Why Bring a Bonesaw to a Kidnapping, Your Highness?

By Fred Hiatt

That is a question the crown prince of Saudi Arabia should be asked at every opportunity.

“Thank you for granting me an audience, Your Majesty,” everyone should say. “Why bring a bonesaw to a kidnapping?”

President Trump should be similarly interrogated, along with the members of his team who so far seem eager to become accessories after the fact to the murder of Jamal Khashoggi.

Given that the Saudis have reverted to a lie so preposterous that even their own chief prosecutor felt compelled to abandon it weeks ago, the president should be asked: Why are you abetting this crime?

Are we really okay, as a country, with an ally luring a journalist living in Northern Virginia into what should be a diplomatic sanctuary for the purpose of assassination and dismemberment — and then baldly, brazenly, ludicrously lying about it?

Apparently, for Trump, the answer is yes, we’re fine with that. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, fine. National security adviser John Bolton, not concerned.

Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, are you fine with that? Speaker Paul D. Ryan? Will Congress go along with this coverup?

Because that also will be a choice. Congress does have alternatives.

For starters, it could summon CIA Director Gina Haspel, who listened to the tape of Khashoggi’s killing, who knows the truth, who almost certainly knows who ordered Khashoggi’s killing, and ask her: Why bring a bonesaw to a kidnapping?

Recall the sequence of lies that the Saudi regime has presented about this case:

Khashoggi, a Post contributing columnist who would have turned 60 on Oct. 13, entered the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul, at his government’s invitation, shortly after noon on Oct. 2 to take care of some minor paperwork. He told his fiancee, Hatice Cengiz, that he would be out shortly, and asked her to wait.

She waited — until after midnight. She never saw him again.The regime of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman told The Post, told Congress, told the world: Khashoggi left the consulate not long after he entered.

We, too, are concerned.
Khashoggi was our friend.
Why would we harm him?

This was the story told by the crown prince and the crown prince’s younger brother, who happened to be the Saudi ambassador to the United States, Khalid bin Salman.

Where is the videotape of him leaving, they were asked. Our cameras were broken, they said. Where is the paperwork he came to fill out? They did not bother to reply.

No doubt they would have stuck by that story, malfunctioning cameras and all, but evidence got in the way. The Turkish government had photographs of a 15-man hit squad arriving from Saudi Arabia and entering the consulate shortly before Khashoggi. The Turks had audiotape of Khashoggi’s brutal killing, almost as soon as he entered the consulate. They knew that the hit squad included a forensic specialist who arrived with his bonesaw, who put on earphones and listened to music as he dismembered the body.

The Saudis retreated to a new story: No, our friend Jamal had not walked out of the consulate. Yes, they admitted, he had died inside. But he had perished in a brawl, when he tried to grapple with the security team (not a hit squad!) that had been sent to meet him.

That story, too, was too preposterous to sustain — or so we thought — and the Saudi prosecutor abandoned it, coincidentally just as Turkey was playing the audiotape for Haspel. Never mind, they said, there was no brawl; Khashoggi was the victim of a premeditated murder, after all.

Who had premeditated it? They would find out and tell the world, the crown prince himself assured Pompeo, and Pompeo assured us.

But on Thursday, the brawl myth was back. The Saudis announced that Khashoggi’s death was unintentional, that a friendly invitation to return to Saudi Arabia had gone awry.

Why would you need a 15-man team to tender such an invitation?

And even if what you had in mind was “only” a forcible rendition — what you or I would call a kidnapping — why would you need a bonesaw?

Oh, and where is Khashoggi’s body? Turned over to a mysterious “Turkish collaborator,” whom the Saudis are unable or unwilling to identify, even to Turkish police.

Probably no one in the United States government harbors the slightest doubt that the architect of this crime was the crown prince, as the CIA has concluded. His closest henchmen orchestrated the deed, and they would not dare act without his knowledge.

He bets that it won’t matter. He bets that he can feed an already discredited fairy tale to Trump and Pompeo and Bolton, and they will obediently swallow it. So far his bet seems safe.

But that doesn’t mean the rest of us have to go along.

