Mahmoud Darwish and the Jews

August 9th marks the ninth anniversary of the death of the great Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish. Poems that eloquently capture the essence and spirit of the Palestinian struggle for independence–this is what Darwish gave to the world.

Born on March 13, 1941 in the village of Al-Birwa, Darwish published his first book of poetry at the age of 19. His home village, Al-Birwa, no longer exists, by the way. Located in western Galilee near the border with Lebanon, it was destroyed in 1948. Darwish was seven years old at the time. He and his family and other villagers were forced to flee. A kibbutz and the Jewish town of Ahihud occupy the land today.

A week ago I put up a post entitled Solzhenitsyn and the Jews, the purpose of which was to mark the ninth anniversary of the death of the famed Russian writer, Alexander Solzhenitsyn. The parallels between Solzhenitsyn and Darwish are striking. For one thing, both men died within a week of each other–Solzhenitsyn on August 3, 2008, and Darwish on August 9, 2008. Both of course were also great writers. But perhaps most striking of all is both spent a major portion of their lives living under a brutal system of government imposed by Jews–and in both cases the experience powerfully shaped their writing.

Here is what I wrote in my article on Solzhenitsyn:

The Soviet Union, at least in its earlier years, seems very much to have been an example of Jewish power gone berserk.

The same of course can be said of Israel.

You can kind of sense that power gone berserk in what follows. It’s one of Darwish’s most famous poems–“I Come from There.”

I Come From There

I come from there and I have memories
Born as mortals are, I have a mother
And a house with many windows,
I have brothers, friends,
And a prison cell with a cold window.
Mine is the wave, snatched by sea-gulls,
I have my own view,
And an extra blade of grass.
Mine is the moon at the far edge of the words,
And the bounty of birds,
And the immortal olive tree.
I walked this land before the swords
Turned its living body into a laden table.
I come from there. I render the sky unto her mother
When the sky weeps for her mother.
And I weep to make myself known
To a returning cloud.
I learnt all the words worthy of the court of blood
So that I could break the rule.
I learnt all the words and broke them up
To make a single word: Homeland…..

On June 8, 1987, Darwish published an essay entitled, “The Cruelest of Months.” The essay marked the twentieth anniversary of the 1967 war, a war in which Israel, in addition to bombing the USS Liberty, further extended its control over Palestinian land, capturing East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

In his essay, Darwish employs the rhetorical device of repetition, repeating the words “June is the cruelest of months,” throughout the piece. He may have intended it as a literary allusion to T.S. Eliot’s “The Wasteland,” whose  opening line consists of the immortal words, “April is the cruelest month.” At any rate, the piece jumps straight into the poet’s portrayal of June’s agony:

No one is safe from the pain of memories, or from psychological collapse. June is the cruelest of months. June is an abyss which tries to ascend from its own depths to improve the conditions within it. A strained hand is raised to prevent the wall from collapsing and a strained cry rings out: let whatever is collapsing collapse–let our internal pain complete its twentieth year. The passing of twenty years startles us as we ponder what time can and cannot do. Twenty years of pain that we try to forget, but which pursues us. Whoever was born then, in June, is now twenty years old–children familiar with rocks and small rockets, with prisons, children who have lived abnormal lives. We see to what extent we have been further scattered and to what extent the homeland has narrowed. Twenty seasons of burned wheat.

And as we bid the years farewell, the ideas of youth fade. They would have remained young if night had not been confounded with day. June is the cruelest of months. Because we are witnesses of the event. And turning back to that part of this age which has already ended, this age which defies proper description, does not enable us to escape the fever or to ascertain its origins: is it the past that has taken with it the memory of the defeat and gone away; or is it the present, incapable of separating itself from the spectacle of the defeat and its history so that the past remains capable of repeating itself as long as the reality of the defeat is present in the form of the occupation?

The line about night being “confounded” by day is perhaps the most powerful of all. In an obscene world of cruelty and madness, darkness is preferable to the light of day. Darkness at least brings us a sense of respite from the murderous depravities.

The essay also addresses Israel’s tiresome and incessant demands from one and all–including the very people it has displaced–for recognition of its “right to exist.” And there is also a backhanded slap at Arab governments which, in exchange for cordial relations with the Zionist state, have all but abandoned the Palestinian struggle (other than the payment of occasional lip service).

