mission and missed an opportunity to settle the Israeli-Arab conflict.
Nasser even sent his friend Ibrahim Izat of the Ruz El Yusuf weekly paper to meet with Israeli leaders in order to explore the political atmosphere and find out why the attacks were taking place if Israel really wanted peace. One of the men Izat met with was Yigal Yadin, a former Chief of Staff of the army who wrote this letter to me on 14 January 1982:

 

Dear Mr. Giladi:
Your letter reminded me of an event which I nearly forgot and of which I remember only a few details.

Ibrahim Izat came to me if I am not mistaken under the request of the Foreign Ministry or one of its branches; he stayed in my house and we spoke for many hours. I do not remember him saying that he came on a mission from Nasser, but I have no doubt that he let it be understood that this was with his knowledge or acquiescence….

When Nasser decided to nationalize the Suez Canal in spite of opposition from the British and the French, Radio Cairo announced in Hebrew:

If the Israeli government is not influenced by the British and the French imperialists, it will eventually result in greater understanding between the two states, and Egypt will reconsider Israel’s request to have access to the Suez Canal.

Israel responded that it had no designs on Egypt, but at that very moment Israeli representatives were in France planning the three-way attack that was to take place in October, 1956. All the while, Ben Gurion continued to talk about the Hitler of the Middle East. This brainwashing went on until late September, 1970, when Gamal Abdel Nasser passed away. Then, miracle of miracles, David Ben Gurion told the press:

A week before he died I received an envoy from Abdel Nasser who asked to meet with me urgently in order to solve the problems between Israel and the Arab world. The public was surprised because they didn’t know that Abdel Nasser had wanted this all along, but Israel sabotaged it.

Nasser was not the only Arab leader who wanted to make peace with Israel. There were many others. Brigadier General Abdel Karim Qasem, before he seized power in Iraq in July, 1958, headed an underground organization that sent a delegation to Israel to make a secret agreement. Ben Gurion refused even to see him. I learned about this when I was a journalist in Israel. But whenever I tried to publish even a small part of it, the censor would stamp it “Not Allowed.” Now, in Netanyahu, we are witnessing another attempt by an Israeli prime minister to fake an interest in making peace. Netanyahu and the Likud are setting Arafat up by demanding that he institute more and more repressive measures in the interest of Israeli “security.” Sooner or later I suspect the Palestinians will have had enough of Arafat’s strong-arm methods as Israel’s quisling-and he’ll be killed. Then the Israeli government will say, “See, we were ready to give him everything. You can’t trust those Arabs-they kill each other. Now there’s no one to even talk to about peace.”

Conclusion

 

Alexis de Tocqueville once observed that it is easier for the world to accept a simple lie than a complex truth. Certainly it has been easier for the world to accept the Zionist lie that Jews were evicted from Muslim lands because of anti-Semitism, and that Israelis, never the Arabs, were the pursuers of peace. The truth is far more discerning: bigger players on the world stage were pulling the strings.

These players, I believe, should be held accountable for their crimes, particularly when they willfully terrorized, dispossessed and killed innocent people on the altar of some ideological imperative.

I believe, too, that the descendants of these leaders have a moral responsibility to compensate the victims and their descendants, and to do so not just with reparations, but by setting the historical record straight.

That is why I established a panel of inquiry in Israel to seek reparations for Iraqi Jews who had been forced to leave behind their property and possessions in Iraq. That is why I joined the Black Panthers in confronting the Israeli government with the grievances of the Jews in Israel who came from Islamic lands. And that is why I have written my book and this article: to set the historical record straight.

We Jews from Islamic lands did not leave our ancestral homes because of any natural enmity between Jews and Muslims. And we Arabs-I say Arab because that is the language my wife and I still speak at home-we Arabs on numerous occasions have sought peace with the State of the Jews. And finally, as a U.S. citizen and taxpayer, let me say that we Americans need to stop supporting racial discrimination in Israel and the cruel expropriation of lands in the West Bank, Gaza, South Lebanon and the Golan Heights.
ENDNOTES

  • Mileshtin was quoted by the Israeli daily, Hadashot, in an article published August 13, 1993. The writer, Sarah Laybobis-Dar, interviewed a number of Israelis who had knowledge of the use of bacteriological weapons in the 1948 war. Mileshtin said bacteria was used to poison the wells of every village emptied of its Arab inhabitants.
  • On Sept. 12, 1990, the New York State Supreme Court issued a restraining order at the request of the Israeli government to prevent publication of Ostrovsky’s book, “By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer.” The New York State Appeals Court lifted the ban the next day.
  • Marion Woolfson, “Prophets in Babylon: Jews in the Arab World,” p. 129
  • Yosef Meir, “Road in the Desert,” Israeli Defense Ministry, p. 36.
  • See my book, “Ben Gurion’s Scandals,” p. 105.
  • Wilbur Crane Eveland, “Ropes of Sand: America’s Failure in the Middle East,” NY; Norton, 1980, pp. 48-49.
  • T. Herzl, “The Complete Diaries,” NY: Herzl Press & Thomas Yoncloff, 1960, vol. 1, p. 88.
  • Report of the Congress of the World Council of Paole Zion, Zurich, July 29-August 7, 1937, pp. 73-74.

 

The amusing term ‘coexistence’

Hisham Nafa’ wrote a pointed and sharp op-ed in Haaretz.

Many people have expressed surprise at the recent violence in Acre. Particularly amusing was the mantra that rolled off the tongues of government officials, their eyes wide open: “How could such a thing happen in a city of coexistence?

In Acre, as in the rest of the Greater Land of Israel, there is no coexistence. In Acre, there is pain and bitterness, built up over decades. It began not on Yom Kippur of this year, but rather since the ships filled with refugees left the city’s shores; since the residents were placed in the handcuffs of military rule; since tens of thousands of their countrymen became victims of a violent, colonialist occupation; since a conscious, intentional policy of national suppression and racial hostility was instituted against them; and since they, living in their homes facing the city’s beaches and on their land, began to be described as a demographic threat.

There are more details to this ugly picture: Acre has poor Jewish neighborhoods, where the ruling establishment sees to it that the building rage of the inhabitants is not turned against it…The Jewish victims of the regime become a weapon against the ultimate victims of the same regime. There you have it: an explosive vicious circle.

For years, Acre’s local government officials have been babbling, in the spirit of the times, about the need to Judaize the city. Groups of settlers and of young religious people, who have undergone right-wing nationalization, were brought to the city. And Acre’s Arabs ask themselves what this Judaization means, if not their actual and symbolic removal; have we been disinherited once again?

In recent years, religious tendencies have grown among significant “non-white” segments of Israeli society. … And in a state where hostility regarding matters of identity has spread to every part…even Yom Kippur has become an opportunity to exercise hatred,…Instead of requests for divine forgiveness, there is an increase in violent rituals against anything that moves. Maybe some people need a Yom Kippur II, to ask forgiveness for their actions during Yom Kippur I.

Acre, of course, is not alone. There is the “coexistence” model of Jaffa. In that city, greedy real-estate developers and pseudo-artists have infiltrated the Old City and live in walled fortresses, because it’s so much fun to live in such an exotic area. With regard to the adjacent areas of poverty, suffering and oppression, however, their eyes – and especially their conscience – have remained sealed. And there are those who are enchanted by the idea of implementing this model in the Old City of Acre, too….

So there is nothing surprising in what happened in Acre. I suggest to all the potentially surprised individuals to get ready for more “surprises” in other locales. Unless, of course, a a practical, sincere, strategic decision is taken to change Israeli policy concerning the “Arab question” – both at home and beyond…. (Haaretz, Oct 27, 2008)

Palestinians displaced by Israeli wall up 58% since June

Date: 24 / 10 / 2008 Time: 11:44
تكبير الخط تصغير الخط
[Ma’anImages]

Jerusalem – Ma’an – The Israeli-built West Bank separation wall is displacing Palestinians from their homes at alarmingly increasing rates, according to a report issued Thursday.

The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) conducted a survey on the impact of the Israeli separation wall, finding that the percentage of displaced households had increased by 58% since June, while closures have doubled.

By the end of June 2008, nine governorates were affected directly by the wall: Jenin, Tubas, Tulkarem, Salfit, and Qalqilia, in the north of the West Bank; Jerusalem, Ramallah and Al-Bireh in the mid-region; with Bethlehem and Hebron in the south.

Fieldwork took place between June and July 2008 and covered 171 localities. 171 localities were affected during the summer months of 2008, compared with 149 localities by the end of May 2005.

The main findings indicated that 14 localities are located behind the wall: 13 localities in the northern West Bank (five in Jenin, seven in Qalqilia, and one in Tulkarem), as well as one in Bethlehem.

The results showed that 49,291 dunums of land have been confiscated since the construction began and through June 2008. Most of the confiscated land was in the northern West Bank (22,141 dunums), according to the report.

In the mid-region, 13,875 dunums were confiscated, while a similar 13,275 dunums were seized in the south.

Norman Finkelstein – Hezbollah, the Honour of Lebanon

“It’s better to die on your feet than
to walk crawling on your knees….
how can you not respect

those who say they would rather die on
their feet? How can YOU not respect that?”

Norman Finkelstein makes some
really good points…

Who can dispute most of this Video?
Resistance for Iraq, Afghanistan, Native People
Of North America, Other Parts of the World
Mainly Palestine….Let the Resistance Continue!

Norman Finkelstein, a Jewish American political
scientist and author, specializing in Jewish-related
issues and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular
talks about the Lebanese militia Hezbollah and
openly supports and praises their resistance: ”
They (Hezbollah) show courage, they show discipline,
I respect that”On Israeli defeat and consequential withdrawal
from Lebanon in 2000, Finkelstein says:”But the
reality was — and everyone understood it — that the
Israeli attitude was: We are going to knock out Hizbullah.
They began planning for a new war right after they
were forced to leave in 2000. They found their excuse,
their pretext, in July 2006, but there is no question
among rational people that Israel was never going
to let the Hizbullah victory go by.”
“There is no way that the United States and Israel
are going to tolerate any resistance (to their hegemony)
in the Arab world.”

On the damage caused to Lebanon as a result
of the resistance: “It’s better to die on your feet than
to walk crawling on your knees….how can I not respect
those (Hezbollah) who say they would rather die on
their feet? How can I not respect that?”

Finkelstein then goes on to slam the stances taken
by some sell out Arabs who continue to admire
George Bush like ‘Servants’ despite Bush being the
man behind the carpet bombing of Lebanon and
says that Bush should be classified as ‘persona non
grata’:”Who (would) roll out the red carpet less
than two years after your whole country was
destroyed by them (the US)? ”

“You (sell out-arabs) have NO self respect”

How Hezbollah achieved victory over Israel

Part 1: The Intelligence War
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_E…

Part 2: The Ground War
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_E…

Part 3: The Political War
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_E…

 

The Traitor: I was promised almost all of West Bank

Abbas: I was promised almost all of West Bank.” Angry Arab: I was promised almost all of China.
Posted by As’ad at
11:17 AM
Palestinian president tell reporters in Ramallah that Prime Minister Olmert promised to give him ‘nearly all of the West Bank and east Jerusalem neighborhoods.’ Leaders expected to meet again next week, possibly for last time

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Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told reporters in Ramallah that Prime Minister Ehud Olmert had promised him “almost all of the West Bank” and “nearly all of the neighborhoods of east Jerusalem,” Arab media reported Monday.

He added, however, that Olmert did not say what he meant by “almost.”

Abbas said he would be meeting with Olmert again on October 27, perhaps for the last time.

According to the Palestinian president, the talks he held recently with Syrian President Bashar Assad were sincere.

“Assad did not express his reservation over the things I presented him with in terms of the internal Palestinian issue, and he presented me with the entire situation regarding the IsraelSyria conflict.”

Abbas denied reports that he had conveyed a message to the Syrian leader from US President George W. Bush.

The Palestinian leader confirmed Monday morning’s reports that Egypt had issued invitations to the Palestinian organizations to attend talks in Cairo next month, based on early elections, a unity government, and the reestablishment of the PLO institutions and Palestinian security organizations.
He stressed that his stance remains that the Palestinians must not accept temporary agreements or “shelf agreements” with Israel. He also said he would not accept a solution of temporary borders.
The negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians focus on six main issues: Jerusalem, the borders, the settlements, the refugees, security arrangements and water.