Why bring a bonesaw to a kidnapping, Your Highness?

Source: The Washington Post, Edited by website team

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Battle For al-Hudaydah On November 18, 2018 (Map Update)

cllic map


Despite the announcement of the “ceasefiure” by the Saudi-UAE-led coalition, clashes between the Houthis and coalition-led forces are still ongoing near the city of al-Hudaydah in western Yemen.

Recently, the Houthis have destroyed a column of the coalition-led forces near the al-Hudaydah airport destroying at least 5 vehicles and killing a dozen of coalition-backed fighters. Separately, the Houthis have repelled coalition-backed attacks east and northeast of the city.

The Saudi Air Force is actively supporting these attacks claiming that it pounds only military positions. However, the coalition-backed force has not been able to make any significant progress in its push to capture city over the past 5 days.

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Washington Post Publishes Article of Yemen’s Houthi Leader

Head of Yemen’s Revolutionary Committee, Mohammad Ali Al-Houthi

Washington Post Publishes Article of Yemen’s Houthi Leader

November 10, 2018

The Washington Post published on Friday the first article of the head of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee, Mohammad Ali Al-Houthi.

“Houthi leader: We Want Peace for Yemen, But Saudi Airstrikes Must Stop”

The continued escalation of attacks against the port city of Hodeida in Yemen by the U.S.-Saudi-Emirati coalition confirms that the American calls for a cease-fire are nothing but empty talk. The recent statements are trying to mislead the world. Saudi leaders are reckless and have no interest in diplomacy. The United States has the clout to bring an end to the conflict — but it has decided to protect a corrupt ally.

Any observer of the crimes committed in Yemen by Saudi Arabia — a campaign that has been accompanied by disinformation and a blockade of journalists trying to cover the war — can offer an account of the indiscriminate killing thousands of civilians, mostly through airstrikes. Their attacks have led to the greatest humanitarian crisis on earth.

The brutality of the Saudi regime was reflected in the murder of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi. And it can be seen in the military escalation and airstrikes in Hodeida and other cities, in  defiance of all international warnings.

The blockade of the port city is meant to bring the Yemeni people to their knees. The coalition is using famine and cholera as weapons of war. It is also extorting the United Nations by threatening to cut their funds, as if it were a charity and not a responsibility required under international law and Security Council resolutions.

The United States wants to be viewed as an honest mediator — but it is in fact participating and sometimes leading the aggression on Yemen.

We are defending ourselves — but we don’t have warplanes like the ones that bomb Yemenis with banned ammunition. We can’t lift the blockade imposed on Yemeni imports and exports. We cannot cancel the air embargo and allow daily flights, or end the ban of importing basic commodities, medicines and medical equipment from any place other than the United Arab Emirates, as it is imposing on Yemeni business executives.

And the list goes on. These repressive practices are killing and destroying Yemen.

Yemen was not the one who declared the war in the first place. Even Jamal Benomar, the former United Nations envoy to Yemen, said we were close to a power-sharing deal in 2015 that was disrupted by the coalition airstrikes. We are ready to stop the missiles if the Saudi-led coalition stops its airstrikes.

But the United States’ calling to stop the war on Yemen is nothing but a way to save face after the humiliation caused by Saudi Arabia and its spoiled leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has ignored Washington’s pleas to clarify Khashoggi’s murder.

Moreover, Trump and his administration clearly prefer to continue this devastating war because of the economic returns it produces — they drool over those arms sales profits.

We love peace — the kind of honorable peace defended by our revolution’s leader, Abdulmalik al-Houthi. We are ready for peace, the peace of the brave. God willing, Yemenis will remain the callers of peace and lovers of peace.

SourceWashington Post

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The Tragedy of Saudi Arabia’s War on Yemen

The Tragedy of Saudi Arabia’s War on Yemen

Declan Walsh

Chest heaving and eyes fluttering, the 3-year-old boy lay silently on a hospital bed in the highland town of Hajjah, a bag of bones fighting for breath.

His father, Ali al-Hajaji, stood anxiously over him. Mr. Hajaji had already lost one son three weeks earlier to the epidemic of hunger sweeping across Yemen. Now he feared that a second was slipping away.

