Syrian President does exclusive interview with Kuwaiti newspaper for first time in years

BEIRUT, LEBANON (2:50 P.M.) – For the first time during the seven-year long conflict inside his country, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad has conducted an exclusive interview with a Kuwaiti newspaper.

President Assad sat down with Kuwait’s Al-Shahed newspaper on Tuesday in order to discuss a wide-range of topics, including the current conflict inside Syria.

In his interview with journalist Sheikh Sabah Al-Mohammad, the Syrian President said that his nation is involved in a serious media war that is distorting the image of the Middle East and his country.

Assad commended Kuwait and its leader, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, who he called an “honorable man.”

The Syrian President stressed that Syria would be reentering Arab politics and going back to its “Arab role.”

Assad said that the next phase of the Syrian conflict will concentrate on rebuilding the devastated nation with the help of regional countries.

The Syrian leader also stressed that once the conflict is over, Syria will reopen its doors to the people of region in order to boost its tourism.

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الرئيس الأسد: سوريا عائدة إلى دورها المحوري العربي

أعلن الرئيس بشار الأسد أنه سيسدل قريبا جدا “الستار على الحرب الإرهابية”، معبرا عن ثقته بأن اللعبة السياسية تتغير، وسوريا ستعود إلى “دورها المحوري العربي”.

وشدد الأسد في حديث لصحيفة “الشاهد” الكويتية نشر اليوم الأربعاء، على أن الدولة السورية ستبسط قريبا جدا حكمها وقانونها على جميع الأراضي السورية، “ولن نترك شبرا واحدا من سوريا العروبة خارج السيادة الوطنية”.

ولفت الأسد إلى وجود “تفاهم كبير” بين سوريا وعدد كبير من الدول العربية، مضيفا أن هناك دولا غربية قد بدأت تخطط وتجهز لفتح سفاراتها، كما أن هناك وفودا غربية وعربية سواء كانت دبلوماسية أو اقتصادية أو صناعية قد بدأت بالفعل بالقدوم إلى دمشق لترتيب عودة دولها إلى سوريا.
واعتبر الرئيس  أن دور روسيا في المنطقة “أصبح أمرا واقعا” بالتعاون مع الصين والهند ومجموعة من الدول الصديقة، وقال إن ميزان القوى الدولية سيتغير في المرحلة المقبلة نحو الأفضل، وخصوصا بالنسبة للشرق الأوسط.
ووجه الأسد انتقادات شديدة للإعلام العربي، وقال إنه “انساق وراء المؤسسات الصهيونية الأمريكية التي تحرص كل الحرص على تشويه صورة دول الشرق الأوسط، وبالأخص سوريا”، مشيرا إلى أن حربهم الإعلامية كانت شرسة جدا من خلال الأكاذيب والافتراءات، فضاع الناس بين الحق والباطل”.
وفي المقابل، أشاد الأسد بالدور “المشرف” للإعلام الكويتي في هذا الخصوص، كما أشاد بموقف الكويت وأميرها الشيخ صباح الأحمد الجابر الصباح في قمم المانحين لدعم الشعب السوري.

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Murdering a Generation: One Million More Children at Risk from Famine in Yemen

Murdering a Generation: One Million More Children at Risk from Famine in Yemen

Local Editor

More than five million children are at risk of famine in Yemen as the ongoing war causes food and fuel prices to soar across the country, charity Save the Children has warned.

Disruption to supplies coming through the embattled Red Sea port of Hodeida could “cause starvation on an unprecedented scale”, the British-based NGO said in a new report.

Save the Children said an extra one million children now risk falling into famine as prices of food and transportation rise, bringing the total to 5.2 million.

Any type of closure at the port “would put the lives of hundreds of thousands of children in immediate danger while pushing millions more into famine”, it added.

Helle Thorning-Schmidt, CEO of Save the Children International, said: “Millions of children don’t know when or if their next meal will come. In one hospital I visited in north Yemen, the babies were too weak to cry, their bodies exhausted by hunger.

“This war risks killing an entire generation of Yemen’s children who face multiple threats, from bombs to hunger to preventable diseases like cholera,” she added.

The United Nations has warned that any major fighting in Hodeida could halt food distributions to eight million Yemenis dependent on them for survival.

Source: News Agencies, Edited by website team


‘Save the Children’ Warns 5 Million Children at Risk of Famine in Yemen

September 19, 2018

Yemeni starved kid held by his helpless mother

British charity ‘Save the Children’ has warned that 5 million children are at risk of famine in Yemen as the Saudi-led coalition continues its devastating war on the impoverished country.

On Tuesday, the coalition launched a campaign to control Yemen’s port of Hodeidah, according to state media in the United Arab Emirates, a partner in the coalition.

‘Save the Children’ has said that damage to the port or its temporary closure would increase food and fuel costs, putting 1 million more children at risk of famine.

‘Save the Children’ International CEO Helle Thorning-Schmidt said the “nutrition crisis… has serious implications” for the country’s young.

“Millions of children don’t know when or if their next meal will come. In one hospital I visited in north Yemen, the babies were too weak to cry, their bodies exhausted by hunger. This could be any hospital in Yemen,” Thorning-Schmidt said.

“What happens in Hodeidah has a direct impact on children and families right across Yemen. Even the smallest disruption to food, fuel and aid supplies through its vital port could mean death for hundreds of thousands of malnourished children unable to get the food they need to stay alive,” she said.

‘Vital lifeline’

The port is a “vital lifeline” for goods and aid for 80% of the country’s population, the organization estimates.

“Even the smallest disruption to food, fuel and aid supplies through its vital port could mean death for hundreds of thousands of malnourished children unable to get the food they need to stay alive,” said Tamer Kirolos, ‘Save the Children’s’ country director for Yemen.

“It could drive up the price of fuel — and as a result transport — to such an extent that families can’t even afford to take their sick children to hospital.”

The United Nations has said an assault on the port city could, in the worst scenario, could kill up to 250,000 people. Around 70% of humanitarian aid passes through the Red Sea port.

The military offensive in the province started in June but fighting stalled, especially in Hodeidah, as the UN tried to bring warring parties to the negotiating table.

The latest attempt was in Geneva earlier this month but the Houthis didn’t travel as all sides blamed each other for obstructing the peace talks.

‘I could see her bones’

‘Save the Children’ provided testimony from Yemenis struggling to provide for their families.

A woman identified by the pseudonym Manal said that her infant daughter turned skeletal after she suffered from malnutrition.

“When Suha was six months she became sick,” she told Save the Children, which also changed the name of her daughter.

“I could see her bones; I could not do anything for her. I had no money for transportation. I had to borrow some money to take Suha to the hospital far away from our village,” she said. “Most of the time we eat two meals a day. In the morning we eat bread with tea and for lunch it’s potatoes and tomatoes. Usually, I don’t eat. I keep it for my children.”

Epidemic looming

Famine is just one humanitarian crisis facing the country’s beleaguered civilians. Last month, the World Health Organization (WHO) warned that the war-ravaged country is teetering on the brink of a third cholera epidemic.

Cases are increasing near the capital, Sanaa, and Hodeidah, where the recent Saudi-led assault has hindered WHO’s efforts to prevent the disease.

“We’ve had two major waves of cholera epidemics in recent years, and unfortunately the trend data that we’ve seen in the last days to weeks suggests that we may be on the cusp of the third major wave of cholera epidemics in Yemen,” Peter Salama, WHO deputy director-general of emergency preparedness and response, told a UN briefing in Geneva, Switzerland.

More than 1.1 million suspected cholera cases have been recorded in Yemen since April 2017, according to the latest WHO figures, with more than 2,300 associated deaths.

Children killed in airstrikes

The Saudi-led coalition has also been involved in killing civilians, some of them children, including in a devastating attack on a school bus in August.

The bomb used in that attack was a 500-pound (227 kilogram) laser-guided MK 82 bomb made by Lockheed Martin, sold as part of a US State Department-sanctioned arms deal with Saudi Arabia, munitions experts told CNN.

Yemen has been since March 2015 under a brutal aggression by Saudi-led coalition, in a bid to restore power to fugitive former president Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi.

Tens of thousands of Yemenis have been injured and martyred in Saudi-led strikes, with the vast majority of them are civilians.