On Sunday, Abbas criticized the Israelis for failing to protect Palestinian farmers during the olive harvest season against the settlers’ violence.

He complained about the situation to Israel and the international community, saying that “if Israel fails to take control of the situation, it means it’s not serious about attaining peace.”

************************************************************

Abbas revealed later that when he told the Democratic candidate about the Arab peace initiative – offering Israel normal relations with all 22 Arab countries in exchange for a Palestinian state – Obama’s (clearly private) response was unambiguous: “The Israelis must be crazy not to accept that.”” (And the Arabs must be crazy to propose that).
Posted by As’ad at
7:06 AM

The man who knows too much

He exposed the My Lai massacre, revealed Nixon’s secret bombing of Cambodia and has hounded Bush and Cheney over the abuse of prisoners in Abu Ghraib… No wonder the Republicans describe Seymour Hersh as ‘the closest thing American journalism has to a terrorist’. Rachel Cooke meets the most-feared investigative reporter in Washington

Seymour Hersh

American investigative journalist Seymour Hersh. Photograph: Martha Camarillo

Every so often, a famous actor or producer will contact Seymour Hersh, wanting to make a movie about his most famous story: his single-handed uncovering, in 1969, of the My Lai massacre, in which an American platoon stormed a village in South Vietnam and, finding only its elderly, women and children, launched into a frenzy of shooting, stabbing and gang-raping. It won him a Pulitzer prize and hastened the end of the Vietnam war. Mostly, they come to see him in his office in downtown Washington, a two-room suite that he has occupied for the past 17 years. Do they like what they see? You bet they do, even if the movie has yet to be made. ‘Brad Pitt loved this place,’ says Hersh with a wolfish grin. ‘It totally fits the cliché of the grungy reporter’s den!’ When last he renewed the lease, he tells me, he made it a condition of signing that the office would not be redecorated – the idea of moving all his stuff was too much. It’s not hard to see why. Slowly, I move my head through 180 degrees, trying not to panic at the sight of so much paper piled so precipitously. Before me are 8,000 legal notepads, or so it seems, each one filled with a Biro Cuneiform of scribbled telephone numbers. By the time I look at Hersh again – the full panorama takes a moment or two – he is silently examining the wall behind his desk, which is grey with grime, and striated as if a billy goat had sharpened its horns on it.

And then there is Hersh himself, a splendid sight. After My Lai, he was hired by the New York Times to chase the tail of the Watergate scandal, a story broken by its rival, the Washington Post. In All the President’s Men, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein’s book about their scoop, they describe him – the competition. He was unlike any reporter they’d ever seen: ‘Hersh, horn-rimmed and somewhat pudgy, showed up for dinner in old tennis shoes, a frayed pinstriped shirt that might have been at its best in his college freshman year and rumpled, bleached khakis.’ Forty years on, little has changed. Today he is in trainers, chinos and a baggy navy sweatshirt and – thanks to a tennis injury – he is walking like an old guy: chest forward, knees bandy, slight limp in one leg. There is something cherishably chaotic about him. A fuzzy halo of frantic inquiry follows him wherever he goes, like the cloud of dust that hovers above Pig Pen in the Charlie Brown strip. In conversation, away from the restraining hand of his bosses at the New Yorker, the magazine that is now his home, his thoughts pour forth, unmediated and – unless you concentrate very hard – seemingly unconnected. ‘Yeah, I shoot my mouth off,’ he says, with faux remorse. ‘There’s a huge difference between writing and thinking.’ Not that he has much time for those who put cosy pontification over the graft of reporting: ‘I think… My colleagues! I watch ’em on TV, and every sentence begins with the words: “I think.” They could write a book called I Think.’

But we must backtrack a little. Before the office, there is the breakfast joint. Hersh and I meet at the Tabard Inn, a Washington hangout so gloomily lit I could do with a torch. He has poached eggs and coffee and ‘none of that other stuff, thanks’. (I think he means that he doesn’t want potatoes with his eggs). Like everyone in America just now, he is on tenterhooks. A Democrat who truly despises the Bush regime, he is reluctant to make predictions about exactly what is going to happen in the forthcoming election on the grounds that he might ‘jinx it’. The unknown quantity of voter racism apart, however, he is hopeful that Obama will pull it off, and if he does, for Hersh this will be a starting gun. ‘You cannot believe how many people have told me to call them on 20 January [the date of the next president’s inauguration],’ he says, with relish. ‘[They say:] “You wanna know about abuses and violations? Call me then.” So that is what I’ll do, so long as nothing awful happens before the inauguration.’ He plans to write a book about the neocons and, though it won’t change anything – ‘They’ve got away with it, categorically; anyone who talks about prosecuting Bush and Cheney [for war crimes] is kidding themselves’ – it will reveal how the White House ‘set out to sabotage the system… It wasn’t that they found ways to manipulate Congressional oversight; they had conversations about ending the right of Congress to intervene.’

In one way, it’s amazing Hersh has anything left to say about Bush, Cheney and their antics. Then again, with him, this pushing of a story on and on is standard practice. Though it was Woodward and Bernstein who uncovered the significance of the burglary at the Watergate building, Hersh followed up their scoop by becoming one of Nixon’s harshest critics and by breaking stories about how the government had supported Pinochet’s 1973 coup in Chile, secretly bombed Cambodia and used the CIA to spy on its domestic enemies. His 1983 book about Nixon, The Price of Power, is definitive. So far as the War on Terror goes, Hersh has already delivered his alternative history – Chain of Command, a book based on the series of stories he wrote for the New Yorker in the aftermath of 9/11 and following Bush’s invasion of Iraq. Among other things, Hersh told us of the bungled efforts to catch Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan; of the dubious business dealings of the superhawk Richard Perle – a report that led to Perle’s resignation as chairman of the Pentagon’s Defense Policy Board (Hersh alleged that Perle improperly mixed his business affairs with his influence over US foreign policy when he met the Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi in 2003. Perle described Hersh as ‘the closest thing American journalism has to a terrorist’ and threatened to sue before falling oddly silent); and of how Saddam’s famous efforts to buy uranium in Africa, as quoted by President Bush in his 2003 State of the Union speech, were a fiction. Most electrifying of all, however, was his triple salvo on the abuse of Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib. It was Hersh who first revealed the full extent of this torture, for which he traced the ultimate responsibility carefully back to the upper reaches of the administration. ‘In each successive report,’ writes David Remnick, the editor of the New Yorker, in his introduction to Chain of Command, ‘it became clear that Abu Ghraib was not an “isolated incident” but, rather, a concerted attempt by the government and the military leadership to circumvent the Geneva Conventions in order to extract intelligence and quell the Iraqi insurgency.’ As Remnick points out, this reporting has ‘stood up over time and in the face of a president whose calumny has turned out to be a kind of endorsement’. Bush reportedly told Pakistan’s president, Pervez Musharraf, that Hersh was ‘a liar’; after the third of his reports on Abu Ghraib, a Pentagon spokesman announced that Hersh merely ‘threw a lot of crap against the wall and he expects someone to peel off what’s real. It’s a tapestry of nonsense.’

Earlier this year, Hersh turned his attention to Iran: to Bush’s desire to bomb it and to America’s covert operations there. But while Hersh believes the President would still dearly love to go after Iran, the danger of that actually happening has now passed. Events, not least the sinking of the global economy, have moved on. So he is shortly to write about Syria instead, which he has recently visited. In the dying days of the Bush administration, he says, it is noticeably easier to meet contacts – Cheney, the enforcer, is a lot less powerful – and the information he is getting is good. By coincidence, it was in Syria that he first heard about what was going on inside Abu Ghraib, long before he saw documentary evidence of it. ‘I got in touch with a guy inside Iraq during the Prague Spring after the fall of Baghdad, a two-star guy from the old regime. He came up to Damascus by cab. We talked for four days, and one of the things we talked about was prisons. He told me that some of the women inside had been sending messages to their fathers and brothers asking them to come and kill them because they’d been molested. I didn’t know whether it was GIs playing grab ass or what, but it was clear that the women had been shamed. So when I first heard about the photographs, I knew they were real. Did I think the story would be as big as it was? Yeah. But was it as big as My Lai? No.’ Only a handful of relatively lowly military personnel have so far been punished for their part in the abuse, and Colonel Janis Karpinski, the commander of the Iraqi prisons, was merely demoted (from Brigadier General), in spite of the fact that the Taguba Report, the internal US army report on detainee abuse that was leaked to Hersh, singled her out for blame. ‘And John Kerry wouldn’t even use it [Abu Ghraib] in his campaign. He didn’t want to offend the military, I assume.’

Four decades separate My Lai and Abu Ghraib. You have to ask: wasn’t it appalling for him to be investigating US army abuses of civilians all over again? Didn’t he think that lessons might have been learnt? Yes, and no. It made him feel ‘hopeless’, but on the other hand, war is always horrible. In 1970, after his My Lai story, he addressed an anti-war rally and, on the spur of the moment, asked a veteran to come up and tell the crowd what some soldiers would do on their way home after a day spent moving their wounded boys. With little prompting, the traumatised vet described how they would buzz farmers with their helicopter blades, sometimes decapitating them; they would then clean up the helicopter before they landed back at base. ‘That’s what war is like,’ he says. ‘But how do you write about that? How do you tell the American people that?’ Still, better to attempt to tell people than to stay feebly silent. What really gets Hersh going – he seems genuinely bewildered by it – is the complicit meekness, the virtual collapse, in fact, of the American press since 9/11. In particular, he disdains its failure to question the ‘evidence’ surrounding Saddam’s so-called weapons of mass destruction. ‘When I see the New York Times now, it’s so shocking to me. I joined the Times in 1972, and I came with the mark of Cain on me because I was clearly against the war. But my editor, Abe Rosenthal, he hired me because he liked stories. He used to come to the Washington bureau and almost literally pat me on the head and say: “How is my little Commie today? What do you have for me?” Somehow, now, reporters aren’t able to get stories in. It was stunning to me how many good, rational people – people I respect – supported going into war in Iraq. And it was stunning to me how many people thought you could go to war against an idea.’

As for the troop ‘surge’ and its putative success, he more or less rolls his eyes when I bring this up. ‘People are saying quietly that they are worried about Iraq. This is nothing profound, but by the time the surge got going, ethnic cleansing had already happened in a lot of places. There was a natural lull in the violence. The moment we start withdrawing, and relying on the Shia to start paying members of the Awakening [the alliance of Sunni insurgents whose salaries were initially paid by the US military, and who have helped to reduce violence in some provinces]…’ His voice trails off. ‘And the big bad bogeyman is Saudi Arabia. There’s an awful lot of money going to Salafist and Wahabist charities, and there’s no question they’ll pour money into the Awakening, and they’re so hostile to Shi’ism and to Iran that how can you possibly predict anything other than violence? How do we get out of this? There is no way out. We have a moral obligation to the people of Iraq that goes beyond anything that anyone’s talking about. The notion that it’s their problem, that we should just leave… I mean, can you believe what we’ve done to their society? Imagine the psychosis, the insanity, that we’ve induced.’ He stabs the yolk of one of his poached eggs, and sets about his toast like he hasn’t eaten in days.

Seymour M Hersh (the M is for Myron) was born in Chicago, the son of Yiddish-speaking immigrants from Lithuania and Poland (he has a twin brother, a physicist, and two sisters, also twins). The family was not rich; his father, who died when Seymour was 17, ran a dry-cleaning business. After school he attended a local junior college until a professor took him aside, asked him what he was doing there and walked him up to the University of Chicago. ‘Chicago was this great egghead place,’ Hersh says. ‘But I knew nothing. I came out of a lower-middle-class background. At that time, everyone used to define themselves: Stalinist, Maoist, whatever. I thought they meant “miaowist”. Seriously! Something to do with cats. Among my peers, they all thought I would write the great novel, because I was very quick and cutting. I’ve just read Philip Roth’s new novel [Indignation], and the arrogance of his character reminded me of that certitude. I was always pointing out other people’s flaws.’ He went to law school but hated it, dropped out and wound up as a copy boy, then a reporter for the local City News Bureau. Later he joined Associated Press in Washington and rose through its ranks until he quit for a stint working for the Democrat senator Eugene McCarthy. Pretty soon, though, he was back in journalism. ‘Using words to make other people less big made me feel bigger, though the psychological dimension to that… well, I don’t want to explore it.’ His wife of 40 years, Elizabeth, whom he describes as ‘the love of my life’ in the acknowledgements of Chain of Command (they have three grown-up children), is a psychoanalyst. Doesn’t she ever tell him about his ego and his id? He looks embarrassed. ‘No, no… marriage is… different. When you live with someone you don’t… The hardest part for her is when she tells me to take out the garbage and I say: “Excuse me? I don’t have time. I’m saving the world.”‘ Later, however, he tells me that journalism, like psychoanalysis, is about ‘bringing things into focus’.