It wasn’t for a lack of food in the area: The stores outside the hospital gate were filled with goods and the markets were bustling. But Mr. Hajaji couldn’t afford any of it because prices were rising too fast.

“I can barely buy a piece of stale bread,” he said. “That’s why my children are dying before my eyes.”

The devastating war in Yemen has gotten more attention recently as outrage over the killing of a Saudi dissident in Istanbul has turned a spotlight on Saudi actions elsewhere. The harshest criticism of the Saudi-led war has focused on the airstrikes that have killed thousands of civilians at weddings, funerals and on school buses, aided by American-supplied bombs and intelligence.

But aid experts and United Nations officials say a more insidious form of warfare is also being waged in Yemen, an economic war that is exacting a far greater toll on civilians and now risks tipping the country into a famine of catastrophic proportions.

Under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Saudi-led coalition and its Yemeni allies have imposed a raft of punitive economic measures aimed at undercutting the Ansarullah revolutionaries. But these actions — including periodic blockades, stringent import restrictions and withholding the salaries of about a million civil servants — have landed on the backs of civilians, laying the economy to waste and driving millions deeper into poverty.

Those measures have inflicted a slow-burn toll: infrastructure destroyed, jobs lost, a weakening currency and soaring prices. But in recent weeks the economic collapse has gathered pace at alarming speed, causing top United Nations officials to revise their predictions of famine.

“There is now a clear and present danger of an imminent and great, big famine engulfing Yemen,” Mark Lowcock, the undersecretary for humanitarian affairs, told the Security Council on Tuesday. Eight million Yemenis already depend on emergency food aid to survive, he said, a figure that could soon rise to 14 million, or half Yemen’s population.

“People think famine is just a lack of food,” said Alex de Waal, author of “Mass Starvation” which analyzes recent man-made famines. “But in Yemen it’s about a war on the economy.”

The signs are everywhere, cutting across boundaries of class, tribe and region. Unpaid university professors issue desperate appeals for help on social media. Doctors and teachers are forced to sell their gold, land or cars to feed their families. On the streets of the capital, Sana, an elderly woman begs for alms with a loudspeaker.

“Help me,” the woman, Zahra Bajali, calls out. “I have a sick husband. I have a house for rent. Help.”

And in the hushed hunger wards, ailing infants hover between life and death. Of nearly two million malnourished children in Yemen, 400,000 are considered critically ill — a figure projected to rise by one quarter in the coming months.

“We are being crushed,” said Dr. Mekkia Mahdi at the health clinic in Aslam, an impoverished northwestern town that has been swamped with refugees fleeing the fighting in Hudaydah, an embattled port city 90 miles to the south.

Flitting between the beds at her spartan clinic, she cajoled mothers, dispensed orders to medics and spoon-fed milk to sickly infants. For some it was too late: the night before, an 11-month old boy had died. He weighed five and a half pounds.

Looking around her, Dr. Mahdi could not fathom the Western obsession with the Saudi killing of Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul.

“We’re surprised the Khashoggi case is getting so much attention while millions of Yemeni children are suffering,” she said. “Nobody gives a damn about them.”

She tugged on the flaccid skin of a drowsy 7-year-old girl with stick-like arms. “Look,” she said. “No meat. Only bones.”

The embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington did not respond to questions about the country’s policies in Yemen. But Saudi officials have defended their actions, citing rockets fired across their border by the Ansarullah…

The Saudis point out that they, along with the United Arab Emirates, are among the most “generous donors” to Yemen’s humanitarian relief effort. Last spring, the two allies pledged $1 billion in aid to Yemen. In January, Saudi Arabia deposited $2 billion in Yemen’s central bank to prop up its currency.

But those efforts have been overshadowed by the coalition’s attacks on Yemen’s economy, including the denial of salaries to civil servants, a partial blockade that has driven up food prices, and the printing of vast amounts of bank notes, which caused the currency to plunge.

And the offensive to capture Hudaydah, which started in June, has endangered the main lifeline for imports to northern Yemen, displaced 570,000 people and edged many more closer to starvation.