However, the allied forces of the Yemeni army and popular committees established by Ansarullah revolutionaries have been heroically confronting the aggression with all means, inflicting huge losses upon Saudi-led forces.

The Saudi-led coalition – which also includes UAE, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan and Kuwait – has been also imposing a blockade on the impoverished country’s ports and airports as a part of the aggression.


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«حجّ» خليجي إلى البيت الأبيض: «تبويس لحى» ببركة ترامب؟

أظهر دونالد ترامب، في بدايات الأزمة، انحيازاً واضحاً ضد قطر (أ ف ب)
يستضيف الرئيس دونالد ترامب في الفترة القصيرة المقبلة، الزعماء الخليجيين كلاً على حدة، في محاولة لتعبيد الطريق أمام القمة الأميركية – الخليجية التي يفترض أن تنعقد الربيع المقبل. محاولة لا يبدو أنها ستؤدي، حتى في حال نجاحها، إلى حسم الخلاف وانطواء صفحته، بالنظر إلى التركيز الأميركي على بعد واحد لا يخلو من الزيف، واستمرار التناوش بين «الأشقاء» على الجبهات كافة
يستعد زعماء الخليج لـ«الحجّ» إلى الولايات المتحدة الأميركية، تباعاً، في شهرَي آذار/ مارس ونيسان/ أبريل المقبلين، للتباحث في إمكانية انعقاد القمة الأميركية – الخليجية التي أضحت تقليداً سنوياً، منذ انعقاد أول لقاء من هذا النوع في منتجع كامب ديفيد الرئاسي الأميركي عام 2015، إبان عهد الرئيس السابق، باراك أوباما.
وفيما لا يزال من غير الواضح ما إذا كانت تلك المباحثات المرتقبة ستسفر عن انعقاد القمة بنسختها الرابعة بعد القمة الأخيرة التي انعقدت في العاصمة السعودية الرياض في أيار/ مايو الماضي، يبدو أن كلاً من طرفي الأزمة الخليجية يستعد لتجميع أكبر عدد ممكن من أوراق القوة في جعبته، والتوجه بها إلى البيت الأبيض، أملاً في تعزيز محاولاته اجتذاب الحبل الأميركي إلى جانبه، في وقت لا تُظهر فيه واشنطن عزماً على حسم الخلاف لصالح أي من حلفائها.
وفقاً للمعلومات التي أدلى بها مسؤولون أميركيون كبار قبل يومين، فإن أول الواصلين إلى ضيافة الرئيس دونالد ترامب سيكون ولي العهد السعودي، محمد بن سلمان، منتصف آذار، يليه ولي عهد أبو ظبي، محمد بن زايد، بعد يومين، ثم يتبعهما أمير قطر، تميم بن حمد آل ثاني، في نيسان. لقاءات تأمل الولايات المتحدة، بحسب ما ذكر أحد المسؤولين المشار إليهم، أن تسفر عن «حل الخلاف قبل القمة» المفترض انعقادها في واشنطن أواخر الربيع، «للسماح بتركيز أكبر على الشؤون الاستراتيجية الأخرى مثل إيران». هذا الهدف يكاد التشديد عليه يكون جامعاً لكل التصريحات الأميركية بشأن الأزمة الخليجية، التي يبدو أن رؤية وزارتي الخارجية والدفاع لحيثياتها وكيفية التعامل معها تركت تأثيرها على البيت الأبيض، الذي بات «أكثر اعتدالاً وتوازناً» في إدارة الخلاف، بعدما أظهر في بداياتِه انحيازاً واضحاً ضد قطر. 
 هل يعني ذلك أن الإدارة الأميركية ستنجح في لمّ شمل حلفائها؟ يوحي التركيز الدائم على ملف «مكافحة الإرهاب» دون سواه، وتشجيع الولايات المتحدة قطر على اتخاذ خطوات «أكثر تقدماً» في هذا المجال، ومكافأتها إياها على «الطاعة» بسلسلة اتفاقيات تم توقيعها خلال «الحوار الاستراتيجي الأميركي – القطري» الذي انعقد أواخر كانون الثاني/ يناير الماضي، بأن واشنطن قد تنجح في جمع القادة الخليجيين تحت هذه اللافتة، بغرض الخروج بمشهد «توافقي» على «تعزيز فاعليتنا على الكثير من الجبهات» (على حد تعبير وزير الدفاع جيمس ماتيس)، وهو مشهد بإمكان أي من طرفي الأزمة ادعاؤه انتصاراً له. تُعزّز الاحتمال المتقدم التصريحات الأخيرة الصادرة عن المسؤولين الخليجيين والتي يتقدمها اثنان: أولهما لوزير الخارجية القطري، محمد بن عبد الرحمن آل ثاني، أعلن فيه استعداد بلاده للمشاركة في القمة الأميركية – الخليجية، معرباً عن اعتقاده بأن «الوضع سيكون تحت السيطرة في النهاية»، مشدداً على أن «قطر لا تدخر جهداً في مكافحة الإرهاب، ويمكن لجميع الدول أن تفعل المزيد». وثانيهما لوزير الدولة للشؤون الخارجية الإماراتي، أنور قرقاش، الذي اعتبر، قبل أيام، أن «لدول المقاطعة الفضل في التنازلات القطرية لواشنطن في ملف تمويل الإرهاب»، مؤكداً أن تلك الدول «ستستمر في ضغطها لتكسب تنازلات إضافية ضد التطرف والإرهاب، حتى وإن جاء الحصاد عبر عواصم أخرى».
لكن هذا الستار الذي يتلطى خلفه جميع المعنيين بالأزمة، لا يخفي حقيقة أن للخلاف بين «الأشقاء» الخليجيين أبعاداً سياسية أخرى، قد لا تكون الإدارة الأميركية راهناً معنية بالعمل على معالجتها، فضلاً عن أن إمكانية توصل الوسطاء المحليين (الكويت مثلاً) إلى تسوية بشأنها تبدو ضعيفة أكثر من أي وقت مضى. من هنا، فإن احتمال تحقق مصالحة بينية مماثلة لما شهده عام 2014 عقب أزمة سحب السفراء يبقى في مستوى الهشاشة أقله على المدى المنظور، لتتقدم احتمالات أخرى (ليس من بينها التصعيد العسكري)، فحواها استمرار دول المقاطعة في محاولة تقويض النظام القطري مع ادعائها خلاف ذلك في العلن، وإصرارها على هامشية «القضية القطرية» (قال وزير الخارجية السعودي، عادل الجبير، الأسبوع الماضي، في بروكسل، إن «قطر قضية صغيرة أمام الملفات الهامة في المنطقة»)، ومحاولتها تكريس هذا الوضع وإرساء تطبيع إقليمي ودولي معه، وفي المقابل مواصلة قطر مساعيها إلى كسر تلك المحاولات عبر تمسكها بخوض الحرب الإعلامية والدعائية والدبلوماسية إلى منتهاها.
ما يدعّم الاحتمالات المتقدمة عدة مؤشرات صادرة من كلا المعسكرين لعل أهمّها اثنان: الأول أن عواصم المقاطعة عاودت محاولاتها إنتاج بديل سياسي لـ«نظام الحمدين»، بعد فشل تجربتها الأولى مع الشيخ عبد الله بن علي آل ثاني، الذي انتهى به مسار التعويم «البائس» إلى ظهوره محتجزاً في أبو ظبي وممنوعاً من الحركة. وما جديد السعودية والإمارات على هذا الصعيد إلا استضافتهما لشخص ثانٍ من العائلة القطرية الحاكمة يدعى سلطان بن سحيم آل ثاني (ابن شقيق أمير قطر السابق، خليفة بن حمد آل ثاني)، كان أول من التقاه – علناً – الملك السعودي، سلمان بن عبد العزيز، خلال الحفل الختامي لـ«مهرجان الملك عبد العزيز للإبل 2018»، قبل أن يحضر جنباً إلى جنبه افتتاح «مهرجان الجنادرية 32»، ليتوجه عقب ذلك إلى البحرين حيث التقى ملكها، حمد بن عيسى، ومنها إلى الإمارات حيث اجتمع بولي عهد أبو ظبي، محمد بن زايد (تداولت وسائل الإعلام القطرية تسجيلاً منسوباً لوالدة سلطان، تحرّض فيه أحد الأشخاص على الانضمام إلى نجلها في تدبير انقلاب على الحكم). وعلى الضفة المقابلة، برزت دعوة أمير قطر، خلال «مؤتمر ميونيخ»، إلى «اتفاقية أمنية جامعة في الشرق الأوسط»، وهو ما رأت فيه دول المقاطعة «دعوة من لاعب ثانوي… ومشروعاً مضاداً لاستعادة العرب لفضائهم، ومتناقضاً مع التوجه الأميركي اتجاه طهران».