Here a June question arises: if the decision to make war was an Arab decision, why should the decision to make peace be based on a Palestinian agreement to absent himself? Here the Greek tragedy and the Shakespearean tragedy are completed: the Palestinian is expected to absent himself from his homeland, from his problem, from his case, and from himself. He is requested to appear on  stage only once. He who is absent is asked to appear to witness that he is absent, invisible; he is supposed to come only to recognize Israel’s existence, Israel which is present only on the condition that the Palestinian is absent. Then the Palestinian is supposed to disappear. He is also supposed to present himself before the Arab ruler to acknowledge that he does not represent himself, to admit that he is absent from the stage in the presence of the one who has requested him to attend once for the sake of permanent absence.

But Darwish foresaw, even then, way back in 1987, that the Palestinians were not going to give up, that the struggle for justice would go on:

We must realize again that June did not come from outside as much as it sprang from within. Is June still alive within us? We have witnessed twenty years of occupation. But also twenty years of steadfastness of a people surrounded and besieged by occupation. Twenty years of embers springing from the ashes. Twenty years of the crystallization of the Palestinian national identity. Twenty years of shaping the miracle.

That essay, as I say, was published in June of 1987. Six months later, in December of 1987, the first intifada broke out.

A tribute to Darwish has been published at the website Palestine Square. The article tells a little of his personal story and also provides links to a number of writings–these consist of Darwish’s own writings as well as articles that have been written about him. One of the articles linked to is a commentary Darwish himself wrote on the 9/11 attack. Here is a brief excerpt from it:

No cause, not even a just cause, can make legitimate the killing of innocent civilians, no matter how long the list of accusations and the register of grievances. Terror never paves the way to justice but leads down the shortest path to hell. We deplore this horrendous crime and condemn its planners and perpetrators with all the terms of revulsion and condemnation in our lexicon. We do this not only as our moral duty, but also in order to reassert our commitment to our own humanity and our faith in human values that do not differentiate between one people and another. Our sympathy with the victims and their families and with the American people in these trying times is thus an expression of our deep commitment to the unity of human destiny. For a victim is a victim, and terrorism is terrorism, here or there; it knows no boundaries nor nationalities and does not lack the rhetoric of killing.

A Palestinian girl lights candles in tribute to Darwish.

That article, condemning the horrendous attacks, was published in a Palestinian newspaper on September 17, 2001. As was the case with most people in the world at that time, it obviously had not occurred to Darwish that 9/11 may well have been a false flag, with Israel as the possible principle perpetrator. In any event, the marked sympathy he shows for Americans should be noted–it is a distinctly humanist perspective, coming from one of the leading intellectuals in Palestinian society, this despite America’s ongoing support for Israel.

In 2001, America truly had the sympathy of the entire world. We managed to squander it. Our response to 9/11 was to bomb and invade one country after another–in wars that were relentlessly advocated by Jewish neocons and the Zionist-owned media.


Remembering Mahmoud Darwish

Palestine Square

It is difficult to overstate the legacy of Mahmoud Darwish, Palestine’s iconic poet, whose passing on 9 August 2008 has left behind a literary treasure. His was a voice that touched every Palestinian, and with it, Darwish delivered the Palestinian experience to a global audience. His poems have been translated into more than 20 languages, and continue to ring true for many Palestinians who long to return home. Indeed, exile was the central thread of Darwish’s poetic journey. And, while exile is often regarded as a political reality, Darwish’s experience reveals a far broader concept. As he said in a 1996 landmark interview featured in this month’s Special Focus below, “Exile is a very broad concept and very relative. There is exile in society, exile in family, exile in love, exile within yourself.” It began with an exile from his natal village in the Galilee, where Darwish lived under military rule along with 150,000 other Palestinians after Israel’s establishment in 1948. Then, came Moscow, Paris, Cairo, Tunis, Beirut, Amman, and finally Ramallah, where he was buried. This fragmented living resonated with a broader Palestinian experience of displacement and dispersion.

Yet, for all his collective significance, Darwish was often reserved and his poetry was born from very personal experiences. For instance, he grew up convinced he was unloved by his family, especially his mother. But, when he was jailed in Israeli prison in 1956, he wrote “I Long For My Mother’s Bread,” which has become a Palestinian classic in the voice of Marcel Khalife.

