«لعبة الأنفاق» لا تُعوِّض الخسائر

 

ديسمبر 8, 2018

د. وفيق إبراهيم

تُثيرُ «إسرائيل» منذ أسبوع تقريباً «مسألة أنفاق» تقول إنّ حزب الله حفرها من داخل قرى لبنانية مواجهة لحدودها الشمالية مع لبنان لاستخدامها في «أعمال إرهابية» على أراضيها.

بداية، ليس هناك عربي باستثناء حكام الخليج وبعض سياسيّي لبنان من ذوي التاريخ الإسرائيلي يدين حزب الله على عمل مشابه مع عدو سلب كامل فلسطين المحتلة مُشرّداً شعبها ويحتلّ أراضي سورية ولبنانية مهاجماً قطاع غزة كلّ أسبوع وملتهماً الضفة الغربية تدريجياً ويجول في لبنان جواً وبحراً وبراً من دون انقطاع ولا يلقى أيّ اعتراض او استنكار من الأمم المتحدة وجامعة الدول العربية المزعومة. فإذا كان الحزب هو الذي حفرها فلا يمكن إلا الدعاء بالخير لسواعد مجاهديه، فهل ينسى أحدٌ الغارات الإسرائيلية على مواقع الجيش السوري وحلفائه في معظم الأراضي السورية؟

بأيّ حال، فإنّ قراءة التوقيت في توجيه الاتهام لحزب الله بحفر الأنفاق مريب ومشكوك فيه، لأنها تعقب مباشرة تنفيذ العقوبات على إيران ومسارعة الأميركيين للإصرار على وقفٍ لإطلاق النار مع الإرهاب في منطقة إدلب.

تُرى هل توافق الشرطة الأميركية على تنظيم وقفٍ لإطلاق النار مع العصابات في شيكاغو؟

وتعمل أيضاً على «كنتنة» شرق الفرات بتوزيعه على أفخاذ من عشائر متورّطة ومموّلة خليجياً وبين المشروع الكردي الضائع بين جرافات المشاريع الكبرى والقواعد الأميركية المنتشرة حتى الشمال. كما تدغدغ أحلام الأتراك بضمّ قسم من الشمال السوري إليهم بمزاعم عثمانية، هذا الى جانب انكفاء الدور الأردني الداعم للإرهاب داخل حدود بلاده وإرغام الكيان الإسرائيلي الغاصب على العودة الى خطوط الهدنة في 1974.

هذا ما يؤكد انّ الانعاش الإسرائيلي لمسألة الأنفاق يلي سلسلة تراجعات في المشروع الإرهابي المدعوم أميركياً وأردنياً وخليجياً وتركياً، ويصيب الدور الأميركي في المنطقة بعطب شديد ومعه الدور الإسرائيلي الذي كان يضرب في سورية ولبنان ساعة يشاء ومن دون عواقب.

يتبيّن أنّ الأميركيين يحاولون عرقلة انتصار المحور السوري الإيراني الروسي وحزب الله فصنعوا لكلّ واحد من هؤلاء ما يربكه بدءاً من مشاريعهم التفتيتية في شرق الفرات وإدلب والعقوبات على إيران وافتعال خلاف أوكراني روسي حول حرية الملاحة في بحر أزوف بمواكبة تهديد أميركي بالانسحاب من معاهدة «الصواريخ» النووية القصيرة المدى والمتوسطة. وفجأة تظهر لعبة الأنفاق في لبنان…

هناك تتابع في استهداف كامل أعضاء المحور الذي انتصر على الإرهاب المدعوم أميركياً في سورية بشكل لم يستثنِ أحداً منهم، فهل هذا مصادفة؟

قد تظهر هذه التحركات الأميركية وكأنها عقاب ناتج من غضب، لكن لدى التدقيق فيها يكتشف أنها خطة أميركية جديدة لإرباك أعضاء المحور المنتصر تمهيداً لإعادة تشكيل آليات جديدة.

ضمن هذا الإطار تندرج لعبة الأنفاق الإسرائيلية شمال الكيان الغاصب وجنوبي لبنان.

وتنبثق على الفور ثلاث نقاط:

الأولى من رئيس وزراء «إسرائيل» السابق إيهود باراك الذي كشف أنّ الكيان الغاصب على علم، بهذه الأنفاق منذ سنوات عدة، فلماذا يعلنون عن اكتشافها اليوم؟

الثانية من وزيرة الخارجية الإسرائيلية السابقة تسيبي ليفني التي اتهمت رئيس وزراء «إسرائيل» نتنياهو بتسييس الموضوع.

أما النقطة الثالثة فتتعلق بمحاولة الأميركيين إدانة منظمة حماس بالإرهاب في الأمم المتحدة، لكن مشروع الإدانة سقط، كان يحتاج لبضعة أصوات فقط ليصبح نافذاً. وها هم الأميركيون أنفسهم يصرّون على «تجريم» حزب الله في الأمم المتحدة أيضاً واعتباره ميليشيا إرهابية تحاول تفجير الوضع في الشرق الأوسط بكامله.

فما هي الاعتبارات القانونية والأخلاقية التي تستند اليها واشنطن لاتهام حماس وحزب الله بالاعتداء على السلم العالمي، وهما منظمتان تدافعان عن أراضيهما في وجه كيان غاصب دمّر لبنان وملتهماً فلسطين ومحتلاً أراضي سورية ومحاولاً تخريب غزة والضفة بهجمات وحشية؟

ما يمكن استخلاصه أنّ هناك حلقة متكاملة يحاول الأميركيون فيها توجيه اتهامات وإدانات وهجمات على المحور المنتصر في سورية والذي تسبّب بالصمود اليمني والنصر العراقي مع المحافظة على القضية الفلسطينية مستمرة ودائمة في وجه صفقة القرن، هذا الى جانب الدور الإسرائيلي الخطير بدعم الإرهاب في سورية لتفتيتها إلى جانب الدور الأميركي والخليجي.

لذلك لا تخرج «لعبة الأنفاق» عن هذا المدى، لكنها تريد ايضاً تجميد دور حزب الله في لبنان لأنها تخشى ان يؤدي حجم الحزب الإقليمي الى تقليص أوزان حلفاء الأميركيين والخليجيين في لبنان من الرئيس المكلف «السعد» وحزبه المستقبل الى الحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي وزعيمه الوزير جنبلاط الى سمير جعجع رئيس حزب القوات المعروف بعلاقاته الإسرائيلية التاريخية.

فهل تنجح لعبة الأنفاق في تعويم هذه القوى وإعادة الاعتبار اليها في الميدان اللبناني بما يؤدي الى منع حزب الله من السيطرة عليه؟

ليس لدى حزب الله طموح بالسيطرة على لبنان بقدر ما يريد دعم جبهة داخلية تؤمن بالدفاع عن لبنان في وجه مخططات «إسرائيل» وواشنطن.

فهل معقول أن يمنع الأميركيون لبنان من الموافقة على أسلحة روسية معظمها هدايا ولا تقبل ببيعه سلاحاً موازياً؟ وتمنع عنه الأسلحة المضادة للطائرات الجوية الإسرائيلية؟

«مسرحية» الأنفاق هي إذاً جزء من خطة أميركية لعرقلة دور حزب الله في الإقليم العربي، ولبنان وذلك بإثارة الخلافات الداخلية فيه على قاعدة أن تحرّشات الحزب بـ»إسرائيل» قد تؤدي الى تدمير الاستقرار الداخلي مع تعطيل تشكيل حكومة جديدة.

وإذا كانت هذه الأنفاق قديمة او حفرتها «إسرائيل» حديثاً، فإنها لن تؤدي الى حرب تعرف «إسرائيل» أنها لن تربحها، على قاعدة أنها جربتها في 2006 ولم يكن حزب الله بهذه القدرات التي اكتسبها من حروبه ضد الإرهاب في سورية، فكيف الحال معه اليوم، وكيف تحاسب «إسرائيل» حزب الله على أنفاق غير مستعملة وهي التي تستبيح لبنان براً وبحراً وجواً وتسرقُ بعض ثرواته من الغاز والنفط في المناطق المتاخمة.

غداً تقفل «إسرائيل» مهرجان «الأنفاق» السياسي لتبحث عن العاب جديدة.. وغداً يستمر حزب الله في حماية بلده في وجه الأطماع والسياسة الأميركية الإسرائيلية الخليجية غير مبالٍ بثرثرات من الخارج والداخل تتطاير في الهواء من دون صدى وفاعلية مؤكداً أن الميدان هو المحور المحدد الفعلي لموازين القوى والتجربة خير برهان.

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كلام مباشر لدولة الرئيس المكلف

ديسمبر 8, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– يدرك دولة الرئيس المكلف بتشكيل الحكومة سعد الحريري أن ما أنتج الصيغة الفضفاضة المقترحة في تأليف الحكومة، الذي يتحمل وحده مسؤوليته، كصاحب صلاحيات دستورية «حصرية» لا ينازعه عليها أحد ولا يتحمل عنه تبعاتها أحد. نتجت عن الصيغ الفضفاضة التي اعتمدها عندما منحه الإضافات الوزارية بغير وجه حق لتياره وحلفائه بينما مارس الإجحاف بحق خصمه السياسي الرئيسي المتمثل بقوى الثامن من آذار، في لعبة تذاكٍ لا تُخفى على أحد، فمنح مقاعد وزراية غير مستحقة لمن يهمه أمرهم وحرم مقاعد وزارية مستحقة لمن يخالفهم الرأي، فنالت الكتل حقها ونالت أشلاء بعضها حصصاً إضافية للمستوزرين. وهذا يكفي لتبيانه الخروج من تذاكي توزيع الكتل وإعادة تدويرها للإيحاء بتمثيل مزدوج مخادع تتم المطالبة به، ففي البلد ثلاث كتل كبرى، واحدة يمثلها رئيس الجمهورية والتيار الوطني الحر نالت حقها بـ11 وزيراً في صيغة صاحب الصلاحية «الحصرية» بتأليف الحكومة، هي 7 وزراء للتيار وفق معادلة وزير لكل 4 نواب و4 وزراء للرئيس، وتكتل قوى الرابع عشر من آذار وقد نال 12 وزيراً لقاء حجمه المتمثل بـ 44 نائباً وفق معادلة وزير لكل 4 نواب أما تكتل الثامن من آذار الممثل نيابياً بـ 45 نائباً أي المساوي لتكتل الرابع عشر من آذار، فقد منح ظلماً وعدواناً فقط 7 مقاعد وزارية، اي أقل بخمسة وزراء عن نظيره وخصمه السياسي وهما متساويان في الحجم النيابي، والخمسة الزائدة و»الفضفاضة» التي حازتها قوى الرابع عشر من آذار هي المقاعد الإضافية للمستوزرين من أشلاء الكتل، وليس المقعد الذي تطلبه قوى الثامن من آذار لأحد مكوناتها، بدلاً من خمسة تستحقها زيادة أسوة بنظيرتها قوى الرابع عشر من آذار.