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   

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South Front


Jabhat al-Nusra, originally Jabhat an-Nuṣrah li-ahli ash-Sham min Mujahideen ash-Shām fi Sahat al-Jihad or “Victory Front for the People of the Levant by the Mujahideen of the Levant on the Fields of Jihad”, was founded in January 2012, when military operations between the government forces and groups of armed Syrian opposition were in full force. Jabhat al-Nusra arose with the direct support of the Iraqi cell of al-Qaeda, the “Islamic State in Iraq”, which was at that time led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. At the outset, the leaders of al-Qaeda tried, with the help of their Iraqi ally, to strengthen friendly Jihadist groups in Syria and to unite them into one militant organization.

Abu Muhammad al-Julani, a member of the al-Qaeda branch in Iraq – “the Islamic State in Iraq”, was chosen by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi to establish an al-Qaeda branch in Syria under the name of the “Al-Nusra Front for the People of Al-Sham.” Abu Muhammed al-Julani entered Syria from Iraq and began a series of meetings in Homs, Ghouta of Damascus, and Deir-ez-Zor. The first cells of Jabhat al-Nusra were established in the northern Homs countryside, western Ghouta of Damascus, and in al-Bukamal on the Iraqi-Syrian border.

On January 23, 2012, Abu Muhammad al-Julani officially announced the establishment of the “Al-Nusra Front for the People of Al-Sham” and small groups began to carry out terrorist acts against civilians, attacked the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) and later began conducting clashes along with the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and ISIS.

In a short time, Jabhat al-Nusra under the leadership of Abu Muhammad al-Julani achieved a number of military successes and gained fame as one of the most efficient units in the north, north-west and northeast of Syria. A pivotal moment occurred at the end of 2012, when Jabhat al-Nusra seized many military facilities, arms and military equipment in western part of Aleppo. After the movement’s detachments were thus strengthened in the western and eastern parts of the province, the main routes of communication between the economic capital of Syria and the Syrian-Turkish border fell under Jabhat al-Nusra’s control, which forced other detachments fighting in opposition to Bashar Assad to establish relations and coordinate their actions with the organization.

Main operations and spheres of influence

In the Homs province, Jabhat al-Nusra, along with the al-Qaeda branch in Lebanon, Fatah al-Islam, was one of the most powerful fighting factions alongside the Al-Farouq battalion of the FSA, most of whose militants publicly or secretly joined al-Nusra or Fatah al-Islam.

Jabhat al-Nusra led many attacks in the old Homs area, Khalidiya and Baba Amro between 2011 and 2012, and led a large-scale attack on January 29, 2012 to capture the towns of Rastan and Talbisah in the northern Homs and succeeded in that operation.

In the south of Syria, especially in the Daraa province, Al-Nusra managed to form large forces rapidly, and led the attack on Daraa city on March 14, 2012. Within months, it managed to capture most areas within the city of Daraa.

On July 15, 2012, Jabhat al-Nusra participated in their first attack on the capital city of Damascus along with the FSA and Jaish al-Islam. Within days, they managed to capture most areas of eastern and Western Ghouta along with several districts close to the center of the capital Damascus, such as the districts of Jubar and Al-Maydan. Later the SAA managed to recapture most of these areas.

On July 19, 2012, Jabhat al-Nusra participated in the attack on Aleppo city along with groups of the FSA, the most important of which was the “Northern Storm Regiment”. Within days they managed to capture the eastern area of Aleppo. Later, Jabhat Al-Nusra’s influence expanded. At one point al-Nusra became the sole ruler of opposition-controlled Aleppo, especially after large numbers of the FSA jointed its ranks by the end of 2012 and after it took ISIS out of the city in 2014.

Since 2013, Idlib has become the main center of Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria, and the headquarters of its leadership. Jabhat al-Nusra managed to strengthen its influence further in the beginning of 2014 after the departure of ISIS from the province as a result of a number of disagreements between the groups.

Jabhat al-Nusra participated alongside Ahrar al-Sham in the attack on Raqqa city and managed to capture it on March 6, 2013, 3 days after the attack began. Later, in July 2014, ISIS took over control of Raqqa city. Some members of Jabhat al-Nusra decided to join ISIS while the rest refused to fight it. As a result, al-Nusra withdrew from the city.

From the beginning, Jabhat al-Nusra lead battles against the SAA in the Deir-ez-Zor countryside and in Deir-ez-Zor city. By 2013 al-Nusra seized most of the oil fields in the city’s countryside and along with the FSA, started an illegal oil trade with Turkey.

At the beginning of 2014 with the escalation of ISIS influence in Iraq, al-Nusra began to reduce its presence in Deir-ez-Zor city. After some minor clashes, most of al-Nusra’s fighters withdrew from Deir-Ez-Zour to Aleppo and Idlib, while large numbers of al-Nusra foreign militants joined ISIS.

It is believed that on April 6, 2014, the remnants of the FSA detonated a VBIED in the old Homs area with the aim of killing the commanders of Jabhat al-Nusra. The suicide attack was a success, and after the death of the commanders of Jabhat al-Nusra, an evacuation agreement was reached on 2 May 2014.

On March 24, 2015, Jabhat al-Nusra led an attack alongside the US-backed Free Syrian Army factions to capture Idlib city and were able to do so within 4 days. This operation was successful largely due to US support through intelligence and advanced weapons such as the TOW missiles, which reached the hands of al-Nusra militants.

By 14 June 2015, Jabhat al-Nusra and its allies from the FSA had managed to capture the entire western Idlib countryside, including the strategic town of Jisr al-Shughour, and carried out a series of massacres against the pro-government population, expelled even the pro-opposition population from the city, and blew up and demolished most of its buildings.

With Russian military intervention in Syria and the bombing of the positions of Jabhat al-Nusra in Aleppo, Idlib and the northern Homs countryside, both the “moderate” and radical Islamist opposition began to lose strategic initiative in the civil war in Syria. There was a lot of pressure from supporters of Jabhat al-Nusra, Turkey and Qatar, on the leadership of the movement, to disengage from and disavow Al-Qaeda.

After the great advance of the SAA in Aleppo and its success in besieging the eastern districts, Abu Muhammad al-Julani announced on July 28, 2016, the official disengagement of al-Nusra from al-Qaeda and announced the formation of the Jabhat Fatah al-Sham. He stressed that the objectives of the al-Sham Front are the same as those of Jabhat al-Nusra, which is the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate in Syria. In an ironic twist, al-Qaeda leader “Ayman al-Zawahiri” praised al-Julani’s decision and declared his support for the Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, prompting everyone, including the United States, to consider the move as a formality. The Jabhat Fatah al-Sham maintained its terrorist classification in all countries, including the United States, Saudi Arabia and Russia.

On October 28, 2016, Jabhat al-Nusra with its allies from the Free Syrian Army launched a large counterattack south and west of Aleppo city to break the siege of the SAA in the eastern districts; however, the attack failed two weeks later when Jabhat Fatah al-Sham could not hold the points it had taken over.

On 28 January 2017, Jabhat al-Nusra changed its name once again, this time to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). On March 21, 2017, it launched the offensive of the northern Hama countryside along with the FSA factions supported by the CIA, most notably are Jaish al-Izza, Jaish al-Nasr and the Idlib Free Army. These were considered the most important allies of Jabhat al-Nusra in Idlib and a major source of its weapons. The aim of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s advance was to recapture the settlements it lost in 2016. The active phase of fighting continued until the end of April 2017. For more than a month, neither side had a decisive advantage, and in fact, prolonged fights began, during which a number of settlements repeatedly changed hands.

Having accumulated enough reserves in the area and with the support of the Russian Aerospace Forces, the SAA launched a counter-offensive against the positions of the Islamists in mid-April and recaptured the territories it had lost at the beginning of the month.

