Sayyed Nasrallah’s Full Speech on Hezbollah Martyr’s Day

 

Local Editor

The speech of Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered during the commemoration of Martyr’s Day hosted by the party in Beirut and other areas 10-11-2018

I seek refuge in Allah from the accursed Satan. In the name of Allah the Most Gracious the Merciful. Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and prayers and peace be upon our Master and Prophet, the Seal of the Prophets, Abi al-Qassim Mohammad bin Abdullah and his good and pure household and his good and chosen companions and all the prophets and messengers.

Peace and God’s mercy and blessings be upon you all. I welcome you all and thank you for your attendance in numerous areas. I extend my greetings especially to our dear and beloved families and the families of the martyrs who are with us today to commemorate Martyr’s Day, Hezbollah’s Martyr’s Day, which is in fact their martyr. In this address, I would like to speak, first, about the occasion and then a little about the situation in the region, especially concerning the “Israeli” issue. It is more relevant on Martyr’s Day. The last point will tackle the local situation, specifically the issue of the government and its formation.

On November 11, 1982, which is now known to everyone, the prince of the self-sacrificing martyrs and the one who launched the era of self-sacrificing martyrdom operations, Ahmad Kassir, carried out his qualitative and historic operation. He targeted the headquarters of the “Israeli” military governor in Tyre. This headquarters managed and led the occupation forces in that area. The operation killed more than 120 “Israeli” officers and soldiers, including senior generals in the army and the “Israeli” security services. All that was said at the time was that “Israel” declared a three-day mourning period and that the building was completely destroyed. This self-sacrificing martyrdom operation shook the [“Israeli”] entity and charted a decisive course for the resistance, the resistance of our people. It included a group of parties, forces and resistance factions. Soon it produced a great victory and a great liberation. It started from Beirut to the suburbs to Mount Lebanon, to parts of western Bekaa and Rashaya. In 1985, the liberation reached Saida, Tyre, Nabatiyeh and the rest of western Bekaa and Rashaya, all the way to the occupied border strip. The path of the resistance was decisive and powerful. It accomplished within a few years, in less than three years, a great liberation. This was in fact the first victory. This was made by the blood of the martyrs. 11/11 was the great and powerful stone of foundation on this crucial course. We chose this day to commemorate Hezbollah’s martyr? Today, we honor all our martyred brothers and sisters, adults and children, the martyred leaders, the self-sacrificing martyrs, Mujahedeen and all those martyred along various fronts that we are fighting on. Convoys of martyrs continue to flow, score victories and contribute to victories on every front we go to.

These martyrs gave us a life of dignity, but through martyrdom received something far greater. On the Day of Resurrection, God Almighty has prepared for these martyrs blessings, graces and an eternal and immortal bliss that no eye has seen, no ear has heard, and no heart of man has imagined. But the martyrs have an important quality. Brothers and sisters as you well know there will be a reckoning on the Day of Resurrection. The Day of the great Resurrection is when all the people are raised back to life, brought together in the Gathering Place [Sahraa’ al-Mahshar] and judged. This day will come after decades, centuries, millennia. God knows.  This is from the unseen [al-Ghaib] which God has kept for Himself.

Only God knows how long it takes between the death of Man and the approaching of the Hour. From the time that I die to the approaching of the Hour, God knows how long it will last, decades, centuries or millennia. When a person dies where does he go? Death is not dying. Death is the separation of the soul from the body. The body decays in the dust. Where does the soul go? The heavenly religions answered this question. Philosophers and thinkers answered this question. There are multiple answers even within one religion and one doctrine. But allow me to say in the presence of the families of the martyrs that what is certain and unquestionable is that when we read the Quran – the immortal book of Islam – we will find that martyrs do not die. When their souls separate from their bodies during martyrdom, the martyrs move to life to what is called the world of Isthmus [Al-Barzakh].

They are alive. God Almighty says in clear verses that do not need a lot of interpretation: {And never think of those who have been killed in the cause of Allah as dead. Rather, they are alive}. We are not talking about the Day of Judgment now. All the people are alive. All people will return to life. Life on the Day of Resurrection does not belong to the martyrs. We are talking about their lives after their martyrdom until the approaching of the Hour. {They are alive with their Lord, receiving provision, rejoicing in what Allah has bestowed upon them of His bounty, and they receive good tidings about those [to be martyred] after them who have not yet joined them – that there will be no fear concerning them, nor will they grieve. They receive good tidings of favor from Allah and bounty and [of the fact] that Allah does not allow the reward of believers to be lost.}

There is a clear assumption in these verses, which is that these living martyrs are in that new world. They live by the grace of Allah and the mercy of Allah. Here the presumption is that they receive good tidings about those who are yet to join them in martyrdom; their friends, brothers and loved ones who are still living in this world. The martyrs who moved to that new world receive good tidings about those who are still in this world and will join them because they are continuing their path. In our culture, the families of the martyrs rest assured about the fate of their sons  and loved ones. Who are they with? You know in Lebanon, there are many expatriates and young people who travel abroad for work. For example, they head to Africa and stay with families who are usually from their town. They are usually relatives or the likes. The father knows where his son is staying, with his uncle, with his relatives, with his loyal friends. So he rests assured. He does not worry. But who do our martyred sons and brothers stay with? With their Lord, receiving provision. God knows what this moral, spiritual and materialistic provision is. God knows best because He kept it limitless. Receiving provision. He did not specify what kind of provision these martyrs would receive. Hence, they headed to that world and gave us this world. They left us victories, freedom, liberation, power and glory. They also left us their wills. Today, the liberation of land and prisoners, the dignity, the honor, the pride and security our country enjoys is thanks to the sacrifices of all the martyrs, the martyrs of Hezbollah, the martyrs of the Amal movement, the martyrs of the national and Palestinian resistance factions, the martyrs of the Lebanese army and the security forces and the martyred men, women and children of our people who have been killed in many of the enemy’s massacres. This pure blood gave us what we are enjoying now. They left in us their wills. The families of the martyrs preserved these wills through their patience and compassion, taking pride in their martyrs, staying steadfast on the path of the martyrs and offering more martyrs. The vast majority of the families of our martyrs gave the rest of their children to the resistance, to this path and all the arenas that we were and continue to operate in. Many of these young men are brothers or sons of martyrs. They hail from the families of martyrs. We have more than 135 families who have provided more than one martyr to our resistance. Some of these families provided more than three martyrs. On this occasion, it is our moral and brotherly duty to mention a dear and great father who passed away a few days ago, Hajj Abdul Hussain Hodroj, the father of three martyrs. This family is the first family in our march to offer three martyrs. It gave three martyrs in the 1980s consecutively.

This family and the rest of the martyrs’ families has always been an example and a model of patience and taking pride in their martyrs. On this occasion, I offer my condolences to every family member of the late Hajj Abdul Hussain Hodroj and tell them: your father has followed his sons who are waiting for him. The martyrs are our guarantee. They are a guarantee in the life of this world and our guarantee in the Hereafter. Their brothers and fellow fighters who remained on this path until we got to where we are now preserved the wills of the martyrs.

From here on I will discuss the [aforementioned] points.

The first point: With the blessing of this blood and the golden equation of the army, the people and the resistance, today we protect our country, our honor and the riches of our country. To be clear, it is primarily because of the missile capabilities that the resistance possesses today. The US and the West forbid the Lebanese army from possessing such capabilities. It is forbidden by several countries to have capabilities that can create balance, deterrence or fear within the enemy.

Today, the central force in Lebanon is this missile capability available to the resistance. Because of the equation and the missile capability, the enemy does not dare attack Lebanon. Since the end of the war in 2006 until today, the “Israelis” do not dare attack Lebanon, which was the scene of “Israeli” air raids. Several years ago, the enemy launched a raid along the border in the vicinity of Jinta. [Hezbollah] responded to the operation and the enemy was made to understand that any aggression will inevitably be followed by a response.

This formula is protecting the security and airspace [of Lebanon] as well as the villages and towns that were being bombed since 1948. Therefore, we find that the “Israeli” enemy, especially lately, is trying to focus a lot on the subject of missile power and capabilities available to the resistance. This is being done through intimidation, diplomatic pressure, using the Americans and even some European countries and by threats, claiming that if this is not addressed, [“Israel”] will address it.

I brought a text published a few days ago. Netanyahu is proudly addressing the “Israeli” people and is not ashamed about the Arabs and the Arab countries he went to, not even from the Arab countries that he is supposed to go to. He does not really recognize them and does not recognize the Arabs. What is the logic behind what he was saying? A few days ago, he said in front of the members of the Likud faction – unfortunately we have to quote his words: “Power is the most important [component] of foreign policy. ‘Occupation’ is baloney. There were huge countries that have occupied and transferred populations and no one talks about them. Power changes everything and it changes our policies vis-a-vis Arab states.” Netanyahu forcefully imposed himself on weak, frightened, and cowardly Arab governments. What is his problem with Lebanon and with the resistance? His problem is that there is power here. He cannot live with power. He cannot bear the presence of a power that sets limits for his ambitions, his projects and threats and all that he sees behind the borders. Therefore, he wants to take away this power while seeking more elements of power.

Netanyahu and the “Israeli” enemy that has nuclear weapons, the strongest air force in the region and a large army cannot bear the amount of missiles present in Lebanon. Why? Because they hinder and prevent the “Israeli” enemy from acting as it pleases.

Today on Martyr’s Day, I want to reaffirm that we are holding onto Lebanon’s strength, which lies in the golden equation: the army, the people and the resistance. We are holding on to the weapons of the resistance and all the resistance’s missiles. Neither intimidation nor threats, not even sanctions, which they bet on a lot, will change this. If we have to sell our homes to protect the resistance’s missile capabilities, we will do that. But threats and intimidation will not do anything.

