Ten Explosive U.S. Government Secrets about Israel

The USA’s reputation is at an all time low and it’s hardly surprising when they allow Israel to walk all over them. Time the USA declared independence and kicked these Zionists into touch because right now it’s a question of “The Host and the Parasite”


Absent greater transparency,  Americans should assume the worst by Grant F. Smith, IRmep

In 1968 Director of  Central Intelligence Richard Helms wrote urgently to Attorney General Ramsey  Clark and President Lyndon B. Johnson that some highly enriched uranium fueling  Israel’s Dimona nuclear reactor was stolen from America.  LBJ reportedly uttered,  “Don’t tell anyone else, even [Secretary of State] Dean Rusk and [Defense  Secretary] Robert McNamara.”  The FBI immediately launched a deep investigation into the inexplicably heavy losses at the  Nuclear Materials and  Equipment Corporation NUMEC in Pennsylvania and the highly suspicious  activities and Israeli connections of the Americans running it.  The CIA was tasked to find out what was  going on in Israel, and compiled thousands of documents about the incident. (PDF) Although CIA officials  in a position to know unofficially went  on record claiming a diversion had occurred, for decades the CIA has  thwarted declassification and release of the LBJ memos.  On  October 18, 2013  the only appeals panel with the power to overrule the CIA—the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel ISCAP—sent  notification that Americans are not yet ready to know the contents of the memos (ISCAP decision PDF). This denial of public release of decades-old secrets  concerning U.S.-Israel relations is far from unique.  Although the Obama  administration promised unprecedented transparency, it has emasculated the public’s ability to give  informed consent on a wide range of key foreign policy issues. A review of ten particularly  toxic U.S. secrets about Israel suggests stakeholders should start assuming the worst  but most logical  explanation.

In 2006 former Secretary  of Defense Donald Rumsfeld famously told reporters at an Iraq war briefing “There are known knowns. These are things we know that we know. There are known unknowns. That is to say, there are things that we know we don’t know. But there are also unknown unknowns. There are things we don’t know we don’t know.”  Bush administration secrecy and Rumsfeld’s pithy quotes failed to quell gradual public awareness that the  ill-fated invasion was launched on purposely fabricated pretexts.   And yet the  Iraq debacle could have been avoided if Americans had been better informed over time how government truly functions through  greater access to  the fourth category left unmentioned by Rumsfeld:   “unknown knowns.”

“Unknown knowns” are  the paradigm-shifting bits of information known  only by a select few in government but kept from  their fellow American citizens because they would reveal indefensible, secret policies and  institution-level corruption that  favor a special interest.  By locking “unknown knowns” under heavy guard in  document archives, covering them in secrecy classification stamps and making an  example out of whistleblowers who release them without authorization, busy  bureaucrats with the highest security clearances maintain a vast  and growing  trove of “unknown knowns.”   Historians and watchdog organizations are continually thwarted in their mandate to contextualize and educate the public about relevant past  events that could deeply inform the governed—and ultimately improve  governance.  Senator Carl Schurz said, “My country right or wrong, if right, to  be kept right, and if wrong, to be set right.” “Unknown knowns” obliterate the  public’s ability to execute the latter two-thirds of that sage advice.

Even the  passage of time does not guarantee “unknown knowns” ever become “known knowns.”   Under  current government records preservation guidelines—particularly for information  that researchers are not actively seeking to declassify—some “unknown knowns”  quietly become “unknown unknowns” as they decay, are  physically destroyed, erased or “lost.”  Many knowledgeable  former officials take their secrets to the grave. As a product of the ill-gotten power and influence of the Israel lobby, the pile of “unknown knowns”  about U.S.-Israel policy  is particularly large. Curious  Americans who rightfully question official narratives about the  U.S.-Israel “special relationship” have often requested “unknown knowns” under the Freedom of Information Act.  Former government  insiders who know firsthand about explosive secrets often  seek their public release to  alert others using the Mandatory Declassification Review,  even requesting documents  by name, subject, location, author and date.  After such “unknown knowns”  (like the LBJ memos) are  unsuccessfully sought for decades by multiple researchers,  well-warranted suspicions arise about the  reasons behind the impermeable government wall of refusal.  The  following ten US-Israel  policy “unknown knowns” suggest the Israel lobby’s  ongoing corrupt power is the only  possible explanation for why they are still secret.