On September 19, 2017 HTS, along with the units of the Turkestan Islamic Party and the FSA, once again made an attempt to advance on the position of the SAA in the northern part of the province of Hama.. The aim of HTS was to take revenge for their defeat in the April 2017 offensive. While fighting went back and forth, with settlements being occupied by both sides several times, the struggle continued until the end of September and ended in a stalemate, with neither side able of winning a convincing victory, with each side remaining in their original positions. As time went on, the situation in the province was further complicated by the appearance of the IS militants in early October 2017, as a result of which armed conflict erupted between all opposition groups in the region, which continues at varying degrees of intensity to this day.

In late November and early December, the SAA carried out a number of operations against HTS in northern Hama and southern Aleppo and achieved some success creating the prerequisites for a push towards the Abu al-Duhur air base. Taking the air base under control will allow government troops to expand the buffer zone adjacent to the road going to Aleppo and cut the front line to the west of Khanaser.

The intensification of the activities of the Russian Air Force in the region in the first half of December 2017 gives grounds to conclude that the preparation of the SAA for an attack on the position of radical Islamists is underway. This offensive is likely to have the goal of delivering a decisive blow to HTS, since it currently presents a greater threat than the IS.

In January 2018, the SAA liberated a large area from HTS in southern Idlib advancing towards the Abu al-Duhur air base.

At the present time (January 2018) the main area of ​​deployment of the armed units of HTS is in the province of Idlib. In addition, the units of Jabhat al-Nusra partially occupy the north-eastern part of the province of Hama, and the western and south-western part of the province of Aleppo. After al-Nusra finally broke off relations with Ahrar al-Sham, one of the most battle-worthy movements in Syria, they gained control of practically the entirety of the province of Idlib.


The movement avoids publications concerning the structure of the organization, the real names of commanders of its large units and the work of its main bodies. It is known that the advisory body Majlis al-Shura, consisting of 12 people, is at the head of the movement. Based on information surveyed and interviews, HTS operates through eight divisions, namely military, security, services, religious law, courts, media, finances, and politics. For each of these divisions, there is an office for the Shura Council.

In fact, since its inception, Jabhat al-Nusra / HTS was a coalition of armed formations.As a result of the rebranding conducted in January 2017, HTS includes such groups as “Jabhat Ansar al-Din”, “Nur al-Din al-Zenki”, “Liwa al-Haqq”, and “Jaysh al-Sunna” . According to information from the organization’s website, the new formation also includes groups: Tawhid Wal-Jihad, Ar-Rashid, Ibn Taimiyya, Liva Abbas, Sukur al-Izz, Al-Sahabat, Kuwafal Shuhada, Usud al-Harb, Liva Ahrar al-Jabal and others. Several large groups withdrew from the Ahrar al-Sham and swore allegiance to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham : Surya al-Aqsa, Liva Ahrar al-Jabal, Ansar Homs, and Kurdish paramilitary groups which together comprised of more than five thousand soldiers. The process of breaking and mending relations is constant and there is an alternate structure of the movement as of April 2017.

The auxiliary functions are performed by Qism al-Ighatha (Department of Relief), Idarat al-Khidarat al-Ammah (Public Services Administration), Idarat al-Manateq and al-Muharara (Liberated Districts Administration). In the so-called “liberated areas” where Jabhat al-Nusra has filled the power vacuum, it has created, along with other jihadist organizations, a system of justice and law enforcement called the Shari’ah Authority (Al-Hay’ah al-Shar’iyyah). The Shari’ah Authority operates its own police force called the Shari’ah Authority Police (Shurtat al-Hay’ah al-Shar’iyyah).

The military structure of the groups varies depending on the geographical location of the fighters in Syria. In Damascus, where the partisan tactics of fighting were employed, the divisions were divided into separate detachments, while in Aleppo, military operations were conducted by full-fledged military formations, consolidated into brigades, regiments and battalions.

The movement actively recruits groups of militants, formed on the basis of national and religious grounds.  There are units of militants from Ajnadal-Kavkaz, Caucasus Emirate (natives of Chechnya), and the Turkistan Islamic Party in Syria (Uyghurs and natives of the Central Asian countries of the former USSR). From a military point of view, this is convenient for management and interaction, since there is no language barrier between the fighters and the commanders. Upon returning to their host country, such a detachment is practically a ready-made cell with combat experience, in which each member knows one another, trusts his commander and is ready to act in the interests of the parent organization. Western experts estimate that in less than 2 years of its existence, there were almost 5,000 people from 60 countries who fought for the movement.

The core military formations varied in their numbers and at times amounted to up to 30,000 people. Together with the added paramilitary groups of like-minded people, the total number reached 70,000. At present, the number of formations is smaller and the core of the grouping, according to the estimates of the General Staff of the RF Armed Forces as of August 2017, consists of up to 15,000 men. Together with units of radical Islamists from other groups, it amounts to a total of 25,000.

The armament of the movement consists of small arms, artillery and tanks seized from the SAA, from various anti-Assad forces, and equipment received from foreign sponsors from the Gulf countries through the jihadist movements with direct or indirect US assistance. In addition, according to reports, the movement has chemical weapon reserves. In December 2012, at the SYSACCO chemical production plant (30 km east of Aleppo), the al-Nusra units captured about 200 tons of chlorine. In May 2013, Turkish special services arrested insurgents of al-Nusra on the border with Syria for attempting to acquire sarin components.

An indicative example of direct or indirect U.S. support is the use of the American ATGM BGM-71 TOW by the al-Nusra forces. These units were transferred to the armed formations by the “moderate” opposition, for example, FSA units (Harakat Hazzm). Subsequently, the ATGM systems were either voluntarily supplied, or forcibly taken from other groups by HTS. At the end of September 2015, the “30th division” of the opposition, supported by the US government, surrendered to the units of al-Nusra and handed over a large number of ammunition, small arms and artillery weapons and a number of light vehicles. The same happened with the FSA’s “13 Division” in March 2016, which directly received American weapons.


At the end of June 2016, the leaders of the Syrian opposition (primarily from Ahrar al-Sham) conducted negotiations and consultations in light of Russia’s actions against al-Nusra, which also threatened other groups. As a result of such meetings in the western part of the province of Aleppo and in Idlib, it proposed to either dissolve al-Nusra into a new association, which would be headed by Ahram al-Sham or to tear it away from al-Qaeda. The situation was such that a third of al-Nusra, first of all the ethnic Syrians, were ready to break with al-Qaeda and join a new group.

Then the leadership of al-Nusra undertook a rebranding, which, on the one hand, was to save it from a split, and on the other, in the eyes of the Syrians, to root it in the Syrian revolutionary movement. As a result, al-Nusra became known as Jabhat Fatah al-Sham (Front of the Conquest of Syria) and proclaimed its formal departure from al-Qaeda. After this, the leadership of Jabhat Fatah al-Sham attempted to unite with Ahrar al- Sham and other factions; however, this would have led to the inclusion of all participants of this union on the list of internationally recognized terrorist groups. As a result, the attempt to create a “Syrian Islamic Commission” at the end of 2016, in which A. Giulani wanted to play a key role, failed.

There are other reasons why al-Nusra began to act under a new name.

First, it allows sponsors and leaders of the movement to avoid sanctions, since al-Nusra periodically gets on the “Consolidated List of Legal Entities Affiliated with or Associated with al-Qaeda Organization”, compiled by the UN Security Council. Updating the list, in light of objective reasons, is not keeping up with the evolution and expansion of al-Qaeda and its subsidiaries.

Second, it is more convenient for Western special services to deal with groups not listed on the list of the UN Security Council and/or on the American or European list of terrorist organizations. Instead, they prefer to deal with “rebels” who declared their secession from al-Qaeda.

On January 28, 2017, Jabhat Fatah al-Sham conducted another rebranding and was named Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (Organization for the Liberation of the Levant). This coincided with increased pressure on opposition groups in Syria and with a turning point in the Syrian war – the liberation of Aleppo. The military defeat near Aleppo, where Jabhat al-Nusra lost the bulk of its most trained fighters and much of its technology, was a turning point in reducing its influence.

Relations and relationships with other groups

Military successes in the first years of the civil war declined to the point where, starting from 2014, the movement started to systematically weaken and accept “moderate” groups, which represented secular and national opposition.