I ask Lebanon that it must put up with this level of diplomatic pressure because giving in – if we assume it happens – means that Lebanon will be open to “Israeli” aggression at any time, any moment. It might not be a war but rather repeated attacks the way it used to be between the wars, starting in 1948 onto 2006. As for us, I am not saying anything new if I told the “Israelis” who are talking about a change in the rules of engagement or a change in the equation towards Lebanon: we will inevitably respond to any attack on Lebanon, any airstrike on Lebanon, any bombing on Lebanon. It will not be accepted that the enemy return to violate Lebanon as it did in the past decades. This is the first point.

The second point: In the context of the conflict with the enemy, over the past few weeks we have witnessed an onslaught of open normalization of ties and public visits by Zionist officials to some Gulf States. We condemn any form of normalizing of ties with the “Israeli” enemy regardless of the origin, government, state, leader, party or popular class. We condemn it and call upon all honorable people in the world to condemn it. The dangers of normalizing of ties with the enemy are clear. Normalizing of ties with the enemy means, at the very least, recognizing the enemy and recognizing the legitimacy of its violations against Palestine and the Islamic and Christian holy sites. It means being silent, justifying and overlooking the oppression and all the crimes it committed against the Palestinian people and the people of the region. It means fixating the “Israeli” entity, its remainder and its occupation. That is why everyone should condemn it. This goes above and beyond national interests. Nowadays, in order not to upset a certain state because of local issues, I remain quiet; you remain quiet, he remains quiet. Normalization of ties [with “Israel”] in the Arab and Islamic world will be a normal and ordinary matter. This should be rejected.

The humane, religious, moral, national, and legal duty is to speak out and condemn every form and step of normalization of ties [with “Israel”] in the Arab and Islamic world. This battle must be revived again and fought again. The battle of normalization of ties does not need missiles or weapons or money. This is the responsibility of the elites, scholars, young people on social networking sites, the media and anyone with the ability to express a stance. We will be asked about this on the Day of Resurrection. In this context, I would also like to say, especially to the Palestinian people, not to be saddened by these normalization steps. Why? Good might come from it. Let us look at the other side of the issue. What has been happening in secret is now happening in public. This is not a new thing.

What is happening now in public puts an end to the official Arab hypocrisy and lifts all the masks of deceit – of deceitful people and hypocrites who have portrayed for decades to the Palestinian people as well as the Arab and Islamic nation that their position is different. When masks fall and real faces are revealed, the lines are redrawn. Who is here and who is there? The camps will be clearly defined. This is one of the components of victory in the battle.

Deceitful people, hypocrites and liars who sell illusions and waste time here and there are the ones delaying victory and the growth of true awareness on which the resistance and revolutionary movements are based. Our true hope and your true hope is in our people and in some countries that are still resilient in their position.

Yes, we find hope when we look at the people of Gaza, who are taking part in the marches of return every week, especially on Fridays, and who are martyred and wounded every day. You find hope when millions of people in Gaza refuse to submit, give up, be silent and fall. Hope is in the West Bank, which is expressing its stance, too. Its mujahedeen, including young men and women come out to fire a shot, throw a bomb or launch a stabbing operation. A few days ago, the head of the Shabak spoke about thwarting an operation.

The operations that succeed are the act of resistance. The operations that are thwarted express the will of the resistance. When he says that this year alone, the “Israeli” security services have foiled 480 operations in the West Bank, this means that there are 480 acts of resistance and wills of resistance fighters that have been foiled. The reason they were foiled is another discussion. This reflects the real spirit in the West Bank. The smart money is on these people.

In the face of waves of normalization, we must take pride in our people in Syria’s occupied Arab Golan Heights. They have been under occupation since 1967 but they always refused normalization. They refuse to submit and turn the Golan into an “Israeli” territory. The “Israeli” enemy itself admitted to the great achievement the people in the Golan achieved a few days ago. The “Israelis” planned, prepared and exerted all efforts for the success of the municipal and local elections in the towns of the Golan. But the residents of the Golan foiled them. What does this express? If the residents of the Golan did not have Arab genuineness, commitment to the cause and a sincere sense of national belonging, they would have told you: all those Arabs are welcoming Netanyahu. The “Israeli” minister of culture prays at the Sheikh Zayed Mosque in the Emirates. So, why would I want to be beaten, imprisoned, arrested and confront the “Israeli” enemy? Let us normalize ties like most of the Arabs. Our people in Palestine, in the Golan and along the Arab and Islamic world are not like that.

In the face of normalization, we have many bright models from Tunisia to many Arab countries to Lebanon. Yesterday, the media reported about a boy aged 8-9 years participating in an international chess competition in Spain. This means it required preparation, hard work and exhaustion from him, his parents and the official relevant parties in Lebanon. The Lebanese official mission’s stance there is appreciated. Unfortunately, I have to say this in Lebanese fashion for Muslims in the Arab world to hear. We must say that the Lebanese Christian boy, Mark Abu Deeb, committed to not playing with the “Israeli” player. In the end, if it comes down to the “Israeli” player and I in the competition, I will not play with him. I will forfeit because he is an enemy. That is hope. Hope is in this youth, young men and people. It is not in the rulers who have long been downtrodden. The good thing that is happening is that the leaves of mulberries and the masks of hypocrisy and deceit are falling before the Arab people.

In Iran, Iranian athletes during international competitions express this stance. When a young man who has been working hard for years reach the finals or the semi-finals to compete with an “Israeli”, he forfeits to express this stance. Hope is here. This battle should be fought. On Martyr’s Day, we call again on the dear people in our Arab and Islamic nation to fight this war, return to it and not to consider it a marginal fight. It is a vital, basic and real battle to the “Israelis”. In Bahrain, despite the repression and cruelty, some demonstrations were held at night and others during the day yesterday in most Bahraini towns. The demonstrations were denouncing Netanyahu or any “Israeli” official’s visit to Bahrain. Those are our people. These are the people of our nation who we can bet on with all seriousness.

Trump and the US officials speak frankly. One of the objectives of the sanctions on Iran is to change its position on the Palestinian cause and to stop its support for resistance movements in the region. This is a declared objectives and one of the demands. But the Islamic Republic has not done as some Arab regimes do and say: I am under American and economic pressure. And then give up its principles, its beliefs, its commitment, and its faith.

Syria, which is still in the midst of a global war, is still steadfast. Day after day, truths are being revealed. When I see Netanyahu in any Arab capital or watch any “Israeli” official in any Arab capital, Syria and Damascus immediately come to my mind. If the Syrian leadership, the Syrian army, the Syrian people and Syria’s allies did not hold up in this great battle and this state and regime fell, it is clear that within a few weeks or a few months we would have seen Netanyahu in Damascus because most of this opposition is open and loyal “Israel”. We would have also seen the “Israeli” Minister of Culture in the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus the way she was at the Sheikh Zayed Mosque. But Syria did not change its position despite all the Arab injustice it has suffered over the difficult and harsh years.

The third point: A month ago, the world was occupied with the horrific crime committed at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul against the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The whole world was surprised by the details of the crime, which included kidnapping, killing, cutting up [the body], dissolving it in acid, and disposing of what was left into the sewer. The world has the right to be surprised, shocked and to condemn. Of course many are trying to see how this matter can be divided. In the Arab world, no one was surprised and shocked. No one condemned it. On the contrary, they showed solidarity. In the Arab world, cutting with a saw or a sword and dissolving in acid is a normal thing. People have the right to be surprised and astonished and to condemn. But it is strange how this world was not shocked by the scenes of the heinous and daily massacres in Yemen and its conscience was not moved by the Yemeni children. The United Nations itself says that hundreds of children now – 400 or 500 – hundreds of children are at risk of dying every hour in Yemen.

The United Nations and not us is talking about 14 million threatened with famine, and the number may have risen. There are hundreds of thousands of Yemenis threatened with cholera and threatened with death. The world was silent. Now, the world is beginning to speak. Now, the Americans are beginning to speak. The Europeans are beginning to speak. Of course, there is still Islamic and Arab silence, except for some countries. In general, there is silence and no one dares to speak. How big the sword, money, gold and submission are in the Arab world! Do you want to know why we got to this situation in the Arab world? This Arab stance towards what is happening in Yemen explains it to you. We are now faced with a new situation. I do not want to condemn only but also to say that we are faced with a new situation. The Khashoggi incident might have created some kind of transformation. However, it is good to hear American and European statements today as well as the United Nations calling for a halt to the fighting and an end to the war. This is worth pausing a little on it. It can be serious. This is probable. And it can be a trick and wasting time.

It might be a serious move. But this possibility is not caused by the killing of Khashoggi. It is not because now the world grew a conscience. The world has been seeing the children, the massacres, the bombings and the daily killing for four years. Why did the world now say that this war should stop? This needs a little bit of contemplating. It is simply because the Yemenis resisted in this battle. This is a great lesson. They were steadfast in this battle and the Saudi-Emirati-US coalition failed in this war. If this possibility was serious, then its purpose is to save the Saudis and the Emiratis more than it is to save the Yemenis. This coalition has failed in occupying the north and failed in managing the south. It is failing in Yemen in the north and in the south. They lost in the north because of the steadfastness and the military failure. In the south, it was because of the popular movement and the administrative and political failure. Today, America wants to save its allies in the region. Trump and the American camp are not heart broken because of the [Yemeni] children. But we care about the results. We care that the war and the fighting to stop. Interestingly, he says that it will stop within a month. But why within a month? Why not immediately? Why not directly? This is another point our brothers in Yemen are paying attention to it very well or they should pay attention to very well. It is as if the Americans are telling the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition: you have a month. Get your affairs in order. See what you can do with the formula and what you can achieve. After a month, the world will tell you to stop. Therefore, it is strange and interesting that at the time when American and Western calls to stop the war are issued, we witness an increase in the months-long escalation in Yemen; the existing escalation now along the west coast and in Hodeida. This is if it was a serious probability. If the was a deceit to deceive the Yemenis and take them away from their weapons, fronts and their positions. They should not be fooled because usually when fighters feel that the battle is coming to an end, their mettle diminishes and weakens. It is over. They might be negligent and slow down. This is an existing experience.