1. Henry Morgenthau  Jr’s Israel policy is the stuff of legend in accounts about the birth of Israel. Some researchers claim that FDR’s former Treasury  Secretary was present at the original 1945 meeting of American Zionists  with Jewish Agency executive director David Ben-Gurion to set up the massive Haganah smuggling network to steal,  illegally buy and smuggle surplus WWII arms from the  U.S. to Jewish fighters in Palestine.  (report PDF)  This was the first  major broadly organized  Israel lobby challenge to U.S. sovereignty.  It successfully overrode  American policy enshrined in neutrality and arms export laws.  Others claim  Morgenthau was also instrumental in the illicit financing Israel’s clandestine nuclear weapons  program in direct opposition to policy set by American presidents.

The FBI’s dusty 10,000  page file on Morgenthau, numbered 105-HQ-188123 (the 105 code signifies “foreign counterintelligence”) including intercepts to  Morgenthau from Israel, could finally clear up many of these allegations,  especially when compared to current research.  Although the FBI—after a process that began in 2010—in September 2013 claims it has fully declassified the Morgenthau file,  censors have blanked out nearly every page with a paint-roller of black ink (sample  PDF).  How do high officials with strong ties to Israel and its lobby who  are politically appointed to the U.S. Treasury Department flout U.S. laws with  their own  foreign-coordinated foreign policy movements?  The FBI and Justice  Department do not believe Americans are quite yet ready to know.

2. Eisenhower and the  Lavon Affair.  In 1954, the Israeli government launched its “Operation  Susannah” false flag terrorist attack on U.S. facilities in Egypt.   Israel’s operatives were quickly arrested when bombs exploded prematurely.  The  operation’s utter failure resulted in a political crisis known as the Lavon  Affair.  President Dwight D. Eisenhower, periodically swarmed by American  Zionist Council lobbyists urging him to send money and arms to Israel, must have  learned some very hard lessons about U.S.-Israel relations from the incident.   Yet the Eisenhower presidential archive—which is not subject to FOIA—has never  released anything revelatory about the administration’s reaction to the  attempted false flag attack.  A narrow request for such files yielded only a  single non-specific declassified opinion that the commander-in-chief believed  the Israelis were “fanatics.”  (National Security Council PDF) Yet the false flag operation’s objective,  attacking to keep U.S. troops stationed in the Suez Canal Zone to respond to  “Egyptian militants,” seemed entirely rational to Israel, and possibly to some  of its U.S. supporters who struggled for years afterwards to minimize the  importance of the affair.  Today Eisenhower library archivists claim that huge  quantities of Eisenhower’s papers are still “unprocessed,” but may hold some  private reflections or lessons learned.

3. Israeli theft of  nuclear material from NUMEC.  In 2013, the CIA continues to resist  release of thousands of files about the NUMEC diversion by referring to CIA Deputy Director for Operations John H. Stein’s secret  decision in 1979 (2013 FOIA denial PDF).  Stein claimed that release of even a  few of CIA’s closely-held files—especially if they were compared with Science Advisor of the  Interior Commission Henry Meyer’s blunt allegations (PDF) to  Congressman Morris Udall in 1979 that NUMEC was an Israeli smuggling front—was  impossible “because of the need to have a coordinated Executive Branch position  and our desire to protect a sensitive and valuable liaison equity.”  In plain  English, that appears to mean Americans still cannot have official  CIA confirmation of the  uranium theft because the U.S. president would have to drop the ongoing nonsense  of “strategic ambiguity” and forego intelligence Israel is funneling to  America.