In November 2014, Jabhat al-Nusra attacked the “Syrian Revolutionary Front”, a large association that fought under the banner of the FSA and the National Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces and received assistance from the United States and its allies. Its leader, Jamal Ma’ruf, was forced to flee to Turkey. Then the jihadists attacked the camps of the movement “Harakat Hazzm”, which the US planned to thoroughly train and supply with weapons and which many American analysts viewed as the most acceptable variant of the moderate opposition.

As a result, Jabhat al-Nusra at the end of October 2014, seized the base of the Hazzm Movement in Idlib, and in January 2015 displaced it from Aleppo, effectively forcing it to dissolve and merge with other militant groups. At the end of September 2015, al-Nusra attacked the 30th division of the FSA, forcing some of the fighters along with their arms to cross over to their side. The jihadists particularly intensified the fighting against the “moderate opposition” after the US and its allies began to conduct air strikes at the end of September 2014, not only directed against the positions of the IS, but also targeting “Jabhat al-Nusra.” Thus, the movement played an important role in the failure of the US project to create a “secular military opposition” in Syria.

Since 2012, the FSA’s relations with Jabhat al-Nusra have been excellent. The FSA and the US-backed factions supported Jabhat al-Nusra financially and most importantly with the weapons supplied to them by the CIA and Turkey. However, al-Nusra did not hesitate to turn its weapons against the FSA or hesitate to eliminate any group that opposed its will, especially in the province of Idlib and in Aleppo countryside.

As for the relationship of Jabhat al-Nusra with Ahrar al-Sham, one of the largest groups in the north of Syria, while Ahrar al-Sham obey the orders of Jabhat al-Nusra and treat its leadership with respect, Jabhat al-Nusra takes firm action with Ahrar al-Sham and has not hesitated to use its weapons against it in 2017. It has even issued a statement calling the militants of the Ahrar al-Sham “infidels” after clashes with the 46th regiment in the northwest Aleppo countryside. However, the militants of Ahrar al-Sham, despite a number of them being killed or wounded by al-Nusra tanks, refused to return fire on the al-Nusra militants.

It is also believed that Jabhat al-Nusra pushed Ahrar al-Sham into a losing battle in Aleppo in order to weaken it. The final gulf between the two-armed movements formed in July 2017. The reason for the conflict, in addition to purely ideological differences, was the fact that the Ahrar al-Sham group controlled the Bab al-Hawa border crossing on the Syrian-Turkish border, which was an important transport corridor, as well as a source of finance and the replenishment of the military formations of the “moderate” opposition. Perhaps the most important reason for the conflict was the issue of control over the “civil administration” of the province of Idlib.

The disagreement of Jabhat al-Nusra with ISIS began at the end of 2013, when al-Nusra separated its link to the Islamic State in Iraq – now ISIS – and the controversy increased in 2014 when Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi announced the formation of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, the separation from al-Qaeda and the establishment of the Islamic Caliphate. Al-Julani rejected Abu Bakr’s allegiance to the Caliphate. The basis of the controversy is that Jabhat al-Nusra believes that the Caliphate should be established after capturing the whole of Syria and Iraq, while ISIS believes that the Caliphate should be established in any area under its control. Although there was a great deal of talk about clashes between the two parties, clashes were rare, short-lived. Jabhat al-Nusra withdrew from Deir-Ez-zour and Raqqa, while ISIS withdrew from Aleppo and Idlib, with large numbers of militants from Al-Nusra changing their allegiance to ISIS.

Al-Nusra developed a difficult relationship with the movement of Nour al-Din al-Zenki (numbering 7,000 militants in 2017). In 2015 and 2016, both sides participated in clashes against each other; however, in January 2017, the Nour al-Din al-Zenki group in Idlib joined with al-Nusra. In the second half of July 2017, there was a conflict between the leadership of Nour al-Din al-Zenki and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham  because of a statement, made by an authority figure from Nour al-Din al-Zenki, saying that there is no Sharia rule in the territory controlled by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.

Since HTS strategy is aimed at cooperating with local Islamist organizations that recognize the main goal of establishing an Islamic state and Sharia in Syria, such an approach does not allow Syrian Islamist groups, including Jaysh al-Islam, to oppose Al Qaeda in Syria in the face of Jabhat al-Nusrah / HTS. Both groups profess Salafi Islam and both groups raise the issue of overthrowing the existing power.

According to a former leader of Jaysh al-Islam, Muhammad Zahran Allush, there was a fraternal relationship between his organization and Jabhat al-Nusra, and the existing insignificant ideological differences could be resolved through the discussion and application of Shariah norms. In his interview, Zahran Allush said that he personally met with one of the leaders of “Jabhat al-Nusra” Abu al-Qahtani, and found no difference between the Shari’ah of Jabhat al-Nusra and the Shari’ah of “Jash al-Islam”.

In 2013, Jaysh al-Islam, together with Jabhat al- Nusra, organized a bloody massacre in the city of Adra, directed mainly against minorities, most notably the Alawites. After the death of Muhammad Zahran Allush as the result of an airstrike conducted on December 25, 2015, the new leadership of Jaysh al-Islam soon began to disagree with the leadership of Jabhat al-Nusra. This took place in light of the fact that the Islam Army has taken a strong stance in favor of negotiations, with Zahran Alloush’s cousin and close companion, Mohammed Alloush, heading the opposition diplomats in Geneva.

Participation of various groups of “moderate opposition” in the Syrian settlement under the patronage of Turkey, Iran and Russia led to a “split” in the ranks of these groups, which significantly weakened their position in the country.  In this respect, the case of the Jaysh al-Islam movement can serve as a prime example. Since the movement formally participates as a group and represents the “moderate opposition”, it had to sever its ties with HTS. In practice, the situation is quite different.

Jaysh al-Islam has several regional branches: Eastern Ghouta, Eastern Qalamoun, Daraa, and Idlib.

Eastern Ghouta – Jaysh al-Islam, HTS, Ahrar al-Sham and al-Rahman Corps are the most influential groups in this area near Damascus. All of them, in spite of some tensions, actively cooperate against the SAA. The peak of Jaysh al-Islam’s participation in the fight against HTS was when the group allegedly did not come to the aid of HTS during the battles in the area of ​​Jobar (Guta district). However, the truce in the region is very controversial. Not long ago, Ahrar al-Sham conducted a series of major attacks against the army in the area south of the Duma – the area of the Army Armored Vehicles Base.

Eastern Qalamoun – the militants did not show much activity here and before negotiations in Astana, there was a truce.  In fact, Jaysh al-Islam is forced to share resources and interact with HTS in this region.

As a result, it turns out that the leaders of this “moderate” opposition did not actually do anything of substance in constructively participating in the Astana process and limited themselves exclusively to vague formal gestures (such as sending delegations and making loud statements in the media).

Therefore, one can make the disappointing conclusion that the real influence of the Astana format on the situation in Syria is of much significance than originally thought, and the format is not very effective. Statements of the high-ranking officials of the Russian Foreign Ministry about successful negotiations are not accurate. To date, the moderate opposition does not want peace. It continues fighting, repeatedly delays negotiations, and awaits the intervention of other countries.

The Idlib de-escalation zone

Separately, it is necessary to focus on 4 zones of de-escalation in Syria, the boundaries of which were determined by the agreements in Astana on September 16, 2017. The agreement established the boundaries of de-escalation zones, where, as agreed, military operations between government forces and forces of the armed opposition groups which have already joined the truce or will join it in the future, are to be halted. To prevent incidents and clashes between various sides along the borders of zones, security bands were created. They include observation posts and checkpoints for the movement of unarmed civilians, delivery of humanitarian aid and facilitation of economic activities. The work of the checkpoints and observation posts, as well as the management of the security zones, is carried out by personnel from Russia, Turkey and Iran. This begs many questions, chief among them: Why is there is no mention of withdrawal of heavy weaponry nor the surrender of weapons inside the zones?

The most extensive zone of de-escalation is located in northern Syria. It contains the province of Idlib, as well as the bordering northeastern parts of the province of Latakia, the western provinces of Aleppo and the northern regions of the province of Hama. It is worth noting that the province of Idlib is one of the most problematic. It is here that the main forces of the terrorist organization Jabhat al-Nusra / HTS are based, and it was here that the Syrian authorities brought militants and members of their families from Aleppo.