On Martyr’s Day and while we take pride in the martyrs of our brothers and our people in Yemen, I tell our brothers there: Be patient and steadfast. Hold on to your weapons, fronts and positions. Today, you are closer to victory than ever before. The victory of the Yemenis lies in remaining in their land and preventing this barbaric aggression from fulfilling any of its objectives. They are steadfast and are creating a military miracle. There is military legend taking place daily along the western coast and the various Yemeni battlefronts.

I conclude with a final point with regard to the regional situation. We condemned the verdict issued against Sheikh Ali Salman, may God protect him and some of his brethren. What is worth noting, brothers and sisters, is that the court in Bahrain declared His Eminence innocent over the charge of spying for Qatar. There was no communication in the whole recording. At the time, Qatar was attempting to mediate and coordinate with the Saudis to find a solution at the beginning of the Yemen crisis. At that time, the Qataris were active in all arenas. So, the court ruled on is innocence and the public prosecution appealed. What was the verdict? A life sentence! Mashalla, from innocence to life imprisonment. It is understandable if it was from innocence to four years or five years or ten years. There might be legal grounds. But to life imprisonment, this confirms every day that the judiciary in Bahrain and in the likes of Bahrain is a real repressive authority. Sheikh Salman’s prison term was supposed to end soon and he would have gone to his family and people. But this regime insists on detaining him and detaining scholars, leaders, figures and thousands of Bahraini youth. It does so to force the people to surrender. It will neither give up its national stance, its demand for reform or its rights, whatever the sacrifice. It has forcefully proven this.

We move to the Lebanese concern. At the beginning, we spoke a lot in Fosha [Classical Arabic]. Now, we will speak in colloquial Arabic [Ammiya]. Probably in colloquial Arabic the Lebanese would understand each other better. First of all, I would like to apologize to the non-Lebanese viewers because they will be watching me mention names of sects. This is because the composition of our country, unfortunately, is a sectarian one. We live under this sectarian system and we have to speak this language because this is the reality we have in the country.

Regarding the subject of the government, I will talk with clarity, transparency and openness, but of course respecting everybody.

I am going to divide this subject into three sections. The first section includes the facts. The second section is based on facts and includes some remarks. And the third section is our position at the current stage.

Regarding the facts, why? Five months ago until today, we have not spoken about the subject of the government. We have not stated what we have done, facilitated, assisted,  demand? We have not spoken about anything. We worked on everything away from the media. We used to always stress on rushing to form a government. We emphasized that it should be a national unity government and that the results of the elections should be taken into consideration.

 

Of course, the atmosphere of the whole country implies that Hezbollah is disrupting and delaying. Through the facts and remarks as well as the position towards the current complication – the old new complication – we determine our position.

After the assigning the Prime Minister-designate to form a government, discussions were made. We were always part of these discussions. A large part of these discussions took place with our brothers in the Amal movement and us. Another part was with us separately or with the Amal movement separately.

The number of the representatives in the government was discussed. There were voices that demanded the government of 32 to allow the two oppressed and disadvantaged Lebanese components, which are the Alawite Muslims and the minorities from the Christians, to be represented. If the government were made of 32 representatives, we would be lifting a historical injustice from these two components. Lebanon does not need more than eight or ten, or twelve ministers to represent all its parties. 14 ministers are enough. Why raise it 24 or 30 for everyone to be represented? In the same context, let the 30 be 32 for everyone to be represented.

His Excellency the President of the Republic was in agreement. His Excellency the House Speaker was in agreement. The main, basic forces in the country were in agreement. The PM-designate did not agree. He said this embarrasses him a lot, and that he cannot take responsibility, and so on. We will continue to hear this language. What I can bear, what I am capable of and what I’m not. Following extensive discussions, it turns out that lifting the historical injustice from the Alawite component and the minorities component from the Christians was an objective that can be done, yet not in this government but in the coming government. But this is a noble goal and a national goal that should be fought for as long as the system in Lebanon is a sectarian one. When the system ceases to be sectarian, everyone will have a chance to be represented in the government because they enter it due to their qualifications or political affiliation and not their sectarian affiliations.

We overcame this subject. If we wanted to obstruct and complicate, we could have said since the first day: We are not going to participate and we do not accept. We want 32 ministers. We want a Alawite and Christian minorities. Focus on this. Is anyone preventing us from doing so? Like now, is anyone preventing us from doing so?  No one is preventing us. But we have overcome that. This is the first thing.

The second thing: Here I am talking about facilitations. They brought up the subject of ministerial quotas.

Allow me to mention names. The Lebanese Forces have 15 deputies. Since day one, they demanded five ministers. The Progressive Socialist Party has nine deputies. Since day one, they demanded three ministers and wanted all the Druze representation. The Future Movement wanted all the Sunni representation and has only 20 deputies. They wanted all the Sunni representation and have no problem exchanging a Sunni with a Christian with the President of the Republic. The Amal movement and Hezbollah have 30 deputies. They accepted six ministers. Who has been facilitating the process since day one and who has been complicating it? Who? If I am saying something untrue, let some one say it is incorrect. We accepted six. I would like to apologize to Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri. We learn lessons from him. It seems that humility in this country is wrong. Today, I am one of the people who is saying that humility in this country is wrong. Since day one, we should have demanded ten ministers according to the criteria of the Lebanese forces, the Socialist Party and the Future Movement. We should have demanded ten ministers because we have 30 deputies. We have Shiite, Sunni and Christian ministers. In both blocs, we have Christians and Sunnis. We could have demanded 10 ministers and brought is down to eight but not to six ministers. But we, Hezbollah and the Amal movement, did not behave in this manner. We considered the situation in the country, the economic and financial situation and the difficulties. Let us stick together. Let us address it and solve it. So we accepted six. As Amal and Hezbollah, this is not our size. This is not our size parliament. This is not our electoral size. This is not our political size. This is not the size of our preferential votes. Now, I would like to count. We can count again. When we count, we can start from the beginning. There will no longer be any complications. We will start discussions from the beginning.

The third point regarding the facts: You know that we are always committed to our allies. The Nationalist Party had the right to be represented in previous governments. They did not accept it to be represented. Take it from your share. So we took it from our share. One day, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, at the last minute, agreed to reduce one minister from the Shiite quota and increase one minister for the Sunni quota so that one of our allies Minister Faisal Karami can be represented.

Well, closing on these allies? This is their natural right.

We now come naturally to demand representation for our allies. We do not abandon our allies. Of course when there is a right, when there is one criterion that must be followed, we stick to the criteria.

Among our allies, we also mention our ally and friend Emir (Prince) Talal Arslan. He is part of the Strong Lebanon bloc. The Strong Lebanon bloc vowed to address this issue. It will get him his right. We have always been supportive. The Nationalist Party has three deputies. They said no since the criteria is four or five deputies. So those who have three deputies do not take a minister. We abide by the criteria. When there are no more criteria, we will talk about the Nationalist Party. We have Christian allies and Christina friends that we allied with during the parliamentary elections in Zhale and Jbeil. It was also said that there are two criteria to the new government. The first is that it is a national unity government. The second is that the results of the elections should be taken into consideration. Let the results of the elections be taken into consideration. There are our Sunni brothers, the Sunni deputies. We told them that if these criteria apply to everyone and the results of the elections were taken into consideration, where is the problem? We will take it.

The fourth point, which is the representation of the independent Sunni deputies, is detailed as follows.  They are the March 8 deputies, the March 8 Sunnis or as the Future Movement call them Hezbollah’s Sunnis. I and everyone in Hezbollah are proud to have them as brothers. We are proud that the Sunnis belong to us and we to them. We take pride in this. We lift our heads high and take pride in every Sunni sister or brother form March 8. We respect everybody. Since 2005, the stance of the Sunnis of March 8 was nationalist, firm and resilient. Their stance prevented turning the political conflict in Lebanon into a sectarian war. At that time, others at home and abroad wanted a sectarian war in Lebanon. The greatest achievement the Sunnis of March 8, including their political and civil stances, their politicians, scholars, sheikhs, parties, forces, blocs, youths did was prevented turning the conflict in Lebanon to a Sunni-Shiite conflict and to a sectarian conflict. This is what the US, “Israel” and Saudi as well as some at home wanted. Even the March 14 was hoping for a Sunni-Shiite conflict in Lebanon. March 8 Sunnis were always alongside the resistance, the Palestinian cause and the sanctities of this nation. March 8 Sunnis are not a charge. They are not something shameful. They are not insult. This is a real masquerade.

These deputies wanted to be represented. They met with each other, made calls, formed a consultation meeting and spoke to us. They said, brother, we demand to be represented. We represent a large segment of the Sunni sect. That is true. You want us to talk about numbers, we can. We can talk about anything. They demanded two ministers. We told them that you are six deputies. It is true that your size is big and real, but two ministers is hard. They said, okay brother, one minister. We told them to demand and we will help them. O, Lebanese, senior officials, leaders, ministers, patriarchs, sheikhs, muftis, bishops and everyone listen. Since day one of talking about the formation of the government, we spoke to the relevant people. We spoke to the PM-designate regarding the independent Sunni deputies, the independent Sunnis, the March 8 Sunnis. Call them whatever you want. We demanded that they be represented with a minister in the government. Since day one. Whenever, we spoke with each other or sent messages to each other, we always emphasized on this demand as being a real and serious demand. Frankly speaking, we told the concerned parties that we are not demanding this for the sake of demanding. So that later we will tell our brothers, the six deputies, that we demanded, sought and spoke, but we could not do anything. This is not our position. We are serious. If you are talking about a national unity government, then they are a great segment of the Lebanese people. They are a great segment of the Sunni sect. At the very least, their right is to be represented by one minister. But it was never given importance. We cannot, we can. Some might have gotten confused and thought that Hezbollah is talking for the sake of talking. Now, I am talking about Hezbollah. In the end, we take the names, go to Baabda, issue a decree and the government will be formed. They will object for two or three days. Everything will then work out. This is how it used to be done. I believe this is humiliating. This is humiliating. It is disrespecting people. It is not acknowledging people. Not acknowledging what they represent and who they represent. This is humiliating and is unacceptable anywhere. I will come back to this a little later. After five months of negotiations wit the Lebanese Forces and the Progressive Socialist Party, the complication was solved. The Christian-Druze complication was solved. This is great, regardless of the results. They called us. The PM-designate called us and said I want the names of your ministers, the three ministers. Even when he called and asked for the names, I did not know the portfolios. Am I not a leader in Hezbollah? I swear I did not know what portfolios will be given to the ministers of Amal and Hezbollah. There is the Ministry of Health where they made a big deal out of it. What are the other two ministries? Our brothers in the Amal movement, apart from the Finance Ministry, what are they taking? We do not know. Those philosophers who say we are ruling the country, controlling it and running it. We still do not know what are portfolios are.  I am responsible. To the martyrs’ families and Hezbollah: before anyone, I am responsible because I was trying to be a decent person more than I should. We told him, we won’t give you the names until you solve the issue of the independent Sunni minister. He said there is no Sunni minister. Brother, how is there no Sunni minister? He said there is none. There are no names. Do whatever you want, but you will not get the names. We don not give complements. We do not talk for the sake of talking. We do not deceive. We have been clear since day one. Brother, there was confusion during the first month and the second month. A month before they solved the Christian-Druze complication, we clearly demanded that the brothers, the independent Sunni deputies, be represented by a minister. If this is not addressed, we will not move on.