“I wanted to atone for my feelings of guilt toward my mother for thinking she hated me—as a poem of national longing. I didn’t expect that millions would sing it,” Darwish said. Indeed, for countless Palestinians estranged from place and family, this particular poem was embraced as a national resistance poem, where the mother symbolizes Palestine.

Continued here

You can follow the link to access the full tribute to Darwish. At the bottom of the article you will find the links to the other articles. These include a link to the essay, “The Cruelest of Months.” Take note, however, that the articles are in PDF format and will only be available for the duration of the month of August. So if you wish to read them, do so now.

Al-Sayyed Al Houthi and his pledge to Al-Sayyed Nasrollah: Is the region preparing for the Jerusalem war السيد الحوثي وعهده للسيد نصرالله: هل تتحضّر المنطقة لحرب القدس؟

Al-Sayyed Al Houthi and his pledge to Al-Sayyed Nasrollah: Is the region preparing for the Jerusalem war

يوليو 30, 2017

Written by Nasser Kandil,

What if Benjamin Netanyahu does not withdraw the decision of making electronic gates at the entrances of Al-Aqsa Mosque, after the Israeli security services said that the cost of protecting the gates and bearing a new intifada and big escalation exceed the cost of dealing with Al-Aqsa Mosque without these gates. Netanyahu himself has linked the acceptance of the security demand of making these gates with the consensus of Saudi Arabia and Jordan which was given to the Israeli government before making the electronic crossings. But it was proven that their approval is valueless in the eyes of the Palestinian people.

Then everything will say that Palestine will be on a date with open confrontation in which the armed factions, the popular organizations, the street, the forces of the intifada in the occupied territories since 1948 and the youth of the new resistance will participate, and that the Zionist extremism among the ranks of the settlers and the soldiers will turn the confrontations into open bloodbath that a new war with Gaza will ignite soon by its impact.

The region then will be on a date with an event that will impose its rhythm on all the other events which seem to be heading towards settlements despite the obstacles, disputes, and the sideline confrontations. But neither Iran nor Syria nor the resistance can deal ineffectively with such an event of this magnitude and make settlements while its opposite party “America” will be involved in giving the support to Israel and the seeking to put all the possible pressures to prevent any exposure to the security of Israel.

The possibility of the exposing of the region to get involved in a war is not far. The suspended considerations have no place when the matter is related to Israeli decision that is based on electoral considerations and which does not consider the strategic interests. When Netanyahu has already refused Hillary Clinton’s project in 2010 he justified that by saying to the President Barack Obama that he knows that this settlement will mean the salvation to Israel, but its cost will be the departure of thousands of settlers, and this means the loss of elections, knowing that he decided not to lose his leadership, so he seeks to protect Israel as possible.

According to this theory, the hypothesis of Netanyahu’s stubbornness and his sticking to the electronic gates must be remained, thus going to confrontation and the stop of settlements. The opportunity is available for a limited time if Netanyahu does not invest it to remove the gates, otherwise it will be too late for a political solution, and therefore, the region has to prepare itself for the worse, and at the forefront of the concerned are the forces of the resistance.

No one can imagine the absence of this description of Netanyahu’s  reading  of the agenda of the resistance in Lebanon and his expectations that it is preparing for such a confrontation, and that it will not leave Jerusalem or Al Aqsa Mosque to Israel at the time of the Arab’s giving up which is doomed with the normalization with Israel. Israel has to put into its account hypotheses as the entry of the resistance to support Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa.

The declaration of Al Sayyed Abdul Malik Al-Houthi was remarkable about that the bet of Al Sayyed Hassan Nasrollah on the Yemenis is its place and that they will be ready for any coming confrontation and that they will be where they should be if a confrontation between Israel and the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine will take place. It is an important speech in its timing, so did it get the attention of the Israelis while they are discussing the options?

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,


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السيد الحوثي وعهده للسيد نصرالله: هل تتحضّر المنطقة لحرب القدس؟

يوليو 21, 2017

ناصر قنديل

– ماذا لو لم يتراجع بنيامين نتنياهو عن قرار زرع البوابات الإلكترونية على مداخل المسجد الأقصى، بعدما قالت الأجهزة الأمنية «الإسرائيلية» إنّ كلفة حماية البوابات وتحمّل انتفاضة جديدة وتصعيد كبير تفوق كلفة التعامل مع المسجد الأقصى من دون هذه البوابات؟ وكان نتنياهو نفسه قد ربط القبول على المطالبة الأمنية بزرع البوابات بموافقة السعودية والأردن اللتين وفرتاها للحكومة «الإسرائيلية» قبل إقامة المعابر الإلكترونية، وثبت أنّ موافقتهما بلا قيمة عند الشعب الفلسطيني؟