4.  FBI files of Israeli (but not Russian) spies Russia’s dashing red-headed spy, Anna Chapman, was arrested in 2010 and sent packing  back Russia.  Any interested American can now watch Chapman’s moves in  surveillance videos and read the FBI counterintelligence files.  Not so with most of Israel’s top spies  who targeted American economic, nuclear and national defense infrastructure.   America is still crawling with Israeli spies (our “constant  companion” according to intelligence expert Jeff Stein).   The 2010 revelations  of nuclear equipment smuggling from Telogy (prohibited  export smuggling PDF) in California and Stewart Nozette’s 1998-2008 Israel Aerospace Industries-funded penetrations of  classified U.S. information storehouses around Washington reveal that while  Israeli spying has never stopped, secret prosecution  strategies now emphasize  quietly rolling up Israeli operations via industry  regulators, fines and penalties or isolating  and entrapping American spies on lesser charges but  steering around their  Israeli handlers.

Unlike  its treatment of information  requests about Russian spies, the FBI and Justice  Department have denied every individual FOIA request  for the files of major Israeli spies.  Access to Rafael Eitan’s many harmful exploits against U.S. targets are banned from release  unless Eitan personally waives his privacy rights (FOIA  denial).  The FBI claimed it can no longer find files about  deceased nuclear  espionage mastermind Avraham Hermoni, even though his name appears across many  previously released NUMEC files  (FOIA  denial PDF).  Flooding from Hurricane Sandy is the excuse the FBI gives for  not being able to find files on spy-for-Israel Ben Ami-Kadish (Flood  FOIA denial PDF).  One might argue it is merely a series of unfortunate events  that keeps Israeli spy files out of public hands, except that the Justice Department  has now issued a blanket ban on declassifying any files about the FBI’s  decades-long counterintelligence tango with Israel’s Mossad. (Justice Department blanket denial PDF).

The results of  the Justice Department’s kid-glove approach to Israel propagates into mandatory counterintelligence reports  to Congress.  Although Israel unambiguously ranked as a top economic and  national defense intelligence threat in past assessments of agencies like the Office of  National Counterintelligence Executive, because criminal prosecution strategies toward  Israel (through not Iran, Russia or China) have been undermined from within, Israel has  disappeared from the most current reports.

 5. Jonathan J.  Pollard’s most heinous crime. Israel’s only American spy ever to do serious time in  jail—despite the best efforts of his many American and Israeli supporters to  spring him—once confidently claimed before he was  convicted that “…it was the  established policy of the Department of Justice not to prosecute U.S. citizens  for espionage activities on behalf of Israel.”  Many believe it was only Defense  Secretary Casper Weinberger’s classified briefing to sentencing Judge Aubry  Robinson that made Pollard the near sole exception to that curious rule.

Some Pentagon insiders  and national security reporters believe Pollard’s sentence was so harsh because  Israel used stolen U.S. intelligence as “trade goods” with the Soviet Union to  increase Russian émigrés to Israel.   As Pollard’s sentence draws to a close,  few know exactly what Weinberger told Robinson that caused him to deliver a life  sentence.  The recent partial releases of a CIA damage assessment and a DIA video about Pollard shed little light.

In 2010,  the Department of Defense disclaimed all ownership of the still-classified  “Weinberger declaration” passing the FOIA ball to the Justice Department’s  Criminal Division (FOIA  transfer PDF).   In a novel approach, the Executive Office of US  Attorneys now claims that it cannot find its own copy but that FOIA  does not require EOUSA FOIA officers to travel two blocks to the DC District  Court to retrieve a sealed copy of the memorandum for review (FOIA  denial PDF) or even ask DOD for a copy.  The National Archives and Records  Administration Office of Government Information Services OGIS agrees that there is no  “duty for agencies to retrieve records that are not physically present in their  own files.” Although the 2008 case of Ben-Ami Kadish proves the Pollard espionage  ring was much larger than was publicly  disclosed in the late 1980s, the FBI has also  not allowed release of its Jonathan Pollard investigation files (FOIA denial PDF)  for overdue public review of how the investigation might have—like  many others—been short-circuited by the Department of Justice because it  involved Israel.