Practically, the formation has stopped. The PM-designate went to Paris. The situation in Lebanon is as chaotic as it was in 2005. There is still sectarian incitement between the Sunnis and the Shiites. We can still hear all the nonsense we used to hear in 2005.

These are the facts.

The second part which is basing on these facts: all what has been said about an fabricated complication, an unexpected complication, an emergency complication, some even said that Hezbollah let its rabbits loose are not true. I will not say more than this. It is not true. The deputies have been talking about this for more than five months. We have been talking about this and demanding with them. Others and us. But now, we are talking about ourselves. It is not true. Some media outlets called it a Christian-Druze-Sunni complication. The PM-designate and the other side do not recognize the existence of a Sunni complication because they do not recognize the other side in the first place. Otherwise, this subject would have present since day one. All those who sent me letters saying it is new, an emergency or fabricated, I tell them it is not new, an emergency or fabricated. It has been there since day one. I tell you there is something – because we too are decent people. Some considered that we committed a tactical mistake. I do not think we committed a tactical mistake. The tactical mistake, however, is that you have been talking in closed meetings and you did not mention this in the media. We simply were talking behind closed door with the PM-designate and telling him: Your Excellency, you initiate. Send for the deputies and sit with them. Agree with them. Whatever you agree with them will work. Just, you start the initiative. We did not resort to the media in order not to portray that Hezbollah is imposing this on the PM-designate. And so that it would not be turned into a battle of defiance or a battle of defeat. It is not a tactical mistake because we want the government to be formed and every person takes his right. This is the reason. Otherwise, we could have gone to the media, what is stopping us? We are not afraid to talk to the media. We are not afraid of America, “Israel”, Saudi Arabia or the dollar and the Arabic sword. We wanted to solve the issue wisely and in the best way and for the PM-designate to accommodate everyone and be a national leader. We told him that we were serious and we will not abandon our allies. This is one point.

The second point is based on the facts that I spoke about. Some said that Hezbollah’s goal from this matter and siding with the Sunni deputies is to prevent the President of the Republic and the Free Patriotic Movement from having 11 ministers in the government. This is nonsense. Now, I tell you. Let the president and the Free Patriotic Movement take 11, 12 or 15 ministers. We do not have a problem. They are our strategic and tactical allies. When we supported the demand of the Sunni deputies in ministerial representation, we did not say to take it from the president’s share. We did not say from the 11 ministers. We are demanding from the PM-designate to give from his share and not the share of the president. If later he agrees with the president that they take it from the president’s share, then that is his business. We never asked for it in an internal meeting. I will tell you more than this. Since day one, we told the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) with utmost seriousness that we are not asking of the movement or the president anything regarding this subject. This matter is with the PM-designate.

How can someone reach the realization that Hezbollah does not want the president and the Free Patriotic Movement to get 11 ministers? Their desire is to have 11 or 12.

Our relation with His Excellency the President is excellent and flawless. We disagree. We have always disagreed on details with regards to Lebanese politics.

But our alliance and our relationship is above all this. They are trying to employ this problem to cause a conflict between Mr. President and Hezbollah or between the FPM and Hezbollah.

The third point: since day one, it appeared that we will not give the names. Therefore, the formation process stopped. ‘Iran this, Iran that.’ This is an Iranian-American conflict. I thought this was Hezbollah’s government, and I am disrupting Hezbollah’s government. All of you are saying this is the government of Hezbollah. Iran is disrupting the government of Hezbollah!

There is a level of absurdity in the country. Before the sanctions, Hezbollah is rushing to form a government because of the sanctions. Now, when we showed solidarity with our Sunni brothers, Hezbollah is disrupting the government formation because of the sanctions. Brother, stick to one opinion. This one or that one.

Also Syria. Now, it appears that President Bashar al-Assad is also interfering. He ignored the situations east of the Euphrates, in Idlib, the reconstruction of Syria and the political solution to work on the Lebanese government.

I would like to assure you that neither Iran nor Syria has any relation with the subject. This is it. There are independent Sunni deputies. March 8 represent a very large segment of the Lebanese and the honorable Sunnis in Lebanon. They have the right to demand a minister. We stand by them.

Do not talk include Iran or an American-Iranian-Syrian conflict or any of this nonsense. I will set formalities aside and mention names. I would like to address Mr. Walid Jumblatt and to the brothers in the Progressive Socialist Party because of the following:

The first point: Iran wants to punish you for delaying the formation of the government. Where did you get this? What is your evidence? During the five months you and the Lebanese Forces were arguing and arguing. As Iran demanded the formation of the government and is punishing Lebanon for delaying it!

Syrian President Assad is interfering! The Syrians did not talk to us and did not ask us for anything. So far, they have not spoken to us or asked us for anything even though we talk to each other on a daily basis. There is communication between us every day.

So this is your reading. Your antennas have caught this. Fix your antennas, Walid. They are not fixed.

Of course, I maintain respect. Look. You have been delaying the formation of the government for four months. Four months debating – three ministers, two ministers, three ministers – until you found the solution.

As a friend, I would have accepted you talking about the delay in the past four months, but now no. Now, you do not have the right to about us delaying or obstructing the formation of the government or about the regional and economic situations. You can start counting from the day we refused to give the names of our minister. You obstructed for four months.

But now you have to calm down a bit and wait and see where this subject will go.

I will also address the Lebanese Forces. You are the complication. You were the complication. As if the Lebanese Forces had nothing to do with the battle that was fought in Lebanon through the media outlets, politics, social media, universities and insults. And they say that the complication is the Sunni complication. You have debated for five months. It is your right. I am not saying if you were wrong or right. You have the right to demand your rights. But for five months you disrupted the country. Did we say anything? Did anyone from Hezbollah say that the Lebanese Forces disrupting the country, the Socialist Party disrupting, the country or the Future Movement disrupting the country? W e did not open our mouth. We waited and waited. Just because we showed solidarity with our brothers, you opened fire and say Hezbollah, Iran and Syria are disrupting! Is this fair? What country is this? You do not have the right.

The Lebanese Forces must wait five months. If Walid must wait four months, they should count five months. After five months, you will have the right to speak. Five months from now, every word you say on this subject is an attack on a Lebanese segment.

One of the remarks that was raised and said is that Hezbollah is hardening its position because it wants to kick out the prime minister. This is not true. We have been cooperating with him since day one. I mentioned to you the subject of the 32 ministers, the Alawite, the Assyrian, the Nationalist Party, our Christian friends, etc. we do not want to overthrow him. On the contrary, we want him to form the government. Let him come and form a government he heads. We have no problem with this issue, but to give everyone the right.

This is the last part and we will conclude.

Our position is as follows:

We agree that what is raised is to form a national unity government and taking the results of the elections into account. The criteria are the one we disagree on. Let someone tell me what the criterion was the government going to be formed on and issue decrees. We submitted the names a few days ago.

Is the criterion for every four deputies one minister or is it for every five deputies one minister? What is the criterion? The Lebanese forces were asking for five ministers and they took four ministers. They have 15 deputies. Amal and us have 30 deputies and we took six ministers. We have the right to eight ministers if this is the criterion.

The Future Movement has 20 deputies. It takes all 20. The PM-designate with five ministers take 20. We are 30. Where is the unified criterion? There is no unified criterion. He is telling us that there should be a unified criterion and there isn’t one!

You are debating with me whether those six deputies belong to a bloc or not. They represent a huge segment. What was presented is that the results of the elections will be taken into account. The six deputies should be represented by the results of the elections – their results. I would like to add something here today. These six deputies no longer represent their voters. They represent the Sunnis of March 8. They represent all these people from the south to the north, who participated in the elections and supported the lists. Some of the lists passed and others did not. But they did not change their affiliations or their political line.

Today, the six deputies are not only six MPs representing those who specifically elected them. They represent this political line. The language we hear – that we do not accept a minister from March 8 in the government – is rejected. It is a language of isolation and exclusion. We refused isolation and exclusion.

We refused and there is no need to speak in public. In secret and in the inner sessions, we were not with anyone to be excluded or eliminated. We were even honest with our most bitter opponents when we were talking about a national unity government.

There is no national logic, no moral logic, no legal logic, no political logic, no logic of national interest, when someone in Lebanon says that the March 8 Sunnis are not allowed to be represented in this formation. On what basis are they not allowed? If they are not allowed, then let us talk from the starting point openly. Let us talk from the beginning and again because there is no more national unity government, no election results and no criteria.

If the subject became according to discretion that is each one will go back to his political force, representation and presence and impose condition, let us, then, go back to the starting point. Let us start from the beginning.

These MPs are asking for their rights and their representation. We have to stand by their side and support what they represent and who they represent. We stood by them and we will stand by them. Let every Lebanese hear. We will remain with them a year, two years and 1000 years until the end.

