Egypt Lawyer Appeals Court Ruling Backing Islands Transfer to Saudi

April 3, 2017

Salman-Sisi

An Egyptian human rights lawyer said Monday he had launched an appeal against a court ruling which backed Cairo’s proposed transfer of two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia.

President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s government announced last year a maritime demarcation accord with Saudi Arabia, which has given billions of dollars of aid to Egypt, ceding control of the islands to the Gulf kingdom.

The proposal angered many Egyptians and the issue was referred to the courts – irritating Riyadh and raising political tensions between two major Arab states and traditional allies.

The islands of Tiran and Sanafir, both uninhabited, are situated in the narrow entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba leading to Jordan and the Zionist entity.

After an initial ruling against the transfer last June, the government appealed and the case was referred to the Higher Administrative Court which also ruled against the proposed transfer, saying the islands’ Egyptian sovereignty was incontestable.

On Sunday, just four days after Sisi and Saudi Arabia’s King Salman held a public meeting at an Arab summit in Jordan, another Egyptian court decreed that the administrative court’s ruling was void – potentially reviving the deal.

Human rights lawyer Khaled Ali said he submitted an appeal, arguing that the administrative court had the final say and the matter was beyond the jurisdiction of the Court of Urgent Matters which issued the latest ruling.

Sunday’s verdict “reflects the continued attempts of the regime to circumvent the final ruling of the Higher Administrative Court”, Ali said in a statement.

Saudi and Egyptian officials had argued that the islands belonged to Saudi Arabia and were only under Egyptian control because Riyadh asked Cairo in 1950 to protect them.

But lawyers who had opposed the accord said Egypt’s sovereignty over the islands dated back to a treaty in 1906, before Saudi Arabia was founded.

Source: Reuters

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لا للتنازل عن جزر تيران وصنافير المصرية… الدفاع عن السيادة الوطنية واجب مقدس

د. محمد أشرف البيومي

صدمت صدمة كبيرة كما صدم ملايين المصريين عندما أسقطت السيادة المصرية عن جزر تيران وصنافير. يتذكر الشعب جيداً التضحيات الهائلة التي قدّمها للدفاع عنهما، والدم الذي بذل والثمن الغالي الذي دفعه شعب مصر وجيشها في مواجهة العدوان الصهيوني والتآمر الاستعماري الامبريالي بالتعاون مع الرجعية العربية. ندرك جيداً أنّ الجزيرتين، مثل سيناء، لا يتمتع أيّ منها بالسيادة الكاملة منذ اتفاق كامب دافيد المشؤوم والمعاهدة التي أطلق عليها زوراً «معاهدة السلام». هذه الاتفاقات التي وقعها السادات في غياب كامل للإرادة الشعبية، والتي صاحبها ما سمّي بالانفتاح الاقتصادي الذي أدى إلى التراجع عن منهج التنمية المستقلة، هي السبب الرئيسي للمشاكل التي يعاني منها الشعب. فقد أدّى ذلك إلى وقوع مصر في حبال التبعية للحكومات الغربية والسعودية. هكذا صار التحكم في مصائرنا رهن المساعدات والهبات التي يستحيل، أكرّر يستحيل، أن تؤدّي إلى حلّ المشاكل الاقتصادية، ناهيك عن نهضة تنموية ترتكز إلى قاعدة علمية وتكنولوجية متقدّمة. لقد مضى أكثر من 35 عاماً على نهج كامب دافيد بشقيه السياسي والاقتصادي، وها هي النتائج البائسة من بطالة وعدم إنتاج ونمو خطير للفجوة بين السوبر أغنياء وبقية الشعب بفئاته المتوسطة والفقيرة.

من البديهي أنه عندما يكون جزء من الوطن غير مكتمل السيادة يصبح الوطن كله منتقص السيادة فيصبح على رأس قائمة الأولويات استكمال السيادة الوطنية مهما كانت العقبات والوقت اللازم لتحقيق ذلك. لهذا فإنّ التقييم الموضوعي لأداء أيّ رئيس لمصر يستند كأحد المكونات الأساسية على مدى استكماله لهذه السيادة، وبالقطع ليس المزيد من التنازل عنها ممثلاً في جزيرتي تيران وصنافير.