A famine here, Mr. Lowcock warned, would be “much bigger than anything any professional in this field has seen during their working lives.”

When Ali Hajaji’s son fell ill with diarrhea and vomiting, the desperate father turned to extreme measures. Following the advice of village elders, he pushed the red-hot tip of a burning stick into Shaher’s chest, a folk remedy to drain the “black blood” from his son.

“People said burn him in the body and it will be OK,” Mr. Hajaji said. “When you have no money, and your son is sick, you’ll believe anything.”

The burns were a mark of the rudimentary nature of life in Juberia, a cluster of mud-walled houses perched on a rocky ridge. To reach it, you cross a landscape of sandy pastures, camels and beehives, strewn with giant, rust-colored boulders, where women in black cloaks and yellow straw boaters toil in the fields.

In the past, the men of the village worked as migrant laborers in Saudi Arabia, whose border is 80 miles away. They were often treated with disdain by their wealthy Saudi employers but they earned a wage. Mr. Hajaji worked on a suburban construction site in Mecca, the holy city visited by millions of Muslim pilgrims every year.

When the war broke out in 2015, the border closed.

The fighting never reached Juberia, but it still took a toll there.

Last year a young woman died of cholera, part of an epidemic that infected 1.1 million Yemenis. In April, a coalition airstrike hit a wedding party in the district, killing 33 people, including the bride. A local boy who went to fight for the Houthis was killed in an airstrike.

But for Mr. Hajaji, who had five sons under age 7, the deadliest blow was economic.

He watched in dismay as the riyal lost half its value in the past year, causing prices to soar. Suddenly, groceries cost twice as much as they had before the war. Other villagers sold their assets, such as camels or land, to get money for food.

But Mr. Hajaji, whose family lived in a one-room, mud-walled hut, had nothing to sell.

At first he relied on the generosity of neighbors. Then he pared back the family diet, until it consisted only of bread, tea and halas, a vine leaf that had always been a source of food but now occupied a central place in every meal.

Soon his first son to fall ill, Shaadi, was vomiting and had diarrhea, classic symptoms of malnutrition. Mr. Hajaji wanted to take the ailing 4-year-old to the hospital, but that was out of the question: fuel prices had risen by 50 percent over the previous year.

One morning in late September, Mr. Hajaji walked into his house to find Shaadi silent and immobile, with a yellow tinge to his skin. “I knew he was gone,” he said. He kissed his son on the forehead, bundled him up in his arms, and walked along a winding hill path to the village mosque.

That evening, after prayers, the village gathered to bury Shaadi. His grave, marked by a single broken rock, stood under a grove of Sidr trees that, in better times, were famous for their honey.

Shaadi was the first in the village to die from hunger.

A few weeks later, when Shaher took ill, Mr. Hajaji was determined to do something. When burning didn’t work, he carried his son down the stony path to a health clinic, which was ill-equipped for the task. Half of Yemen’s health facilities are closed because of the war.

So his family borrowed $16 for the journey to the hospital in Hajjah.

“All the big countries say they are fighting each other in Yemen,” Mr. Hajaji said. “But it feels to us like they are fighting the poor people.”

Yemen’s economic crisis was not some unfortunate but unavoidable side effect of the fighting…

At the Sabeen hospital in Sana, Dr. Huda Rajumi treats the country’s most severely malnourished children. But her own family is suffering, too, as she falls out of Yemen’s vanishing middle class.

In the past year, she has received only a single month’s salary. Her husband, a retired soldier, is no longer getting his pension, and Dr. Rajumi has started to skimp on everyday pleasures, like fruit, meat and taxi rides, to make ends meet.

“We get by because people help each other out,” she said. “But it’s getting hard.”

Economic warfare takes other forms, too. In a recent paper, Martha Mundy, a lecturer at the London School of Economics, analyzed coalition airstrikes in Yemen, finding that their attacks on bridges, factories, fishing boats and even fields suggested that they aimed to destroy food production and distribution in Ansarullah-controlled areas.