– يعلم الرئيس المكلف أن كل البحث عن مساعي تسويات بالصيغ التي يسمّيها بـ «الفضفاضة» أو بسواها ليس نابعاً من البحث عن مقاعد لمستوزرين، لأن من حق قوى الثامن من آذار وليس طلباً لصدقة أو منة من دولته، أن تتمثل وفقاً لمعادلته بتمثيل كل القوى ما عداها، أي وزير لكل 4 نواب، أن تكون حصتها 11 وزيراً إذا اعتبرنا الوزير الثاني عشر في تمثيل قوى الرابع عشر من آذار حصة لرئيس الحكومة أو منصبه الواقع خارج توزيع المقاعد، كما يعلم أن تطبيق قاعدة وزير لكل 5 نواب سيتيح نيل كل من قوى 14 و8 آذار 9 وزراء وعليه بذلك شطب وزيرين من حصته وحصص حلفائه، ويمكن له تعويضهما بالتفاهم مع رئيس الجمهورية كحصة له كرئيس للحكومة، لكن تبقى حصة 8 آذار 9 وزراء تغنيها عن الحديث بتمثيل اللقاء التشاوري منفرداً، فالـ 9 وزراء هم 6 شيعة و2 مسيحيين و1 سني كتحصيل حاصل لتكوينها، ويعلم دولته أن قوى الثامن من آذار لم تفعل ذلك مراعاة لدولته، فاكتفت بطب مقعد واحد إضافي لحصتها المجحفة بـ 7 وزراء.

– يعلم دولة الرئيس أن الصيغ التي أحب تسميتها بـ «الفضفاضة» تم التداول فيها بحثاً عن مخارج تراعي مزاجه الانفعالي وعناده غير المبرر والذي لا يستقيم مع كون الأزمة ناتجة عن سوء تدبيره في إدارة صلاحياته «الحصرية» في مساعي تأليف الحكومة، ومنعاً للوقوع في «جاهلية» دستورية أخرى في تشكيل الحكومة، وبمراجعة بسيطة لما جرى في الجاهلية يعلم دولته أن أحداً لم يكن متضامناً مع كلام الوزير السابق وئام وهاب، بمن في ذلك الوزير وهاب نفسه، لكن أحداً لم يكن يتوقع أن يكون في مقام رئاسة الحكومة من يجرّد حملة عسكرية لسوق شخصية سياسية مخفورة وذليلة، لمجرد أن دولته قد غضب، من دون مراعاة الأصول القانونية والمعايير القضائية، ولا الحسابات السياسية والأعراف التي راكمتها تجارب مماثلة لدولته مع حالات أشدّ إلحاقاً للأذى بشخصيات ومرجعيات لا تقلّ عنه مكانة، ومن مواقع واضحة الخلفية المعادية للسلم الأهلي والوفاق الوطني، وطلب دولته التريث سنوات في التعامل معها خارج المعادلات القانونية والقضائية ومذكرات الإحضار، وقاد السعي للحوار معها والبحث عن تسويات ترضى بها، كحالة أحمد الأسير أو حالة مسلحي عرسال، حتى اقتنع دولته بخلاف ذلك، ولم يعارضه أحد ولم يضغط عليه أحد ولم ينازعه في صلاحياته «الحصرية « أحد بينما الحالة هنا واضحة ومحددة قانوناً، وما تم ليس إلا إستعمالا غير موفق وغير محق للصلاحية «الحصرية» لدولته، والنتائج كارثية، وكانت ستصير كارثية أكثر لولا اللجوء لصيغ يمكن تسميتها هي الأخرى بالفضفاضة، لكن ليس لحجز مقاعد للمستوزرين من أشلاء الكتل، بل لمنحه طريقاً للتراجع يناسب شخصيته الانفعالية وغضبه وعناده، ولعل هذا هو الحال أيضاً في ما يسمّيه بالصيغ «الفضفاضة» حكومياً ولأهداف طرحها، فليجنّبنا دولته جاهلية حكومية مستمرة تجلب الكارثة المتمادية على البلاد بغياب الحكومة، وليستعمل صلاحياته «الحصرية» ويُنهي العقدة بأحد الحلول غير «الفضفاضة».

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المقاومة بين مناورة نتنياهو المأزوم ومناورات الداخل: التحكيم وخطيئة التخلي عن صيغة الثامن من آذار

 

ديسمبر 5, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– لم تتوقف «إسرائيل» منذ انسحابها من جنوب لبنان عن الإعلان عن اكتشاف ما تسميها اختراقات حزب الله لكيان الاحتلال، والتباهي بتفكيك خلايا استخبارية قام حزب الله بتشكيلها في الداخل الفلسطيني أو في قلب مؤسسات الكيان العسكرية والأمنية، والإعلان عن اكتشاف عمليات تم إعدادها والتباهي بالقضاء عليها استباقياً، وعملية السعي لكشف أي محاولات لبناء أنفاق عابرة للحدود نحو فلسطين المحتلة كانت دائماً ضمن هذا الإطار، وكثيراً ما حفلت وسائل الإعلام الإسرائيلية بنقل أحاديث للمستوطنين عن القلق من أعمال حفر يسمعونها تحت منازلهم في إطار التسويق لهذه العمليات، أما التسويق لمشروع اسمه حملة الكشف عن الأنفاق فهو ابتكار إعلامي استعراضي لا قيمة عسكرية ولا أمنية، له مهما كانت البيانات التي ستلي مليئة بالتحدث عن إنجازات موجّهة لاسترضاء الداخل الإسرائيلي، واللعب بمشاعره أسوة بالاستعراض الفاشل لرئيس حكومة الاحتلال بنيامين نتنياهو من منبر الأمم المتحدة والذي عرض خلاله صوراً قال إنها لمستودعات صواريخ حزب الله قرب مطار بيروت وسرعان ما تحوّل الإعلان إلى فضيحة، يريد نتنياهو تجنب مثلها في احتفال اليوم.

– المقاومة التي أظهرت قدرة عالية ومهنية احترافية في التعامل مع الاحتلال ومخابراته وجيشه تدرك الموازين الاستراتيجية التي صنعتها، وتعرف حجم تأثير الحروب التي خاضتها، والتحالفات التي صنعتها، وتعرف أن «إسرائيل» فاقدة للقدرة على اتخاذ قرارات كبرى بحجم عمليات عسكرية نوعية أو عمليات سياسية جدية، وتعرف أن حكومة كيان الاحتلال بعد معادلة الردع الصاروخي في سورية التي تنتظر سلاحها الجوي، تبحث عن بدائل تكتيكية لإثبات الحضور، خصوصاً بعد الفشل في تحويل غزة ساحة فعل عسكري لجيش الاحتلال، ولم يتبقّ إلا الاستعراضات طريقاً للحضور الذي تراقبه المقاومة وتعرف متى يتخطى حدوده ويصير واجباً التعامل معه بجدية ليحصد نتائج مأساوية للعبث والحماقة، ومتى يجري تحويله مسرحية هزلية.

– الوظيفة الفعلية لحركة جيش الاحتلال وإعلامه ليس جنوب الحدود اللبنانية، بل بإطلاق مواقف وأحداث يمكن أن يتمّ توظيفها في سياق يقوده فريق لبناني تحت عنوان «حزب الله يجلب المخاطر على لبنان»، وهو السياق نفسه الذي يجري خلاله طرح التعقيد الحكومي ورمي أثقاله على عاتق حزب الله. وفي قلبه يجري تظهير الأزمة الاقتصادية والمالية والنفخ فيها للقول إنها من نتاج حزب الله. وهو السياق الذي تتمّ ضمنه عملية التلويح بخطر على الوضع الأمني تُنسَب لحزب الله، ويعرف الاحتلال كما يعرف حزب الله أن لا خلل في الموازين عبر الحدود يتيح للاحتلال تغيير المعادلات، بينما الرهان هو على إحداث خلل في الداخل يتيح الرهان على تحجيم المعادلات لأن تغييرها فوق طاقة الجميع من الداخل والخارج.

– تكتشف المقاومة اليوم خطيئة التخلي عن صيغة الثامن من آذار، سواء لمراعاة بعض أوضاع حلفائها في الفترة الأولى للحرب على سورية، والرغبة بتخفيف التشنجات التي رافقتها، وعنوان الثامن من آذار «شكراً سورية»، أو مراعاة لتظهير التحالف الناشئ مع التيار الوطني الحر، أو لوهم زرعته قوى الرابع عشر من آذار مع تفكك حلفها بسبب تباين مواقف أطرافه، سواء في مرحلة زيارة الرئيس سعد الحريري لسورية، أو في مرحلة التفاوض على الاستحقاق الرئاسي بين الحريري والتيار الوطني المستقبل، بالإضافة للخصوصية التي احتفظ بها لنفسه النائب السابق وليد جنبلاط منذ اتفاق الدوحة، إلا أن الحقيقة السياسية التي لم تغب يوماً هي أن لا وجود لانقسام سياسي لبناني ثابت إلا حول الخيارات الكبرى التي يمثلها عنوان سلاح المقاومة وعنوان العلاقة مع سورية، وهما محور الانقسام بين معسكري الثامن والرابع عشر من آذار، وما عدا ذلك من مواقف فهي تكتيكات عابرة مهما بدت جوهرية في حينها كحال الاستحقاق الرئاسي، أو التفاهمات داخل الحكومة والمجلس النيابي، حيث التفاهمات التكتيكية متنقلة وغير ثابتة وتتم بالمفرق وعلى القطعة، بينما يبقى الانقسام على عناوين الثامن والرابع عشر من آذار غير قابل للتزحزح.