لقد أيدنا الرئيس السيسي عندما تخلص من حكم الإخوان الفاشي، ورغم عدم رضانا على قرارات وأداء الرئيس السيسي في بعض الأمور، منها السماح بمشاركة مصر، ولو هامشياً، في الحرب الجائرة علي اليمن ودفء علاقاته بالعدو الصهيوني، فقد انتظرنا قلقين نستطلع لإشارات نحو تصحيح الأوضاع. ورغم إعلان استيائنا في رسائل مفتوحة للرئيس السيسي فقد آثرنا الصبر لإدراكنا أنّ حماية الدولة الوطنية هي الأولوية في ظلّ التآمر الداخلي والإقليمي والدولي. ولكن عندما تمسّ السيادة الوطنية نفسها يتبدّد تأييدنا لرئيس الدولة وإلا نصبح مشاركين ضمناً في إهدار الكرامة المصرية وهو الأمر الذي لاقى رفضاً شعبياً واسعاً وألماً شديداً للمواطنين رغم محاولات التبرير المرفوضة والمغلفة بادّعاءات قانونية زائفة لا بدّ أن تخضع للتمحيص وليس لأنّ مصدرها د. مفيد شهاب. كذلك الأمر بالنسبة لتوظيف ظاهرة تحرك القارات الجيولوجي لتبرير سعودة الجزيرتين.

لقد أضافت مشاهد التكريم لملك «السعودية»، بما في ذلك منحه دكتوراه فخرية من جامعة القاهرة، إلى الجرح الوطني بعد انفراد الرئيس بقرار سيادي مفاجئ بتسليم الجزيرتين دون أيّ اكتراث برأي الشعب. وهنا نتساءل لماذا هذا التكريم؟ هل هو لشنّ حرب عدوانية على شعب اليمن بحجج كاذبة والتي شملت جرائم حرب، منها استخدام القنابل العنقودية المستوردة من أميركا. لقد بدأ العالم يتحدث عن هذه الجرائم والتي قد تؤدي إلى محاكمة دولية لجرائم الحرب لأعضاء التحالف السعودي. هل استحق الملك سلمان الدكتوراه الفخرية افتخاراً بلغته العربية العريقة أم لعلمه الغزير أم لاحترامه الصارم لحقوق شعبه والشعوب العربية عموماً، خصوصاً في سورية واليمن. كم شعرت بالخجل والاستياء الشديد كإنسان ومواطن مصري وعربي وكأستاذ جامعي لهذا المشهد المؤلم.

لقد اطلعت على العديد من الوثائق والمبرّرات الرسمية ولم أجد دليلاً واحداً على ملكية السعودية، أو الحجاز قبلها، لهاتين الجزيرتين. كما أنّ اختزال الأمر على الملكية القانونية التي يمنحها المستعمر البريطاني هو انتقاص من خطورة الأمر وتشويه للقضية.

أما تناول الإعلام الرسمي مثل صحيفة الأهرام باستثناء مقال أحمد سيد النجار الهامّ على موقع بوابة الأهرام الالكترونية وبعض برامج التليفزيون، يفتقد المهنية، بل يصل لدرجة خداع المواطنين وتشويه القضية. فطرح خطابات د. عصمت عبد المجيد ومقال للدكتور البرادعي وشهادة د. مفيد شهاب وثلاثتهم من طاقم كامب دافيد يثير الاشمئزاز. وإن دققنا في محتويات هذه المصادر لا نجد دليلاً واحداً علي ملكية قانونية السعودية للجزيرتين. إنّ سقوط الإعلام المشين قد تعوّضه بعض الشيء مواقف شخصيات وطنية مسؤولة رافضة للتخلي عن السيادة. يزداد ألمنا عندما نشعر أنّ مصر أصبحت مباحة لقاء حفنة من الريالات السعودية. ولكن الشعب الفقير يرفض تماماً هذا المنهج. وإذا كنا كمواطنين نتألّم لفقدان أمّ الرشراش ونقص سيادة سيناء، فهل معنى ذلك أن نسكت علي ضياع صنافير وتيران فيضيع أمن خليج العقبة ومن ثم أمن سيناء؟