According to Turkish President Recep Erdogan, Russia will provide security outside of Idlib while Turkey will ensure security inside of Idlib. Turkey had the right to deploy in Idlib, via a small group of troops, whose task is to organize observation posts, but they are not to form a full-fledged army group. However, by October 13, 2017, about 50 units of armored vehicles and 200 servicemen crossed the Turkish-Syrian border. The pro-government Turkish newspaper Yeni Safak claimed that 25,000 Turkish soldiers were mobilized to carry out military operations in Syria.

Thus, in the northern part of the Idlib province, the so-called free zone from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham  is created under the auspices of Turkish forces. The area will host the forces of the “moderate” opposition and Turkish troops. In the south, the province of Hama will host Russian observers. The forces of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham will be moved to a zone located in the middle. This way HTS will be deprived of any possibility of reaching the border.

Meanwhile, in the zones controlled by radical Islamists, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham  blames the “moderate” opposition, for abandoning the war against the Assad government and entering into peace agreements. At the same time, the movement, aside from fighting battles against the SAA, is actively engaged in attacks against factions of the “moderate” opposition.

Financing and communication with external sponsors

“Jabhat al-Nusra” is considered to be one of the most well-equipped and well-armed formations fighting against government troops. According to some estimates, before the conflict with the Islamic State (January 2012-April 2013), half of ISIS’ budget was sent to Jabhat al-Nusra. At the same time, the group received significant funds from Syrians with sympathies for radical Islam. From April, 2013 to the end of 2014, the budget of the movement was largely replenished by the illegal trade of oil acquired from the east and northeast of Syria. When the oil prices dropped, IS exerted control over these oil fields, and the movement lost this source of financing.

From the end of 2014 until the present, al-Nusra’s main source of financing comes from external sources. Most of the funding comes from the charitable Salafi foundations in Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and from high-ranking clerics and wealthy businessmen who sympathize with the ideas of Salafi Islam of Jordan and Turkey. Hamid bin Abdallah al-Ali is an example of a person who sympathizes with the ideas of the movement. He is an influential Salafi cleric in Kuwait. He has facilitated the transfer of funds, weapons, supplies and fighters to and from Syria for Jabhat al-Nusra,

Shafi Sultan Mohammed al-Ajmi is a native of Kuwait. He is included by the UN Security Council in the list of persons sponsoring al-Qaeda and related organizations. Together with his assistants, he raised funds and gathered weapons under the pretext of charity. He personally delivered the collected funds to various groups, including Jabhat al-Nusra.

Abd al-Rahman al-Nuaimi is a Qatar-based terrorist financier and a facilitator who has provided money, material support and conveyed communications to al-Qaeda and its affiliates in Syria. In 2013, Naimi ordered the transfer of nearly $600,000 to al-Qaeda via al-Qaeda’s representative in Syria, Abu-Khalid al-Suri.

Ali bin Abdallah al-Suwaidi is the general manager of Mu’assasat ‘Eid bin Muhammad Aal Thani al-Khayriyya (the Eid bin Muhammad al Thani Charitable Society). In this role, Ali al-Suwaidi manages the budget and directs the activities of the charity, including its work with organizations that have been tied to al-Qaeda. According to media reports, Ali al-Suwaidi worked with US sanctioned al-Qaeda financier Abd al-Rahman al-Nuaimi to transfer funds to jihadist militants in Syria, including al-Nusra.

Social networks are another important source of financing. Recruiters in social networks are urging a transfer of money for the aid of militants fighting in Syria. Given that financing terrorism is prosecuted in many countries, the fee is made in disguise to a bank account of an intermediary. The sponsors transfer sums not large enough to attract the attention of bank employees and law enforcement officials. The intermediary then sends money to a foreign bank – to the owner of a money transfer office in Turkey or Jordan for example. He informs his colleague in Syria that the money has come, provides the name of the recipient and gives a password. Money is given from a cash register. Such transactions leave no traces and are hidden from those who are fighting to interdict and disrupt the funding of terrorism.

In addition, the group continues to actively engage in kidnapping, extortion, and collection of taxes from citizens and businesses in controlled areas.

The group also developed a scheme to collect funds from small and medium-sized businesses in territories which are not directly controlled by HTS, but territories that host enough HTS emissaries and combat groups to the extent that those groups can facilitate racketeering.

Al-Qaeda, as the lead organization which promotes the idea of ​​ultra-radical Islam, is in financial crisis. It receives less and less financing from sympathetic individuals and from so called charitable foundations, to carry out its terrorist activities. This necessitated some optimization of costs. The movement had to change its tactics and constructed a new model, aimed at interacting with self-sufficient extremist organizations which do not require support from the lead organization. In this format, al-Qaeda plays a dual rule. First, it acts as a military adviser and mediator for radical Islamist groups. Secondly, it sends authoritative clergymen to various war zones. Al-Qaeda also provides local groups with their own schemes for the transfer of funds, facilitates the creation of enterprises, and provides information to support local organizations.

Loss of influence after the battle for Aleppo and the role in Syria after ISIS

When Aleppo was captured by government troops in late 2016, the appearance of HTS signaled a new phase of restructuring of the radical opposition in Syria. Yet another attempt to rebrand was nothing more than a formal effort by al-Qaeda to dissociate itself from its supporters in Syria, as well as its desire to withdraw moderate Islamists from the negotiation process on the future of Syria in Astana. The leadership of HST wanted to overpower and if that failed, to destroy the entities that are part of Ahrar al-Sham. They sought to become the single center of Sunni militarism in Syria. This caused a split among the opposition, and the most radical of its representatives moved to the newly created Hayat Tahrir al Sham, which marked the beginning of a conflict between the two largest groups in Idlib.

To support its strategy, HTS operates through four main bureaus: General Administration of Services; Military and security operations wing; Dawah and Guidance Office; and Sharia courts.

There are 156 Local Councils operating in the Idlib province with the following administrative divisions: 9% City Councils, 30% Town Councils, and 61% Municipal Councils. Of these Local Councils, 86 operate in HTS-controlled areas—14% City Councils, 39% Town Councils, and 47% Municipal Councils.

In August 2017 a conflict arose between the local city council of Idlib and the General Administration for Services, which is connected with HTS. The latter began the process of making unilateral decisions. The General Administration for Services issued circulars for local councils, informing them that it was the only body with the authority to monitor their work and required the transfer of the relevant council departments to the specialized agencies of the movement. In particular, this affected services which supply water and bread as well as transport. The city council rejected the request and on August 28, 2017, HTS units stormed the city council building of Idlib and ordered all those who disagreed with the policy to leave the building. In this way radical Islamists gained control over administrative services of the city.

The process where smaller formations join or leave the grouping is not static. On November 14, 2017, representatives of the group “Ajnad al-Sham” announced through twitter that they are joining Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. Ajnad al-Sham militants participated in earlier clashes with the Syrian Arab Army in western Aleppo, in the north part of the province of Ham and in the province of Idlib. In late October, there was information that the central division of the FSA, Faylaq al-Sham, and Jaysh al-Izza also joined Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.

Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham also conducted operations against smaller militant groups, who then sought support from Ahrar al-Sham. For instance, the group “Jash Mujahideen” was attacked by terrorists of Hayat Tahrir al- Sham in January 2017. At this time the radical Islamists seized warehouses with weapons. After that, part of Jash Mujahideen’s forces were forced to join Ahrar al-Sham, while the other part joined HTS.

Be that as it may, year after year HTS leadership adamantly follows its goal – the unification of all jihadist organizations in Syria under its leadership and the construction of the emirate. Radical Islamists are strongly established in the province of Idlib, and will do all they can to prevent the creation of a de-escalation zone.


The following conclusions and analysis can be drawn from all the information presented thus far. After the defeat of the IS in Iraq and Syria, the most effective group that stands to oppose Assad’s regime remains Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. This movement has the necessary number of trained militants in its ranks to confront the government army, it has a rather positive image when compared with the IS, and advocates the idea of opposing “the betrayal of the interests of the people of Syria.” Meanwhile, the conflict between the factions within the movement itself, the conflicts with other armed groups, the reduction of logistical support, and problems with financing, all lead to a gradual degradation of HTS. We can conclude that to overcome these problems, the leadership of the movement may hold another re-branding. This conclusion is based on the fact that, at a turning point in its existence, al-Nusra / HTS is able, in words, to abandon the ideas of radical Islam in order to preserve their ability for an armed struggle, and to establish itself as a legitimate and independent force in the ongoing war . It seems that there is a desire on the part of HTS to become a Sunni version of Hezbollah. In this effort, the group could receive support from some concerned foreign parties.