– كلّ شيء يقول إنّ فلسطين عندها ستكون على موعد مع مواجهة مفتوحة تشارك فيها الفصائل المسلحة والتنظيمات الشعبية والشارع وقوى الإنتفاضة في الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948 وشباب المقاومة الجديدة، وأنّ التطرف الصهيوني بين صفوف المستوطنين والجنود سيتكفّل بتحويل المواجهات إلى حمام دم مفتوح سرعان ما تنفجر بتأثيره حرب جديدة مع غزة.

– المنطقة ستكون عندها على موعد مع حدث يفرض إيقاعه على سائر الأحداث التي تبدو متجهة نحو طريق التسويات، رغم العقبات والخلافات والمواجهات الجانبية، فلا إيران ولا سورية ولا المقاومة تستطيع التعامل ببرود، مع حدث بهذا الحجم، وتتفرّغ لتسويات طرفها المقابل هو الأميركي الذي سيكون معنياً بتقديم الدعم لـ«إسرائيل» والسعي لوضع الضغوط الممكنة كلّها لمنع أيّ تعرّض لأمن «إسرائيل».

– أن تكون المنطقة مهدّدة بالانزلاق إلى حرب ليس بالاحتمال البعيد. فالحسابات العاقلة لا مكان لها، عندما يتعلق الأمر بقرار إسرائيلي مبني على حسابات انتخابية ولا يضع المصالح الاستراتيجية في الميزان، وقد سبق لنتنياهو عندما رفض مشروع هيلاري كلينتون عام 2010 أن برّر ذلك للرئيس باراك أوباما بالقول إنه يعلم أنّ هذه التسوية تحمل خلاص «إسرائيل»، لكن كلفتها نزع آلاف المستوطنين. وهذا يعني خسارة الانتخابات. وهو قرّر ألا يخسر زعامته ويسعى ضمن الممكن لحماية «إسرائيل».

– وفقاً لهذه النظرية يجب إبقاء فرضية عناد نتنياهو وتمسكه بالبوابات الإلكترونية، وبالتالي الذهاب للمواجهة. وعندها يكون قد أغلق باب التسويات. فالفرصة متاحة لوقت محدود ما لم يستثمره نتنياهو لنزع البوابات، يكون قد فات الأوان على حلّ سياسي، وعلى المنطقة الاستعداد للأسوأ، وفي طليعة المعنيين قوى المقاومة.

– لا يمكن لأحد تخيّل غياب هذا التوصيف عن قراءة نتنياهو لجدول أعمال المقاومة في لبنان، وتوقعاته أنها تستعدّ لمثل هذه المواجهة، وأنها لن تترك القدس والأقصى للاستفراد «الإسرائيلي» في زمن التخلي العربي المحكوم بالتطبيع مع «إسرائيل»، ولا بدّ أن تضع «إسرائيل» في حسابها فرضيات من نوع دخول المقاومة على خط نصرة القدس والأقصى.

– تصريح لافت للسيد عبد الملك الحوثي بأنّ رهان السيد حسن نصرالله على اليمنيين في مكانه، وأنهم سيكونون عند حسن ظنه في أيّ مواجهة مقبلة، وأنّ اليمنيين سيكونون حيث يجب أن يكونوا إذا ما وقعت مواجهة بين «إسرائيل» والمقاومة في لبنان وفلسطين، كلام يلفت الانتباه بالتوقيت، فهل لفت انتباه «الإسرائيليين» وهم يناقشون الخيارات؟

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جيش القيامة الفلسطيني فاوضونا أو انتظروا جيش محمد والمسيح

جيش القيامة الفلسطيني فاوضونا أو انتظروا جيش محمد والمسيح

محمد صادق الحسيني

يوليو 29, 2017

«نحن نتدرّب بجبهة النصرة تمهيداً لاقتحام الجليل…!»