Saudi Arabia’s tight control over all air and sea movements into northern Yemen has effectively made the area a prison for those who live there. In September, the World Health Organization brokered the establishment of a humanitarian air bridge to allow the sickest Yemenis — cancer patients and others with life-threatening conditions — to fly to Egypt.

Among those on the waiting list is Maimoona Naji, a 16-year-old girl with a melon-size tumor on her left leg. At a hostel in Sana, her father, Ali Naji, said they had obtained visas and money to travel to India for emergency treatment. Their hopes soared in September when his daughter was told she would be on the first plane out of Sana once the airlift started.

But the agreement has stalled, blocked by the Yemeni government, according to the senior Western official. Maimoona and dozens of other patients have been left stranded, the clock ticking on their illnesses.

“First they told us ‘next week, next week,’” said Mr. Naji, shuffling through reams of documents as tears welled up in his eyes. “Then they said no. Where is the humanity in that? What did we do to deserve this?”

Only two famines have been officially declared by the United Nations in the past 20 years, in Somalia and South Sudan. A United Nations-led assessment due in mid-November will determine how close Yemen is to becoming the third.

To stave it off, aid workers are not appealing for shipments of relief aid but for urgent measures to rescue the battered economy.

“This is an income famine,” said Lise Grande, the United Nations humanitarian coordinator for Yemen. “The key to stopping it is to ensure that people have enough money to buy what they need to survive.”

The priority should be to stabilize the falling currency, she said, and to ensure that traders and shipping companies can import the food that Yemenis need.

Above all, she added, “the fighting has to stop.”

One hope for Yemenis is that the international fallout from the death of the Saudi dissident, Jamal Khashoggi, which has damaged Prince Mohammed’s international standing, might force him to relent in his unyielding prosecution of the war.

Peter Salisbury, a Yemen specialist at Chatham House, said that was unlikely.

“I think the Saudis have learned what they can get away with in Yemen — that western tolerance for pretty bad behavior is quite high,” he said. “If the Khashoggi murder tells us anything, it’s just how reluctant people are to rein the Saudis in.”

Source: NYT, Edited by website team


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هل أنقذ نتنياهو المملكة من أزمة الخاشقجي؟

أكتوبر 30, 2018

روزانا رمّال

بتنسيق أو بدونه لا يمكن اعتبار زيارة رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي بنيامين نتنياهو خارجة عن المشهد الإقليمي المحيط بكل ما يدور في فلك الخلافات الخليجية الخليجية او العربية الإسرائيلية او الأميركية الروسية بل هي جزء منها وجزء من هذا المشهد هو التحدّي المباشر حول قضية مقتل الصحافي السعودي جمال الخاشقجي وما يعنيه ذلك بالنسبة للعائلة السعودية المالكة التي ترغب بالحفاظ على ولاية العهد لمحمد بن سلمان من جهة وبين الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب الداعم لهذا الخيار وما لحقه من انتقادات أميركية محلية استغلت للتأثير على الانتخابات النصفية.

قبل الحديث عن سلطنة عمان والخطوة التي ما كانت قادرة «إلا» على القيام بها، لا بد من السؤال حول سبب التغيير في خطاب الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب بما يتعلق بالأمير محمد بن سلمان فبعد ان اصبحت الجريمة الاهتمام الاول للعالم والرأي العام فيه لم يستبعد ترامب ان يكون إبن سلمان متورطاً. ومفهوم أن هذا الموقف جاء بضغط محلي وحسابات انتخابية يستغلها خصومه، لهذا السبب صار المطلوب من إبن سلمان تقديم الكثير والوفير بالملفين التاليين:

الأول مالي ورفع مستوى التقديمات السعودية لغايات تجارية ونفطية أميركية. وهذا متوقع. أما الثاني فهو صفقة القرن وتمريرها. الأمر الذي يؤكده مصدر سياسي عربي رفيع لـ»البناء» وهو فشل صفقة القرن بعجز سعودي عن تمريرها بعد رفض الملك سلمان التخلي عن الملف الفلسطيني بهذا الشكل والتوقيع. الأمر الذي أُخبر به الرئيس الفلسطيني محمود عباس والحقيقة تعود الى ان العجز السعودي مفاده عدم الاستسلام الفلسطيني والفشل في إقناع حركة فتح والسلطة الفلسطينية التي تزداد تمسكاً برفض اي نوع او بند من هذه الصفقة. وعلى هذا الأساس أخبر المسؤولون السعوديون صهر الرئيس الأميركي المكلف بالملف جاريد كوشنر باستعصاء القضية.