The clashes and reluctance to compromise with the moderate opposition, continued conflict with the increasingly capable government army, and the never ending struggle for resources – have all reaped poor results for the group, and highlight the poor choice of strategies adopted by HTS thus far. Without external help, HTS will not be able to confront, for any extended periods of time, the SAA and the Russian Aerospace Forces.


“Putin is now the world’s energy czar”



Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries’ most powerful internal alliance, bringing together the oil producer group’s Gulf members, is disintegrating fast. As a six-month-old spat between Saudi Arabia and Qatar deepens, the organization’s Gulf ministers will have to scrap their tradition of meeting behind closed doors to agree policy before OPEC holds its twice-yearly talks, OPEC sources say.

“We used to have a WhatsApp group for all ministers and delegates from the Gulf. It used to be a very busy chat room. Now it’s dead,” said a senior source in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries.

Four other sources told Reuters that there had been no official contact on oil policy between the Gulf Arab nations, in a grouping known as the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

The GCC includes OPEC members Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Qatar and non-OPEC Oman and Bahrain. OPEC meets on November 30 in Vienna to decide whether to extend global output cuts beyond March. Saudi Arabia and the UAE cut ties with Doha in June, saying Qatar backed terrorism and was cozying up to rival Iran. Qatar rejected the accusation.

“The ministers can’t meet,” another OPEC source said. “They may relay the message through the Kuwaiti or the Omani oil ministers, but Saudi and the UAE cannot meet publicly with the Qataris.”

Kuwait and Oman have refrained from taking sides in the dispute, over which Kuwait’s Emir Sheikh Sabah has led regional mediation.

None of the OPEC sources suggested the Qatar crisis would derail a widely expected decision by OPEC to extend price-boosting output cuts until the end of 2018, as almost all producers agree on the need to maintain policy. But dialogue within OPEC is likely to be complicated as the stand-off strikes at the heart of OPEC’s efforts to form a united front to stabilize a fragile oil market. It may also weaken the group’s Sunni faction at a time when predominantly Shi‘ite Iran and Iraq are raising their game.

”If the GCC is dead politically, then it will certainly have implications for OPEC policies. Not that it will necessarily disrupt decision-making, but it is making it more challenging and complicated,” the senior OPEC source said. “Qatar is not talking to the Saudis or the UAE, so OPEC’s Sunni wing is weaker. On the other hand you have the rapprochement between Iran and Iraq, a Shi‘ite alliance long in the making,” the senior source added.

As OPEC president in 2016, Qatar was instrumental in bringing together oil producers — including non-OPEC Russia — to agree to the supply-reduction deal. Since engineering Russia’s pact with the OPEC to curb supplies a year ago, Putin has emerged as the group’s most influential player. As one senior OPEC official put it on condition of anonymity, the Russian leader is now “calling all the shots.”

“Putin is now the world’s energy czar,” said Helima Croft, a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst who directs global commodity strategy at RBC Capital Markets LLC in New York.

The current prices and geopolitical realities suggest the accord will be rolled over, according to Edward C. Chow, a fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington and a former Chevron Corp. executive.

“It’s mutually beneficial,” Chow said. “The Saudis need a large oil-producing partner to effectively influence the market and the potential for a greater geopolitical and economic role in the Middle East for Russia makes compliance with production cuts an expedient move for Moscow.”

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Saudi, UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain Trying to Intimidate Lebanese

 November 10, 2017

Saudi UAE Bahrain flags

In an attempt that is only aimed at intimidating Lebanese, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Kuwait on Thursday urged their citizens to leave Lebanon “immediately” and to avoid traveling to the country.

Saudi Arabia’s official news agency SPA quoted a source in the foreign ministry on Thursday as saying: “Due to the situations in the Republic of Lebanon, the official source at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the Saudi nationals visiting or residing in Lebanon are asked to leave the country as soon as possible.

“The Kingdom advised all citizens not to travel to Lebanon from any other international destinations.”

Only hours later, the UAE, Bahrain and Kuwait also urged its nationals to leave Lebanon immediately.

The move comes less than a week after PM Saad Hariri offered his resignation from Riyadh in a surprise step. Observers say that controversial circumstances surrounding Hariri’s resignation indicate that Hariri was forced to resign a day after he was surprisingly summoned by Saudi regime.

Hariri’s whereabouts are now unknown with some media reports said that he is likely held by the Saudi regime in Riyadh.

Lebanese President Michel Aoun refused to accept Hariri’s resignation, stressing he is waiting to meet him and know his real stance over the issue.

Also on Thursday, Reuters news agency quoted a high ranking Lebanese official as saying that the Lebanese authorities believe Hariri is held by Riyadh and are tending to ask foreign countries to press Saudi over his immediate return to Lebanon.

Source: Al-Manar

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Issam Zahreddine and Marzouq Al-Ghanim عصام زهر الدين ومرزوق الغانم

Issam Zahreddine and Marzouq Al-Ghanim

Written by Nasser Kandil,

أكتوبر 23, 2017

القوات والفشل الحكومي

There is an incomprehensible equation that dominates the contradictory feelings, on one hand, the tears of farewell for the departure of a hero as the Major General Issam Zahreddine, while he writes the history of the steadfastness of Syria, the legendary of its victory, and the epic of leaders who write with blood an algorithm equation for victory. Those leaders at the forefront line of war are martyrs whose their martyrdom is equal the victory of the homeland, on the other hand, there is a pulse of joy in the words of the Speaker of the Kuwaiti parliament Marzouq Al-Ghanim at the International Parliament Union conference in Petersburg, while he addressed the Israeli parliamentary delegation with his stark words saying “Pack you bags, and leave, you are terrorists and murderers”, but with the return to the first sparkle where the warm feelings stroke, the two speeches have one message, it is the time of the vivid spirit of a resistance which neither the strife, nor the policies of intimidations, normalization, or wars  succeeded in extinguishing it.

In a country which sacrificed of tens of thousands and even thousands of thousands of martyrs, the news of the martyrdom of the Major General Issam Zahreddine was an interpretation of the secret of victory, where the leaders who are martyred are as the good omen for the victory to come, and where the trace of the steps of the leaders and the soldiers are signs of the progress in the Syrian geography from a battle to anther and from an epic to another, and where the photo of the martyr who met his friends across Badia to lift the siege on the Airport of Deir Al-Zour, hugging them as brave conquerors on the day of the Great Conquest, carrying one of the wounded soldiers in one of the battles going through the fire, smoke, and ruin, as the image of Syria and its army is clear far from the lie of partisanship, regions, and sects. The Syrian legend of victory through its champions is full of hundreds of stories that are mixed with blood and which unifies its unity. It is a great victory that is a result of the great patience and great pain, thus the cost of the great victory of the great homeland is no less than the blood of great leaders.

In Petersburg where dozens of the speakers of parliaments gather at the International Parliament Union conference, and where the Arab official situation is at its worst condition through disintegration, loss, and normalization of the relationship with the enemy which usurps Palestine and which is ready for more aggression, and where the definition of the enemy especially in the Gulf countries has become Iran rather than the entity of the occupying entity, and where the priority to overthrow the spirit of the resistance and its forces excel everything else,  and where there is no objection to tamper with the extremism and the terrorism as a partner in the war of overthrowing the resistance. moreover where the US President who boasts of being the closest friend to Israel among the presidents of America is being celebrated as a salvager and a hero among the rulers of the Gulf, and where the parliaments in our countries are not contradictory to the policy of the government Marzouq Al-Ghanim got out of his seat among the attendees as a speaker of the Kuwaiti parliament and the head of the delegation which participated in the conference, his eyes were filled with anger and rage from the speech of the Israeli delegation about terrorism, he did not hesitate and he did not care about the considerations imposed by politics, alliance, analyses, and  interpretations, he held the microphone and in few seconds he addressed the Israeli delegation saying. O, you are terrorists, killers of children. Pack your bags and depart, he kept shouting, Leave.. Leave… until the Israeli delegation left.