كذلك فإننا نعتبر أنّ طرح القضية حسب المنهج التجزيئي، الاختزالي المعتاد يخفي قضايا محورية ومخاطر كبيرة. نرفض تماما ًتعريف القضية فقط من خلال سحب السيادة المصرية الفعلية من الجزيرتين، على أهمية ذلك. لا بدّ أن نطرح السؤال الهامّ: لماذا الآن؟ هل كانت مصر بمثابة غفير يحمي الجزيرتين لحساب العمدة السعودي الذي تذكر فجأة سيادته علي الجزيرتين؟ يبدو أنّ الشعب المصري هو الوحيد المفاجأ، فالتقارير تجمع على مناقشات شملت الولايات المتحدة الأميركية والعدو الصهيوني والسعودية والتي أدّت إلى التزام السعودية بوضع الجزيرتين في منطقة «ج» كما نصت كامب دافيد. هل يعقل أنّ نتنياهو والمؤسسات الصهيونية تناقش القضية لعدة شهور بينما نبقى هنا في مصر مغيّبين عن هذا الموضوع الحيوي حتى نفاجأء به صباح ذات يوم؟ أين الشفافية واحترام إرادة الشعب وحقه في المشاركة في قضاياه المصيرية؟

وماذا عن وثيقة التفاهم بين السعودية والكيان الصهيوني والتي وقعت عام 2014 من قبل العقيد دافيد سلامي الصهيوني ومن اللواء أحمد بن صالح الزهراني كقائد للقوات البحرية السعودية؟ يحدّد الاتفاق أبعاد التعاون العسكري المشترك والذي يشمل باب المندب وخليج عدن وقناة السويس وأيضا جزر تيران. فمن الذي يهدّد الأمن القومي في البحر الأحمر؟

لا يمكننا أن نقع فريسة إعلام كاذب يعرض مسألة الجسر البري عبر الجزيرتين كإنجاز هائل سيؤدّي للخير والرخاء. لا بدّ إذاً من معرفة حقيقة مشروع الجسر البري وخطورة أبعاده كجزء من مشاريع الشرق أوسط الجديد. وبحث جاد حول تأثير المشروع المرتقب الرابط بين الخليج والبحر المتوسط وابعاده دولياً ومصرياً.

لن أتوقف كثيراً على الأسلوب الرسمي لتناول القضية. أجمع غالبية المعلقين على أداء مفرط في التخبّط وعدم احترام تفاعل الشعب مع القضية، ولكني أودّ أن أؤكد رفضي التام لمفاهيم يطلقها الرئيس مثل مطالبته بالثقة العمياء فيه وافتراض عدم إخلاص من يختلف معه ومن يبحث عن الحقائق. يبدو أنّ الرئيس السيسي الذي انتخبه الشعب، لا يدرك مثل سابقيه مدى اهتمام المواطن العادي بالكرامة الوطنية وتمسكه بأرض وطنه.

نسعى إلى حوار جادّ حول القضايا الوطنية التي يتجنّبها البعض وكأنها من المحرمات لكننا نصرّ علي طرحها بهدف الخروج من نهج كامب دافيد واسترداد الاستقلال الوطني. ونعيد إصرارنا على مصرية الجزيرتين بكلّ المقاييس التاريخية والوطنية، مما يستدعي مراجعة الاتفاق الأخير.

يجب الاشارة إلى أنّ المعارضة الوطنية تفسح مجالاً للسلطة لتدارك الأمور وتغيير مواقفها والاستفادة من سند الموقف الشعبي تجاه كافة القضايا ويجب الحذر من القوى المتربصة من الإخوان المسلمين وحلفائهم الذين يستغلون الظروف لتحقيق أهدافهم، وألا يظنّ أحد أنّ مواقفنا المتشابهة حول تيران وصنافير تعني بأيّ حال من الأحوال التقاء في الأهداف معهم.

أستاذ الكيمياء الفيزيائية في جامعة الإسكندرية وجامعة ولاية ميشيغان الأميركية سابقاً

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«… وقد وَقَرَ واستقر في عقيدة المحكمة، أن سيادة مصر على جزيرتي تيران وصنافير مقطوعٌ بها، وأن دخول الجزيرتين ضمن الأراضي المصرية ما انفك راجحاً رجحاناً يسمو إلى اليقين… وأن الحكومة لم تقدم ثمة وثيقة أو أي شيء آخر يغيّر أو ينال من هذا الأمر».

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The Faltering Saudi-Egyptian Relationship

Darko Lazar

In a deepening rift between the Arab world’s richest country and its most populous, Saudi Arabia informed Egypt that oil shipments expected under a US$23 billion aid deal have been halted indefinitely.


The Faltering Saudi-Egyptian Relationship

Thus, Riyadh is unlikely to have been surprised by Egypt’s decision to begin exploring international energy markets.