بمقتل الخاشقجي صار الضغط على إبن سلمان مضاعفاً وصارت مسألة تغطية الأميركيين له أمراً ليس سهلاً إلا أن ترامب الذي يحظى بمكانة جد عالية عند الإسرائيليين، وخصوصاً صداقة مميزة مع نتنياهو حرك مسألة الصفقة من زاوية خليجية أخرى بدون الغوص بمسألة إسقاط ولاية العهد عن إبن سلمان الذي قدّم الكثير مبدئياً لواشنطن والقادر على تقديم المزيد لاحقاً. وبالتالي فإن تخليصه من الأزمة تدريجياً يبدأ مع الضغط على تركيا التي خففت من منسوب التصعيد، خصوصاً أن الرئيس التركي لم يقدم معلومات مبهرة عن عملية الاغتيال او قتل الخاشقجي ولم يقدم ايضاً أي معلومة حول رد فعل تركي مباشر. فانتظار التحقيقات يعني انتظار «التفاوض» على شيء ما. وهكذا بدأت القضية بالخفوت تدريجياً بدون أن يعني ذلك إقفال الملف بل السكوت على مضض حتى تتحقق المطالب التركية، خصوصاً بعد الضغط الأميركي الكبير والحصار المالي وتدهور الليرة التركية.

زيارة نتنياهو الى سلطنة عُمان أزاحت المشهد بالكامل إليها ونثرت الغبار وحولت الأنظار عن قضية مقتل الخاشقجي بدون أن يشعر الشارع العربي بذلك. فالصدمة التي تكفلت بها سلطنة عُمان كانت كافية لهذا الشارع للاندهاش والسؤال عما يجري وكانت أكبر من صدمة تقطيع جثة الخاشقجي داخل حرم دبلوماسي. وبعد التوضيح العماني تبين أن الملف هو فلسطيني إسرائيلي أي بكلام آخر «صفقة القرن» من بوابة جديدة ومكان آخر ليس الرياض هذه المرّة.

سوابق التفاهمات التي انطلقت من سلطنة عمان كبيرة وكثيرة. فالسلطنة هي التي استقبلت مساعي الاتفاق النووي الأميركي الإيراني والدول الغربية. وهي اليوم تتكفل بادارة الملف التفاوضي بين السعوديين والحوثيين. والحديث عن سحب الملف من أيدي الرياض غير صحيح، لأن التنسيق العماني السعودي قديم وكل ما يجري منذ أكثر من خمس سنوات تفاوضياً بالملفات المذكورة كان تحت الغطاء الأميركي بالكامل، وبالتالي فان قراءة الاستراتيجية الأميركية حيال حلفائها الخليجيين صارت واضحة فتوزيع الأدوار واضح.

أولاً: بالنسبة لقطر التي لا تزال حليفة واشنطن فإنها في الوقت نفسه حليفة تركيا وصديقة للإيرانيين. وهذا وحده يتكفل بقطع العلاقة الأميركية معها، لكن هذا لم يحصل وبرزت هنا مسألة توزيع الأدوار على حلفاء واشنطن.

ثانياً: السعودية الضامن الأول للتمركز الأميركي في سوق النفط في العالم والمموّل الأساسي للعديد من المشاريع الأميركية والضامن لتمرير مشاريع سياسية في الشرق الاوسط بتامين غطاء إسلامي عريض. فلا يتخلى الأميركيون عنها ولا تتخلى عنهم مستغلة الدعم الأميركي بوجه إيران وسياساتها التي ترفع واشنطن من منسوب تهديدها «الوهمي» والمبالغ فيه بالكثير من الأحيان.