He was a broke freelance working for a new syndication agency when he got wind of My Lai. A military lawyer told him that a soldier at Fort Benning, a Georgia army base, was facing a court martial for murdering at least 109 Vietnamese civilians. Hersh rocked up in Benning and went on a door-to-door search, somehow avoiding the officers on base, until he found Lieutenant William L Calley Jr, a boyish 26-year-old otherwise known as Rusty. He asked the former railway pointsman if they could talk, which they did, for three hours. They then went to the grocery store, got steaks, bourbon and wine, and talked some more at the apartment of Calley’s girlfriend. Calley told Hersh that he had only been following orders, but nevertheless he described what had happened (it later turned out that soldiers of the 11th Brigade killed 500 or more civilians that morning). Soon after, 36 newspapers ran the story under Hersh’s byline. Some, however, did not carry it, in spite of the fact that Calley’s own lawyer had confirmed it, among them the New York Times. The scoop caused not only horror but disbelief. Hersh, though, was not to be put off. ‘By the third story, I found this amazing fellow, Paul Meadlo, from a small town in Indiana, a farm kid, who had actually shot many of the Vietnamese kids – he’d shot maybe 100 people. He just kept on shooting and shooting, and then the next day he had his leg blown off, and he told Calley, as they medevac-ed him: “God has punished me and now he will punish you.”‘ Hersh wrote this up, CBS put Meadlo on the TV news, and finally the story could no longer be ignored. The next year, 1970, he was awarded the Pulitzer prize.

How does Hersh operate? The same way as he’s always done: it’s all down to contacts. Unlike Bob Woodward, however, whose recent books about Iraq have involved long and somewhat pally chats with the President, Hersh gets his stuff from lower down the food chain. Woodward was one of those who was convinced that WMD would be found in Iraq. ‘He does report top dollar,’ says Hersh. ‘I don’t go to the top because I think it’s sorta useless. I see people at six o’clock in the morning somewhere, unofficially.’ Are they mostly people he has known for a long time? ‘No, I do pick up new people.’ But with new contacts he must be wary; there is always the danger of a plant. His critics point to what they regard as his excessive use of unnamed sources. Others accuse him of getting things wrong and of being gullible. A low point came in the Nineties, when he embarked on a book about Kennedy, The Dark Side of Camelot. Hersh was shown documents that alleged the President was being blackmailed by Marilyn Monroe, and though he discovered that they were fake in time to remove all mention of them from his book, the damage to his reputation had already been done – and the critics let rip anyway, for his excitable portrayal of JFK as a sex addict and bigamist. There was also the time, in 1974, when he accused the US ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry, of being in on a CIA plot to overthrow President Allende. Some years later, Hersh had to write a long correction; it ran on page one of the New York Times. As a Jew, his mailbag since 9/11 has also included letters from readers who denounce him as a self-hater (later, at this office, he shows me one of these: its author, an MD with a Florida postcode, accuses him of being a ‘kapo’ – the kapo were concentration camp prisoners who worked for the Nazis in exchange for meagre privileges).

His supporters, though, believe that his mistakes – and even the wilder allegations he sometimes makes in speeches – should always be put in the context of his hit rate. A former Washington Post reporter, Scott Armstrong, once put it this way. Say he writes a story about how an elephant knocked someone down in a dark room. ‘If it was a camel, or three cows, what difference does it make? It was dark, and it wasn’t supposed to be there.’ Hersh himself points out that, since 1993, he has been up against the stringent standards of the New Yorker and its legendary team of fact checkers. ‘By the way, all my inside sources have to deal with the fact checkers, and they do. People find it hard to believe that, I don’t know why.’ And then there is his editor, David Remnick. ‘I never love editors,’ he says. ‘But David is smart and he has great judgement.’ How often does he check in with Remnick? ‘I’m sure he would tell you less often than I should. He gets pretty angry with me. Sometimes we have these rows where I won’t take his calls. He says no to a lot of stuff – stuff I think the editor would die for! Admittedly, it is not the Seymour Hersh weekly. But sometimes he’ll say: “We are not going to publish this kind of stuff ‘cos it’s frigging crazy.”‘ It was Tina Brown, formerly of Tatler and Vanity Fair, who brought him to the New Yorker. ‘What’s-her-name… yeah, Tina. She gave me a lot of money, and she said: “Just go do it!” But she used to worry. She’d call me up and say, “I sat next to Colin Powell at dinner last night and he was railing about how awful you are.” So I would say, “Well, that’s good.” And she’d say, “Is it?” And I’d tell her, “Yes, it is.”‘

Does it worry him that he is sometimes described as the ‘last American reporter’? Who is coming up behind him? ‘A friend of mine wants to put $5m into a chair for investigative journalism for me, but why would I want to do that? Look, the cost of running my kind of work is very high, and a lot of stories don’t even work out. I know a wonderful journalist who works on the internet. I called friends of mine at the Times and the Post. But he hasn’t been hired because he would cost a lot of money.’ But Hersh is in his seventies (he is a year younger than John McCain, though you’d never know), he can’t keep going forever. Or can he? Most reporters start out hungry but somewhere along the way are sated. Not Hersh. ‘I have information; I have people who trust me. What else am I going to do? I love golf and tennis and if I was good enough, I’d be professional. Since I’m not, what am I gonna do? Why shouldn’t I be energetic? Our whole country is at stake. We have never had a situation like this. These men have completely ruined America. It’s so depressing, my business!’ Yet he seems chipper. ‘No, I’m not chipper. I don’t know how to put where I am… I don’t take it that seriously. I’ve been there: up, down, back up. I do a lotta speeches, I make a lotta money, I proselytise.’ Does he like making money? ‘Are you kidding? I do!’

After we finish breakfast, he takes me to the office. He is eager to put off the moment when he must get on with his Syria piece. The more time he wastes with me… well, the morning will soon be over. Inside he points out a few choice interior-design details – the Pulitzer (it nestles among dozens of other awards), the framed memo from Lawrence Eagleburger and Robert McCloskey to Henry Kissinger, their boss at the State Department, which is dated 24 September 1974, and reads: ‘We believe Seymour Hersh intends to publish further allegations on the CIA in Chile. He will not put an end to this campaign. You are his ultimate target.’ Then he roots around in a cairn of paper for a while – quite a long while – eventually producing a proof of one of his articles with Remnick’s editing marks on it. I’ve never seen anything so harsh in my life. Practically every other sentence has been ruthlessly disembowelled. ‘Yeah, pretty tough, huh?’ He also shows me one of his own memos to a contact. It makes reference to the current administration. ‘These guys are hard-wired and drinking the Kool-Aid,’ it says, deadpan. He laughs. He’s getting cheerier by the minute. Soon it will be time for lunch! Now he puts his feet on the desk, removes one training shoe and jauntily waves the sweaty sole of a white sock at me. A couple of calls come in. He is concise bordering on cryptic. Finally an old Times colleague arrives. ‘I knew this guy when he had hair!’ Hersh shouts as this fellow and I pass in a small area of floorspace not yet covered by books or papers. I’m leaving, but Hersh doesn’t get up and he doesn’t say goodbye. A breezy salute – and then his eyes fall ravenously on his pal.

Palestinian "Left"- Selling their souls for 30 coins, miserably failed their people.

Contributed By Lucia

Abbas courts PFLP; gives Malloh sensitive positions in PA departments
[ 29/09/2008 – 10:43 AM ]

RAMALLAH, (PIC)– well-informed Palestinian sources have disclosed that the PA chief Mahmoud Abbas has offered the PFLP a number of important political and security positions in the PA departments in understating with Abdulrahim Malloh, the deputy-chief of the PFLP.
The sources also revealed to the independent Palestine News Network website that Malloh, who has good rapport with Abbas, had accepted the PA offer to give the PFLP cadres sensitive and important positions in the PA although it contradicts the Front’s public rejction of the Olso Agreement.

According to the sources, Malloh started to contact a number of the PFLP cadres in Palestine to offer them the new jobs, and that Dr. Jebrael Al-Shomaly, one of the PFLP figures, has accepted to be appointed as an attaché to the PA embassy in Ghana.

The sources considered such dramatic transformation in the PFLP stand on participating in the Oslo-produced PA agencies as clear evidence on the Front’s failure to remain firm on its stands, and that it reflects the PFLP’s inability to answer the living needs of hundreds of its members who, according to the sources, bolted the Front and joined the PA security apparatuses.
“This is a clear indication that the PFLP had silently joined the PA departments despite its declared rejection of the Oslo accord”, the website quoted a number of the PFLP cadres as affirming.

According to the PFLP cadres, no less than the son of Malloh, Sharief Malloh, has joined the PA security departments and worked as a legal advisor in one of the PA security arms, which the cadres confirmed, “violates the Front’s principle of not participating in any of the PA security departments [under the Oslo umbrella”.

To some of the PFLP cadres, the new orientation of Malloh and comrades was evident “deviation from the Front’s main objectives”, which per se reflects deep difference in the opinions of the PFLP top leaders, the sources underscored.

The sources also disclosed that secretary-general of the PFLP Ahmad Sa’adat was against the stands of Malloh and rejects what he described as “the PA unfaithful courting of the Front”.

In the past, a number of senior officials in the PFLP had accused Malloh of leading a trend within the Front that completely adopts and approves the vision and the stands of Fatah faction and Abbas at the expense of the PFLP principles and stands.

My Comment:
No surprise, Read the article below and connect the dots.
PFLP, like Hamas challange Mallohs,
Will abbas succeed in dividing PFLP while trhe hard liner Ahmad Saadat in Prison?.
Will history is repeating itself?
While Habash in jail in Syria, Hawatmi, Backed by Arafat lead the seperation of DPFLP.
Later Arafat, bought Yasir Abd Rabbu in DPFLP, and Bassam Abu Sharif in PFLP.

I still remember, my last meeting in 1991 with Late Abu Adnan, Abdulkarim Hamad, a member of the Political Bureau of DPFLP, He said our comrades call ABD RABBU : Yasir Abd Yasir (Yasir the Slave of Yasir)

Malloh is selling the right of return and the dream of HABASH the Profit of Arab nationalisn and armed struggle.

However, Habash, himself said it to the Leftist Angry Arab: WE FAILED LET THEM (ISLAMISTS) TRY.

Meanwhile, PP Anal-ysist is still discussing the death of Panarabism and Islam: Long live his Left
===================

If Abbas will not demand the right of return, he must step down
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine

Comrade Abu Sami: If Abbas will not demand the right of return, he must step down
PFLP

Hamas Challenges Abbas Term Extension

Mhanna: “Egypt is serious in ending divisions; Arabs intervention will add success factors” [Comment: Egypt is serious in saving the ass of Abbas]

author Monday September 15, 2008 11:40author by Saed Bannoura – Translation, IMEMC

Rabah Mhanna
Rabah Mhanna

This is an interview with Rabah Mhanna, member of the political bureau of the leftist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) conducted by Ashraf Abu Al Hol and published on Monday by the Al Ahram daily in Cairo.

In the interview, Mhanna says that Cairo is serious in its efforts to end the internal Palestinian tension and that Egyptian officials set a period between 45 days and two months to formulate a vision for a comprehensive Palestinian dialogue which would continue for a number of days. He also said that Egypt is supported by several Arab countries in order to ensure the success of these talks.