The country that imports 4.2 million tons of its gas and petroleum products per month out of the required 6.5 million quickly sprung into action, signing a memorandum of understanding with Azerbaijan’s state oil company for up to 2 million barrels of crude.

The deal signed late last month was quickly followed by a farm-out agreement with Kuwait Energy Plc, giving Egypt’s state oil buyer a 20% participating interest in its Siba field in Iraq.

But the government in Riyadh was probably a lot more surprised at the news that Egypt’s oil minister Tarek al-Molla was planning a trip to its “regional rival”, Iran.

Cracks in the strategic partnership

Today everyone is talking about tectonic political and military shifts across the Middle East. But an interesting undercurrent in the region is often ignored.

The increasingly icy relationship between the Arab world’s most influential states is not just threatening their strategic partnership but the region’s entire “Sunni” alliance – the greatest asset in Riyadh’s regional foreign policy strategy.

“Egyptian and Saudi governments pursue different agendas in the region and the big brother [Washington] is not capable of making these agendas match,” said Middle East expert, Hazem Salem.

For Cairo, the new agenda appears to focus on the restoration of Egyptian sovereignty, and with it a foreign policy suited to its own national interests rather than those of other countries.

Unfortunately for the monarchs in Riyadh, those interests differ drastically from their own, especially when it comes to Syria and Libya.

Those differences were on full display at a United Nations Security Council meeting in October when Egypt vetoed a Saudi-backed draft resolution calling for an end to air strikes targeting terrorists in Aleppo.

Following the vote, the Saudi envoy to the UN, Abdullah al-Muallami, dubbed Egypt’s stance as “painful” adding, “Sengal and Malaysia were much closer to the agreed Arab position.”

Less then a week later, experts described the sudden departure of the Saudi ambassador to Egypt as further proof of a widening rift between the two countries.

Further evidence that the relationship was unraveling came in the form of a major setback for a deal to hand over two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia. The deal reached earlier this year is now bogged down in an Egyptian court, facing legal challenges.

According to Salem, “the Saudis wanted to be part of the strategic security arrangements in the Red Sea which involves Israel and gets Saudi Arabia indirectly involved in the peace process and the Camp David Accords, and that’s why Saudi Arabia wanted the two islands of Tiran and Sanafir.”

It’s now or never

Persian Gulf monarchies, led by Saudi Arabia, have pumped an estimated US$25 billion into Egypt’s flagging economy since General Abdel Fattah Sisi took over, ending the Muslim Brotherhood’s short-lived reign.

But Saudi Arabia’s investment in Egypt was not a humanitarian gesture.

Riyadh was buying Sisi’s loyalty and expecting his full support on the regional stage. The Egyptian military -the largest in the region- was effectively being bought to serve as a Saudi force in the case of an Iranian-Saudi military confrontation.

However, Sisi has not only been reluctant to back Riyadh’s bloody military campaign in Yemen, but has also expressed his support for Russia’s campaign in Syria, which is annihilating Saudi proxies.

“Both Riyadh and Cairo had higher expectations from each other, but once the expectations faltered, things began to unfold in this negative way…Egypt viewed Saudi Arabia as a bag of money and thought that for every pro-Saudi step that Egypt took it should be rewarded with money or oil,” opined Salem.

The new reality in the Middle East was likely viewed in Cairo as the opportune moment to save Egypt from becoming a Saudi satellite. The Russian military intervention in Syria upset both the global and regional balance of power, and Sisi realized that he would not get another opportunity like this – it was now or never.

Cairo’s efforts to carve out an independent foreign policy were best demonstrated through its negotiations with Moscow over the establishment of a Russian military air base in Egypt’s Sidi Barrani, which housed a Soviet facility until 1972.

A visit to Cairo by Syria’s National Security Bureau chief, Ali Mamlouk, in September was also telling.

The Cairo visit, which was reportedly Mamlouk’s first foreign trip in years, focused – on the surface at least – on bilateral security cooperation to confront terrorism. But the meeting between Mamlouk and Sisi suggests that Egypt is moving a lot closer towards the Russia-Iran-Syria bloc than the Saudis had ever assumed possible.

Egyptian-Iranian relations

Earlier this month, Reuters reported that Egypt’s Petroleum Minister was planning to visit Iran to try and strike new oil deals. However, the news was quickly dismissed by both Tehran and Cairo, amid reports that the trip was cancelled after it was made public.