ثالثاً: سلطنة عمان التي تعتبر منصة التفاوض في آخر الطرق وإنذار إعلان التحولات الكبرى، وهي مسرح للتفاوض السياسي وإرسال الرسائل ونقطة وصل بين المتخاصمين. ومما لا شك فيه أن حياد عمان وقلة تدخلها بجدالات الساحة العربية جعلها تحافظ على موقعها التفاوضي الذي قدمته الى العالم. واليوم ينطلق منها أخطر الملفات وهو التطبيع وزيارة نتنياهو كشفت أن العلاقة قديمة وسرية والتنسيق بين مخابرات البلدين قديم أيضاً يصل لعقود.

نجح نتنياهو بإنقاذ حليف الحليف ونثر الغبار على قضية الخاشقجي بزيارة ألهبت الشارع العربي بعد التركيز على قضية تصدّرت اهتمامات الصحافة العالمية وكشفت عن وحشية غير مسبوقة. فكانت المفاجأة التي خرجت من قصر السلطان قابوس. فهل تكون فرصة جديدة تعوّم إبن سلمان؟ ام ان الرياح لن تجري كما يشتهي الأمير الشاب هذه المرة والضغوط أكبر بكثير؟

وقالت حركة فتح في بيان وصل لوكالة «سبوتنيك» نسخة منه:

«إن زيارة رئيس وزراء الاحتلال الإسرائيلي نتنياهو لسلطنة عُمان هو نسف لمبادرة السلام العربية القائمة على أساس الأرض مقابل السلام الشامل ومن ثم إقامة العلاقات بين الدول العربية وإسرائيل».


Israeli Anthem Plays for First Time in UAE

Israeli Anthem Plays for First Time in UAE

Israeli Anthem Plays for First Time in UAE

October 29, 2018

Israeli anthem was played at a judo tournament in Abu Dhabi on Sunday for the first time, after one of its athletes won gold medal in the Judo Grand Competition.

A visibly moved Culture and Sports Minister Miri Regev, who was at the contest, presented the medals and hung the gold medallion around the neck of the winning judoka.

The playing of the Israeli national anthem and Regev’s attendance at the tournament were the latest milestones in some Arab states normalization with the Zionist entity.

Israeli officials said Regev’s presence in the United Arab Emirates capital marked the first time a minister from Israel attended a sports event in the Gulf.

It was also the first time an Israeli delegation participated there under its flag, after the International Judo Federation warned UAE organizers the competition would be canceled unless all athletes were allowed to participate “on an equal footing”.

Regev’s trip to the UAE, which began on Thursday, coincided with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to neighboring Oman, the first for an Israeli leader since 1996.

On the same day, an Israeli gymnastics delegation was in Qatar for the beginning of the world championships being held in Doha.

And on Monday, Communications Minister Ayoob Kara was to travel to Dubai to represent the Zionist entity at an international internet security conference, his office said.


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مستقبل السعودية قضية أولى دولياً وإقليمياً

أكتوبر 25, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– إشارتان مهمتان تستحقان التوقف ملياً أمامهما، في التداعيات المرافقة لقضية مقتل جمال الخاشقجي، ومستقبل ولي العهد السعودي المسؤول الأول عن العملية، ومعه مستقبل السعودية، الأولى هي ما بات شبه مؤكد عن مشاركة أجهزة الأمن الإسرائيلية والإماراتية، وربما بعض الفروع من أجهزة أميركية في العملية، والثانية ما بات واضحاً عن انطلاق عملية تشاور دولية واسعة النطاق تطال أميركا وروسيا وأوروبا من جهة، وتركيا وإيران و»إسرائيل» من جهة أخرى، تتصل بكيفية إدارة ملف مستقبل السعودية بصورة لا ترتب خسائر وانهيارات اقتصادية وأمنية وسياسية في منطقة غاية في الحساسية والأهمية، في ظل غياب بدائل جاهزة للنظام السعودي القائم، والذي لم يعد ممكناً التعايش مع وضعه الراهن، وقد دخل في الاحتضار مع فقدان القدرة على القيام بأدوار إقليمية، وانطلاق موجة عالمية يصعب السيطرة عليها، تكبر ككرة ثلج تطالب بعزله ومعاقبته، وصولاً لتجريم كل علاقة معه.