More

Realated Links:
Hamas Backs Reconciliation, Rejects PressureHamas:
Hamas: Cairo cooking a reginal deal to release Shalit end the Siege and Bring Abbas back to Gaza
Fithy Fath blaming Hamas for things that took place in Iraq
Hamas- Pharoah Tunnel WAR
Abu al Fath: We have a common enemy – Hamas
Hamas to Raise Demands if Israel Tries to Change Terms
The Joke of Palestinian “democracy” under Fatah,
Israel Palestinian Unity: Goal or Mantra?

3 comments:

did you hear Olmert talk about freeing Most the westbank , east Jerusalem and the Golan heights ? why do they do that when they leave office ? LIke Jimmy carter when he rememebered the Palestinians when he left office . ?

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/7642090.stm

uprooted Palestinian said…

Fatima
I posted the Article, your comment and my reply.

The Palestinian Left and RoR
October 06, 2008 By Haidar Eid

Haidar Eid’s ZSpace Page

Join ZSpace

FROM PP: ON HAMAS POLITICAL "PROSTITUTION"

Hamas Considers The Pharaoh and His Policies as “Positive!”


“GAZA, (PIC)– The Hamas Movement has stressed Saturday that its rapport with Egypt was positive and stable, adding that certain media outlets quoted statements of Hamas spokesman in central Gaza Strip Yousef Farahat out of context and on selective basis.

In a written press statement he issued and a copy of which was obtained by the PIC, Dr. Sami Abu Zuhri, the spokesman of Hamas Movement in Gaza Strip, underlined the good relationship between Hamas and Egypt, saying that statements of Farahat expressed the dissatisfaction of Hamas’s cadres of the continued detention of Hamas’s military leader Ayman Nofal in Egyptian jails.

“Hamas treats all concerned issues with the Egyptian officials through direct contacts, and in away that preserves the good relationship between the two parties although we stress the need to immediately and swiftly release Nofal…..”

COMMENT: Who is Hamas kidding, besides itself? Enough with this political prostitution! Why not call things by their real name?

Why not have the courage to acknowledge that the Pharaoh has been an active Zionist in the siege and starvation of 1.5 million Palestinians? Why not state the fact that the Pharaoh’s troops have been working directly with the US army to locate and blow up or fill with poison gas (while Palestinians are still in the tunnels) the tunnels in Rafah that are the only remaining link to bring in desperately needed food and medicine? Why is Hamas not mentioning that more than 50 Palestinians have been killed by the Pharaoh’s army since the beginning of this year?

In short why is Hamas whitewashing the Pharaoh? This does not help Hamas, to the contrary it destroys its credibility and makes the Pharaoh look better than the USraeli tool that he is.

This is Zionism: "agricultural holocaust" against olive trees

UPDATED
[ 07/10/2008 – 09:25 PM ]

GAZA, (PIC)– Palestinian agriculture minister Dr. Mohammed Ramadan Al-Agha has accused Tuesday the Israeli occupation authorities of carrying out an agricultural holocaust in Palestine with the aim to destroy the olive season for this year.

He cited the persistent aggressions of the Israeli occupation soldiers and settlers against the Palestinian farmers, especially in the West Bank, including the Jordan Valley and the occupied city of Jerusalem among other cities.

In a press conference he held in Gaza on the matter, Agha accused the Israeli occupation soldiers of assisting the settlers in blocking Palestinian farmers and denying them access to cultivate their farms.

He said that such Israeli practices would inflict big losses on olive producers this year that will also add to the losses inflicted on the farmers as a result of burning the olive trees and confiscating their lands at the hands of the IOF troops and the armed Israeli settlers.
But in spite of those Israeli measures against them, Agha asserted, the Palestinian farmers remained adherent to and steadfast on their lands, highlighting that the olive tree is considered “the land, the honor, the roots, and the history” for the Palestinian people.

He also stressed that his ministry would preserve the stability of the olive oil prices in the local market as it had done over the past two years by banning the importat of foreign olive oil.
The ministry also called on the Palestinian farmers to be vigilant, and not to be deceived by the Israeli traders who, according to Agha exploit the poor economic condition of the farmers and buy the olive oil at low prices before selling it in the foreign market at high price.
The Palestinian olive oil is known for its excellent quality, and classified to be one of the best in the world.

In this regard, Agha hailed foreign sympathizers for their support to the Palestinian farmers and for helping them in harvesting their olive groves, urging foreign and Arab charities to give the Palestinian olive oil priority in buying and marketing it in the local and foreign markets.

******************************************************************


IOF troops kidnap eight Palestinians, prevent farmers from harvesting olives

[ 08/10/2008 – 08:35 PM ]

RAMALLAH, (PIC)– The IOF troops kidnapped eight Palestinians from villages near the northern West Bank town of Tulkarem and stopped farmers from reaching their land to harvest their olive crop.

Local sources in the village of Qaffin, to the north of Tulkarem, said that IOF troops kidnapped Qusai Ayed Hirsha (14 years) and Nabil Khasib (15) from their fields in Qaffin while they were helping their families harvest the olive crop.

In the village of Anabta, to the east of Tulkarem, the IOF troops kidnapped three youths from their homes on Wednesday at dawn; Muhammad Isam Nassar (17), Islam Abdel-Karim Ali (17) and Zaid Burhan Hamdallah (17).

The IOF troops also raided the homes of Zeyad Saadah and Izz Toum, but could not find them.

The IOF troops had earlier kidnapped Ersleen Sawalha from Dhennaba east of Tulakarem and who works as an accountant with a charity there. Ersleen is the sister of martyr Eyad Sawalha, one of the commanders of the Islamic Jihad in Jenin.

Two other young men were also kidnapped by the IOF troops on Tuesday from the village of Shufa south of Tulkarem; Musaab Ibrahim (23) and Ala’ Fathi Musa (26) after ransacking their homes.

Furthermore, the IOF troops stationed at the gates opposite Deir al-Ghsoun and Qaffin villages to the north of Tulkarem and the village of Kafr Sour to the south of Tulakarem barred Palestinian farmers from reaching their olive groves which lie beyond the apartheid wall under the pretext of the Jewish celebrations of Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement).

Palestinians who own land that lie behind the apartheid wall are barred from tending their fields and are only allowed to harvest their olive crop by applying for special permits (similar to pass laws during the era of the defunct apartheid regime in South Africa). These permits are usually given to older people denying Palestinian families the help of their younger members during this important season.

Those people are also denied reaching their fields to plough them and clear them of weeds ahead of the olive season, which makes these fields prone to catching fire and affects the yield.

Settlers burn 3,000 olive trees in southern Nablus Contributed by Anonymous (Thank you, Kindly use a name)

ImageNablus / PNN – Fires set by Israeli settlers in southern Nablus olive groves are up this year, reports journalist Ali Daraghmeh. “This year settlers south of the city of Nablus burned about 3,000 olive trees. The settlers are also burning cars and beating farmers. This week four people were hospitalized.”

Ghassan, a local official in municipal affairs, described “masked gunmen attacking farmers in 33 basin areas in Salfit and 39 in Nablus.”

Israeli settlements in the West Bank are most often built on hills and then spread down. Palestinian agricultural lands are afflicted from the initial land confiscation to the eventual threat in the basin areas. Fields just beyond those overtaken are particularly dangerous.
Officials note that the coordination between the Israeli army and Palestinian residents does not provide security to the farmer. Ghassan said today, “The initial dates for protection were not abided under the pretext of the Jewish holidays and closures. We are in contact with each village under attack by settlements and monitor all ongoing damage. The reports go to the President and Prime Minister.”

The olive harvest season is meant to be a major source of income but yearly the obstacles increase. After the olives are picked they must be made into oil and taken to market, neither of which is undertaken without additional risk.

Israeli war against Palestinian names


Researcher urges youth awareness in Israeli war against Palestinian names

Contributed by Anonymous (Thank you, Kindly use a name)

ImageJerusalem / Maisa Abu Ghazaleh – In an East Jerusalem neighborhood children were telling each other how they spent last Friday. One of them, 13 year old Ahmed, said that he went on a picnic with his family to “Tielt.” He also said that he witnessed an auto accident at a “Ramzor.” The boy caught my attention by the way he pronounced his words.

“Tielt” is the Israeli take on “Be’er Al-Safafi,” and “Ramzor” is the Hebrew word traffic light.

When I asked him whether he knew what “Tielt” meant he said that he did not. I was not surprised by his ignorance, but what really astonished me is Ahmed’s belief that this area had always been Israeli, and never Palestinian, and that “Tielt” was its original name.

As many residents will tell you, Israel fights the Arab existence in Jerusalem on a daily basis. One way in which they do this is by the war of idioms; this hidden war involves the blurring of Arabic influences of Jerusalemite neighborhoods and streets, by replacing them with Hebrew names and idioms, spreading them through the young generations.

In an interview, Hayel Sanduqa, the researcher of colonial affairs in Jerusalem, had this to say about changing the names of Arabic areas and streets: “This is an old yet new policy which the municipality of Jerusalem follows to Judaize the city and monopolize its estates either by changing the names of the streets by building synagogues in any area, or by excavating works.” He added: “Israel aims to have a religious and historical right in Jerusalem and justifies and legitimates these Judaizing operations, thus faking history in an obvious way.”

He went on to say, ” Israel always muddles up religion with politics, and gives the areas and politics a religious sense, for example naming them after prophet Jacob, and by using the star of David the prophet.”
Sanduqa stressed that the Israeli occupation is succeeding to spread its language and culture by imposing its idioms so that they will be dominant all over the country.

Sanduqa is astonished by the usage of these idioms by educated Jerusalemites, who are now using Hebrew words to express daily life: there are some words stemming from Hebrew and used in Arabic, and became commonly used among the educated like “Mahsom = Checkpoint,” “Ramzor = Traffic light,” and, “Mzgan = Air Conditioner.” These words are being passed on to a new generation, without explanation, to be thought of as Arabic with Arabic meanings.

Sanduqa added, “There lots of Arabic quarters, of which the names have been replaced on maps, signs, and addresses, like “Share’ Al-Wad” in the old city to “Hahay,” “Share’ Khan Al-Zeit” to “Habad,” “Bab Al-Saihra wa Al-Hai” to “Herodos,” “Karam Al-Ja’auni” to “The Grave of Friend Shamo’on,” “Jooret Al-Niqa’ ” in Shaikh Jarrah to “Akbanip of Haron’s Mother,” “Silwan” to “Kfar Hashloh,” “Der Ayyoub” to “Kfar Hemnim,” “Wadi Hilwe” to “Ma’ali Eer David,” “Wadi Al-Rababa” to “Gay Benhebo’om,” “Wad Sitna Mariam” to “Wadi Qadrun,” the Center quarter of Silwan to ” Eer David,” “E’en Silwan” to “Hazik Yaho,” “Hai Al-Farouq” in Jabal Al-Mokabber to “Nof Litzion,” “Jabal Al-Zeitoun” (Mount of Olives) to “Mesabri Tsurim,” and “Karm Ayyash” in Ras Al-A’moud to “Ma’ali Zatim.”

Sanduqa blames the Palestinian leadership which does not “support the city of Jerusalem, and there isn’t a consistent attitude towards Judaism and colonialism. The authorities must set a clear plan to eliminate the changing of Arabic names and increase the awareness of the youth through educational institutions and organizations and youth clubs, instead of dealing with it in a shallow and individual way. They should have a better and deeper insight to it.”

He added, “Jerusalem doesn’t need to be running after these positions, but it needs effective schemes to protect them.”
Sanduqa turns to the youth and the upcoming generation, and says, “I call on every Jerusalemite youth to preserve their own affiliation and their own belief, and we will use them to deal with this.”

He also urges them “not to surrender or lose hope, and they should resist, be proud, and unite against Judaization, reject the changing and replacing of Arabic names, and ignore the Hebrew names.”

Sanduqa said, “If we wanted to go further than that, we would have all streets of West Jerusalem, like “Al-Qatamoun,” “Al-Baqa’a,” “and “Talbyout,” in addition to other names of Palestinian towns and villages like “Deir Yassin” (Geba’at Sha’oul), “‘Asqalan” (Ashkalon), and many others preserved.”

"Search me, I am Arab."