– القدرة على اللعب بالوضع الداخلي من قبل الحلف المناوئ للمقاومة مستمدّة من غياب صيغة الثامن من آذار، فلو كانت هذه الصيغة قائمة، لكان التفاوض على الوضع الحكومي سهلاً وبسيطاً وقوياً، تكتل نيابي ضخم يملك تمثيلاً بـ45 نائباً في كل الطوائف مقابل تكتل موازٍ للرابع عشر من آذار يملك تمثيلاً بـ44 نائباً، وعنوان التفاوض أعطونا بمثل ما تنالون ونحن نتدبّر أمرنا. ولو كانت صيغة الثامن من آذار قائمة وحية وفعلية لكان الاستعداد للانتخابات تمّ بطريقة مغايرة، تتوحّد فيها الجهود لدعم مرشحين متفق عليهم في كل الطوائف، ويجري حشد التحالفات لصالحهم، فكان التمثيل الدرزي مختلفاً والتمثيل السني مختلفاً والتمثيل المسيحي مختلفاً، ولم يكن بلوغ ثلثي المجلس النيابي لتحالف الثامن من آذار مع التيار الوطني الحرّ بالمستحيل، ولكانت تسمية أي مرشح لرئاسة الحكومة ستأتي بعد تفاوض على التفاصيل الخاصة بالتمثيل والبيان الوزاري والاستحقاقات التي تنتظر الحكومة من مكتب تنفيذي للتكتل الكبير يترأسه الرئيس نبيه بري ويضم النائب محمد رعد والوزير علي حسن خليل والوزير السابق سليمان فرنجية والوزير طلال إرسلان والنائب أسعد حردان والوزير السابق عبد الرحيم مراد والوزير السابق فيصل كرامي.

– أن تأتي متأخراً خير من ألا تأتي أبداً، فالعودة الآن خير من البقاء في ملعب تحكمه قواعد اللعبة الطائفية والمذهبية، وفضيلة الانقسام بين قوى الثامن والرابع عشر من آذار أنها عابرة للطوائف وتتم على أساس السياسة، ولأن التخلي عن صيغة الثامن من آذار كان أشبه بتفاهم داخلي عنوانه تعالوا نخرج من اصطفاف الثامن والرابع عشر من آذار، فخرجت قوى الثامن من آذار من إطارها وبدلاً من أن تخرج قوى الرابع عشر من آذار من صيغتها تشبثت بها، لكنها أعادت الانتشار، على طريقة ما فعل عمرو بن العاص بأبي موسى الشعري في لعبة التحكيم بعد معركة صفين بين أنصار الإمام علي ومعاوية، وما تضمنه التفاهم بينهما من إعلان كل منهما أمام الملأ لخلع موكله من الحكم كما يخلع خاتمه من إصبعه، ففعل الأشعري، ولما جاء دور إبن العاص وكيلاً لمعاوية، أمسك الخاتم ووضعه في إصبعه وقال أثبّت موكلي في الحكم كما أثبّت هذا الخاتم في إصبعي.

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هذا هو اللعب بالنار

ديسمبر 3, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– عندما تحدّث الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله عن التحذير من اللعب بالنار، كان واضحاً بقصده تحذير فريق المحكمة الدولية من أن يكون في حساباتهم الرهان على اللعب بالأمن من بوابة الاستفزاز السياسي والقانوني. وها نحن اليوم الذين انتظرنا لنكتشف اللعب بالنار الذي كان على جدول أعمال هذا الفريق نراه ماثلاً أمامنا. فالقضية باتت واضحة منذ الانتخابات النيابية، وما حملته من حقائق سواء ما كرّسه توزع المقاعد النيابية أو ما حملته النتائج التي لم تنتج مقاعد نيابية، حيث ظهر التعدد داخل الطائفتين الدرزية والسنية قدراً لا مفر منه، واتجاهاً متنامياً يصعب وقفه. ففي الطائفة السنية لم تكن النتائج التي حملتها هذه الدورة الانتخابية سوى البداية لما سيحمله ما سيليها لجهة تأكيد تراجع احتكار تيار المستقبل الطائفة، واستحالة الاحتماء وراء فزاعة تيار المستقبل وإلا داعش أو النصرة. وبالتوازي مع هذا بدت النتائج في الطائفة الدرزية مجرد رأس جبل الجليد الذي سيكبر تلقائياً في دورات مقبلة لكسر احتكار الحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي للطائفة، فوحدة المعارضة السنية لتيار المستقبل وتوحّد حلفائها من ورائها، كما توحد المعارضة الدرزية للحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي وتوحّد حلفائها من ورائها، باتت كافية لتزخيم النتائج التي تقول إن الاحتكار صار شيئاً من الماضي. وقد تم تحجيم هذه النتائج بفعل التسرّب من شقوق عدم وحدة المعارضتين من جهة، وعدم توحّد الحلفاء من ورائها من جهة أخرى.

– لقد تلاقت إرادة داخلية لقوى فاعلة عنوانها إنكار الحقائق اللبنانية الجديدة التي حفرت عميقاً في الواقع وتكرّست بفضل اعتماد قانون قائم على النظام النسبي، مع إرادة خارجية عنوانها إنكار المتغيرات الإقليمية والدولية الكبرى التي قالت إن زمن احتكار واشنطن للقرار الدولي صار شيئاً من الماضي، وإن الهيمنة الجوية الإسرائيلية على سماء المنطقة صارت هي الأخرى شيئاً من الماضي، وإن الرهان التاريخي الذي قاله مارتن أنديك بلسان واشنطن وتل أبيب معاً منذ خمس وعشرين سنة، وعنوانه السعي لاستعمال ما أسماه بالجهادية السنية ونسميها بالإرهاب، لضرب الجهادية الشيعية الصاعدة ونسمّيها بالمقاومة، هو رهان قد تم اختباره ولم يفلح في تعويض العجز عن خوض الحروب بالجيوش الغربية والإسرائيلية، وبفعل هذا التلاقي بين حالتي الإنكار وما يسببه الإنكار من هذيان سياسي وعدم توازن في الحركة والقرار، تدخل المنطقة ويدخل لبنان مرحلة الفوضى السياسية والأمنية.

– يتلاقى الذين يجمعهم الإنكار للحقائق الجديدة، فلا يُحرج التطبيع مع إسرائيل دول الخليج وحكامه، كما لا يُحرج واشنطن وتل أبيب التطبيع مع تنظيم القاعدة، واللعب بالنار تحكي عنه حرب اليمن الكثير وتجسّده البنسلمانية أفضل تمثيل، واحتجاز رئيس الحكومة سعد الحريري نموذج لهذا اللامألوف، وقتل جمال الخاشقجي نموذج آخر. فالقضية كما قال ثامر السبهان في التمهيد لاحتجاز الحريري، إن قانون الانتخابات سيغير المشهد السياسي والدستوري، ومن يقرأ الصحافة الإسرائيلية سيكتشف الكثير من المقالات التي تتحدّث عن خطورة الشرعية الدستورية التي ستنالها المقاومة عبر الانتخابات واعتبارها خطراً يوازي خطر الصواريخ الاستراتيجية، وتعطيل الحكومة عبر تجاهل مطالب التمثيل المتواضع لحلفاء المقاومة حتى لحظة ما قبل ولادة الحكومة كان خطة، لتحميل المقاومة مسؤولية التعطيل من جهة، واتخاذ الأمر مبرراً للتصعيد من جهة أخرى، وهو اللعب بالنار دون مواربة. فالحلف الدولي العربي اللبناني رغم الضياع والارتباك يحتاج ساحة مشتركة للعب بالنار، وهو لعب لا يخلو من الضياع والارتباك.

– مَن يقرأ في الاستراتيجيات، ويعلم معنى حروب الطاقة، يجب أن يتساءل، عن سرّ التسارع في التعاون الخليجي الإسرائيلي لإنشاء أنبوب غاز إسرائيلي نحو أوروبا، وينتبه أن أهم المطلوب اليوم هو حماية هذا المشروع، عبر خطوتين، تأخير حضور لبنان في سوق الغاز ولو بتأخير ولادة الحكومة، وإرباك المقاومة أمنياً لمنعها من التصدّي للمشروع الإسرائيلي الخليجي والأنبوب الاستراتيجي نحو أوروبا. ومَن أجدر للقيام بذلك سوى الذين يضيقون ذرعاً بحكومة تعترف بالتوازنات الجديدة ويخشون ما سيليها من توازنات أشد خطراً، والذين يرون في هذا الكلام تكبيراً ومبالغة في القراءة والتفسير، أن يفسّروا ما جرى في الجاهلية بغير الكلام الذي لا يقبله عقل عن هيبة الدولة، التي وقفت تتفرّج على مجرزة حلبا ومرتكبيها، ووقفت تتفرج على الدفرسوار الأمني المفتوح لشهور لحساب أحمد الأسير بعنوان شرعي، وأن يفسّروا ما جرى في الجاهلية بغير الاحتماء وراء كلام قاله الوزير السابق وئام وهاب وأتبعه باعتذار، ولم يلقَ التأييد بالتالي من وهاب نفسه ومن حلفائه وخصوصاً حزب الله، فيما الكلام البذيء يملأ الشاشات بحق الرموز والقادة في المقاومة ومحورها وحلفائها ولا مَن يحرّك ساكناً أو يتحرّك.

– اقتحام الجاهلية لعب بالنار، وسقوط الشهيد محمد أبو دياب كاد أن يكون مدخلاً لفتنة كبرى، لولا تدخّل المقاومة. فهل يقتنع اللاعبون بالنار داخلياً وخارجياً بالتراجع، أم يستعدون لتكرار الخامس من أيار عام 2008، باعتبار ما جرى يشبه كثيراً الاستفزاز الأمني الذي جسّده قرار حكومة فؤاد السنيورة بدعم سعودي أميركي لتفكيك شبكة اتصالات المقاومة، وحلفاء المقاومة هم بمكانة ومهابة شبكة اتصالاتها، فلينتبه مَن لا ينتبه ولينبّه مَن ينتبه مَن لم ينتبه: «لا تلعبوا بالنار!».. باقية وقائمة فانصتوا لها جيداً.

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اعتاد النائب السابق وليد جنبلاط الرهانات الخاطئة. هذه المرة، سقطت حساباته في الجاهلية، مغرقاً معه الرئيس سعد الحريري بخطوة سياسية ــــ أمنية فاشلة لاعتقال الوزير السابق وئام وهاب

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حزب الله: المسّ بحلفائنا ممنوع

أن يُقرِّر رئيس الحكومة سعد الحريري تقمُّص دور ولي العهد السعودي محمد بن سلمان، بتحريض من رئيس الحزب الاشتراكي وليد جنبلاط، ثم يُقرِّر، من خارج القانون، الإيعاز إلى المدير العام لقوى الأمن الداخلي…

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من علاء الخواجة إلى «فتنة الجاهلية»

الهجوم على رجل الأعمال علاء الخواجة كان الشرارة التي أشعلت الخلاف المستعر بين رئيس الحكومة سعد الحريري ورئيس حزب التوحيد وئام وهّاب. اسم رجل الأعمال الأردني ـــ اللبناني تكرر مراراً على لسان وهاب في…

الأطرش: جنبلاط يتآمر على أبناء جلدته

أصدر أمير جبل العرب في سوريا جهاد الأطرش، بياناً أعلن فيه التضامن مع رئيس حزب التوحيد العربي وئام وهاب، متوجهاً بالتعزية إلى «أهالي بلدة الجاهلية وعائلة أبو دياب في لبنان وسوريا وفلسطين باستشهاد…

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«الشارع» في لعبة تشكيل الحكومة: رقصٌ على حافة الهاوية!