We are not the kind to give up on our allies. We do not abandon our allies when there is logic and right. When an ally asks for something that is not rightfully his, we discuss with them. But when an ally, who is a friend and a brother, asks you for something that is rightfully his, we do not abandon him. This is not us. And you must know us by now through all this long experience. As we seek to help you, you should also help us.

We are not a party to the negotiations there about this complexity. The solution to the problem is with by the Prime Minister-designate. Solve it with him.

Yesterday, I met with the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement. Of course Mr. President assigned him to do so. Can you do anything? I told him: we are not asking from the President anything. And we are not asking anything from you. Mr. President is the father of all and he assigned him. You are trying to find solutions to this subject. Excellent. We support that and anyone who is seeking to address this subject. We are not asking you anything. We are not part of the negotiations. Let me go back to the subject of the quota and the 11 ministers. No one should talk to Hezbollah and negotiate with it. The decision is with the brothers, the six independent Sunni deputies. Negotiate with them. Talk to them. Discuss with them. Be fair to them. Whatever they accept, we are on board. We do not accept or reject. It is not our business. They are asking for their rights. They are our allies and we stand with them. Hezbollah stands with them.

The issue for us, first and foremost, is moral. But the narrative that we gathered the Sunnis so we can use them to fight. To Walid Bek and others, if we wanted to disrupt the government in Lebanon, we do not need to hide behind our Sunni brothers. We have courage, ability, presence, clarity and transparency. I say it on television. If we wanted to disrupt the government and do not agree on the formation of the government, we do not hide behind anyone. But we want the government. Because we wanted a government, we were modest. We are still humble and lenient even if it was on our expense and the expense of our allies. We spoke in the closed rooms to help solve it and not challenge.

Now, we do not want to challenge anyone. We do not want to get into political tension with anyone. We do not want to get into a media debate with anyone. We do not want to bring together sheikhs and scholars to write a statement and say malicious hands. And we do not want to use any rhetoric. We have been like this since 2005. I would like to tell the PM-designate: If you really wanted to form a government and help this country, you should assume your responsibilities. This way causing sectarian incitement and sectarianism will not lead to a result. Don’t you know us? Since 2005, this rhetoric has not done anything. It only causes tension in the country and the street. But does it change our stance? Does it affect our will, convictions and commitments? Never. Say what you wish. You can disrupt, destroy and sabotage. Then later they tell you it is because of the economic and financial situations. Weren’t there economic and financial situations five months ago? Why did you negotiate for five months? This portfolio, this number, this minister, etc. And we used to tell you about the country and the economic and financial situations.

When we were done with that issue and we were demanding the rights of these deputies, suddenly the economic and financial situation cannot take it any longer. Aren’t you loyal to Lebanon? We are not loyal. We are mercenaries and agents. You are the loyal ones to Lebanon. Go ahead, you have to solve the matter. Give them one minister. Respect them and agree with them. Form a government. And see how you will save the economic and financial situation. Whether the government will save the economic and financial situation or not, we will talk about that later, God willing, when the government is formed. Are we heading to a salvation government or are there going to be new looting projects in the country? We will get to that and talk about it.

Now, I will summarize regarding the government. We do not need to repeat and explain. To us, it is their right and we stand by their side. We are not using them to fight. Never. If someone asked whether the fate of the country depends on the decision of one of the six deputies, I tell them yes. It is their right. We as Hezbollah when the six MPs call us or send a delegation and tell us ‘you may give the names of your ministers to the PM-designate’, then we will.

With all affection and love, I have a lot of things in my heart I want to talk about. I will not talk about the today. God willing, we will not have to speak about them. We do not want conflict, tension or escalation. We do not want to bring things back to the start, to zero. This is all with regard to the subject. It is not regional, international or local. No one is hiding behind anyone. It is their right. Negotiate with them. Speak to them. And respect them. Whatever decision they make, we will commit to it.

On Martyr’s Day, we are committed to this matter. This is our course, our thought, our history and our loyalty. We pledge to our righteous and pure martyrs that, God willing, we will continue their path and achieve their goals whatever the sacrifices. Peace and Allah’s mercy and blessings be upon you.

Source: Hezbollah Media Relations, Translated by website team

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والله إنك طولت بالك عليهم كتير

والله إنك طولت بالك عليهم كتير!

 ابراهيم الأمين

  الإثنين 12 تشرين الثاني 2018

مشكلة القوى السياسية الآتية من رحم 14 آذار، أنها رهينة عقلية دونية. مشكلة هؤلاء، ادعاء الاستقلالية وحق التعبير وتقرير المصير وحق التمثيل السياسي الحقيقي. أما في واقع التجربة، فإن دونية تسكنهم أمام من يعتقدون انه يوفر لهم الحماية. وللأسف، صار لزاماً على الناس معرفة كيف يعيش هؤلاء. من أين يحصلون على دخلهم الشهري، وكيف يتمكنون من العيش برفاهية كل الوقت وفي كل الامكنة؟ ومن يحصل على الجواب الحقيقي، يفهم بأي عقلية ونفسية يتصرفون. ولذلك، فإن فكرة التعامل معهم بندية طبيعية، أي بعلاقة متوازنة بين مواطن ومواطن، هي فكرة غير واقعية. ولذلك، تأخر السيد حسن نصرالله في الاعلان ـــ لان اقتناعه واضح ـــ أن مشكلة هؤلاء لا تعالَج بالتواضع وما سمّاه الآدمية.

يعني، ومن دون الحاجة الى سرد تاريخي

هل يقول لنا الدكتور سمير جعجع ونواب «القوات اللبنانية» ووزراؤها، ومرشحوه للمناصب الوزارية الجديدة، ما هي إنجازات دولة نائب رئيس الحكومة في وزارة الصحة، الحقيبة الأكثر أهمية التي تولاها وزير من «القوات» بعد عقود من الحرمان من جنة السلطة؟

ثم باعتبار أن «القوات» تمثل قدر الأحرار في لبنان والعالم، هل لهم أن يشرحوا لنا موقفهم من جريمة اغتيال الصحافي جمال خاشقجي؟ أم انهم ينتظرون نتائج التحقيق، أو لم يسمعوا رواية رسمية، أو أنهم يشككون في ما يقوله الاعلام المناهض للسعودية؟

هل يشرح لنا «الزعيم المفدى» وليد جنبلاط، كيف تجري إدارة المشاريع العامة والخاصة في مناطق سيطرته، بين الشوف وعالية ووطى المصيطبة؟ وكم ربح من قطاع النفط الشرعي وغير الشرعي طوال ثلاثة عقود؟

ثم، هل يتابع بن جنبلاط ما الذين يفعله بن سلمان في اليمن وبقية العالم العربي؟
هل يمكن للرئيس سعد الحريري، ومعه قيادات «المستقبل» بكل أشكالها وولاءاتها، أن يقدموا لنا شرحاً عن حقيقة ما حصل معه في السعودية قبل عام، ولماذا قرر الحاكم بأمر المنشار حرمانه من دوره السياسي، وكيف أعيد الاعتبار إليه؟ وهلّا أخبرنا الحريري كيف سيتصرف وفريقه مع حاجاته المالية ونفقاته بعدما أقفلت أبواب التمويل التجارية والسياسية من السعودية والامارات العربية المتحدة؟
هل يحتاج أحد الى شرح واقع حركة «أمل» بعد 35 عاماً من الحضور داخل الدولة، وكيف تراجعت القوة السياسية والشعبية لمصلحة الزعامة الشخصية للرئيس نبيه بري، الذي يواجه صعوبات كبيرة في معالجة معارك أهل البيت السياسي الضيق منه والأوسع، ولماذا لا يزال الشيعة في حالة إنهاك عام، رغم كل ظواهر التحدي القائمة في الشارع؟

هل راجع العماد ميشال عون والوزير جبران باسيل تاريخ لبنان القصير، وكيف أن الحكم المطلق بيد المسيحيين، منذ الانتداب حتى نهاية الحرب الاهلية، كانت نتيجته هجرة المسيحيين من لبنان، وزيادة معدلات الفقر عندهم، والفوضى في المناطق التي يعيشون فيها، حيث توجد نسبة عالية من مخالفات قوانين البناء والاعتداء على الاملاك العمومية، وكيف أن تجربة المسلمين من بعدهم لم تأت لقبائل الشيعة والسنّة والدروز والعلويين إلا بمزيد من الفقر… ثم نراهم اليوم يرفعون شعار: استعادة الحقوق؟

ليس للحريري الحق في المطالبة بالمقاعد السنّية الستة، ولا في مقايضة عون بمقعد سنّي من حصة غيره

كيف يحصل كل ذلك، بينما يستكثر كل هؤلاء على مجموعة من سياسيي لبنان (تطال الانتقادات اداءهم وسلوكهم كبقية السياسيين في البلاد) ان يتمثلوا بوزير واحد في حكومة ليس معلوما اذا كانت ستحل مشاكل لبنان او تزيدها تعقيدا؟

هل من تفسير لموقف الرافضين لتوزير هذه المجموعة، غير عقلية الإقصاء والبلطجة وشعار «وحدي لا شريك لي» الذي رفعه محمد بن سلمان في الرابع من تشرين العام الماضي، عندما قرر إقصاء جميع اهل بيته؟

ولأن القواعد العلمية لا تحتاج الى تفسيرات سياسية، فالامر هنا يقف عند معادلة بسيطة، وهي أن هذه المجموعة من السياسيين الذين ينتمون الى الطائفة السنية المحتكرة قيادتها لآل الحريري منذ 25 سنة، لها الحق في أن تتمثل أسوة ببقية القوى والمجموعات السياسية اللبنانية، وهي تمثل شريحة من اللبنانيين يفوق حجمها من يتمثل في اللقاء التشاوري نفسه. وهي تمثل السنّة الذين خسروا في الانتخابات (وهؤلاء مواطنون) وتمثل السنّة الذين صوّتوا لمرشحين من غير طوائف، لكنهم في نفس الخط السياسي لهذه المجموعة، وهي تمثل القواعد الاجتماعية لفريق من سنّة لبنان الذي لا يقبل بزعامة آل الحريري، حتى ولو ذهبت أصوات هذه القواعد لنواب يقولون اليوم إنهم مستقلون.