هذا ما دوّنه أحد المقاتلين الأشداء من رجال الله من جرود عرسال – القلمون بالنصّ موجّهاً كلامه إلى الضابط «الإسرائيلي» افيخاي ادرعي…

إنها «المناورات الحية وبالذخيرة الحية» الأهمّ والأخطر والأبلغ أنها رسالة لم تحصل في تاريخ الحروب العالمية والتي جرت بعض وقائعها وفصولها تحت نظر ومراقبة عشرات انْ لم تكن مئات الأقمار الصناعية وطائرات الاستطلاع وأجهزة التجسّس الدولية والتي لم تكن تملك سوى الاندهاش والحيرة والتسمّر أمام فعل جنود من جنس الملائكة…!

مناورات جيش حزب الله المنتشر على امتداد الدول والأمصار والأقطار ومساحات تفوق حيّز جيوش المنطقة وآخرها على الأرض اللبنانية القاهرة لجيش الكيان الذي ظنّ يوماً أنه لا يُقهر…!

في هذه الأثناء وعلى الضفة الأخرى من مناورات جيش القدس العالمي الشعبي تقول مصادر متابعة لحراك أهل البلدة القديمة المقدسة، ومَن يرابط للدفاع عنها بأنه وفي اجتماع عاصف لقيادة الجيش «الإسرائيلي» وقيادة الشاباك ليل الخميس الفائت قال جنرالات الجيش والشاباك لنتن ياهو:

أولاً: إذا لم نقم بإزالة كلّ وسائل المراقبة التي وضعت في الأقصى قبل بزوغ فجر الجمعة فستندلع انتفاضة كبرى في فلسطين كلها وستشارك فيها التشكيلات المسلحة ولن نكون قادرين على السيطرة على الوضع..

ثانياً: قواتنا منتشرة على الجبهة الشمالية، ونحن منهمكون في مراقبة الوضع هناك. ولا مجال لسحب قوات عن الجبهة للسيطرة على الوضع في الضفة الغربية.

ثالثاً: معلوماتنا الجيش والشاباك تؤكد أنّ حماس وحزب الله سيفتحان جبهتي الشمال والجنوب ضدّنا، ولن يكون بمقدورنا مواجهة هذا التطور.

ملاحظة: لدينا فيديو مسجل لمقاطع من الاجتماع باللغة العبرية .

في هذه الأثناء يرى العديد من المحللين والمختصين «الإسرائيليين» أن استمرار المواجهات في القدس ومناطق أخرى في فلسطين سيؤدي إلى:

1 ـ خروج الأمور عن السيطرة في الأراضي المحتلة واضطرار «اسرائيل» للزجّ بآلاف الجنود في شوارع الضفة الغربية لقمع الانتفاضه الفلسطينية التي هي قيد التبلور الآن…

وهذا سيلحق ضرراً كبيراً باستعدادات الجيش «الإسرائيلي» على الجبهتين الشمالية والجنوبية ويزيد من الأخطار الاستراتيجية التي تهدّد الكيان «الاسرائيلي»…

2 ـ إن تبلور الانتفاضة وتجذّرها في الضفة الغربية سوف يؤدي الى نشوء قيادة فلسطينية جديدة وشابة لا تلتزم بما تلتزم به القيادة الفلسطينية الحالية برئاسة أبو مازن.

3 ـ سوف تقوم القيادة الفلسطينية الجديدة عند نقطة ما في تطور الأحداث بإسقاط قيادة أبو مازن وسوف تعود لبرامج الثورة الفلسطينية القديمة الداعية لإزالة إسرائيل من الوجود وإحلال دولة فلسطينية مكانها مما يشكل تماهياً مع سياسة حزب الله وإيران. وهذا يعني أننا سنكون مضطرين لمواجهة قوات حزب الله والحرس الثوري الإيراني داخل الكيان، وليس فقط على حدود الجولان والحدود الأردنية.

4 ـ هذا يعني أنّ سياسة نتن ياهو العديمة الجدوى هي التي تصبّ الماء في طواحين إيران وحزب الله، وستقودنا إلى مواجهة مجموعات فلسطينية مسلحة في القدس والمدن الفلسطينية الأخرى يسيطر عليها حزب الله. والتي قد يتوسّع وجودها لتنتشر في الأردن، لأسباب عديدة، ما يشكّل تهديداً استراتيجياً جديداً لـ«إسرائيل» في حال أدّى تطوّر الأحداث الى سقوط النظام في الأردن والذي سيُفضي إلى إعادة تشكيل الجبهه الشرقية ضدّ الدولة العبرية مما يعني أنّ أرتال الدبابات العراقية سيكـون بإمكانهـا المرابطـة على بعد 40 كيلو متراً فقط من «إسرائيل».