For its part, Iran has been eager to improve relations with Egypt for years, suggesting that a high-level meeting in Tehran is only a matter of time.

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohamed Javad Zarif has already held talks with his Egyptian counterpart Sameh Shoukri on the sidelines of this year’s UN General Assembly in New York, as the two countries find themselves on the same page over the conflict in Syria.

Interestingly, Cairo also appears to be looking for a way out of the Yemen quagmire. Prolonged instability in Yemen is a major hazard to Egypt’s national security interests, as it threatens Red Sea shipping lanes and could potentially endanger smooth sailing through the Suez Canal.

To what degree Sisi’s government succeeds in moving out of Saudi Arabia’s shadow is still an open question. Aside from the suspended oil shipments, Riyadh continues to inject capital into the struggling Egyptian economy. But recent developments have exposed serious ripples in the regional Saudi-led alliance system, which could soon be facing existential challenges.

Al-Ahed News

26-11-2016 | 08:01

122 Israeli, US Officers Stationed in Saudi Faisal Air Base

November 1, 2016

Saudi Air Force

Leader of the Zionist party Meterz, Zahava Gal, said that 122 US and Zionist officers and pilots are stationed in Faisal bin Abdul Aziz air base in Saudi Tabuk, Israel in Arabic website reported.

The deployment of these officers comes under a US-Saudi agreement and indicates the extent of the development of military relations between the Saudi regime and the Zionist entity.

Leader of Meretz revealed that the agreement includes the installation of the Zionist “iron dome” air defense system, hoping to catch up with what the American Patriot system has failed do.

Zahava Gal explained that the area is being under the custody of the Americans and the Zionists, while Saudis are not allowed to enter, stating that the Zionist entity has no problems with the Saudi authorities, but the problem lies within the extremist ideas in the Saudi society.

Gal disclosed the agreement because she objects the dispatch of Zionist officers to the Saudi air base, saying:

“Given that Saudi Arabia decided through a secret agreement with Israel to hand over the islands of Sanafir and Tiran to Israeli army soon, we do not have the need to send our specialized officers to the King Faisal air Base in Tabuk. I declare that this reckless decision by Benjamin Netanyahu will drag us to the trap of Saudi terrorism sooner or later.”

The leader of Meretz party has published the names of the 122 officers operating in Tabuk air base.

Source: Al-Manar Website

Tiran, Sanafir and the ME’s Work Kept Secret

The well-known, self-exiled, Egyptian satirist, Bassem Youssef, mocked the deal in a tweet suggesting Sisi was selling the islands to the highest bidder – much like a common bazaar merchant.
Sisi Denies Red Sea Islands Belong to Egypt!
In the most tangible sign yet of a thaw in relations between Saudi Arabia and “Israel”, Tel Aviv is untroubled by Egypt’s decision to cede sovereignty over two Red Sea islands to Riyadh.
Tiran and Sanafir are two tiny, entirely uninhabited specks of land, which sit in the narrow sea passage between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. But the strategically placed islands provide a valuable outpost for controlling entry into the Gulf of Aqaba, as well as the ports of Eilat and Aqaba in “Israel” and Jordan, respectively.

Tiran, Sanafir and the ME's Work Kept Secret

The April 12 announcement by the government in Cairo claiming that the Red Sea islands, “fall within Saudi territorial waters in light of the new border demarcation agreement between Egypt and Saudi Arabia,” took much of the world by surprise, and none more so than Egyptians themselves.

For the people of Egypt, who remember Tiran and Sanafir from their sixth grade textbooks, the islands were always Egyptian. What’s more, in the minds of many in Egypt, the islands have always been associated with a time of nationalistic fervor and patriotism, and their country’s four wars against the Israelis.

So what has changed?

“The Island is for a Billion”

Cairo’s decision to cede sovereignty over Tiran and Sanafir came as Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz made a rare visit to the Egyptian capital, during which he announced plans for Saudi aid and investment for Egypt.

However, the days when Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf monarchies showered Egypt with billions of dollars – a practice adopted after then-military chief Abdel Fattah al-Sisi toppled President Mohamed Morsi in 2013 – are long gone.

Record-low oil prices and costly regional wars have virtually bankrupted the Saudi kingdom, making strong financial support for countries like Egypt an unsustainable policy.