تُظهر أرقام الانتخابات أنه يحق للحريري بأربعة وزراء من السنّة على أبعد تقدير. أما الحصة الباقية، وهي وزيران، فيجب أن تذهب الى خصومه الذين فازوا بعشرة مقاعد نيابية. وبالتالي، ليس له الحق في المطالبة بالمقاعد السنّية الستة. وليس له الحق حتى في مقايضة الرئيس ميشال عون بمقعد سنّي من حصة غيره. وما كان يجب على الرئيس عون أن يقبل هذه المقايضة. بل كان الاحرى برئيس الجمهورية أن يدافع عن حقوق بقية المجموعات اللبنانية كما دافع عن حقوق جماعته. لأنه رئيس الجمهورية، ولانه الرئيس الذي كان خصوم الحريري الى جانب معركته في الوصول الى رئاسة الجمهورية، ما كان عليه أن يقبل بهذه المقايضة. ولذلك، فهو مسؤول بنفس قدر مسؤولية الحريري عن إيجاد حل لهذه المشكلة. ولو أراد البعض من حوله أن يروه رئيساً ممثلاً للمسيحيين، فنحن سنظل نراه رئيساً يأمل اللبنانيون أن يكون رئيسهم جميعاً. ولذلك بيده الحل.

ذات مرة، سعى السعوديون الى إقناع أحد أصحاب وسائل الاعلام بالعمل لمصلحتهم مقابل توفير دعم مالي له. قبِل الرجل، لكنه قال إنه لا يقدر على تبنّي الخط السياسي للسعودية، ومهاجمة سوريا والمقاومة. فقيل له: حسناً، لا نريد منك أن تدافع عنا، نريد منك مهاجمة منتقدينا. فوجد الرجل ضالته بأن اختار بعض خصوم السعودية وصار يجلدهم صباحاً ومساءً.

هل من تفسير لموقف الرافضين لتوزير هذه المجموعة غير عقلية الإقصاء والبلطجة وشعار محمد بن سلمان؟

الآن، ثمة مرتزقة بين سياسيي لبنان وإعلامييه، من الذين يعيشون على «خير أهل الخير في الجزيرة»، لكنهم عبّروا عن صعوبة استمرار الدفاع عن السعودية. فقال لهم وكيل المملكة في لبنان: «لا نريد منكم الدفاع عنا، نريد منكم مهاجمة خصومنا»… وقد وجدوا ضالتهم اليوم في تولّي الرد على كلام السيد حسن…

حسناً أيها الشجعان. بما أنكم أهل الاستقلال والسيادة والموقف الحر، والكرامة التي ما بعدها كرامة، وأن البطون التي حملتكم هي غير البطون التي حملت الآخرين، وبما أنكم تعتقدون أنكم من مواطني الدرجة الاولى «أيها البيض»، وانه لا يمكن مقارنتكم بمواطني الدرجة الثانية «هوليك اللي ما بعرف منين جايين»… فما عليكم إلا الاستعانة بوليّ نعمتكم، وسيدكم، أبو المنشار ما غيره، وبالتعاون مع شبكة عوكر للدعارة بكل أنواعها، وأن تقرروا مستقبل البلاد… يللا الأمر بأيديكم!

انت يا سيد حسن، شو بيعرفك بإدارة البلاد والمؤسسات، وانت أصلاً شو خصك بالقرار الحر والسيادة والاستقلال، وانت منين لوين بتعرف حق التمثيل وحقوق الناس… انت شو خصك لتحكي أصلاً؟
والله إنك لطويل البال!

وفق الأرقام الواردة في كتاب الانتخابات النيابية لعام 2018 الصادر عن «الدولية للمعلومات» ودار «كتب»، يمكن الوصول الى النتائج الخاصة بالمقاعد النيابية الـ27 التي يشغلها نواب ترشّحوا عن الطائفة السنية.

يشرح الجدول أدناه كيفية توزيع الأصوات التفضيلية للناخبين السنّة على النواب الفائزين من الطائفة السنية، وليس على كل النواب الناجحين عن بقية الطوائف.
يشار الى أن تيار المستقبل عمد خلال الايام القليلة الماضية الى تعميم جدول يورد فيه النتائج، لكنه يقول في الخلاصة إن نواب اللقاء التشاوري حصلوا على 43300 صوتاً تفضيلياً سنّياً، من أصل 481680 صوتاً تفضيلياً سنّياً، ليصل جهابذة “المستقبل” الى القول إن نسبة ما ناله نواب “اللقاء التشاوري” هو 8.9 في المئة من إجمالي الاصوات.

وإذا أخذنا بقاعدة «المستقبل» هذه، فإن النواب السنّة الـ17، المنضوين في كتلة الرئيس سعد الحريري، قد حازوا 168332 صوتاً تفضيلياً، وبالتالي فإن نسبتها من إجمالي الاصوات التفضيلية السنيّة هي 34.9 في المئة. وبالتالي، سيكون هناك 270 ألف صوت تفضيليّ سنّي غير ممثلين، لا في المجلس النيابي ولا في الحكومة.
الجدول التالي، يفترض أن يوضح الصورة لمن لا يريد المكابرة ولا الزعبرة، فاقتضى التوضيح:

من ملف : معركة العدالة

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بعد كلام السيّد: المعاملة بالمثل بين رئاسة الجمهورية ورئاسة الحكومة

نوفمبر 12, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– خلال الشهور التي أعقبت تسمية الرئيس المكلف بتشكيل الحكومة سعد الحريري تعطّل تشكيل الحكومة لشهور بسبب واضح تكشفه الحلحلة التي تمّت لعقدتي تمثيل كل من حزب القوات اللبنانية والحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي، حيث تراجع الاشتراكي عن مطلب غير محق ومضخّم بنيل ثلاثة مقاعد، وتراجعت القوات عن مطلب شديد المبالغة في التضخم نحو مكسب مضخم بدرجة نسبية لكن برضا شريك التمثيل في الطائفة الذي يمثله التيار الوطني الحر وبتنازل عن منصب نائب رئيس الحكومة من قبل رئيس الجمهورية، فبقيت القوات تحتل بـ15 نائباً 4 مقاعد وزارية وصار الاشتراكي ممثلاً بوزيرين. وهذا معناه عملياً تمثيل 24 نائباً بستة مقاعد وزارية، ومعيار التمثيل يكون هنا هو وزير لكل أربعة نواب، لكن رئيس الحكومة الذي قاتل بكل قواه لرفع نسبة تمثيل حلفائه وسعى لتحصيل مطالبهم الشديدة التضخم، لم يمتنع ولا منع حلفاءه من توجيه الاتهام مراراً خلال شهور التعطيل، لرئيس الجمهورية بالسعي للنيل من صلاحيات رئيس الحكومة، كما لم يمتنع ولا منع حلفاءه من رفع متاريس طائفية في قلب هذا الاتهام جامعاً رؤساء الحكومات السابقين ومستصدراً منهم بيانات داعمة لما أسماه معركة الصلاحيات، ومن دون التردد في إقحام دار الفتوى في هذه المعركة المفتعلة.

– بالمقابل بقي رئيس الجمهورية حريصاً على تأكيد احترامه لصلاحيات رئيس الحكومة كشريك كامل في تشكيل الحكومة، وكصاحب الحق الوحيد بعرض التشكيلة الحكومية مقابل حق رئيس الجمهورية بالاعتراض وطلب إدخال التعديلات عليها. وفي ذروة دفاع رئيس الجمهورية عن محاولات مكشوفة للنيل من صلاحياته وتحويله إلى مجرد بريد رسمي لإعلان تشكيلة رئيس الحكومة لحكومته، لم يستنفر رئيس الجمهورية حلفاءه ولا زجّ بالمرجعيات الدينية في معركة محقة هي الدفاع عن صلاحيات رئيس الجمهورية، كشريك كامل في تشكيل الحكومة وفقاً للدستور الذي خرج من اتفاق الطائف، وفي ذروة اندفاع رئيس الحكومة لتحصيل ما ليس محقاً لحلفائه، تعامل رئيس الجمهورية بلغة الاحتواء بدلاً من المواجهة، وأظهر حرصه على تدوير الزوايا فتولى حلحلة عقدة الحزب الاشتراكي، بما لم يكن رئيس الحكومة راضياً عن نتيجته، وتولى التنازل عن منصب نائب رئيس الحكومة لحساب القوات اللبنانية من حصته، ورئيس الحكومة يضغط خلال كل هذه الفترة على فريق رئيس الجمهورية لتقديم التنازلات لحساب حلفائه، بما لا تخوّلهم مقاعدهم النيابية بنيله.

– خلال الأيام القليلة الماضية ظهرت صعوبة ولادة الحكومة من دون تمثيل النواب السنة الذين يمثلون ثلث ناخبي طائفتهم ويحتلون ثلث مقاعدها النيابية، ويحق لهم ثلث مقاعدها الوزارية، ويرفض رئيس الحكومة منحهم مقعداً واحداً بدلاً من حقهم بمقعدين، ويشنّ عليهم حملة ظالمة ويطلق عليهم أوصافاً لا تليق برئاسة الحكومة، ولا بزعامة وطنية، يفترض أنها تحترم إرادة الشعب الذي يمنح النواب مقاعدهم في العملية الديمقراطية ومنه تستمدّ عبر مجلس النواب كل حكومة شرعيتها الدستورية، ومعها رئيسها، ورغم ذلك حاول رئيس الجمهورية أن يمون على حلفائه عبر ضغط نفسي ومعنوي وأدبي، بإعلان تضامنه مع رئيس الحكومة ورفض التسليم بحق النواب السنة، وتوصيف تمسك حزب الله بتمثيلهم خطأ تكتيكياً يصيب الاستراتيجية الوطنية.