6.  Wiretap of AIPAC pushing  for a US war on Iran. When AIPAC executives Keith Weissman and Steven J. Rosen  dialed up Washington Post reporter Glenn Kessler in 2004, they were determined  to leverage purloined classified U.S. national defense information into a story  that Iran was engaged in “total war” against the US in Iraq. FBI special agents  played audio intercepts of their pitch to AIPAC’s legal counsel and AIPAC  promptly fired the pair to distance itself from activities it had long supported.  Rosen and Weisman were later indicted under the Espionage  Act, although the case was later quashed under an intense Israel lobby pressure  campaign shortly after President Obama entered office.

What  exactly did AIPAC’s two officials tell the Washington Post in its unrelenting  drive to gin up a U.S. war with Iran?  A decade later, the U.S. Department  of Justice doesn’t believe the American public is entitled to hear a tape long ago played to AIPAC’s lawyer Nathan Lewin, even as AIPAC continues to agitate for more  wars. (MDR  denial PDF)

 7.  Niger uranium forgery underwriters. Although Ike may or may not have worried  much about the implications of Operation Susannah, the Senate Foreign Relations  Committee certainly did.  A secret memo touched off years of Senate and Justice Department investigations into  Israel lobbying over fears that American operatives might engage in  other overseas  clandestine provocations aimed at duping the U.S. into ill-advised conflicts  that would benefit Israel (the short memo references the Lavon affair twice). The Iraq war proves those fears were well-founded.

Many  have long  suspected that the Niger uranium forgeries, fake documents the Bush  administration trumpeted to falsely accuse Iraq of buying uranium  from Africa for nuclear  weapons, were chartered by American neoconservatives in order to provide a pretext  they desperately needed for war.  Perhaps the FBI’s investigation into the  matter definitively proves it.  However, despite years of requests for the 1,000  pages of that investigation, the FBI after initially duly proceeding with a FOIA,  has now suddenly clammed up. (Niger  uranium denial PDF)

8.  Israel lobbyists embedded in the Treasury and Justice Departments. Israel lobbying organizations have been  very effective at embedding their operatives in key positions across the Federal government, such as Stuart Levey  in the Treasury Department’s economic warfare unit, or former AIPAC director Tom  Dine as a contractor at the floundering US government-funded Arabic-language broadcaster Alhurra. It used to  be possible to get a phone directory or conduct a comprehensive audit of which  key political appointees (and the people they brought in) were running  critical divisions of federal agencies by obtaining detailed Office of Personnel Management  and other public records.  Not anymore.  (FOIA  response PDF) Leveraging heightened post-911 sensitivities, the US  Treasury Department now claims the same protections against disclosure formerly  enjoyed only by intelligence agency employees.

Since the 1940s, the U.S. Department of Justice has  earned a reputation as a place where Israel lobby criminal investigations go to die.  Justice is  also where an AIPAC official like Neil Sher can while  away a few years on pet projects at taxpayer expense before moving on to more  lucrative outside work.  DOJ also routinely denies files about its past official decisions not to  pursue criminal cases on the basis that doing so could jeopardize privacy,  ongoing investigations, or factors underlying its coveted “prosecutorial  discretion” (e.g. charging the disenfranchised but not powerful insiders for wrongdoing). Like Treasury, it is now almost impossible to survey and  produce an organization chart of the Israel lobby’s political appointees embedded at high and mid-level Justice Department  posts or the biographies of the staff  and contractors they  bring in with them.