ديسمبر 1, 2018

د. وفيق إبراهيم

تصعيدُ «النواب السنة المستقلين» مطالبهم بعد الاضطرابات التي شهدتها بعض شوارع بيروت في الآونة الأخيرة يكشف انهم استوعبوا لعبة التحشيد ولم «يقبضوها»، كما كان يظن المخططون.

فهموا أن استثارة الناس بالعناوين المذهبية ودفعهم الى الشارع بلعبة تحشيد مخطط لها هي أكبر من مجرد رد عنيف على انتقادات قاسية أطلقها الوزير السابق وئام وهاب بحق آل الحريري، وبعضها ليس مقبولاً على المستوى الأخلاقي حتى ولو جاءت بعد شتم المتظاهرين لأبيه وعائلته.

كان بإمكان حزب المستقبل وكثير من الذين تضامنوا معه لتعميق الفتنة كالنائب السابق وليد جنبلاط والسيد سمير جعجع ومسؤولين دينيين ألقوا بالعمائم ارضاً خارجين الى القتال على مستوى «يا غيرة الدين»، كان بإمكان حزب الحريري إصدار بيان يهاجم فيه وهاب بالعيار الذي يريده بدلاً من تحريض الناس في طريق الجديدة بواسطة متزعمين محليين من «القبضايات» والمخاتير ورؤساء العائلات ومشايخ دقوا النفير وكأن حرب المذاهب بدأت.

لعبة التحشيد هذه مرّت بسلام بسبب إصرار حزب الله وحركة امل على تفويت الفرصة على المخططين الذين كانوا يطمحون الى افتعال «اشتباكات محدودة تؤدي بنظرهم الى إنعاش زعامة سعد الحريري وتنقذ الحريرية السياسية من تراجعاتها المتواصلة مع اعادة الامساك بحركة 14 آذار المتهالكة، وذلك بجذب كل المتساقطين منها وهذا يؤدي برأيهم الى إعادة نصبها تياراً سياسياً كما كان بعد اغتيال رئيس الحكومة الاسبق رفيق الحريري يستقوي بمذاهب وطوائف على أحزاب وطنية ومذاهب مقابلة.

لتحليل ما جرى يمكن البدء بالبسيط فيه:

هل أصيب وئام وهاب برعب جراء الاضطرابات متراجعاً الى مرحلة تأييد النهج الحريري؟ بالطبع لا. حتى أنه وعد بمؤتمر صحافي يكشف فيه عن مستوى نهب المال العام، مؤكداً انه ناتج من سيطرة الحريرية على لبنان منذ 1990، وهو تاريخ مباشرة الرئيس رفيق الحريري العمل السياسي.

لجهة اعتذاره عن بعض الشتائم غير الأخلاقية. فهذا عمل يُحسب له وليس عليه لأنه ينم عن اخلاق عالية يتمتع بها الرجل الذي أُصِيب بنوبة غضب بسبب التشكيك بأبيه ونسبه البيولوجي.

على مستوى حزب الله وحركة أمل فلا يزالان متمسكين بمواقفهما لجهة تمثيل كل القوى الوطنية في الحكومة المرتقبة ويُسهمان في ضبط الشارع ومنع التصادم العشوائي الذي لا تُحمد عادة عقباه.

بذلك يظهر ان حزب التوحيد وحركة امل وحزب الله تبنوا موقفاً شديد الهدوء على مستوى ضبط أي تحركات شعبية لكنهم لجهة الموقف السياسي تمسّكوا بمطالبهم في تشكيل الحكومة ورفعوها اكثر من أي وقت مضى حتى ان الأحزاب الوطنية والقومية بدأت تعترض على قبول حلفائها بسبعة وزراء فقط في حين ان احزاب ما كان يسمى 8 آذار تسيطر على نحو 45 نائباً وتتمثل حسب ما طبقه الحريري على الأحزاب الموالية له في المستقبل والقوات والاشتراكي بإثني عشر وزيراً، وبذلك يحق لحزب الله وتحالفاته الوطنية والقومية مع تنظيم المردة باثني عشر وزيراً ونيّف اي بتمثيل متشابه لأن لديه 45 نائباً ايضاً.

فهل يستطيع الشارع الحريري فرض معادلات حكومية لمصلحة «السعد»؟ وهذا يفترض تراجع كتلة نواب السنة المستقلين عن إصرارهم على حيازة مقعد وزاري، وكانوا يقبلون قبل التظاهرات الليلية المعادية لهم أن يكون المقعد الوزاري من دون حقيبة، لكنهم قرروا بعد الاضطرابات مباشرة أن يصروا على مقعد وزاري بحقيبة وازنة استناداً الى حجمهم الذي يصل الى خُمس عدد النواب السنة في المجلس النيابي وهناك أربعة نواب سنة إضافيون خارج تكتلهم نجحوا بدورهم في لوائح نافست اللوائح الانتخابية الحريرية فيصبح النواب السنة خارج حزب الحريري نحو 44 في المئة من 27 نائباً هم مجموعة في المجلس النيابي، فهل تبيح هذه الأرقام للشيخ سعد احتكار الحصة السنية في الحكومة المقبلة؟

من زاوية أخرى، هل يمكن الاعتقاد أن الشيخ سعد رفع من مستوى زعامته على السنة؟ أي هل أصبح «بيْ» السنة كما وصف نفسه في واحد من خطبه الأخيرة؟ علماً ان حزبه المستقبل يقدم نفسه حزباً علمانياً فيه مسيحيون وشيعة ودروز.

المعلومات تقول إن الرئيس الحريري ترجم خطة سعودية من دون أن يعرف هدفها توتير الوضع الداخلي، وتقوم على اساس ان استفراد وئام وهاب يؤدي تلقائياً الى اشتباك مع حزب الله على الأقل يربك الحزب لبنانياً، وبالتالي في حركته الاقليمية وقد يعطل دوره بنيوياً.

أما الاهداف الاخرى للخطة فتتعلق بضرورات تحشيد السنة حول مرجع داخلي واحد هو الحريري يلتفُ حوله كل القيادات السنية الموالية والمتمردة على السواء.

اما الهدف البعيد فيرمي الى إعادة مركزية الدور السعودي في الشارع السني ودور الإفتاء والمرجعيات السياسية، وذلك بعد التراجع النسبي لآل سعود في العالم واهتزاز صورة ولي العهد محمد بن سلمان المتهم بإصدار أوامر باغتيال الإعلامي جمال الخاشقجي في تركيا.

إن مجمل الأهداف المنشودة حريرياً وسعودياً لن تتحقق بمجرد أعمال شغب اقتصرت على فئات ترتبط مالياً وغريزياً بمشغليها، في حين أن فئات السنة بمختلف انتماءاتها الطبقية لهي من الجماعات المفكرة الشديدة الاحترام التي لا تقبل باستخدامها في عمليات تحشيد قد تؤدي بالمنجذبين اليها الى السقوط في الهاوية، اما استنكار القيادات السنية والوطنية لبعض ما قاله وهاب فلا يعني ابداً تأييد تفجير البلاد لمصلحة سياسيين يتراجع دورهم السياسي نتيجة فشلهم في الادارة السياسية الحريرية التي لا تزال تسيطر على لبنان منذ 28 سنة واستدانت مئة مليار دولار ذهب معظمها الى جيوب السياسيين من كل الطوائف، فيما جرى إنفاق القليل منها على رواتب وبنى تحتية قليلة.

الحكومة الى اين؟ انها معتقلة في السجن السعودي الذي يطرح بواسطة ممثليه المحليين واحداً من أمرين: سيطرة آل الحريري مع حلفائهم على الحكومة المقبلة، أو السكوت على تعطيلها حتى بروز متغيرات دولية وإقليمية تعيد البريق الى وجه محمد بن سلمان المُكتئب والمصاب بإحباط دراماتيكي.

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Sayyed Nasrallah’s Full Speech on Hezbollah Martyr’s Day

 

Local Editor

The speech of Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered during the commemoration of Martyr’s Day hosted by the party in Beirut and other areas 10-11-2018

I seek refuge in Allah from the accursed Satan. In the name of Allah the Most Gracious the Merciful. Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and prayers and peace be upon our Master and Prophet, the Seal of the Prophets, Abi al-Qassim Mohammad bin Abdullah and his good and pure household and his good and chosen companions and all the prophets and messengers.

Peace and God’s mercy and blessings be upon you all. I welcome you all and thank you for your attendance in numerous areas. I extend my greetings especially to our dear and beloved families and the families of the martyrs who are with us today to commemorate Martyr’s Day, Hezbollah’s Martyr’s Day, which is in fact their martyr. In this address, I would like to speak, first, about the occasion and then a little about the situation in the region, especially concerning the “Israeli” issue. It is more relevant on Martyr’s Day. The last point will tackle the local situation, specifically the issue of the government and its formation.

On November 11, 1982, which is now known to everyone, the prince of the self-sacrificing martyrs and the one who launched the era of self-sacrificing martyrdom operations, Ahmad Kassir, carried out his qualitative and historic operation. He targeted the headquarters of the “Israeli” military governor in Tyre. This headquarters managed and led the occupation forces in that area. The operation killed more than 120 “Israeli” officers and soldiers, including senior generals in the army and the “Israeli” security services. All that was said at the time was that “Israel” declared a three-day mourning period and that the building was completely destroyed. This self-sacrificing martyrdom operation shook the [“Israeli”] entity and charted a decisive course for the resistance, the resistance of our people. It included a group of parties, forces and resistance factions. Soon it produced a great victory and a great liberation. It started from Beirut to the suburbs to Mount Lebanon, to parts of western Bekaa and Rashaya. In 1985, the liberation reached Saida, Tyre, Nabatiyeh and the rest of western Bekaa and Rashaya, all the way to the occupied border strip. The path of the resistance was decisive and powerful. It accomplished within a few years, in less than three years, a great liberation. This was in fact the first victory. This was made by the blood of the martyrs. 11/11 was the great and powerful stone of foundation on this crucial course. We chose this day to commemorate Hezbollah’s martyr? Today, we honor all our martyred brothers and sisters, adults and children, the martyred leaders, the self-sacrificing martyrs, Mujahedeen and all those martyred along various fronts that we are fighting on. Convoys of martyrs continue to flow, score victories and contribute to victories on every front we go to.