Acre violence exposes Israel’s double standards

Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, 16 October 2008


A Palestinian from Acre demonstrates outside the northern city’s municipality with a sign that reads, “Search me, I am Arab.” (Oren Ziv/ActiveStills)

Israel has been suffering its worst bout of inter-communal violence since the start of the second Palestinian intifada, with a week of what has been widely presented as “rioting” by Jewish and Arab residents of the northern port city of Acre.

The trigger for the outbursts occurred on the night of Yom Kippur, or the Day of Atonement, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar. The country effectively shuts down for 24 hours as religious Jews fast and abstain from most activity, leaving secular Jews little choice but to do likewise.

According to reports, an Arab resident, Tawfiq Jamal, outraged a group of Jews by disturbing the day’s sanctity and driving to relatives in a predominantly Jewish neighborhood. He and his teenage son were pelted with stones.

The pair sought sanctuary in the relatives’ home as a mob gathered outside chanting “Death to the Arabs.” Israeli police who tried to rescue the family fled when they were attacked, too.

With news of Jamal’s death mistakenly broadcast over mosque loudspeakers, Arab youths marched to the city center and smashed shop windows in a display of anger.

In subsequent days, Jewish gangs have roamed Acre’s streets and torched several Arab homes, forcing dozens of Arab families living in Jewish-dominated areas to flee.

An Arab member of the Israeli parliament, Ahmed Tibi, observed that what is occurring in Acre is not a riot but a “pogrom,” conducted by Jewish residents against their Arab neighbors.

Communal tensions are always high in the half a dozen “mixed cities” like Acre, the only places in Israel where Jews and Arabs live in close proximity, even if in largely separate neighborhoods.

But the situation has grown especially strained in Acre, where some Arab residents have escaped the deprivation and overcrowding of their main neighborhood, the walled Old City, by moving to Jewish areas. Acre’s Arabs are also numerically strong, comprising a third of the local population.

Despite pronouncements from Israeli leaders that the violence is damaging Acre’s image as a model of coexistence, the reality is of a deeply divided city, where the wounds of the 1948 war have yet to heal.

During the war, most local Palestinians were either killed or forced to leave, with the remainder penned up in the Old City. Jewish immigrants, brought to settle the empty houses, were encouraged to see themselves as reclaiming the city for Jews.

In recent years the movement of Arab families into these “Judaized” neighborhoods has revived talk of the need for Acre to be cleansed again of its Arabs.

The problem has been exacerbated by the relocation to Acre of some of the fanatical settlers withdrawn from Gaza three years ago and by the founding in 2001 of a hesder-yeshiva, a school for religious men that combines army service.

The police have stated that the violence in Acre caught them by surprise, but there was little justification for their complacency.

Abbas Zakour, an Arab member of parliament and an Acre resident, had written to the public security minister days before Yom Kippur warning that it would offer a pretext for Jewish extremists to attack Arab residents.

He was concerned that, as in previous years, Jews would throw stones at Arab cars breaking the unofficial 24-hour curfew in the Galilee region, where Arabs are a majority. The failure of the police to intervene, he added, “leads the Arab public to believe that police are deliberately allowing the young Jews to attack innocent Arab residents who drive by.”

In a society where the grip of Jewish religious fundamentalism is tightening — stoked by the high birth rate of ultra-Orthodox Jews and the state’s generous support of a separate religious education system — such incidents regularly occur on Yom Kippur and less frequently on Saturdays, the official day of rest.

The local media reported that over Yom Kippur ambulances and paramedics were stoned. At one point Acre’s ambulance station was surrounded by Jewish youths who smashed its windows. As a result, the service’s local director, Eli Been, ordered staff to wear helmets and bulletproof vests.

Given the failure to punish, or even rebuke, Jewish extremists for such acts of vandalism, it is hardly surprising that in places like Acre they are emboldened to vent their indignation at Arab neighbors.

What has particularly disturbed the Arab minority, however, has been the response from politicians and the police to events in Acre.

Israeli leaders have tried to calm tensions by paying lip service to the idea of coexistence. But at the same time, rather than denouncing the Jewish mob, they have intimated that Acre’s Arab residents provoked the attacks.

During Sunday’s cabinet meeting, Ehud Olmert, the outgoing prime minister, stressed, in reference to the Yom Kippur violence, that the wider Arab population must act “according to the norms of a democratic state.”

His probable successor, Tzipi Livni, added of Yom Kippur that “every citizen has to respect this day” — a reprimand to Arab citizens for driving rather than to extremist Jews for turning into a lynch mob.

Such indirect condemnations roused others to greater provocation. Yuval Steinitz of the Likud Party called the violence a “pogrom” against, rather than by, Acre’s Jews. The local chief rabbi, Yosef Yashar, compared the city’s Arabs to Nazis. And on Monday Jewish far-right activists arrived in Acre from Hebron to stir things further.

Jamal, the hapless driver who provoked the violence, has been widely blamed — apparently without evidence — for playing his music loudly and smoking while driving, as though this justified the attack.

He was finally brought before the parliament on Sunday to demonstrate his contrition. To much abuse from right-wing legislators, he asked for forgiveness and told the parliament he was ready to “sacrifice his neck” to restore good relations between the two communities.

The next day the country’s president, Shimon Peres, reminded community leaders: “There is one law and one police.”

As if to disprove him, the police arrested Jamal the same day, accusing him of offending religious sensitivities, speeding and reckless endangerment — though it was unclear whom he had endangered apart from himself. He was released to house arrest two days later.

Tibi, the parliamentarian, sounded a rare note of sanity when he observed: “I wonder if they will start to arrest Jews who eat and drink during the month of Ramadan.”

Meanwhile, Acre’s Jewish residents are organizing a boycott of Arab businesses. They have apparently been joined by the mayor, Shimon Lankri, who cancelled the annual drama festival due to be held in the Old City in a few days. His move was widely interpreted as a way to “punish” Arab residents, who are major beneficiaries of the event.

Articulating popular sentiments, a senior police official told a local website: “The Arab public will pay dearly for the events of Yom Kippur eve. They have succeeded in greatly antagonizing the Jewish population and I don’t see them being forgiven for the next few years.”

In what looked like a desperate move to avert further damage to the Old City’s already weak economy, Arab community leaders issued a condemnation of Jamal and a plea for tolerance — though the gesture was not reciprocated by their Jewish counterparts.

Few in the Arab minority share their president’s confidence about the legal system. They see that there are two sets of laws, one for Jews and another Arabs, and that the police have two faces, depending on who is doing the stone-throwing.

They know that when Jewish settlers attack Palestinians in the West Bank, or even Israeli soldiers, they do so with impunity. Equally, they remember that in 2005 when a settler opened fire on a bus with his army-issue gun in the Galilean town of Shefa’amr, killing four Arab citizens, the police’s priority was chasing the Arab men they suspected had overpowered and killed him.

Even more painful are memories of the events at the beginning of the intifada, in October 2000, when Arab citizens protested against the military whirlwind unleashed against their Palestinian kin in the occupied territories. The worst violence inside Israel occurred at the town of Umm al-Fahm, where Arab demonstrators threw stones at cars driving along the nearby highway.

Politicians did not talk about Arab sensitivities, or the need for calm, at that time. Instead they sent in a sniper unit. In the ensuing crackdown 13 Arab demonstrators were shot dead, and hundreds injured with live ammunition and rubber bullets.

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books).

His website is http://www.jkcook.net/. This article originally appeared in The National published in Abu Dhabi and is republished with permission.

Update

Report: Recognize Akko Arabs as Victims of Hostilities
Readers Number : 75

18/10/2008 Mossawa –

The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens in the Zionist entity – has demanded that the Finance Ministry recognize Arabs whose homes and businesses were damaged during the recent riots in Akko be recognized as victims of hostilities and be compensated accordingly.

“(The violence that erupted) in Akko was racially-motivated, and the State must take responsibility,” Mossawa Director Jafar Farah said.

According to the organization, during the clashes that broke out in the northern city on Yom Kippur some 100 vehicles, 80 shops and 30 homes owned by Arabs were damaged, this in addition to five homes that were completely burned down.

In a letter addressed to Israeli Finance Minister Ronnie Bar-On, Mossawa noted that following the attack carried out by Israeli terrorist Eden Natan Zada aboard a bus in the Arab-Israeli town of Shfaram in 2005, the Victims of Hostilities Law of 1970 was expanded to include cases in which property was damaged during incidents involving racially-motivated clashes between Israeli Jews and Arabs.

On Thursday representatives of the Mossawa Center met with Akko Mayor Shimon Lankry, who said he would act to ensure that the city’s Arab’s be recognized as victims of hostilities.

He said that should the State refuse to recognize the Arabs as victims of hostilities they would have to file private damage claims, which he said would only widen the existing rift between the Jewish and Arab communities in the city.

“A price must be paid for what happened,” Lankry told the representatives, “the families who suffered must be taken care of and we must rebuild the trust between Jews and Arabs.”

Flashback: Chikken-Soup and Democracy

Chikken-Soup and Democracy

Dedicated to Umm Rayya
coming soon to Amsterdam
==============================================================================
Would you believe me

if I would claim to be able to make
a Chicken-Soup
with the following ingredients :
3 fresh-eggs
6 apples
one pound of Strawberry
half a litter of fresh milk
and two pounds of minced beef meat
I doubt it,
unless if you never had a chicken-soup.
Would you believe the US Government
when they claim to bring about
“Democracy in Iraq”
with the following ingredients :
Regionalism
Feudalism
Clerical-interferences
Sectarianism
Religious fundamentalism
War Lords
Military Rule & Foreign Occupation
repatriated business-tycoons
and confirmed thieves
I doubt it ,
unless if or when you never saw a Democracy
Anyhow ,
if you are an Iraqi person
still intending to vote
for that Constitutions
I invite you first to come
and taste my Chicken Soup
Moustafa Rosenbloom
Double Agent…helping to cook-up a Democracy
12th day in October….
three days before the Referendum in Iraq
********************************************************************************

The myth of the Referendum
and
the cult of the Mehlis-report

———————————————————-

The so-called Iraqi ……Constitution
has been ,yesterday, officially approved by
the referendum‘s rules and results.

And we stop here to ask ask ourselves :

1- who wrote this Constitution ?

2- who voted for it ?

3- who organised this voting ?

4- under which circumstances ?

5- who planned and controlled this voting ?

6- who counted the votes ?

The answer is :
No one less than the man, who won in the rigged-voting in Florida in 2001

“A small step for naivety
and a huge step for hypocrisy”

but at any rate :

“a huge success for US-Hegemony “

And then somewhere else ,
not far away,
one inconclusive report
and uncompleted report
based on an inconsistent witnesse
who just finished a third jail sentence for fraud.
with very “obvious” evidences
like a mini-Van seen being loaded with explosives ,
out on open street, somewhere in imaginatia
with very selectively leaked out names.
with a Public-prosecutor
who looked only towards “one direction”
and who gathered 52 pages
of circumstantial-evidences
and last but not least …..

some “people” celebrating even before
the results ever became known
add to all that ….

Shimon Perez was satisfied with the Mehlis’ results !!
Gondo Rice and Jack Straw , also
“Tell me whom you do please……….and I shall tell you who you are “

and at the end of the day ,
we have an Iranian President
wanting to “wipe off the map”
a racist-colonialist-expansionist-State

Oh Lala !! mon cher
c’est trop !!

that is French. like in potatos ::::

Moustafa Rosenbloom
Double-agent,
working for Delta-contracting and as part-time for the MoCIAd .

28th. October 2005

WHAT IS WRONG WITH THE PFLP (POPULAR FRONT FOR THE LIBERATION OF PALESTINE) ?

October 16, 2008 at 1:00 pm (Associate Post, Corrupt Politics, Israel, Palestine)

By Khalid Amayreh in the West Bank

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) is not what it used to be. Today the organization which sired Laila Khalid, George Habash and many other luminaries in the skies of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and justice is functioning very much like a hanger-on vis-à-vis the American backed Palestinian Authority (PA).