According to sources cited by Reuters, Saudi Arabia’s financial support for Egypt will no longer involve “free money”, and will increasingly take the form of loans that provide returns to help the Saudis grapple with the economic fallout resulting from low oil prices.

“This is a change in strategy. Return on investment is important to Saudi Arabia,” a Saudi businessman familiar with the matter told Reuters.

However, Egypt, which is struggling to revive an economy devastated by years of political upheaval and an ongoing insurgency in its Sinai Peninsula, can hardly offer much in the way of assurances.

So, in exchange for petroleum supplies over the next five years to the tune of 23 billion US dollars, and an estimated 4 billion for infrastructure, energy and agriculture projects, Sisi has quite simply sold a piece of Egyptian territory.

The Egyptian president’s executive decision to hand over the islands without parliamentary approval was only announced after the deal was already sealed, leading to anti-government protests and a storm of criticism on social media sites.

The well-known, self-exiled, Egyptian satirist, Bassem Youssef, mocked the deal in a tweet suggesting Sisi was selling the islands to the highest bidder – much like a common bazaar merchant.

Tiran, Sanafir and the ME's Work Kept Secret

“Roll up, roll up, the island is for a billion, the pyramid for two and a couple of statues thrown in for free,” Youssef’s tweet read.

But Saudi dissident and director at the Institute for Gulf Affairs, Ali al-Ahmed, believes that President Sisi was motivated by far more than just economics.

“This was really a brilliant political move for everyone involved, and especially Sisi, who is facing growing internal political opposition. He is getting a lot of money for the islands, as well as political support from “Israel” and the Saudis. I predict that Sisi will be in the White House before long, for what you might call the next phase of his political rehabilitation,” Al-Ahmed said.

“We Reached an Understanding”

In 1967, the “Israelis” used Gamal Abdel Nasser’s decision to block the passage of ships through the Strait of Tiran as an excuse to launch the Six Day War, which resulted in the “Israeli” occupation of both Tiran and Sanafir.

Under the provisions of the Camp David Accords, the islands were returned to Egypt in 1982 and a multinational force was deployed to ensure freedom of navigation through the strait.

So when the Saudis finally got their hands on the islands – which they have contested since 1950 – the first order of business was to reassure the “Israelis”.

“We reached an understanding between the four parties – the Saudis, the Egyptians, “Israel” and the United States – on the passing of responsibility for the islands, on condition that the Saudis step into the Egyptians’ shoes regarding the military annex to the peace treaty,” Haaretz quoted “Israeli” War Minister Moshe Yaalon as saying.

Noteworthy is the fact that the deal was only struck after an agreement was reached between the four major stakeholders – Cairo, Riyadh, Washington, and Tel Aviv.

The mere fact that Tel Aviv was party to a multilateral negotiation process including the Saudis is a telling sign.

According to Al-Ahmed, the agreement, “officially makes Saudi Arabia and “Israel” neighbors.”

“This makes “Israel” very happy because with the islands becoming part of Saudi territory, the “Israelis” now have a direct pathway to the Red Sea both in terms of commerce and militarily…. The waterways between these islands and Saudi Arabia are very shallow. So the ships have to go between the islands and Egyptian territory, which has now become international waters. Those international waters have now become accessible to the “Israelis”, giving them the right guaranteed under international law to sail or fly or deploy anything that they want in this area,” Al-Ahmed added.

Indeed, the fact that Tel Aviv, which now enjoys growing clandestine security cooperation with Riyadh, received written assurances that the Saudis intended to respect the free passage of “Israeli” vessels through the Strait of Tiran, is the most significant aspect of this deal.

“We know now that there has been coordination between the Saudi regime and the “Israelis”, and this agreement was reached with the approval of the “Israelis”. The Zionist state has become integral to Saudi policy,” said Dr. Naseer al-Omari, an Egyptian-born author and political commentator.

In what is fast becoming the Middle East’s worst kept secret, the “Israeli”-Saudi undeclared alliance has found a common enemy in Iran. The agreement over the Straits of Tiran suggests that their agenda of common interest is broadening.

“Saudi policy is creating a new equation in the region. “Israel”, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan, are moving strategically against one single power, which is Iran. This makes the regime in Riyadh a tool in the hands of the policy makers in Washington in their efforts to rearrange the region and in what they perceive to be a defensive strategy against Russia and China and Iran,” Al Omari opined.

Source: al-Ahed News

16-04-2016 | 08:53

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