These martyrs gave us a life of dignity, but through martyrdom received something far greater. On the Day of Resurrection, God Almighty has prepared for these martyrs blessings, graces and an eternal and immortal bliss that no eye has seen, no ear has heard, and no heart of man has imagined. But the martyrs have an important quality. Brothers and sisters as you well know there will be a reckoning on the Day of Resurrection. The Day of the great Resurrection is when all the people are raised back to life, brought together in the Gathering Place [Sahraa’ al-Mahshar] and judged. This day will come after decades, centuries, millennia. God knows.  This is from the unseen [al-Ghaib] which God has kept for Himself.

Only God knows how long it takes between the death of Man and the approaching of the Hour. From the time that I die to the approaching of the Hour, God knows how long it will last, decades, centuries or millennia. When a person dies where does he go? Death is not dying. Death is the separation of the soul from the body. The body decays in the dust. Where does the soul go? The heavenly religions answered this question. Philosophers and thinkers answered this question. There are multiple answers even within one religion and one doctrine. But allow me to say in the presence of the families of the martyrs that what is certain and unquestionable is that when we read the Quran – the immortal book of Islam – we will find that martyrs do not die. When their souls separate from their bodies during martyrdom, the martyrs move to life to what is called the world of Isthmus [Al-Barzakh].

They are alive. God Almighty says in clear verses that do not need a lot of interpretation: {And never think of those who have been killed in the cause of Allah as dead. Rather, they are alive}. We are not talking about the Day of Judgment now. All the people are alive. All people will return to life. Life on the Day of Resurrection does not belong to the martyrs. We are talking about their lives after their martyrdom until the approaching of the Hour. {They are alive with their Lord, receiving provision, rejoicing in what Allah has bestowed upon them of His bounty, and they receive good tidings about those [to be martyred] after them who have not yet joined them – that there will be no fear concerning them, nor will they grieve. They receive good tidings of favor from Allah and bounty and [of the fact] that Allah does not allow the reward of believers to be lost.}

There is a clear assumption in these verses, which is that these living martyrs are in that new world. They live by the grace of Allah and the mercy of Allah. Here the presumption is that they receive good tidings about those who are yet to join them in martyrdom; their friends, brothers and loved ones who are still living in this world. The martyrs who moved to that new world receive good tidings about those who are still in this world and will join them because they are continuing their path. In our culture, the families of the martyrs rest assured about the fate of their sons  and loved ones. Who are they with? You know in Lebanon, there are many expatriates and young people who travel abroad for work. For example, they head to Africa and stay with families who are usually from their town. They are usually relatives or the likes. The father knows where his son is staying, with his uncle, with his relatives, with his loyal friends. So he rests assured. He does not worry. But who do our martyred sons and brothers stay with? With their Lord, receiving provision. God knows what this moral, spiritual and materialistic provision is. God knows best because He kept it limitless. Receiving provision. He did not specify what kind of provision these martyrs would receive. Hence, they headed to that world and gave us this world. They left us victories, freedom, liberation, power and glory. They also left us their wills. Today, the liberation of land and prisoners, the dignity, the honor, the pride and security our country enjoys is thanks to the sacrifices of all the martyrs, the martyrs of Hezbollah, the martyrs of the Amal movement, the martyrs of the national and Palestinian resistance factions, the martyrs of the Lebanese army and the security forces and the martyred men, women and children of our people who have been killed in many of the enemy’s massacres. This pure blood gave us what we are enjoying now. They left in us their wills. The families of the martyrs preserved these wills through their patience and compassion, taking pride in their martyrs, staying steadfast on the path of the martyrs and offering more martyrs. The vast majority of the families of our martyrs gave the rest of their children to the resistance, to this path and all the arenas that we were and continue to operate in. Many of these young men are brothers or sons of martyrs. They hail from the families of martyrs. We have more than 135 families who have provided more than one martyr to our resistance. Some of these families provided more than three martyrs. On this occasion, it is our moral and brotherly duty to mention a dear and great father who passed away a few days ago, Hajj Abdul Hussain Hodroj, the father of three martyrs. This family is the first family in our march to offer three martyrs. It gave three martyrs in the 1980s consecutively.

This family and the rest of the martyrs’ families has always been an example and a model of patience and taking pride in their martyrs. On this occasion, I offer my condolences to every family member of the late Hajj Abdul Hussain Hodroj and tell them: your father has followed his sons who are waiting for him. The martyrs are our guarantee. They are a guarantee in the life of this world and our guarantee in the Hereafter. Their brothers and fellow fighters who remained on this path until we got to where we are now preserved the wills of the martyrs.

From here on I will discuss the [aforementioned] points.

The first point: With the blessing of this blood and the golden equation of the army, the people and the resistance, today we protect our country, our honor and the riches of our country. To be clear, it is primarily because of the missile capabilities that the resistance possesses today. The US and the West forbid the Lebanese army from possessing such capabilities. It is forbidden by several countries to have capabilities that can create balance, deterrence or fear within the enemy.

Today, the central force in Lebanon is this missile capability available to the resistance. Because of the equation and the missile capability, the enemy does not dare attack Lebanon. Since the end of the war in 2006 until today, the “Israelis” do not dare attack Lebanon, which was the scene of “Israeli” air raids. Several years ago, the enemy launched a raid along the border in the vicinity of Jinta. [Hezbollah] responded to the operation and the enemy was made to understand that any aggression will inevitably be followed by a response.

This formula is protecting the security and airspace [of Lebanon] as well as the villages and towns that were being bombed since 1948. Therefore, we find that the “Israeli” enemy, especially lately, is trying to focus a lot on the subject of missile power and capabilities available to the resistance. This is being done through intimidation, diplomatic pressure, using the Americans and even some European countries and by threats, claiming that if this is not addressed, [“Israel”] will address it.

I brought a text published a few days ago. Netanyahu is proudly addressing the “Israeli” people and is not ashamed about the Arabs and the Arab countries he went to, not even from the Arab countries that he is supposed to go to. He does not really recognize them and does not recognize the Arabs. What is the logic behind what he was saying? A few days ago, he said in front of the members of the Likud faction – unfortunately we have to quote his words: “Power is the most important [component] of foreign policy. ‘Occupation’ is baloney. There were huge countries that have occupied and transferred populations and no one talks about them. Power changes everything and it changes our policies vis-a-vis Arab states.” Netanyahu forcefully imposed himself on weak, frightened, and cowardly Arab governments. What is his problem with Lebanon and with the resistance? His problem is that there is power here. He cannot live with power. He cannot bear the presence of a power that sets limits for his ambitions, his projects and threats and all that he sees behind the borders. Therefore, he wants to take away this power while seeking more elements of power.

Netanyahu and the “Israeli” enemy that has nuclear weapons, the strongest air force in the region and a large army cannot bear the amount of missiles present in Lebanon. Why? Because they hinder and prevent the “Israeli” enemy from acting as it pleases.

Today on Martyr’s Day, I want to reaffirm that we are holding onto Lebanon’s strength, which lies in the golden equation: the army, the people and the resistance. We are holding on to the weapons of the resistance and all the resistance’s missiles. Neither intimidation nor threats, not even sanctions, which they bet on a lot, will change this. If we have to sell our homes to protect the resistance’s missile capabilities, we will do that. But threats and intimidation will not do anything.

I ask Lebanon that it must put up with this level of diplomatic pressure because giving in – if we assume it happens – means that Lebanon will be open to “Israeli” aggression at any time, any moment. It might not be a war but rather repeated attacks the way it used to be between the wars, starting in 1948 onto 2006. As for us, I am not saying anything new if I told the “Israelis” who are talking about a change in the rules of engagement or a change in the equation towards Lebanon: we will inevitably respond to any attack on Lebanon, any airstrike on Lebanon, any bombing on Lebanon. It will not be accepted that the enemy return to violate Lebanon as it did in the past decades. This is the first point.

The second point: In the context of the conflict with the enemy, over the past few weeks we have witnessed an onslaught of open normalization of ties and public visits by Zionist officials to some Gulf States. We condemn any form of normalizing of ties with the “Israeli” enemy regardless of the origin, government, state, leader, party or popular class. We condemn it and call upon all honorable people in the world to condemn it. The dangers of normalizing of ties with the enemy are clear. Normalizing of ties with the enemy means, at the very least, recognizing the enemy and recognizing the legitimacy of its violations against Palestine and the Islamic and Christian holy sites. It means being silent, justifying and overlooking the oppression and all the crimes it committed against the Palestinian people and the people of the region. It means fixating the “Israeli” entity, its remainder and its occupation. That is why everyone should condemn it. This goes above and beyond national interests. Nowadays, in order not to upset a certain state because of local issues, I remain quiet; you remain quiet, he remains quiet. Normalization of ties [with “Israel”] in the Arab and Islamic world will be a normal and ordinary matter. This should be rejected.

The humane, religious, moral, national, and legal duty is to speak out and condemn every form and step of normalization of ties [with “Israel”] in the Arab and Islamic world. This battle must be revived again and fought again. The battle of normalization of ties does not need missiles or weapons or money. This is the responsibility of the elites, scholars, young people on social networking sites, the media and anyone with the ability to express a stance. We will be asked about this on the Day of Resurrection. In this context, I would also like to say, especially to the Palestinian people, not to be saddened by these normalization steps. Why? Good might come from it. Let us look at the other side of the issue. What has been happening in secret is now happening in public. This is not a new thing.

What is happening now in public puts an end to the official Arab hypocrisy and lifts all the masks of deceit – of deceitful people and hypocrites who have portrayed for decades to the Palestinian people as well as the Arab and Islamic nation that their position is different. When masks fall and real faces are revealed, the lines are redrawn. Who is here and who is there? The camps will be clearly defined. This is one of the components of victory in the battle.

Deceitful people, hypocrites and liars who sell illusions and waste time here and there are the ones delaying victory and the growth of true awareness on which the resistance and revolutionary movements are based. Our true hope and your true hope is in our people and in some countries that are still resilient in their position.