The continuing affinity between de-facto PFLP leader Abdel Rahim Mallouh and his namesake, the Chairman of the PA and Fatah Chief Mahmoud Abbas seems to suggest that the leftist group is effectively abandoning its erstwhile principles. What is even more shocking is that the scandalous misdeeds of the Ramallah regime is having little bearing if any on the marriage of convenience between the PFLP and the PA leadership.

Not too long ago, the PFLP didn’t hesitate to physically eliminate any Palestinian figure that would “cross the red lines” with regard to dealing with the colonialist Israeli occupiers. The assassination by a PFLP cadre more than two decades ago of the Israeli-appointed by PLO-accepted former mayor of Nablus, Thafer al Masri, can be viewed as a classical example in this regard.

Now, however, with virtually all Palestinian red-lines being crossed in broad daylight by the PA leadership, the PFLP is not only silent and submissive but is also providing a certain cover of “national consensus” to legitimize policies and practices that George Habash, Abu Ali Mustafa, Wadee’ Haddad and Ghassan Kanafani would have viewed as representing ultimate national treason.

Since the inauspicious Oslo Accords more than 15 years ago, the PFLP has been projecting itself as representing the conscience of Palestinian secular nationalism.

However, the past few years witnessed a serious deterioration in PFLP commitment to upholding and safeguarding Palestinian national goals and interests.

At the theoretical level, the PFLP leadership continues to recite the same old rhetorical rituals about the evils of Zionism of the American-led imperialistic camp.

However, in a sharp contrast to the high-sounding rhetoric, the PFLP leadership has been quietly and obediently walking, side by side with the Ramallah-based regime, in the path of sacrificing national interests for the sake of obtaining American and Israeli acceptance.

In fact, the PFLP has committed more than just forgivable mistakes. It has committed grave sins which really dishonor and disfigure the history of an organization that always judged individuals, entities and regimes in accordance with the level of their subservience to American imperialism.

Let us examine some of the national and moral blunders recently made by the PFLP, which I am sure make many of the group’s members and supporters seethe with anger.

The current PFLP leadership ( I am talking about Mallouh, not Ahmed Sadaat who is languishing in Israeli dungeons) has effectively allowed Abbas to manipulate the PFLP as a cheap and readily-available propaganda pawn in the enduring showdown between Fatah and Hamas. This is a fact that many honest PFLP leaders, such as Khalida Jarrar, readily acknowledge.

Moreover, whenever Abbas wants to advance his own approach toward ceding Palestinian national rights, such as the paramount right of return, or gain propaganda points in the crisis with Hamas, he simply invokes the old boring mantra that the PLO is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

Interestingly, this is done despite the fact that the policies pursued and the goals sought by Abbas and his regime, which survives on handouts from the US, Europe and some oil-rich Arab states, constitute the exact antithesis of the very goals and aspirations the PLO was founded to achieve.

In addition, the PFLP leadership said nothing and did nothing during all these years when the Fatah group was steadily eroding, corrupting and eviscerating the PLO of its national substance and even relevance until the organization eventually became a mere pale ghost of it once was.

A few months ago, I asked Mr. Mallouh during a Ramallah conference if his faction would still cling to the PLO if the Abbas regime compromised on the inviolable Palestinian national constants such as Jerusalem, the right of return for the refugees and Jewish colonies on the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

Mallouh refrained from giving a straightforward answer. In stead, he said that “we shall cross the bridge when we reach it.”

But Mallouh and all the Palestinians have already reached the bridged as Mr. Abbas has been saying in no unmistakable terms that he won’t demand the return of all Palestinian refugees to their homes and ancestral motherland in what is now Israel.

Yes lower-ranking PFLP operatives did condemn Abbas’s remarks, which should be commended and appreciated.

But the deafening silence of Mallouh and his close associates can’t be forgiven. This is not the same PFLP that we grew with and respected.

It is really sad that the PFLP, along with other Palestinian groups and organizations that claim to adhere to the leftist traditions of siding with the worker-class and upholding the principles of justice, is surrendering to the American hegemony, either for the sake of money or out of despair of the possibility of defeating the imperialistic schemes.

These organizations seem to have preferred to appease the PA, the Israelis and Americans rather than speaking up and loudly protesting some of the manifestly criminal acts that Israel and the PA have been carrying out in the West Bank, including the destruction or closure of boarding schools, orphanages, charities and other civil institutions serving poor Palestinians and enhancing their ability to withstand the Nazi-like Israeli occupation.

More to the point, the PFLP stood silent while the American-backed regime in Ramallah refused to pay regular salaries to some 6000 teachers whose dossiers and files continued to be withheld in the Mukhabarat (General Intelligence) offices in Ramallah.

So, why did the PFLP not speak up on behalf of these wronged people? Why did Mallouh not urge his close friend Abbas to treat these unfortunate working men and women with the respect and dignity they deserve?

Another serious behavioral flaw undermining the image and reputation of the PFLP is the continued companionship of Mallouh and Abbas, which suggests that the leftist group has no serious objections to the full-fledged conversion of the PA regime to the American-Zionist camp. Is the PFLP leadership too gullible to realize that the PA has become an integral part of the overall American scheme against the forces of resistance and steadfastness in the Middle East?

Finally, the PFLP silence in the face of the police-state regime being consolidated in the West Bank, thanks to the active intervention by the CIA and Israel, is more than telling. It reflects a high level of complacency and moral bankruptcy on the part of the PFLP leadership which watches all these blasphemous acts being committed while keeping its mouth shut.

In fact, the PFLP seems to follow the old adage: “if speech is silver, silence is gold,” but in an obviously pathetic manner. Maybe the real adage the PFLP leadership is adopting these days is that which was coined by Saadi Shirazi, “when money appears, heads bow.”

Unfortunately, this seems to be the most plausible explanation of PFLP behavior vis-à-vis the PA in recent years.

To be sure, no one expects the PFLP to assume the role of a mighty rectifier or leveler on the Palestinian arena.

However, the PFLP is expected to be at the very least faithful to its own principles, especially those pertaining to the sanctity of Palestinian rights and honor and dignity of the Palestinian struggle, both of which are being clearly compromised by the very entity the PFLP leadership is now pandering to.

Palestinian “Left”- Selling their souls for 30 coins, miserably failed their people.

The crimes of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians during An-Nakbah

The crimes of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians during An-Nakbah…in pictures. (thanks Raed)
Posted by As’ad at
7:00 AM

صور تذكّر بجرائم عصابات النكبة
الرجـل يعـرف أن نهايتـه وشـيكة

الصورة التي نشرتها »يديعوت« أمس وتظهر جنديين إسرائيليين يسوقان عربياً معصوب العينين إلى الإعدام (»السفير«)

كتب محرر الشؤون الإسرائيلية:
تحت عنوان »الصور التي تكشف السر العتيق«، أعلنت صحيفة »يديعوت أحرنوت« أنها ستنشر اليوم سلسلة صور والقصة الكاملة لعمليات إعدام الأسرى العرب على أيدي القوات الإسرائيلية في حرب العام .١٩٤٨
وأشارت الصحيفة إلى أن ما ستنشره، بما في ذلك صورة نشرتها أمس على صفحتها الأولى، هي صور تُنشر للمرة الأولى و»تثبت ما لم نرد معرفته: قتل عربي مقيد على أيدي محاربين إسرائيليين، على ما يبدو أثناء حرب الاستقلال«.
وكتبت »يديعوت« أن الصور التي وقعت بين أيديها، بعدما كانت محفوظة لدى ضابط إسرائيلي توفي مؤخراً، قادتها إلى إجراء تحقيق صحافي واسع، مع العشرات من مقاتلي قوات »سرايا السحق« المعروفة باسم »البلماخ« والهاغاناه ووحدات الاستخبارات آنذاك، والتي كانت تعرف باسم »شاي«، معززة مادتها بشهادات من مؤرخين وخبراء.
وقال الصحافيان، اللذان أعدا التحقيق، أن هؤلاء »نشروا أمامنا فصلا مظلما في تاريخ الصراع اليهودي ـ العربي قبل وفي إطار إقامة الدولة«.
وبكلمات تصوّر »الفصل المظلم« الذي تحدثا عنه، كتب الصحافيان أن »التعبير على وجه المحكوم بالإعدام، التقطته عدسة التصوير. جبين الرجل مجعد. قبضتاه متوترتان ملتصقتان بصدره، يخيل لوهلة انه يستند إلى عصا. كلا. الرجل يعرف أن نهايته وشيكة. لغة جسده تقول ذلك«.
ورجح الصحافيان أن تكون هي »المرة الأولى التي تنشر فيها صور إعدام لعربي على أيدي مقاتلين إسرائيليين. سلسلة صور بالأبيض والأسود.. صور توثق، بشكل تقشعر له الأبدان، آخر لحظات الحياة«.
وروى الكاتبان تصورهما لما جرى »في البداية يدير العربي، الذي يلبس جلباباً صوفيا وحافي القدمين، نقاشا مع المقاتلين الذين يحتجزونه. ويبدو أنه يحاول أن يشرح ـ أو يبرر ـ شيئا ما. في الصورة، في سياق السلسلة، يقف إلى جانبيه إسرائيليان. احدهما يوجه نظرة إلى الكاميرا ويبتسم. صورة أخرى: قماشة تعصب عيني الرجل. صورة أخرى: احد المقاتلين يرفع سلاحه. على مسافة بضعة أمتار منه يقف العربي، والى جانبه مقاتل آخر. كلمات أخيرة؟ وصورة نهاية: جثة وبركة دماء. من ضغط على الزناد؟ من أصدر الأمر؟ من كان الضحية؟ أين حصل هذا، ولماذا؟«
وبحسب الصحيفة فان الحدث وقع أغلب الظن أثناء »حرب التحرير« التي اندلعت في تشرين الثاني ،١٩٤٧ وانتهت في تموز .١٩٤٩ الصور التي توثقه بقيت على مدى عشرات السنين في علبة أحذية قديمة، في بيت خاص، بين مئات الصور العائلية. الرجل الذي احتفظ بها، ضابط كبير سابق في الجيش، توفي مؤخرا، ولا احد سمع منه في أي ظروف التقطت هذه الصور. كما أن أحدا لا يعرف لماذا احتفظ بها كل هذه الأعوام.

More on the Yom Kippur Pogrom in Akka

Yom Kippur Pogrom in Akka

Coexistence is a [just] a slogan. After all, Akko [i.e. Akka] is a city like ra’ananna, Kfar Saba and Haifa, whose Jewish identity one needs to preserve. I don’t think there is any controversy. Akko is the capital of the Galil, thousands of years of Jewish history. We are here to preserve Jewish identity, to strengthen the spirit and to pass the national test with honor. (Rabbi Yossi Stern, head of the Akka military Yeshiva)

[the goal of the assaults is]: to kick us out of our neighborhood, and to make the Arabs leave Akka. But we will stay in the Akka of our birth, despite the violence against us.” (Runza Ramaal, who fled Akka after being attacked by the mob, cited by the Committee of Activists for Akka)

Background for the Pogrom that is completely absent from the media. Akka is the site of an on-going ethnic cleansing campaign, spearheaded by settlers from Hebron and other settlements who decided to settle in the middle of the Palestinian Akka and to repeat the technique they used to destroy Hebron. One of their motivation is to prove that there is no real difference between Akka and Hebron. And in this at least they are right. According to ‘Ala khalikhal from the committee of activists for Akka, there are 200 Rabbinical students and about a thousand Jewish settlers in Akka. Their operation is part of a recent settlement activity within mixed cities like Akka, Ramla and Lydda, and is coordinated with and supported by the local authorities and religious foundations. These settlements are part of a capmaign of ethic cleansing that begins with making life miserable to the local resident through discrimination and defunding, and follows through the destruction of the city’s Palestinian heritage, the takeover of public spaces by Jewish institutions and gentrification through the real estate market.

The Yom Kippur Pogrom against the Palestinian residents of Akka takes place on this background. The Jewish mob that “took offense” at the Arab driver sees the wink-wink-nod-nod of the authorities and feels it is serving a national cause. The police stands aside or sides with the mob. Jewish rioters are released on bail while Palestinians are held in custody. The police even plans to charge the driver who was assaulted with recklessness! Yet the same police refuses to guarantee the safety of the Palestinian families whose homes have been vandalized. And many are still away huddles with relatives. It is not inconceivable that they will not be able to return.