– لأن رئيس الجمهورية فعل كل ما فعله في السابق لتسهيل ولادة الحكومة، وحاول أن يضغط للتسهيل، ولكنه وجد موقفاً لا مجال للتراجع فيه لدى حزب الله بعد كلام السيد حسن نصرالله، وصار أمام معادلة استعصاء فهو معنيّ من الموقع ذاته بالسعي لتذليل العقدة بغض النظر عن رغبته بكيفية تذليلها، وقد بات لذلك طريق واحد يعرف الرئيس أنه ليس السعي للضغط على حزب الله للتراجع عندما يكون مقتنعاً بأنه يقوم بعمل وطني، كما كان الحال يوم جمّد حزب الله تشكيل الحكومة الأولى للرئيس سعد الحريري شهوراً بانتظار توافق الحريري مع رئيس التيار الوطني الحر جبران باسيل عام 2009، وكما كان الحال يوم تحمّل حزب الله الاتهامات بتعطيل الانتخابات الرئاسية والتسبّب بالفراغ الرئاسي ليقينه بأحقية العماد ميشال عون بالرئاسة. وهو اليوم بلسان السيد نصرالله، يعلم أن الإجحاف السياسي بحق فريق الثامن من آذار في التشكيلة الحكومة بالمقارنة مع تمثيل الرابع عشر من آذار لا يمكن تبريره إلا بالضعف وليس بالتواضع. وحزب الله ليس ضعيفاً ليقبل بتمثيل فريقه بسبعة وزراء مقابل إثني عشر وزيراً لقوى الرابع عشر من آذار، وهما بحجم نيابي واحد، فإذا كان المعيار المعتمد وفقاً لتمثيل القوات والاشتراكي هو وزير لكل أربعة نواب، فلذلك نتيجة أولى أن يكون لتيار رئيس الحكومة خمسة وزراء فقط بدلاً من ستة، والفارق كافٍ لحل مشكلة تمثيل سنة الثامن من آذار، ونتيجة ثانية هي نيل فريق الثامن من آذار وفقاً للمعيار ذاته، لكن بالمقابل يرتضي فريق الثامن من آذار بتواضع، أن يطبق عليه معيار مزدوج بحيث يكون لكل 4 نواب من 14 آذار وزير ولكل ستة نواب من 8 آذار وزير، لأنه إذا طالب بالمعيار ذاته لتمثيل قوى الرابع عشر من آذار مقابل 45 نائباً يمثلهم فستكون حصته 11 عشر وزيراً كما هي حصة الرابع عشر من آذار، بينما هو يرتضي التمثيل بـ8 وزراء فقط إذا تم تحصيل مقعد وزاري للنواب السنة في اللقاء التشاوري.

– المعاملة بالمثل مع رئيس الحكومة تستدعي من رئيس الجمهورية مطالبته بالتنازل عن مقعد من طائفته ليحل المشكلة، علماً أن هذا المقعد حق ثابت، يريد رئيس الحكومة وضع اليد عليه بغير حق، بعدما لبّى رئيس الجمهورية طلب رئيس الحكومة بمنح مقعد غير مستحق من طائفته لحساب القوات اللبنانية وفوقه صفة نائب رئيس الحكومة، تحت عنوان التعاون لتسهيل ولادة الحكومة. وعسى ألا يقبل رئيس الحكومة بالتمني ليفتح باب تشكيل الحكومة من جديد، وفقاً لمعادلة التمثيل بمعيار واحد لأنه الأمثل والأكثر استقراراً وفقاً لكلام رئيس الجمهورية المتكرر، فإما حكومة بـ 36 وزير لتتسع لـ11 وزيراً لكل من 8 و14 آذار وتكون حصة التيار الوطني الحر وتكتله بـ 7 وزراء، وفقاً لمعيار وزير لكل 4 نواب، ووزير لكل من حزب الكتائب وتكتل الرئيس نجيب ميقاتي إذا رغبا وإلا تؤول حصتهما بوزير لكل من رئيس الجمهورية ورئيس الحكومة إضافة لـ 5 وزراء محسومين لرئيس الجمهورية. وهكذا تتمثل الأقليات ويتمثل العلويون، أو حكومة بـ 30 وزيراً وفقاً لمعيار وزير لكل خمسة نواب يكون فيها 9 وزراء لكل من 8 و14 آذار و6 وزراء للتيار الوطني الحر وتكتله و6 وزراء لرئيسي الجمهورية والحكومة 5 بـ 1 ، والنصيحة بلا جميلة وبلا جمل، لكن لا تضيّعوا وقتاً بغير هذا التفكير.

– اللهم اشهد أني بلغت.

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Sayyed Nasrallah Warns ‘Israel’ of “Inevitable Response” to Any Attack on Lebanon

manar-03866840015418563561

November 10, 2018

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah will inevitably respond to any attack against Lebanon and will not accept any underestimation by the enemy of the country’s power as it used to do in the past.

In a televised speech marking Hezbollah Martyr’s Day on Saturday, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that the “source of our strength are our missiles because the Lebanese army is not allowed to acquire advanced missiles.”

The secretary general was responding to reports that the Zionist entity warned the Lebanese government through American and European intermediaries that it was readying to attack Hezbollah in the near future to prevent it from acquiring advanced missiles.

Hezbollah has a tremendous rocket capability and the enemy will not dare to attack Lebanon because of this power, His eminence stressed, adding that any attack will be faced automatically.

His eminence saluted the families of the martyrs. “Thanks to martyrs’ sacrifices, the resistance has achieved all its victories.”

“[Israeli PM Benjamin] Netanyahu believes that the key of everything is power and not the occupation,” Sayyed Nasrallah continued. “His problem, though, is that we have the power. We will respond to any Israeli strike on Lebanon and will not accept any aggression by the enemy on our land.”

Hezbollah’s S.G. condemned all form of normalization with the Zionist entity, calling on “everyone to reject normalization and not to be silent about it, and this duty is imposed by all standards and the voice must always be raised to condemn all steps of normalization.”

Sayyed Nasrallah addressed the Palestinian people saying: “do not lose hope over the Arab states’ normalization with ‘Israel’, what before went on behind the scenes now is taking place publicly. The current normalization has put an end to Arab hypocrisy, and brought down the masks of the swindlers and hypocrites.”

“Those who are taking part in Gaza return marches and those who are sacrificing in Gaza and West Bank give us hope because they resist the pressures exerted on them,” his eminence added. “Had the Syrian people and the government not resisted the pressure, we would have seen Netanyahu in Damascus because most of the so-called opposition in Syria maintains ties with ‘Israel’.”

Sayyed Nasrallah also deplored the international community’s outcry in the aftermath of the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi while turning a blind eye to the Saudi crimes it’s committing against Yemeni on a daily basis: “While they complain about the murder, they ignore the crimes Saudi Arabia is committing in Yemen.”

Sayyed Nasrallah pointed that the US calls for an end to the war on Yemen might be a hoax, “the timing of these calls is doubted.” Addressing Yemeni people, Sayyed Nasrallah called on them to remain patient and cling to their positions “because you are closer to victory more than ever before.”

On Bahrain, Hezbollah leader said the regime ruling against opposition leader Sheikh Ali Salman which had changed from innocence to life sentence confirms the regime’s repressive nature.

Addressing US sanctions against Iran, Hezbollah leader said the party was not afraid of any sanctions and “we will continue to hold on to our weapons and missiles.” “Binding government formation with US sanctions on Iran and with the crisis in Syria is ridiculous.”

Turning to the local issue of cabinet formation, Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated Hezbollah’s backing for the participation of independent Sunni MPs in the upcoming government.

“Lebanon does not need more than eight or ten ministers to represent all its parties but they chose to make it 30. Why not form the government of 32 and allow place for the representation of Sunni MPs,” his eminence said.

“Based on some parties criteria in ministerial shares, it was our right to demand 10 ministerial shares. It seems humbleness in this country is useless,” Sayyed Nasrallah responded to some allegations that Hezbollah was obstructing the cabinet formation. “But we didn’t demand more than 6 ministers, which in fact doesn’t reflect our parliamentary, political and popular size, but because we wanted to facilitate the formation of this government.”

Sayyed Nasrallah also lashed out at Progressive Socialist Party chief Walid Jumblatt who accused Hezbollah of ‘delaying the cabinet formation’, saying Jumblatt has obstructed the government formation for four months and has no right to speak of obstruction.

We behaved modestly before some parties because we wanted for this government to be formed, His eminence indicated.

Hezbollah’s S.G. emphasized that the party has raised the demand to allocate a ministerial portfolio for Sunni MPs “since day one after the Premier’s designation. We told him that this demand was basic and necessary for the formation of the new government.”
“Independent Sunnis were the ones who prevented the transformation of the political conflict in the country to sectarian one,” he stressed, calling on the PM-designate to give everyone his right of representation.

“We will remain at our allies side no matter how much time their issue would take,” Sayyed Nasrallah said, advising the PM-designate that if he wants this cabinet to be formed, “sectarian incitement will lead nowhere.”

On Hezbollah’s relations with the Lebanese President, Sayyed Nasrallah said: “Relations between Hezbollah and [Michel] Aoun are intact and no one can drag us to a rift over the Sunni MPs issue.”

“We will stand by the side of independent Sunni allies because we reject isolation,” his eminence stressed, adding that Hezbollah will agree to any decision by the Sunni MPs regarding their participation in the government.

Source: Al-Manar Website

 

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Sayyed Nasrallah Affirms Support for Independent Sunni MPs: Hezbollah will Absolutely Retaliate against any “Israeli

Zeinab Essa

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered on Saturday a speech in which he tackled various regional and Lebanese topics.

Martyrs’ Day: Track to Victory

Addressing  thousands of people commemorating Hezbollah Martyrs’ Day, Sayyed Nasrallah hailed the  resistance that was decisive, firm and strong. “The Resistance managed to achieve victories,” he added, pointing out that “there are families who sacrificed more than one or two martyrs.”

“Today we are honoring all martyrs, self-scarifying martyrs and the Mujahedeen who were martyred in various fields and still convoys of martyrs contribute to achieving victories,” the Resistance Leader emphasized.

According to Sayyed Nasrallah: “All of our country’s security and honor are because thanks of the martyrs’ blood.”