أيّ أنّ سياسة نتن ياهو ستقودنا لخسارة القدس كلّها وليس فقط «جبل الهيكل»…!

ونحن نقول لهم بكلّ ثقة إنكم ستخسرون وجودكم كله على اليابسة الفاسطينية، كما على بحرها ونهرها وفي أرجاء هوائها لأنها ليست لكم، وهي تقاتل بثبات إلى جانب صاحبها ومالكها التاريخي وليس ذلك على السنن الكونية بعزيز…!

لذلك ولغيره الكثير مما تعرفون ولا تعرفون ننصحكم بالنزول عند رغبة ثوار القدس والأقصى، قبل أن تضطروا لمفاوضة محمد بن عبد الله والمسيح عليهما السلام في الفصل المقبل من مشهد يوم القيامة الفلسطيني…

وعندها لا مفرّ لكم إلا الرضوخ لقهر قانون الأرض والسماء، والاختفاء من هذه البقعة الطاهرة قبل نيل حتفكم المدجّج بوسائل الفناء..

ويبقى سلطانك قائماً يا فلسطين حتى التحرير الكامل.

بعدنا طيّبين، قولوا الله…

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Hezbollah Congratulates Palestinians: Only Resistance Path Can Liberate Occupied Land

Hezbollah flag

 July 27, 2017

Hezbollah congratulated on Thursday the Palestinian people on the great victory represented by obliging the Zionist enemy to cancel all the arbitrary measures it had taken in Al-Aqsa Mosque’s vicinity, noting that the Israelis aimed deeply at controlling this major Islamic symbol away from the Arabs and the Muslims.

In a statement, Hezbollah considered that this victory is the  fruit of the Palestinians’ steadfastness and bloody sacrifices made for the sake of protecting the sanctity Al-Aqsa from the Zionist desecration, adding that admitting the path of resistance is the only way to liberate the occupied land and regain the sanctities.

Hezbollah pointed out that the Palestinian uprising against the Zionist measures at Al-Aqsa Mosque is a shining torch which illuminates the path of the Umma that, according to the statement, has to provide the Palestinian people with all the forms of support.

Source: Hezbollah Media Relations



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Palestinians Rejoice the Enemy Defeat as Israel removes security measures at al-Aqsa

Aqsa closure

‘Israel’ Removes More Aqsa Restrictions, Palestinians Rejoice

Local Editor

After days of anti-‘Israeli’ demonstrations, the Zionist entity started removing its freshly imposed restrictions on the holy Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East al-Quds.


‘Israel' Removes More Aqsa Restrictions, Palestinians Rejoice

In this respect, Palestinian Ma’an news agency cited eyewitnesses as saying that the apartheid regime removed the recently installed barriers, scaffoldings, high-tech cameras and metal detectors from at least one of the gates to the compound, prompting Palestinians to begin celebrating early on Thursday.

“For 12 days no one has slept, no one has had done anything except protesting ‘Israel’s’ move against the al-Aqsa Mosque,” said one of Palestinians celebrating the measure’s removal, while other set off firecrackers.

Palestinians had been protesting outside the compound since ‘Israeli’ occupation authorities installed metal detectors, turnstiles, and additional security cameras in the compound following a deadly shooting attack more than a week ago.

On July 14, three Palestinians carried out an operation against ‘Israeli forces at the Aqsa Mosque compound, killing two of them before being martyred.

Palestinian worshipers strongly condemned ‘Israel’s new restrictive measures at al-Aqsa Mosque, engaging in bitter clashes with ‘Israeli’ military forces.

The occupied Palestinian territories witnessed new tensions ever since ‘Israeli’ forces introduced restrictions on the entry of Palestinian worshipers into the al-Aqsa Mosque compound in East al-Quds in August 2015.

More than 300 Palestinians have lost their lives at the hands of ‘Israeli’ forces in tensions since the beginning of October 2015.

The ‘Israeli’ occupation regime tried to change the demographic makeup of al-Quds over the past decades by constructing settlements, destroying historical sites and expelling the local Palestinian population.

Palestinians say the ‘Israeli’ measures are aimed at paving the way for the Judaization of the occupied city.

Source: News Agencies, Edited by website team

27-07-2017 | 09:07

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