Yes, we find hope when we look at the people of Gaza, who are taking part in the marches of return every week, especially on Fridays, and who are martyred and wounded every day. You find hope when millions of people in Gaza refuse to submit, give up, be silent and fall. Hope is in the West Bank, which is expressing its stance, too. Its mujahedeen, including young men and women come out to fire a shot, throw a bomb or launch a stabbing operation. A few days ago, the head of the Shabak spoke about thwarting an operation.

The operations that succeed are the act of resistance. The operations that are thwarted express the will of the resistance. When he says that this year alone, the “Israeli” security services have foiled 480 operations in the West Bank, this means that there are 480 acts of resistance and wills of resistance fighters that have been foiled. The reason they were foiled is another discussion. This reflects the real spirit in the West Bank. The smart money is on these people.

In the face of waves of normalization, we must take pride in our people in Syria’s occupied Arab Golan Heights. They have been under occupation since 1967 but they always refused normalization. They refuse to submit and turn the Golan into an “Israeli” territory. The “Israeli” enemy itself admitted to the great achievement the people in the Golan achieved a few days ago. The “Israelis” planned, prepared and exerted all efforts for the success of the municipal and local elections in the towns of the Golan. But the residents of the Golan foiled them. What does this express? If the residents of the Golan did not have Arab genuineness, commitment to the cause and a sincere sense of national belonging, they would have told you: all those Arabs are welcoming Netanyahu. The “Israeli” minister of culture prays at the Sheikh Zayed Mosque in the Emirates. So, why would I want to be beaten, imprisoned, arrested and confront the “Israeli” enemy? Let us normalize ties like most of the Arabs. Our people in Palestine, in the Golan and along the Arab and Islamic world are not like that.

In the face of normalization, we have many bright models from Tunisia to many Arab countries to Lebanon. Yesterday, the media reported about a boy aged 8-9 years participating in an international chess competition in Spain. This means it required preparation, hard work and exhaustion from him, his parents and the official relevant parties in Lebanon. The Lebanese official mission’s stance there is appreciated. Unfortunately, I have to say this in Lebanese fashion for Muslims in the Arab world to hear. We must say that the Lebanese Christian boy, Mark Abu Deeb, committed to not playing with the “Israeli” player. In the end, if it comes down to the “Israeli” player and I in the competition, I will not play with him. I will forfeit because he is an enemy. That is hope. Hope is in this youth, young men and people. It is not in the rulers who have long been downtrodden. The good thing that is happening is that the leaves of mulberries and the masks of hypocrisy and deceit are falling before the Arab people.

In Iran, Iranian athletes during international competitions express this stance. When a young man who has been working hard for years reach the finals or the semi-finals to compete with an “Israeli”, he forfeits to express this stance. Hope is here. This battle should be fought. On Martyr’s Day, we call again on the dear people in our Arab and Islamic nation to fight this war, return to it and not to consider it a marginal fight. It is a vital, basic and real battle to the “Israelis”. In Bahrain, despite the repression and cruelty, some demonstrations were held at night and others during the day yesterday in most Bahraini towns. The demonstrations were denouncing Netanyahu or any “Israeli” official’s visit to Bahrain. Those are our people. These are the people of our nation who we can bet on with all seriousness.

Trump and the US officials speak frankly. One of the objectives of the sanctions on Iran is to change its position on the Palestinian cause and to stop its support for resistance movements in the region. This is a declared objectives and one of the demands. But the Islamic Republic has not done as some Arab regimes do and say: I am under American and economic pressure. And then give up its principles, its beliefs, its commitment, and its faith.

Syria, which is still in the midst of a global war, is still steadfast. Day after day, truths are being revealed. When I see Netanyahu in any Arab capital or watch any “Israeli” official in any Arab capital, Syria and Damascus immediately come to my mind. If the Syrian leadership, the Syrian army, the Syrian people and Syria’s allies did not hold up in this great battle and this state and regime fell, it is clear that within a few weeks or a few months we would have seen Netanyahu in Damascus because most of this opposition is open and loyal “Israel”. We would have also seen the “Israeli” Minister of Culture in the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus the way she was at the Sheikh Zayed Mosque. But Syria did not change its position despite all the Arab injustice it has suffered over the difficult and harsh years.

The third point: A month ago, the world was occupied with the horrific crime committed at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul against the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The whole world was surprised by the details of the crime, which included kidnapping, killing, cutting up [the body], dissolving it in acid, and disposing of what was left into the sewer. The world has the right to be surprised, shocked and to condemn. Of course many are trying to see how this matter can be divided. In the Arab world, no one was surprised and shocked. No one condemned it. On the contrary, they showed solidarity. In the Arab world, cutting with a saw or a sword and dissolving in acid is a normal thing. People have the right to be surprised and astonished and to condemn. But it is strange how this world was not shocked by the scenes of the heinous and daily massacres in Yemen and its conscience was not moved by the Yemeni children. The United Nations itself says that hundreds of children now – 400 or 500 – hundreds of children are at risk of dying every hour in Yemen.

The United Nations and not us is talking about 14 million threatened with famine, and the number may have risen. There are hundreds of thousands of Yemenis threatened with cholera and threatened with death. The world was silent. Now, the world is beginning to speak. Now, the Americans are beginning to speak. The Europeans are beginning to speak. Of course, there is still Islamic and Arab silence, except for some countries. In general, there is silence and no one dares to speak. How big the sword, money, gold and submission are in the Arab world! Do you want to know why we got to this situation in the Arab world? This Arab stance towards what is happening in Yemen explains it to you. We are now faced with a new situation. I do not want to condemn only but also to say that we are faced with a new situation. The Khashoggi incident might have created some kind of transformation. However, it is good to hear American and European statements today as well as the United Nations calling for a halt to the fighting and an end to the war. This is worth pausing a little on it. It can be serious. This is probable. And it can be a trick and wasting time.

It might be a serious move. But this possibility is not caused by the killing of Khashoggi. It is not because now the world grew a conscience. The world has been seeing the children, the massacres, the bombings and the daily killing for four years. Why did the world now say that this war should stop? This needs a little bit of contemplating. It is simply because the Yemenis resisted in this battle. This is a great lesson. They were steadfast in this battle and the Saudi-Emirati-US coalition failed in this war. If this possibility was serious, then its purpose is to save the Saudis and the Emiratis more than it is to save the Yemenis. This coalition has failed in occupying the north and failed in managing the south. It is failing in Yemen in the north and in the south. They lost in the north because of the steadfastness and the military failure. In the south, it was because of the popular movement and the administrative and political failure. Today, America wants to save its allies in the region. Trump and the American camp are not heart broken because of the [Yemeni] children. But we care about the results. We care that the war and the fighting to stop. Interestingly, he says that it will stop within a month. But why within a month? Why not immediately? Why not directly? This is another point our brothers in Yemen are paying attention to it very well or they should pay attention to very well. It is as if the Americans are telling the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition: you have a month. Get your affairs in order. See what you can do with the formula and what you can achieve. After a month, the world will tell you to stop. Therefore, it is strange and interesting that at the time when American and Western calls to stop the war are issued, we witness an increase in the months-long escalation in Yemen; the existing escalation now along the west coast and in Hodeida. This is if it was a serious probability. If the was a deceit to deceive the Yemenis and take them away from their weapons, fronts and their positions. They should not be fooled because usually when fighters feel that the battle is coming to an end, their mettle diminishes and weakens. It is over. They might be negligent and slow down. This is an existing experience.

On Martyr’s Day and while we take pride in the martyrs of our brothers and our people in Yemen, I tell our brothers there: Be patient and steadfast. Hold on to your weapons, fronts and positions. Today, you are closer to victory than ever before. The victory of the Yemenis lies in remaining in their land and preventing this barbaric aggression from fulfilling any of its objectives. They are steadfast and are creating a military miracle. There is military legend taking place daily along the western coast and the various Yemeni battlefronts.

I conclude with a final point with regard to the regional situation. We condemned the verdict issued against Sheikh Ali Salman, may God protect him and some of his brethren. What is worth noting, brothers and sisters, is that the court in Bahrain declared His Eminence innocent over the charge of spying for Qatar. There was no communication in the whole recording. At the time, Qatar was attempting to mediate and coordinate with the Saudis to find a solution at the beginning of the Yemen crisis. At that time, the Qataris were active in all arenas. So, the court ruled on is innocence and the public prosecution appealed. What was the verdict? A life sentence! Mashalla, from innocence to life imprisonment. It is understandable if it was from innocence to four years or five years or ten years. There might be legal grounds. But to life imprisonment, this confirms every day that the judiciary in Bahrain and in the likes of Bahrain is a real repressive authority. Sheikh Salman’s prison term was supposed to end soon and he would have gone to his family and people. But this regime insists on detaining him and detaining scholars, leaders, figures and thousands of Bahraini youth. It does so to force the people to surrender. It will neither give up its national stance, its demand for reform or its rights, whatever the sacrifice. It has forcefully proven this.

We move to the Lebanese concern. At the beginning, we spoke a lot in Fosha [Classical Arabic]. Now, we will speak in colloquial Arabic [Ammiya]. Probably in colloquial Arabic the Lebanese would understand each other better. First of all, I would like to apologize to the non-Lebanese viewers because they will be watching me mention names of sects. This is because the composition of our country, unfortunately, is a sectarian one. We live under this sectarian system and we have to speak this language because this is the reality we have in the country.

Regarding the subject of the government, I will talk with clarity, transparency and openness, but of course respecting everybody.

I am going to divide this subject into three sections. The first section includes the facts. The second section is based on facts and includes some remarks. And the third section is our position at the current stage.

Regarding the facts, why? Five months ago until today, we have not spoken about the subject of the government. We have not stated what we have done, facilitated, assisted,  demand? We have not spoken about anything. We worked on everything away from the media. We used to always stress on rushing to form a government. We emphasized that it should be a national unity government and that the results of the elections should be taken into consideration.

 

Of course, the atmosphere of the whole country implies that Hezbollah is disrupting and delaying. Through the facts and remarks as well as the position towards the current complication – the old new complication – we determine our position.

After the assigning the Prime Minister-designate to form a government, discussions were made. We were always part of these discussions. A large part of these discussions took place with our brothers in the Amal movement and us. Another part was with us separately or with the Amal movement separately.

The number of the representatives in the government was discussed. There were voices that demanded the government of 32 to allow the two oppressed and disadvantaged Lebanese components, which are the Alawite Muslims and the minorities from the Christians, to be represented. If the government were made of 32 representatives, we would be lifting a historical injustice from these two components. Lebanon does not need more than eight or ten, or twelve ministers to represent all its parties. 14 ministers are enough. Why raise it 24 or 30 for everyone to be represented? In the same context, let the 30 be 32 for everyone to be represented.