It is not important to interpret and to analyze the martyrdom of the Major General Issam Zahreddine, as it is not important to analyze the words of the Speaker of the Parliament Marzouq Al-Ghanim. Because they are expressions of deep pulse, they are not subject to the cold considerations; the spirit of the resistance is stronger than to be tamped by the calls of the spineless political reality and the dull rationality. Israel will remain the enemy and the resistance will remain the recipe of victory through the bloody way of the great leaders.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

عصام زهر الدين ومرزوق الغانم

أكتوبر 19, 20

ناصر قنديل

القوات والفشل الحكومي

– معادلة غير مفهومة تستولي على المشاعر المتناقضة، فمن جهة بدموع الوداع لترجّل فارس ورحيل بطل كاللواء عصام زهر الدين. وهو يكتب سيرة صمود سورية وأسطورة نصرها وملحمة قادة يكتبون بالدم، معادلة خوارزمية لوصفة النصر، القادة في الصف الأمامي للحرب شهداء تعادل صناعة نصر الوطن، ومن جهة مقابلة نبض فرح بكلمات رئيس البرلمان الكويتي مرزوق الغانم في مؤتمر الاتحاد البرلماني الدولي في بطرسبورغ وهو يتوجّه للوفد البرلماني الإسرائيلي بكلماته الصارخة وهو يقول «احزم حقائبك وارحل يا إرهابي يا قاتل». لكن في العقل البارد، وحيث تشتعل الشرارة الأولى للعواطف الحارة، للحدثين رسالة واحدة، إنّه زمن الروح الحية لمقاومة تنبض في العروق، لم تنجح الفتن ولا سياسات الترويض والتطبيع والحروب بقتلها.

– في بلد قدّم عشرات الآلاف، بل مئات الآلاف من الشهداء ليحيا، لا يتقدّم خبر استشهاد اللواء عصام زهر الدين فيه إلا كتفسير لسرّ النصر، حيث القادة يُستشهدون كبشارة للنصر الذي يتقدّم، بمثل ما كان وقع أقدام القادة والجنود يرسم التقدّم في الجغرافيا السورية من موقعة إلى موقعة ومن ملحمة إلى ملحمة، وحيث صورة الشهيد يلاقي رفاقه الذين قدموا عبر البادية لفك الحصار عن مطار دير الزور وهو يهتف لهم كأبطال فاتحين في يوم الفتح العظيم، تلاقي صورته وهو يحمل أحد الجنود الجرحى في إحدى المعارك على كتفه ويمضي به وسط النار والدخان والركام. كما ترتسم صورة سورية وجيشها، فوق أكذوبة العصبيات والمناطق والطوائف، وأسطورة النصر السورية بمحطات البطولة مليئة بمئات الحكايات عن خريطة الدم ترسم وحدتها، وعن فاتورة الشهادة الغالية مهراً لنصر، نصر عظيم يولد من رحم عظيم الصبر وعظيم الألم، ومهر النصر العظيم لوطن عظيم لا يمكن أن يكون أقلّ من دماء قادة عظام.

في بطرسبورغ، حيث يحتشد عشراتُ رؤساء البرلمانات في مؤتمر الاتحاد البرلماني الدولي وحيث الحال الرسمية العربية في أسوأ ما مرّ عليها من تفكّك وضياع وانخراط في التطبيع مع العدو الذي يغتصب فلسطين ويستعدّ للمزيد من العدوان وحيث تعريف العدو خصوصاً في دول الخليج، يحطّ رحاله في إيران كبديل يشغل مقعد العدو، بدلاً من كيان الاحتلال وحيث الأولوية إسقاط روح المقاومة وقواها، تتفوّق وتتقدّم على كلّ ما عداها، خصوصاً حيث لا مانع من اللعب والعبث مع التطرف والإرهاب كشريك مضارب في حرب إسقاط المقاومة وحيث يُحتفل بالرئيس الأميركي المتباهي بكونه أكثر أصدقاء «إسرائيل» بين رؤساء أميركا، يُحتفل به كمخلّص وبطل بين حكام الخليج وحيث في بلادنا لا يعبّر البرلمان عما يناقض سياسة الحكومة، يخرج مرزوق الغانم من مقعده بين الحضور كرئيس للبرلمان الكويتي ولوفد بلاده المشارك في المؤتمر، وقد امتلأت رئتاه غيظاً وغضباً من كلام الوفد «الإسرائيلي» عن الإرهاب، فلم يتردّد ولم يتمهّل، ولم يقم الحسابات المريضة التي تفترضها أحوال السياسة والتحالفات والتحليلات والتأويلات، وأمسك المذياع أمامه وفي ثوانٍ قليلة خاطب رئيس الوفد «الإسرائيلي» قائلاً، «أيها الإرهابي، يا قاتل الأطفال، احزم حقائبك وارحل». وبقي يصرخ مكرّراً، ارحل، حتى رحل الوفد «الإسرائيلي».

ليس مهمّاً تفسير وتحليل شهادة اللواء عصام زهر الدين، كما ليس مهمّاً تحليل كلمات الرئيس مرزوق الغانم، فكلتاهما تعبير عن نبض يمتدّ عميقاً بين القلب والرئة، لا يخضع للحسابات الباردة عندما تغلي الدماء الحارة لتكتب، أنّ روح المقاومة أقوى من أن تروّضها دعوات الواقعية السياسية البليدة والمتخاذلة، والعقلانية الصفراء الباهتة، وأنّ «إسرائيل» ستبقى العدو، والمقاومة ستبقى وصفة النصر، والقادة العظماء مهر الطريق المعبّد بالدماء.

Syria to Bid Farewell to “Lion of Republican Guard” 

Issam Zahriddine's body has arrived late Wednesday in Damascus after being flown from Deir Ezzor.

Issam Zahriddine’s body has arrived late Wednesday in Damascus after being flown from Deir Ezzor.

Syria is to bid farewell to late Major General Zahreddine who was martyred in Deir Ezzor Wednesday, when his convey ran over a landmine placed by ISIL Takfiri terrorists.

General Zahreddine led elite divisions of the Syrian Republican Guard, one of the fiercest and most dedicated fighting forces throughout the Syrian war of resistance against Takfiri terrorism and foreign aggression.

Well known as the “Lion of Syria” or “Lion of the Republican Guard,” Zahreddine’s forces ultimately broke the three-year-long ISIL siege over Deir Ezzor in eastern Syria, paving the way for the penultimate defeat of the terrorist group as a fighting force in Syria.

Prior to this, Zahreddine played a crucial role in liberating Aleppo from Takfiri terrorists.

General Zahreddine’s martyrdom has sent Syria into mourning. His body has arrived late Wednesday in Damascus after being flown from the Deir Ezzor Governorate.

While full details about his funeral have not been released, it is believed that his body will be transported to his ancestral village of Tarba in the Al-Sweida Governorate.

Source: Agencies

Kuwaiti Official Slams ’Israeli’ Comments at An Int’l Conference, Orders Delegates to ‘Get Out’

19-10-2017 | 11:20

Local Editor

Kuwait’s chief lawmaker was angered by an ‘Israeli’ parliament representative’s comments on imprisoned Palestinian lawmakers at an international conference on Wednesday, Kuwait’s news agency, KUNA, reported.



Get out of the hall right now if you have an atom of dignity … You occupier, child killers, National Assembly Speaker Marzouq Al-Ghanem told parliamentarians gathered at Inter-Parliamentary Union talks in Russia.

“The saying ‘if you have no shame do as you please’ applies to the comments made by this rapist [‘Israeli’] parliament,” Al-Ghanem said.

During a discussion about the condition of Palestinian lawmakers arrested by ‘Israeli’ authorities, Al-Ghanem said that this “represented the most dangerous types of terrorism – the terrorism of the state”.

“You should grab your bags and leave this hall as you have witnessed the reaction of every honorable parliament around the world,” he said, addressing the Zionist delegation.

“Leave now if you have one ounce of dignity, you occupier, you murderer of children.”

The ‘Israeli’ delegation left the talks following the remarks by Al-Ghanem and several other parliaments in the midst of applause.

The 137th session of the IPU is currently underway in St Petersburg, Russia. The international organization sees representatives from 176 sovereign states come together for negotiations and talks.

Source: News Agencies, Edited by website team

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