The Nakba continues.

Yitzhak Laor on the Yom Kippur Pogrom in Akka

It is time to face facts: Israel forsakes the blood of its Arab citizens each time the Jewish collective is pitted against the Arabs. It doesn’t matter if these are Arabs from without (in the territories) or from within. The right of the Jewish collective to protect its identity is self-evident. We have already found a sociologist who espouses this ideology, just as we have found jurists, all of whom have succeeded in providing a philosophical basis for these privileges, in addition to other rights we claim for every area of our lives. It is always about “defense of the identity.”

The events of October 2000 have been swept under the rug. The killers have not been brought to justice. Alik Ron was dismissed from
the police force, but he did not answer for what happened. In fact, he was the recipient of compassion. Let us try to imagine that Wadi ‘Ara was being blocked off by Jews (let us assume they were settlers): Would those events have ended in the deaths of 13 rioters?



Once again, the pogroms repeat themselves, those that we hear about and those that “only” involve humiliation or harassment that we do not hear about. The incident is always turned into a case of deeds carried out on behalf of the collective against those outside the collective who pose a threat.

This is the logic that the average Israeli needs to digest on a daily basis: This place belongs to the Jews. The Arabs are foreign. Some think that we need to behave nicely toward foreigners. Some think we need to oust them. Here is the pus. (Haaretz, Oct. 17 2208)

As the fine military Rebbe Yossi Stern says, this is what Jewish identity today amounts too. And the Jewish communities around the world that fund this abomination and give it succor and political cover are guilty of it as much, if not more, of the hoodlums who perpetrated it.

(Pictures provided by the committee of Activists for Akka)


Jews have no problem having an Arab neighbor when this is the result of ethnic cleansing. So it’s O.K. to build Yeshivas in Lydda and Akka. But they’d rather not have Palestinans come to “their cities”. Here is the enlightened Mayor of Carmiel explaining Apartheid in a way that even Western journalists can understand.

“Carmiel,” she says, “is different from Acre, which has always been defined as an ethnically mixed city. There is no need for Carmiel to become a mixed city. We can have harmonious relations with the Arabs, but the Arab and Jewish communities must live separately.” (Haaretz, Oct. 17 2008)

**************************************
Pogrom Acre-style

The word takes on a new meaning as Jews celebrate the Day of Atonement, reports Khaled Amayreh from Acre


Israelis look at a car that was flipped over during riots between Jewish and Arab residents of Acre; Israeli policemen arrest a rioter for driving during Yom Kippur (below)
(photos: AFP)

Israelis look at a car that was flipped over during riots between Jewish and Arab residents of Acre; Israeli policemen arrest a rioter for driving during Yom Kippur (below)
Racism raised its ugly head in the northern coastal town of Acre this week, exposing Israelis’ shocking bigotry and intolerance towards its non-Jewish citizens, especially the sizeable Palestinian minority which constitutes nearly one fourth of Israel’s population.

It all started the evening of 8 October, the eve of Yom Kippur, the holiest day on the Jewish calendar, when an unsuspecting local Arab resident of the city drove his car through a predominantly Jewish neighbourhood, reportedly to pick up his daughter from her fiancé’s family home.

Upon spotting the middle-aged man, dozens of Jewish fanatics ganged up on the man, beating him and stoning his car, injuring him and his son.

“Suddenly, five metres from the building we were trying to reach, a group of young men came out and started shouting Mavet le Arabim! [Death to the Arabs!] and throwing big rocks at us. My son was hit in the face, back and chest. I dragged my son out of the car and we all ran up the stairs,” said Jamal Tawfik.

Soon, hundreds of Jewish fanatics converged at the scene, shouting anti-Arab slogans, and preventing Tawfik and his son, who was badly bleeding, from reaching hospital.

“We eventually succeeded in leaving the building, jumped over a number of ditches, and headed for a police car. Suddenly Jewish youths spotted us and began throwing rocks at us. We got into the car, but the police officer couldn’t get the engine started.

“Eventually, the officer told us, ‘Forget it. Run for your lives!’ So we all ran away though we had no idea where we were. I saw a construction site. We entered a guard’s hut and asked him to protect us. We hid on the floor, and the mob passed us by. It was the Jewish guard, Nessim, that saved our lives.”

Having let the man escape “from under their very eyes” — remember, this is at the start of the Day of Atonement, when Jews ask God for forgiveness for their sins — the fanatics then laid siege to the Arab home where the man’s daughter was staying, chantting Mavet le Arabim! and “Arabs out of Acre!”

Soon afterwards, word reached the old town, where the town’s Arabs are concentrated, that a local Arab was being lynched and killed by Jewish extremists and that Jews were laying siege to an Arab home in a predominantly Jewish neighbourhood. This prompted dozens of youths to take to the streets in an effort to rescue the Arab family.

However, as the disgruntled youths were heading towards the home in the northeastern suburb of the town, police reinforcements intervened, shooting tear gas, rubber bullets and beating the Arab protesters, effectively preventing them from reaching the building where the Arab family was being besieged. As many as 20 protesters were reportedly injured.

Infuriated by police brutality, the protesters vented their frustration on parked Jewish cars and shops, smashing windscreens and vandalising property. Israeli sources said some 40 shops and a hundred cars were damaged, which further enraged the Jewish inhabitants of the city.
The Jews retaliated by torching several Arab homes.

Seeking to justify the hysterical overreaction to the original “provocation”, the rumour was spread that the hapless prospective father- in-law was paid by “extremist Arab elements” to provoke the Jews and that he was drunk, smoking and playing his car stereo loud.

The man categorically denied all these charges, saying, “I am a religious man and the last thing I would do is to hurt people’s feelings. I just want to go home, I am a religious Muslim. I don’t drink at all, and I wasn’t playing music. I wonder where the police are getting this information from?”

Some sources spoke of dozens of Jewish settlers from the West Bank, including followers of Rabbi Meir Kahana, who advocates ethnic cleansing of non-Jews from Israel-Palestine, arriving in Acre to further incite violence against the Arabs.

However, even without the arrival of such settlers, many Jews of Acre needed no further incitement to jump on the bandwagon of hate. One Jewish lady shouted at reporters, “Get all the Arabs out of here. We don’t want them here. They’ve made our lives a misery.”

One particularly nasty message that was posted on extremist Jewish sites reads, “We will no longer buy anything from Arabs, we will not honour any of their holidays or any of their holy places. Arabs of Acre, go find you place in the villages.” The message was signed with the following epigram: “A Jew is the son of a king; and Arab is the son of a dog.”

As tension and incitement continued, Jewish and Arab youths hurled rocks at each other at the Acre train station and other “friction areas” with several people sustaining injuries.
According to the Mosawwa (equality) Centre for Arab Human Rights, 14 Arab families, a total of 50 people, were left homeless after Jewish hooligans either burned their homes or forced them to fee, stealing or destroying their property. Earlier, the families narrated to reporters how Jewish thugs threatened to lynch them if they didn’t leave their homes, forcing them to leave without taking anything with them but the clothes they were wearing.

Arab leaders, including Knesset members, accused the police of siding with Jewish rioters against the Arabs. The charges are supported by the fact that the police failed to stop rampaging Jewish fanatics even five days after the original incident.

The Israeli government called on the police to take decisive action to stop the violence, with outgoing Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert saying that there was a feeling that the inhabitants of the city were being “held hostage by a group of extremists”.

However, despite this seemingly even- handed approach to the violence, it was clear that Israeli politicians were reluctant to call a spade a spade, given the pre-electioneering atmosphere in Israel.

Avigdor Leiberman, a notorious right-wing politician and former cabinet minister, described the events in Acre as a clear vindication of his calls for the expulsion of non-Jews from Israel.
On Monday, 13 October, the police arrested Jamal Jawfik, apparently to appease Jews in Acre. Arab Knesset member Ahmed Teibi called the arrest “unreasonable” and “amounting to punishing the victim instead of punishing the criminal. This is a kind of appeasement, the police are only trying to appease Jewish hooliganism at the expense of the Arab citizens of Israel.”
The communal violence in Acre, Jewish and Arab leaders admit, epitomises the simmering tension that could eventually spark a wider conflagration in the so-called “mixed towns” such as Jaffa, Haifa, Ramleh and Lod.

Haaretz quoted a community activist in Lod (Al-Led) as saying that they were worried that the violence could spread to their town. “I don’t know if it will be happen in a day, two days, or two months, but it is certainly a possibility,” said Buthaina Debit, who pointed out that the Arab community was suffering from social and economic distress due to long-standing discrimination by the Israeli state.

“It happened in Acre, but I thought it would happen in Lod because there are masses of Arab residents who have nothing to lose, and there are many poor Jews stuck here. Acre could just be the beginning.”

A Jewish activist, also interviewed by Haaretz, warned that what happened in Acre was a signal to all those involved. “Too many people are sitting on the fence. This is the time to act, for both government and social organisations. We must invest in the mixed cities,” said Aviv Wasserman.
Interestingly, even Olmert himself recognised that the Arab citizens of Israel are discriminated against and that this discrimination creates frustration and indignation amongst the Arabs against the state.

But Olmert, as was the case with all his predecessors, wouldn’t say why he failed to rectify this systematic discrimination which renders the claim that Israel is “democratic state” devoid of meaning.

Yousef Abudayyeh – It Was Never About Borders

THE SETTLER’S WAR WITH ISRAEL

http://uprootedpalestinians.blogspot.com/2008/10/israels-democratic-facade-erodes_16.html

Yousef Abudayyeh – It Was Never About Borders

By Mary Rizzo
• Oct 15th, 2008 at 12:54
• Category: Analysis, Culture and Heritage, Israel, Newswire, Opinions and Letters, Palestine, Quotes, Resistance, Somoud: Arab Voices of Resistance, Zionism

The Palestinian-Zionist conflict is not about disputed borders, it’s about the very existence of the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine. The Zionist invaders came to Palestine because according to the Zionists, Palestine was a land with no people and needed to be filled with “people who have no land.”

Unless the whole world and especially the Arab Palestinians understand this, things will get worse. What we saw in Akka (Akko) this week is a continuation of the emptying of Palestine of its original people. This has always been a fruitless undertaking, fueled by the invader’s realization of the ultimate failure of the Zionist adventure – make no mistake about it.

And just to let you know, what’s going on in Akka has been happening on a different scale in all the cities and village of Palestine 48. A few days ago, a friend of mine with some of his family members were driving in Haifa when his car was stoned by these fascist Zionist invaders with the “police” watching on and not doing a thing, a very familiar scene.

These stepped up attacks on ‘48 Palestinians should make clear the following:

– Our people of the ‘48 land have been living for more than 60 years, under the worst of racist conditions. All the attempts that the Arab leaders made in order to co-exist with the Zionists were attempts that needed to be made in order to prove to the world, and more importantly, to the Palestinian people, that the Zionist invaders were really not interested in co-existence. All these invaders are interested in are finding ways to push the Arabs out of their homes so they can salvage their colonization “dream” of (at least half of) Palestine.

– The so-called Palestinian leadership in Ramallah, (in no way smarter or tested than the leadership of the Arabs of ‘48), should go back to the original writings of the PLO and study them and understand them. The original understanding of the conflict was the right one. These Zionists invaders are not interested in anything less than an empty Palestine. Any misunderstanding of this fact will lead to more blood and misery. The least they can do is talk with our leaders in ‘48 and learn from them.

– The Arab countries should at once stop all dealings with the Zionists.

– The Zionist idea and doctrine is dead or at least cracked and cannot be fulfilled. The building of racist walls and even getting involved with “peace talks” are signs of the Zionists getting used to the fact that they cannot have all of Palestine, definitely not without its original inhabitants, and for sure not on their terms. Having said that, this will bring the fascist elements of the invaders (and they are many) to commit desperate acts. This will no doubt lead to more killing of Arabs in the near future. The world community should be put on notice that these fascists and their leaders should be tried for war crimes. The whole Zionist state should be held responsible for any more suffering the occupied Palestinian people will face.
– The only viable solution remains the one democratic state where Palestine will go back to its Arab womb and where anyone who wants to live in Palestine will be free of hatred and will have the same duties, obligations and rights as anyone else that lives there.