His Excellency the President of the Republic was in agreement. His Excellency the House Speaker was in agreement. The main, basic forces in the country were in agreement. The PM-designate did not agree. He said this embarrasses him a lot, and that he cannot take responsibility, and so on. We will continue to hear this language. What I can bear, what I am capable of and what I’m not. Following extensive discussions, it turns out that lifting the historical injustice from the Alawite component and the minorities component from the Christians was an objective that can be done, yet not in this government but in the coming government. But this is a noble goal and a national goal that should be fought for as long as the system in Lebanon is a sectarian one. When the system ceases to be sectarian, everyone will have a chance to be represented in the government because they enter it due to their qualifications or political affiliation and not their sectarian affiliations.

We overcame this subject. If we wanted to obstruct and complicate, we could have said since the first day: We are not going to participate and we do not accept. We want 32 ministers. We want a Alawite and Christian minorities. Focus on this. Is anyone preventing us from doing so? Like now, is anyone preventing us from doing so?  No one is preventing us. But we have overcome that. This is the first thing.

The second thing: Here I am talking about facilitations. They brought up the subject of ministerial quotas.

Allow me to mention names. The Lebanese Forces have 15 deputies. Since day one, they demanded five ministers. The Progressive Socialist Party has nine deputies. Since day one, they demanded three ministers and wanted all the Druze representation. The Future Movement wanted all the Sunni representation and has only 20 deputies. They wanted all the Sunni representation and have no problem exchanging a Sunni with a Christian with the President of the Republic. The Amal movement and Hezbollah have 30 deputies. They accepted six ministers. Who has been facilitating the process since day one and who has been complicating it? Who? If I am saying something untrue, let some one say it is incorrect. We accepted six. I would like to apologize to Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri. We learn lessons from him. It seems that humility in this country is wrong. Today, I am one of the people who is saying that humility in this country is wrong. Since day one, we should have demanded ten ministers according to the criteria of the Lebanese forces, the Socialist Party and the Future Movement. We should have demanded ten ministers because we have 30 deputies. We have Shiite, Sunni and Christian ministers. In both blocs, we have Christians and Sunnis. We could have demanded 10 ministers and brought is down to eight but not to six ministers. But we, Hezbollah and the Amal movement, did not behave in this manner. We considered the situation in the country, the economic and financial situation and the difficulties. Let us stick together. Let us address it and solve it. So we accepted six. As Amal and Hezbollah, this is not our size. This is not our size parliament. This is not our electoral size. This is not our political size. This is not the size of our preferential votes. Now, I would like to count. We can count again. When we count, we can start from the beginning. There will no longer be any complications. We will start discussions from the beginning.

The third point regarding the facts: You know that we are always committed to our allies. The Nationalist Party had the right to be represented in previous governments. They did not accept it to be represented. Take it from your share. So we took it from our share. One day, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, at the last minute, agreed to reduce one minister from the Shiite quota and increase one minister for the Sunni quota so that one of our allies Minister Faisal Karami can be represented.

Well, closing on these allies? This is their natural right.

We now come naturally to demand representation for our allies. We do not abandon our allies. Of course when there is a right, when there is one criterion that must be followed, we stick to the criteria.

Among our allies, we also mention our ally and friend Emir (Prince) Talal Arslan. He is part of the Strong Lebanon bloc. The Strong Lebanon bloc vowed to address this issue. It will get him his right. We have always been supportive. The Nationalist Party has three deputies. They said no since the criteria is four or five deputies. So those who have three deputies do not take a minister. We abide by the criteria. When there are no more criteria, we will talk about the Nationalist Party. We have Christian allies and Christina friends that we allied with during the parliamentary elections in Zhale and Jbeil. It was also said that there are two criteria to the new government. The first is that it is a national unity government. The second is that the results of the elections should be taken into consideration. Let the results of the elections be taken into consideration. There are our Sunni brothers, the Sunni deputies. We told them that if these criteria apply to everyone and the results of the elections were taken into consideration, where is the problem? We will take it.

The fourth point, which is the representation of the independent Sunni deputies, is detailed as follows.  They are the March 8 deputies, the March 8 Sunnis or as the Future Movement call them Hezbollah’s Sunnis. I and everyone in Hezbollah are proud to have them as brothers. We are proud that the Sunnis belong to us and we to them. We take pride in this. We lift our heads high and take pride in every Sunni sister or brother form March 8. We respect everybody. Since 2005, the stance of the Sunnis of March 8 was nationalist, firm and resilient. Their stance prevented turning the political conflict in Lebanon into a sectarian war. At that time, others at home and abroad wanted a sectarian war in Lebanon. The greatest achievement the Sunnis of March 8, including their political and civil stances, their politicians, scholars, sheikhs, parties, forces, blocs, youths did was prevented turning the conflict in Lebanon to a Sunni-Shiite conflict and to a sectarian conflict. This is what the US, “Israel” and Saudi as well as some at home wanted. Even the March 14 was hoping for a Sunni-Shiite conflict in Lebanon. March 8 Sunnis were always alongside the resistance, the Palestinian cause and the sanctities of this nation. March 8 Sunnis are not a charge. They are not something shameful. They are not insult. This is a real masquerade.

These deputies wanted to be represented. They met with each other, made calls, formed a consultation meeting and spoke to us. They said, brother, we demand to be represented. We represent a large segment of the Sunni sect. That is true. You want us to talk about numbers, we can. We can talk about anything. They demanded two ministers. We told them that you are six deputies. It is true that your size is big and real, but two ministers is hard. They said, okay brother, one minister. We told them to demand and we will help them. O, Lebanese, senior officials, leaders, ministers, patriarchs, sheikhs, muftis, bishops and everyone listen. Since day one of talking about the formation of the government, we spoke to the relevant people. We spoke to the PM-designate regarding the independent Sunni deputies, the independent Sunnis, the March 8 Sunnis. Call them whatever you want. We demanded that they be represented with a minister in the government. Since day one. Whenever, we spoke with each other or sent messages to each other, we always emphasized on this demand as being a real and serious demand. Frankly speaking, we told the concerned parties that we are not demanding this for the sake of demanding. So that later we will tell our brothers, the six deputies, that we demanded, sought and spoke, but we could not do anything. This is not our position. We are serious. If you are talking about a national unity government, then they are a great segment of the Lebanese people. They are a great segment of the Sunni sect. At the very least, their right is to be represented by one minister. But it was never given importance. We cannot, we can. Some might have gotten confused and thought that Hezbollah is talking for the sake of talking. Now, I am talking about Hezbollah. In the end, we take the names, go to Baabda, issue a decree and the government will be formed. They will object for two or three days. Everything will then work out. This is how it used to be done. I believe this is humiliating. This is humiliating. It is disrespecting people. It is not acknowledging people. Not acknowledging what they represent and who they represent. This is humiliating and is unacceptable anywhere. I will come back to this a little later. After five months of negotiations wit the Lebanese Forces and the Progressive Socialist Party, the complication was solved. The Christian-Druze complication was solved. This is great, regardless of the results. They called us. The PM-designate called us and said I want the names of your ministers, the three ministers. Even when he called and asked for the names, I did not know the portfolios. Am I not a leader in Hezbollah? I swear I did not know what portfolios will be given to the ministers of Amal and Hezbollah. There is the Ministry of Health where they made a big deal out of it. What are the other two ministries? Our brothers in the Amal movement, apart from the Finance Ministry, what are they taking? We do not know. Those philosophers who say we are ruling the country, controlling it and running it. We still do not know what are portfolios are.  I am responsible. To the martyrs’ families and Hezbollah: before anyone, I am responsible because I was trying to be a decent person more than I should. We told him, we won’t give you the names until you solve the issue of the independent Sunni minister. He said there is no Sunni minister. Brother, how is there no Sunni minister? He said there is none. There are no names. Do whatever you want, but you will not get the names. We don not give complements. We do not talk for the sake of talking. We do not deceive. We have been clear since day one. Brother, there was confusion during the first month and the second month. A month before they solved the Christian-Druze complication, we clearly demanded that the brothers, the independent Sunni deputies, be represented by a minister. If this is not addressed, we will not move on.

Practically, the formation has stopped. The PM-designate went to Paris. The situation in Lebanon is as chaotic as it was in 2005. There is still sectarian incitement between the Sunnis and the Shiites. We can still hear all the nonsense we used to hear in 2005.

These are the facts.

The second part which is basing on these facts: all what has been said about an fabricated complication, an unexpected complication, an emergency complication, some even said that Hezbollah let its rabbits loose are not true. I will not say more than this. It is not true. The deputies have been talking about this for more than five months. We have been talking about this and demanding with them. Others and us. But now, we are talking about ourselves. It is not true. Some media outlets called it a Christian-Druze-Sunni complication. The PM-designate and the other side do not recognize the existence of a Sunni complication because they do not recognize the other side in the first place. Otherwise, this subject would have present since day one. All those who sent me letters saying it is new, an emergency or fabricated, I tell them it is not new, an emergency or fabricated. It has been there since day one. I tell you there is something – because we too are decent people. Some considered that we committed a tactical mistake. I do not think we committed a tactical mistake. The tactical mistake, however, is that you have been talking in closed meetings and you did not mention this in the media. We simply were talking behind closed door with the PM-designate and telling him: Your Excellency, you initiate. Send for the deputies and sit with them. Agree with them. Whatever you agree with them will work. Just, you start the initiative. We did not resort to the media in order not to portray that Hezbollah is imposing this on the PM-designate. And so that it would not be turned into a battle of defiance or a battle of defeat. It is not a tactical mistake because we want the government to be formed and every person takes his right. This is the reason. Otherwise, we could have gone to the media, what is stopping us? We are not afraid to talk to the media. We are not afraid of America, “Israel”, Saudi Arabia or the dollar and the Arabic sword. We wanted to solve the issue wisely and in the best way and for the PM-designate to accommodate everyone and be a national leader. We told him that we were serious and we will not abandon our allies. This is one point.

The second point is based on the facts that I spoke about. Some said that Hezbollah’s goal from this matter and siding with the Sunni deputies is to prevent the President of the Republic and the Free Patriotic Movement from having 11 ministers in the government. This is nonsense. Now, I tell you. Let the president and the Free Patriotic Movement take 11, 12 or 15 ministers. We do not have a problem. They are our strategic and tactical allies. When we supported the demand of the Sunni deputies in ministerial representation, we did not say to take it from the president’s share. We did not say from the 11 ministers. We are demanding from the PM-designate to give from his share and not the share of the president. If later he agrees with the president that they take it from the president’s share, then that is his business. We never asked for it in an internal meeting. I will tell you more than this. Since day one, we told the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) with utmost seriousness that we are not asking of the movement or the president anything regarding this subject. This matter is with the PM-designate.