– «إسرائيل» التي يعني أمنها الكثير لواشنطن تشكل الخاسر الأكبر من سقوط الهالة التي أحاطت بالحكم السعودي لعقود طويلة، كما كانت الخاسر الأكبر من عجزه عن تأدية موجباته بتأمين شريك فلسطيني في صفقة القرن وإطلاق حلف عربي إسرائيلي بوجه إيران، وتليها الإمارات التي ربطت الكثير من مكانتها بصعود ولي العهد السعودي، بعد تحوّلات جذرية أدخلها ولي عهد أبو ظبي محمد بن زايد على أسلوب الإمارات في التعامل مع توازنات المنطقة، وعلى مكانتها الخاصة التي تتسم بالاعتدال في قلب هذه التوازنات، وجعلها رأس حربة في التعاون الأميركي السعودي الإسرائيلي. أما واشنطن التي شكل الاستثمار على مكانة محمد بن سلمان رهانها الرئيسي المالي والسياسي مع التراجعات التي أصابت السياسات الأميركية في المنطقة، مقابل تنامي وتعاظم الدورين الروسي والإيراني، تجد أنها بين استحالتين، الأولى تجاهل حقيقة أن أمر بن سلمان قد انتهى وأن لا شيء سينفع في تجنيب السعودية الاهتزازات المقبلة، والثانية استحالة ترك الأمور تتم من تلقاء ذاتها دون إحاطة تتيح التحكم بالتحولات ومنع حدوث مفاجآت يمكن أن تخرج عن السيطرة سواء في سوق النفط أو في توازنات المنطقة، أو في خيارات انتحارية يمكن أن يقدم عليها إبن سلمان وهو يستشعر مصيره المظلم.

– بالمقابل تقف إيران ومعها بالتتابع اليمن وقطر والفلسطينيين والبحرانيين على رأس قائمة المستفيدين من هذا المسار الانحداري المتتابع في وضع الحكم السعودي، وتقف المعارضة السعودية في الصف الأول للمستفيدين، وسيكون هؤلاء جميعاً على لائحة الطلب لجهة السعي لإقامة تفاهمات معهم تضمن مشاركتهم أو تغاضيهم أو تسهيلهم، في حال تبلور أي خطة انتقالية يتوصل إليها اللاعبون الكبار، خصوصاً واشنطن وموسكو، بينما تشكل تركيا وروسيا وبنسبة أقل الصين، الجهات التي يجب التفاهم معها حول الخطة الانتقالية، التي تؤمن الانتقال الهادئ بالسعودية من وضع إلى وضع جديد، وإلا فإن واشنطن تدرك أن اي عناد في تجنب هذه الشراكات والتعامل مع حصرية القدرة على التحكم بالمسار السعودي ستجلب الكوارث، وتقف أوروبا في هذه العملية على نقطة الوسط بين كرة الثلج المناهضة للحكم السعودي في الرأي العام العالمي التي تضغط عليها، وبين لعبة المصالح التي تفرض البحث عن موقع ودور من بوابة المشاركة في صفقة السعودية المقبلة.

– مصير السعودية سيتقدّم على مستقبل الحل السياسي في سورية، في القمة الرباعية التي ستسضيفها تركيا وتضم معها روسيا وفرنسا وألمانيا، والتي ستعقد خلال يومين، ومصير السعودية سيكون الطبق الأول على مائدة الرئيسين الروسي والأميركي في قمة باريس التي ستجمعهما بعد عشرين يوماً، ومصير السعودية سيجعل من التعامل الأميركي مع موعد الرابع من تشرين الثاني كموعد لإطلاق ما سمي بالحزمة الخانقة من العقوبات ضد إيران بقدر من العقلانية والتروي، سواء بسبب محدودية التجاوب العالمي مع العقوبات، أو بسبب الحاجة لتفاوض غير مباشر وتحت الطاولة مع إيران، لضمان تسهيل الانتقال الذي سترسو عليه السفينة الأميركية في مقاربة مستقبل السعودية بالتنسيق مع روسيا وتركيا وأوروبا.

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