Please visit
Israel’s democratic facade erodes
The Gang called “Palestinian Authority”
Fatah: Eject the traitors from your ranks
Coexistence with Israeli enemy impossible
Uprooted Palestinian: On A letter from an old settler in 1948 Land to Settlers in Gaza
TALMUD AT WORK “RIGHT OF RETURN” FROM AKRE TO PA “LAND”
A Genuine Peace Movement Cannot be Zionist
http://wewillreturn.blogspot.com/

ISRAEL/PALESTINE: AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE HATRED

Source
October 14, 2008 at 9:50 pm (Extremism, Intolerance, Israel, Nakba, Occupation, Palestine)

(Ben Heine © Cartoons)

Acre: a fractured history
Hatim Kanaaneh
I just finished reading the news about riots and clashes between Arabs and Jews in Acre in Haaretz, the one Israeli paper that still attempts a modicum of balance in reporting on Arab/Palestinian issues. I have resisted canceling my subscription as a reaction to the paper’s recent dropping of Amira Hass and demoting of Gideon Levy, the two main reasons for my subscription to start with. It is difficult in Israel to get a balanced picture of this inter-racial and interfaith blow-up, symbolic as it is of the entire Israeli-Palestinian and even of the whole Middle East strife.
The clashes started on the eve of Yom Kippur, the Jewish Day of Atonement, and are continuing on for the fourth day. Acre is our regional administrative center and my old stomping ground as a government official. It is a half-hour’s car drive from my home and once, in an emergency, I even covered the distance in eighteen minutes flat.

Before the Nakba my maternal grandmother and two aunts lived in Akka (Arabic for Acre) and it was usual for people to travel there on horseback or, more commonly, on the back of a donkey. My grandmother would come to visit us in our village, Arrabeh, and surprise us with a variety of presents: candies for the young and silk kerchiefs for the adults. For my mother she brought the special gift of a piece of red rubber sheeting fashioned out of the inner tube of a car tire. The wooden cot my mother used for her babies was the envy of the village womenfolk for the rubber sheet that protected it from soiling. My grandmother, Sitti Rahmi (Grandma Mercy) we called her, pulled rank over her village hosts and would bring her own personal supplies and utensils with her including a lot of snuff and a private ’sharbi’ or small ceramic water jug. If anyone drank from it she would smash it on the spot and demand a replacement. My sisters, all afflicted by housecleaning obsession despite their rheumatoid arthritis, blame both on genes from Sitti Rahmi. My influential uncle Salih, the head of our clan, had a second home with a second wife in Akka where he hobnobbed with the city’s effendis. On occasion he would come back with a camel load of Jaffa Oranges for his extended family here and we, the favored children, would get the special treat of a link of fresh sugarcane to suck on. Akka was truly our capital city.

Then my grandmother passed away and after her uncle Salih and then the whole country, Akka included, went to the dogs and my aunts became refugees in Lebanon.

The Zionists came along and cleansed Acre of its original residents and replaced them with Jewish immigrants, housing some in existing Arab homes and building for others public housing in new neighborhoods that fanned east and north from the ancient walled city. Some of the new housing projects replaced the former Arab Manshieh neighborhood better known formerly as New Acre or ‘Akka el-Jadideh’. The old walled city became the refuge for internally displaced Palestinians, squatters from neighboring destroyed villages, with a smattering of original residents who dared stay put. As in other cities such as Jaffa, Lidd, Ramla and Haifa, the system of the new state lacked the administrative capacity to stop their influx. Initially, most were tolerated by the official new owner of all Palestinian ‘abandoned’ property, the Custodian of Absentee Property. It failed to penetrate the emerging solidarity and minimal cohesion among the new Palestinian social collective in such cities. Left with no leadership but prodded on by need and fear this rabble held together against the pressure brought to bear on them by Amidar, the Israeli government housing enterprise that was accorded responsibility for emptied Palestinian homes by the Custodian of Absentee Property. Amidar’s first responsibility, of course, was to house and nurture newcomers, the self-engendered flood of Jewish immigrants.

By the time I broke on the scene in Acre again, two and a half decades later, as the sub-district’s medical officer in charge of the population’s medical services and health, a movement was in full swing to drive the residents of old Acre out to the neighboring villages of Jdaideh and Makir, both already overwhelmed by the 1948 influx of refugees from destroyed neighboring villages, famous among which is el-Birweh, the destroyed village of the late poet of Palestinian resistance, Mahmoud Darwish. A two-pronged justification was offered for the attempted second forced evacuation of those unwelcome ’squatters’: The old city with its rich Crusader and Ottoman archeological treasures was a perfect site for development as a tourist attraction. The very same attribute, the cultural and physical seclusion of those dark dungeons of old, had rendered them the perfect hideaway for drug dealers and addicts. Old Acre then ranked even ahead of old Jaffa as the capital of drugs and sex trade. I was marginally involved in all of this in a couple of ways: One of my predecessors at the Acre Ministry of Health office was killed and another left paraplegic, the outcome of an attack by drug dealers. And on a couple of occasions I had to lean on my head sanitary engineer to declare specific residences of Arabs in the old city fit for occupation contrary to the wishes of the city engineer and the Acre Development Authority. The residents were denied the needed permits to repair the roofs over their heads. If a house was found to be in danger of collapse or in such a state of squalor that it was not fit for human inhabitance, the only option they were offered was to move out.

The majority never moved out; no major calamities were recorded; Acre still struggles to sell itself as a tourist attraction; drugs are still plentiful on the streets of old Acre and have spread to new neighborhoods; and I was dismissed long ago from my position with the MOH for meddlesome activism.
As in other mixed cities, some better off young Arab couples have found their way to residences in the new, originally exclusively Jewish, neighborhoods. The rare Arab worker in the government offices in Acre was often made the attractive offered of subsidized housing in these new neighborhoods, specifically in the proudly anointed project of coexistence in the Wolfson neighborhood, Shkhonat Wolfson. Even the Ford Foundation invested in this ambitious project at one point. I remember turning down the offer of subsidized housing there along with that of a handgun for my personal protection. Both Wolfson and Akko Tzafon (North Acre Neighborhood) have been thoroughly infiltrated by Palestinian residents. Even now, sixteen years after my exile from my office in acre, I can claim half a dozen Arab friends there: two doctors, a lawyer, a nurse, a teacher and an income tax big boss.
Interracial trouble has been brewing in these mixed quarters from the start. The embers are kept live mainly by religious fanaticism: On the Arab side the young are increasingly turning to religion as is usual for members of deprived communities. On the Jewish side the fires of extremism have been further fanned by the recent arrival of a band of hardened settlers relocated from the evacuated settlements of Gaza. A religious study cum army service center has been established for and by them in Wolfson. A while back trouble started over their objection to the Arab Moslems’ broadcasting their calls for prayer on their mosque’s loudspeaker during the holy month of Ramadan. Violence broke out and a movement was set afoot for cleansing Acre as a Jewish city of its Arabs, as if that were new. Now clashes ensued over the ‘right’ of observant Jews to enforce a total ban, for Jews and Goys alike, on vehicle movement on the Day of Atonement. That is how they have internalized the meaning of the ‘Jewish and democratic’ state. And the young man at the center of the clash is accused of even smoking openly on the street and having his car radio on. “How come their youth were running around our neighborhoods drinking beer and making out in the open during Ramadan?” a young Moslem protested.

And now, as I write this, I receive an email in Hebrew calling for a total boycott of all Arabs. It declares: “A Jew is a descendent of kings. An Arab is a descendent of dogs.” It further calls for a mob to gather at a specific location after sundown assuring all that a group of 300 settlers will be arriving to lead the crowd. It ends with an online survey that shows 63% of respondents favoring attacking/finishing-off Arabs. Here is the link if you read Hebrew: http://www.akko.txt.co.il And finally, the annual Acre Alternative Theater Festival, one of the most significant art happenings in Israel, held annually during the Jewish Sukkoth holiday, has been cancelled. Gideon Levy opines: “To all, it was clear that Mayor Shimon Lankri’s hasty decision to cancel the festival had one purpose, and one only: to punish the Arabs who earn their living from the event.”

It is reported that a police source noted that violence between Jews and Arabs stems from gaps in infrastructure and services between the two communities, and is the responsibility of the state but often lands in the “police emergency room.” This is reminiscent of the conclusion reached by the Or Investigative Committee appointed by the government to look into the killing in 2000 of 13 Palestinian unarmed youth, 12 of whom were citizens of Israel, by the police. The conclusion was understood by the police as exonerating them. Their Department of Internal Investigations, Mahash, closed the file with the excuse that it was too late to gather evidence. 29 more Palestinian citizens of Israel have been shot dead by Israeli security forces since then and in most if not all such cases the murderers were exonerated. In the entire history of the state no Jew has ever been killed by the security forces in quelling a demonstration. And the Jewish citizens of Israel have always demonstrated big time. Adalah is busy educating itself, the local Palestinian leadership, and the families of the dead youth on the experiences of other disadvantaged groups who suffered from state-sponsored crimes against them in modern times such as in Northern Ireland and South Africa.

The killing of six Palestinian unarmed youth on March 30, 1976 by Israeli security forces under the direct oversight of both Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, to stop us from striking for one day against the stealing of our land, was committed in an era when we lacked the human rights acumen and political civil society savvy to do anything beyond consecrating the day as Land Day, commemorated ever since by all Palestinians. And two decades before, in the village of Kufur Qasim, scores of villagers returning from their fields were summarily executed for breaking a curfew that was announced after they had left their homes. The scapegoat Israeli officer, Shadmi was his name, was found guilty and fined one cent.

Listening to the news from Acre yesterday I was struck by the fact that every adult in my circle of a dozen radio listeners could recount an incident in which he or she was attacked by stone-throwing Jewish youth on Yom Kippur or on the day of Sabbath in one location or another. It is a wonder riots haven’t broken out before in every mixed city. The only explanation I can think off is the degree of submissiveness we, the Palestinian citizens of Israel, have learned to accept and practice. It is way past coexistence and several steps beyond tolerance, meekness at its best. This begs the question of why in Acre and why now? Here is my guess:

Akkawis – Acre Arab residents – are known in the Galilee for their chip-on-the-shoulder demeanor and contentious uppity ways. This is part of the city’s heritage of old. Acre’s residents have an oft repeated motto: “Ya khouf Akka min hdeer el-bahar – the Mediterranean is no threat to Acre.” And Napoleon camped outside its walls for a long time before giving up and lobbing-in his hat fitted on a cannonball so as to claim a symbolic victory. I remember my father telling the story from his younger days, long before Zionism messed up the place, about a fat woman, properly outfitted for a stroll on the Korneesh, Acre’s stylish seaside promenade, who slipped and fell flat on her butt on the stone pavement. He rushed to offer his help and got a proper scolding: “Get away from me you scrawny fellah! You couldn’t lift me up if you tried! And a fellah like you would have fallen flat on his face not landed safely in a sitting position like me.” He had to swallow his pride and move on.

A story is told in Galilee about the first pilgrim from Acre in recent times to gain permission to visit the holy sites in Saudi Arabia. As he entered the mosque in Medina where the prophet Mohammad is buried, he is reported to have casually addressed the prophet using the diminutive form of the addressee’s name the way Acre adults do in talking to their children: “Eishak Hammudi – How goes it my boy!” he is reported to have shouted from the door over the heads of thousands of pious supplicants. Akkawis are also known for sneering at people loudly for the slightest mistake. For any minor irritation a father would encourage his child to snicker at the offender by making the sound one makes in imitating a pig, a combined expression of disapproval, disdain, and challenge: “Ishkharlo ya walad!”

Now you understand why a Palestinian young man from Acre would dare to stand up to a bunch of Jewish youth throwing stones at his car.

I personally have never dared drive on the High Holiday of the Jews. I don’t smoke but I eat secretly at home.

Hatim Kanaaneh, M.D. is the author of A Doctor in Galilee: The Life and Struggle of a Palestinian in Israel. He completed his medical and public health degrees at Harvard in 1970. He then returned to Galilee where, in 1973, he became the Public Health Doctor of the sub-district of Acre. He is the founder of the NGO, the Galilee Society

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