How can someone reach the realization that Hezbollah does not want the president and the Free Patriotic Movement to get 11 ministers? Their desire is to have 11 or 12.

Our relation with His Excellency the President is excellent and flawless. We disagree. We have always disagreed on details with regards to Lebanese politics.

But our alliance and our relationship is above all this. They are trying to employ this problem to cause a conflict between Mr. President and Hezbollah or between the FPM and Hezbollah.

The third point: since day one, it appeared that we will not give the names. Therefore, the formation process stopped. ‘Iran this, Iran that.’ This is an Iranian-American conflict. I thought this was Hezbollah’s government, and I am disrupting Hezbollah’s government. All of you are saying this is the government of Hezbollah. Iran is disrupting the government of Hezbollah!

There is a level of absurdity in the country. Before the sanctions, Hezbollah is rushing to form a government because of the sanctions. Now, when we showed solidarity with our Sunni brothers, Hezbollah is disrupting the government formation because of the sanctions. Brother, stick to one opinion. This one or that one.

Also Syria. Now, it appears that President Bashar al-Assad is also interfering. He ignored the situations east of the Euphrates, in Idlib, the reconstruction of Syria and the political solution to work on the Lebanese government.

I would like to assure you that neither Iran nor Syria has any relation with the subject. This is it. There are independent Sunni deputies. March 8 represent a very large segment of the Lebanese and the honorable Sunnis in Lebanon. They have the right to demand a minister. We stand by them.

Do not talk include Iran or an American-Iranian-Syrian conflict or any of this nonsense. I will set formalities aside and mention names. I would like to address Mr. Walid Jumblatt and to the brothers in the Progressive Socialist Party because of the following:

The first point: Iran wants to punish you for delaying the formation of the government. Where did you get this? What is your evidence? During the five months you and the Lebanese Forces were arguing and arguing. As Iran demanded the formation of the government and is punishing Lebanon for delaying it!

Syrian President Assad is interfering! The Syrians did not talk to us and did not ask us for anything. So far, they have not spoken to us or asked us for anything even though we talk to each other on a daily basis. There is communication between us every day.

So this is your reading. Your antennas have caught this. Fix your antennas, Walid. They are not fixed.

Of course, I maintain respect. Look. You have been delaying the formation of the government for four months. Four months debating – three ministers, two ministers, three ministers – until you found the solution.

As a friend, I would have accepted you talking about the delay in the past four months, but now no. Now, you do not have the right to about us delaying or obstructing the formation of the government or about the regional and economic situations. You can start counting from the day we refused to give the names of our minister. You obstructed for four months.

But now you have to calm down a bit and wait and see where this subject will go.

I will also address the Lebanese Forces. You are the complication. You were the complication. As if the Lebanese Forces had nothing to do with the battle that was fought in Lebanon through the media outlets, politics, social media, universities and insults. And they say that the complication is the Sunni complication. You have debated for five months. It is your right. I am not saying if you were wrong or right. You have the right to demand your rights. But for five months you disrupted the country. Did we say anything? Did anyone from Hezbollah say that the Lebanese Forces disrupting the country, the Socialist Party disrupting, the country or the Future Movement disrupting the country? W e did not open our mouth. We waited and waited. Just because we showed solidarity with our brothers, you opened fire and say Hezbollah, Iran and Syria are disrupting! Is this fair? What country is this? You do not have the right.

The Lebanese Forces must wait five months. If Walid must wait four months, they should count five months. After five months, you will have the right to speak. Five months from now, every word you say on this subject is an attack on a Lebanese segment.

One of the remarks that was raised and said is that Hezbollah is hardening its position because it wants to kick out the prime minister. This is not true. We have been cooperating with him since day one. I mentioned to you the subject of the 32 ministers, the Alawite, the Assyrian, the Nationalist Party, our Christian friends, etc. we do not want to overthrow him. On the contrary, we want him to form the government. Let him come and form a government he heads. We have no problem with this issue, but to give everyone the right.

This is the last part and we will conclude.

Our position is as follows:

We agree that what is raised is to form a national unity government and taking the results of the elections into account. The criteria are the one we disagree on. Let someone tell me what the criterion was the government going to be formed on and issue decrees. We submitted the names a few days ago.

Is the criterion for every four deputies one minister or is it for every five deputies one minister? What is the criterion? The Lebanese forces were asking for five ministers and they took four ministers. They have 15 deputies. Amal and us have 30 deputies and we took six ministers. We have the right to eight ministers if this is the criterion.

The Future Movement has 20 deputies. It takes all 20. The PM-designate with five ministers take 20. We are 30. Where is the unified criterion? There is no unified criterion. He is telling us that there should be a unified criterion and there isn’t one!

You are debating with me whether those six deputies belong to a bloc or not. They represent a huge segment. What was presented is that the results of the elections will be taken into account. The six deputies should be represented by the results of the elections – their results. I would like to add something here today. These six deputies no longer represent their voters. They represent the Sunnis of March 8. They represent all these people from the south to the north, who participated in the elections and supported the lists. Some of the lists passed and others did not. But they did not change their affiliations or their political line.

Today, the six deputies are not only six MPs representing those who specifically elected them. They represent this political line. The language we hear – that we do not accept a minister from March 8 in the government – is rejected. It is a language of isolation and exclusion. We refused isolation and exclusion.

We refused and there is no need to speak in public. In secret and in the inner sessions, we were not with anyone to be excluded or eliminated. We were even honest with our most bitter opponents when we were talking about a national unity government.

There is no national logic, no moral logic, no legal logic, no political logic, no logic of national interest, when someone in Lebanon says that the March 8 Sunnis are not allowed to be represented in this formation. On what basis are they not allowed? If they are not allowed, then let us talk from the starting point openly. Let us talk from the beginning and again because there is no more national unity government, no election results and no criteria.

If the subject became according to discretion that is each one will go back to his political force, representation and presence and impose condition, let us, then, go back to the starting point. Let us start from the beginning.

These MPs are asking for their rights and their representation. We have to stand by their side and support what they represent and who they represent. We stood by them and we will stand by them. Let every Lebanese hear. We will remain with them a year, two years and 1000 years until the end.

We are not the kind to give up on our allies. We do not abandon our allies when there is logic and right. When an ally asks for something that is not rightfully his, we discuss with them. But when an ally, who is a friend and a brother, asks you for something that is rightfully his, we do not abandon him. This is not us. And you must know us by now through all this long experience. As we seek to help you, you should also help us.

We are not a party to the negotiations there about this complexity. The solution to the problem is with by the Prime Minister-designate. Solve it with him.

Yesterday, I met with the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement. Of course Mr. President assigned him to do so. Can you do anything? I told him: we are not asking from the President anything. And we are not asking anything from you. Mr. President is the father of all and he assigned him. You are trying to find solutions to this subject. Excellent. We support that and anyone who is seeking to address this subject. We are not asking you anything. We are not part of the negotiations. Let me go back to the subject of the quota and the 11 ministers. No one should talk to Hezbollah and negotiate with it. The decision is with the brothers, the six independent Sunni deputies. Negotiate with them. Talk to them. Discuss with them. Be fair to them. Whatever they accept, we are on board. We do not accept or reject. It is not our business. They are asking for their rights. They are our allies and we stand with them. Hezbollah stands with them.

The issue for us, first and foremost, is moral. But the narrative that we gathered the Sunnis so we can use them to fight. To Walid Bek and others, if we wanted to disrupt the government in Lebanon, we do not need to hide behind our Sunni brothers. We have courage, ability, presence, clarity and transparency. I say it on television. If we wanted to disrupt the government and do not agree on the formation of the government, we do not hide behind anyone. But we want the government. Because we wanted a government, we were modest. We are still humble and lenient even if it was on our expense and the expense of our allies. We spoke in the closed rooms to help solve it and not challenge.

Now, we do not want to challenge anyone. We do not want to get into political tension with anyone. We do not want to get into a media debate with anyone. We do not want to bring together sheikhs and scholars to write a statement and say malicious hands. And we do not want to use any rhetoric. We have been like this since 2005. I would like to tell the PM-designate: If you really wanted to form a government and help this country, you should assume your responsibilities. This way causing sectarian incitement and sectarianism will not lead to a result. Don’t you know us? Since 2005, this rhetoric has not done anything. It only causes tension in the country and the street. But does it change our stance? Does it affect our will, convictions and commitments? Never. Say what you wish. You can disrupt, destroy and sabotage. Then later they tell you it is because of the economic and financial situations. Weren’t there economic and financial situations five months ago? Why did you negotiate for five months? This portfolio, this number, this minister, etc. And we used to tell you about the country and the economic and financial situations.

When we were done with that issue and we were demanding the rights of these deputies, suddenly the economic and financial situation cannot take it any longer. Aren’t you loyal to Lebanon? We are not loyal. We are mercenaries and agents. You are the loyal ones to Lebanon. Go ahead, you have to solve the matter. Give them one minister. Respect them and agree with them. Form a government. And see how you will save the economic and financial situation. Whether the government will save the economic and financial situation or not, we will talk about that later, God willing, when the government is formed. Are we heading to a salvation government or are there going to be new looting projects in the country? We will get to that and talk about it.

Now, I will summarize regarding the government. We do not need to repeat and explain. To us, it is their right and we stand by their side. We are not using them to fight. Never. If someone asked whether the fate of the country depends on the decision of one of the six deputies, I tell them yes. It is their right. We as Hezbollah when the six MPs call us or send a delegation and tell us ‘you may give the names of your ministers to the PM-designate’, then we will.

With all affection and love, I have a lot of things in my heart I want to talk about. I will not talk about the today. God willing, we will not have to speak about them. We do not want conflict, tension or escalation. We do not want to bring things back to the start, to zero. This is all with regard to the subject. It is not regional, international or local. No one is hiding behind anyone. It is their right. Negotiate with them. Speak to them. And respect them. Whatever decision they make, we will commit to it.

On Martyr’s Day, we are committed to this matter. This is our course, our thought, our history and our loyalty. We pledge to our righteous and pure martyrs that, God willing, we will continue their path and achieve their goals whatever the sacrifices. Peace and Allah’s mercy and blessings be upon you.

Source: Hezbollah Media Relations, Translated by website team

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