9.  Unclassified IDA report about US charities funding the Israeli  nuclear weapons program. Sensitive reports need not  be classified for the government to hang on to them indefinitely.  In 1987  the Institute for Defense Analyses delivered an unclassified report to the  Department of Defense titled “Critical Technology Issues in Israel.”  The  study implicates the Israeli Weizmann Institute for Science and Technology in  nuclear weapons research, raising deep questions about the group’s U.S.  tax-exempt charitable fundraising and U.S. commitment to enforce the Nuclear  Non-Proliferation Treaty. The Department of Defense withheld the IDA report from  release on the basis of FOIA exemptions covering trade secrets and “intra-agency  communications protected by the deliberative process privilege,” among others. (FOIA  denial PDF)

10. Justification for NSA funneling raw intelligence on Americans to Israel. If  former NSA contractor Edward Snowden has taught Americans anything, it is that “unknown knowns” are  usually even worse than many might have first imagined.  Some careful observers knew about  massive NSA surveillance, while others  alerted the public about the danger of “backdoor” U.S. intelligence flows to Israel.   But who ever suspected the NSA was shipping wholesale raw intercepts gathered on  Americans to Israel under a secret deal struck in 2009?  No government that  wholly denies such relevant information can claim  legitimacy via consent of the governed.   There can be little doubt why these ten files  are kept closed: it serves the Israel lobby.  The means by which this closure is  sustained is  also no secret.  The millions of dollars that line politician’s  pockets, promote media pundits and quietly spirit political appointees into key  gatekeeper positions maintain closed files and prevent informed  public debate.

Because  of this, Americans  should proceed assuming the worst conceivable, most logical explanation for  any given U.S.-Israel “unknown known” is correct—until proven otherwise.  Under this  guideline, it is prudent to believe that LBJ—properly warned by his intelligence  services and advisors that Israel was stealing the most precious military  material on earth from America—was simply  too marinated in Israel lobby campaign  cash to faithfully uphold his oath of office. It is similarly reasonable to believe the  Justice Department and FBI won’t release Israeli spy files because Americans  would finally understand that, despite massive ongoing harm to America,  political appointees in the Justice Department thwart warranted prosecutions.   DOJ finds it much easier to stay “on  message” through a long line of lobby-approved but  mostly bogus “Islamic terrorism cases” (many made  via sketchy  undercover informants goading members of targeted  minority communities into “terror” plots). According to its own records,  every time it tried to uphold the law in the 1940s the DOJ suddenly found itself internally and externally swarmed by Israel lobbyists with  inexhaustible financial war chests and  legal experts working to quash  warranted prosecutions in secret coordination with Israel.  The DOJ now likely believes it can never win against  Israel lobby generated  media and political agitation when it moves to prosecute,  and has now simply given up.

It is logical  to assume that Israel was found selling out America to the Soviets in  Pollard’s case, since little else explains the unusually harsh impact of Weinberger’s  secret memo.  It is similarly likely that the FBI’s AIPAC wiretaps would, if released  today, accurately reveal Rosen and Weissman to be what they actually  were—unregistered foreign agents operating on behalf of and in ongoing contact  with the Israeli government rather than legitimate domestic lobbyists.  It is  similarly more productive to assume that  at least one neoconservative operative with  strong ties to the involved entities in Italy—such as Michael Ledeen—served as  barker to the Italian sideshow that disseminated forged documents.

According  to documents released by Edward  Snowden, the transfer of raw NSA intercepts on American citizens to Israel was  authorized under a secret doctrine that “the survival of the state of Israel is a  paramount goal of US Middle East policy.”  This “prime directive” was probably a  secret because it is a blank check obligating American blood  and treasure to a cause American citizens never approved via advise and consent.  But why did the Obama administration—even as it  dismissed espionage charges against AIPAC staff in 2009—so deeply betray  American privacy?  Under “unknown known” doctrine, most  would assume that like LBJ before  him, Obama sold out America because his Israel lobby handlers secretly demanded  and paid for it on behalf of a foreign country.  What other  goodies Obama doled out to Israel in exchange for help  gaining the highest office remain to emerge.

The  official process for obtaining official public disclosure of “uknown knowns”—the  Freedom of Information Act—does not  function when the stakes in disclosure are high and Israeli  interests are involved.  Agencies (and ISCAP) correctly perceive government  credibility is at stake when there  is real openness, and that bona fide  transparency would positively impact how government  behaves.  Visibly corrupt federal government officials and institutions are counting on  continued secrecy to accumulate illegitimate power by undermining public accountability.

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