Response Ready

His Eminence further highlighted that “Deterrence exists because of Hezbollah’s missile capabilities as the Lebanese Army isn’t allowed to possess such types of missiles.”

“We adhere to the golden equation of the Army, People and the Resistance,” he affirmed, noting that “Hezbollah will also adhere to the strength of the resistance and to all its missiles.”

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah asserted that ““Israeli” PM Benjamin Netanyahu can’t bear the strength of the resistance and the quantity of rockets in Lebanon.”

“The “Israeli” is focusing on the resistance missiles through diplomatic pressure, intimidation and the use of the Americans,” he explained.

In a warning message to the “Israeli” entity, Sayyed Nasrallah announced that “Hezbollah will absolutely retaliate against any “Israeli” aggression, air raid or shelling  on Lebanon.”

“It isn’t acceptable for the “Israeli” enemy to return to Lebanon,” he reiterated, stressing that “even if we sold our houses, we will preserve these [the Resistance’s] missiles.”

In addition, His Eminence stated that “Hezbollah is not afraid of any sanctions and we will continue to preserve our weapons and missiles.”

Normalization Make Arab Masks Fall

Moving to the Arab normalization track with the “Israeli” enemy, Sayyed Nasrallah condemned “any form of normalization with the “Israeli” enemy, regardless of its source and form,” urging the people of the region to reject all forms of normalization.

“Current normalization puts an end to some Arab’s hypocrisy and will make masks fall,” he mentioned.

Sayyed Nasrallah went to say that “the US sanctions against Iran will have no effect on Hezbollah.”

Hailing the sacrifices of Palestinian people, His Eminence viewed that “The people of Gaza are the hope through their March of Return  and the sacrifices they make.”

On Syria, Bahrain and Triumphant Yemen

On Syria, he said: “If Syria’s people and leadership  did not resist, we would have seen Netanyahu as well as the “Israeli” culture minister at the Umayyad Mosque.”

“We solemnly praise before the people of the occupied Syrian Golan, who thwarted the occupation’s elections,” Hezbollah Secretary General said.

Moreover, Sayyed Nasrallah commented on the recent developments related to Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi’s murder by saying: “The world has every right to get surprised and condemn what happened, but this world is also strange for standing unmoved while witnessing the daily massacres in Yemen.”

“We are in front of a new situation in Yemen and the call for an end to aggression may be either serious or potentially deceitful,” he added, noting that “The possibility for calling to an end to the aggression on Yemen is due to fact that the Yemenis have resisted this aggression.”

Regarding the situation in Bahrain, His Eminence underscored that “the authorities in Bahrain want the people to surrender but they will not give up.”

“The Bahraini judiciary’s move in turning Sheikh Ali Salman’s acquittal into a life sentence is repressive,” he added.

“The announcement of the US initiative to cease fire after a month coincided with the most severe aggression on the west coast of Yemen,” Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized, noting that “the Yemeni people are closer to victory than ever before.”

Political Modesty Our Prob in Lebanon

Moving to the internal Lebanese front, Hezbollah Secretary General commented on the Lebanese government formation process by declaring: “All officials including President Michel Aoun and House Speaker Nabih Berri had initially agreed on the representation of independent Sunni MPs but the PM-designate did not.”

“Lebanon does not need more than eight or ten ministers to represent all its parties but they chose to make it 30,” he added, wondering: “Why not to form the government of 32 and allow place for the representation of Sunni MPs?”

His Eminence also said:

“We’ve never thought about allocating a share for independent Sunni MPs from the share of President Michel Aoun.”

Sayyed Nasrallah further clarified that “Since day one after the Premier’s designation we have demanded that Sunni MPs of March 8 be represented,” announcing that “Political modesty in Lebanon does not work.”

Asking PM Saad Hariri to give the Sunni MPs in March 8 a seat from his share, he affirmed that

“Hezbollah will agree to any decision by the Sunni MPs regarding their participation in the government.”

On Hezbollah’s relations with President Aoun and the Free Patriotic Movement, Sayyed Nasrallah said:

“Our relation with Aoun and the FPM are intact and no one can drag us to a rift over the Sunni obstacle.”

Meanwhile, he slammed the statements of the Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt who accused Hezbollah of “delaying the cabinet formation”.

“Jumblatt has obstructed the government formation for a whole of four months and has no right to speak of obstruction.”

In conclusion, Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed:

“When the six MPs call us and tell us, ‘You may give the names of your ministers [to Hariri],’ then we will.”

Source: Al-Ahed news

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The Unpublished Pieces behind Hariri’s Abduction Story in Saudi  Arabia  وقائع غير منشورة من قصة اختطاف سعد الحريري في السعودية

The Unpublished Pieces behind Hariri’s Abduction Story in Saudi Arabia

November 9, 2018

Al-Manar Website Editor

One year has already passed since President Saad Hariri was kidnapped and held hostage against his will in Saudi Arabia. Mohammed bin Salman’s move that caused turbulence in the lebanese community  was described as “utter foolishness”. The crown prince lured his Lebanese ally and forced him to resign from his post in a speech from the Saudi capital, Riyadh, in a surprise announcement on  November 4, 2017, plunging Lebanon into its latest political problems.

The reactions to this move in Lebanon, Arab world and the West have forced the crown- who is colloquially known as MBS-  to retreat. Until the present day, detailed information is still unfolding concerning how Hariri, from his “home detention” in Riyadh, and his team in Beirut, has faced the coup attempt that aimed at ending his political career.

Citing several sources, Al-Akhbar Lebanese daily published on Tuesday, Novermber 5 (2018), several articles that revealed details about Hariri’s detention.

Few Days Prior to “Resignation”: Bin Salman Lures Saad Hariri

By the end of October 2017, lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri payed a visit to Riyadh where he was welcomed by Saudi crown prince. In that visit, MBS promised Hariri to arrange him a meeting with the Saudi King by the end of the week. Hariri, willing to participate in the World Youth Forum, which was held under the patronage of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on November 4, 2017, in Sharm el-Sheikh, insisted that the meeting with the Saudi king would be on Saturday.

Hariri returned to Beirut, to his usual agenda which normally involves meetings and receptions. Thursday night, on November 2, he received a call from Bin Salman’s Divan. He was told that “His Highness the Crown Prince wants to spend the weekend with you, and you will go hunting together.” Hariri welcomed the invitation with open arms and confirmed that he’ll be there on November 3.

Hariri in Saudi Arabia

Saad Hariri set foot in Saudi Arabia by the early evening of November 3, as he promised. As always, a saudi royal parade has welcomed the prime minister and took him home. However, what was unsual is that Hariri was summoned at 8:30 a.m. to the Saudi royal office, unseemly early, by the kingdom’s standards, in the second day of a visit that was already far from what he had expected. Mr. Hariri dressed that morning in jeans and a T-shirt, thinking he was going camping in the desert with the crown prince. There was no customary royal convoy, so Mr. Hariri took his own car. And instead of meeting the prince, officials said, he was manhandled by Saudi officials.

As Saad Hariri arrived at Bin Salman’s palace, his security team, which was treated rudely and firmly,  wasn’t allowed to escort him to where they were normally allowed into. Few minutes later, Hariri’s driver was asked to go home and bring him a “suit”. Shortly after the driver’s return, Saad Hariri announced live on Al-Arabiya satellite television that he had resigned as Lebanese prime minister.

Hariri was handed a resignation speech to read, which he did at 2:30 p.m. from a room an official said was down the hall from the prince’s office. The text blamed Hezbollah and claimed his life was in danger; it used words that don’t match with his rhetoric. This, it seemed, was the real reason he had been beckoned to the Saudi capital: to resign under pressure and publicly blame Iran, as if he were an employee and not a sovereign leader.

The Aftermath of the Announcement

Few minutes after Saad Hariri announced his resignation, Rudeina Al-Arab, the wife of hariri’s head of security team Abdul Karim Al-Arab, gave  General Security Chief, Major General Abbas Ibrahim a phone call. She burst into tears while saying that her husband was kidnapped. Her conclusion was based on a phone call she made with her husband upon hearing the prime minister’s speech. As she was talking to her husband, she could hear people yelling and shouting at him. Excessive noise was coming out of the phone. Al-Arab soon hang up the call and promised to call few minutes later; yet, he never did.

Rudeina al-Arab’s phone call was an ample proof that what happened in Saudi Arabia on that crazy day was neither normal nor coincidential.

In Baabda, President Michel Aoun chose to follow a wait-and-see approach. He performed a series of security-related phone calls. He asked Departments of General Security, Internal Security and the Lebanese army if they had any information about a secret plot,which was promoted by Saudi media, to assasinate Saad Hariri. All the mentioned security services denied the news and were asked to make public pronouncements to this effect. In person, Aoun called Imad Othman, Director-General of Internal Security Forces, more than once to make sure that he had no information regarding the alleged assassination plot.

The lebanese president insisted that the Internal Security must develop a common position regarding the Saudi allegations, given the department’s strong links to both Saudi Arabia and Saad Hariri. Internal Security Forces immediately denied the Saudi allegations, saying that they had no knowledge of an assassination attempt.

Hariri’s Wife Confirms Abduction

Lara Al Azem, Saad Hariri’s wife, who lives in Riyadh, informed her family in Beirut that “Sheikh Saad” was held hostage at the Ritz-Carlton complex in Saudi Arabia, in an annexed villa of the hotel. She also added that MBS’s men allowed her to visit her husband twice.

Lara’s assertions were obviously the preliminary confirmation that the prime minister was abducted against his will. These assertions weren’t available to the public, but to a limited number including: Head of PM Hariri’s office, Nader Hariri, Interior Minister, Nohad Machnouk and Hariri’s adviser, Hani Hammoud.

Wadi Abu Jamil Coordination Unit

A coordination unit to follow up the crisis has been set up in the prime minister’s house located in Wadi Abu Jamil, in Beirut’s Downtown. The unit encompassed Nader Hariri, who is also the cousin of the PM, Hani Hammoud, Major General Imad Othman and Colonel Khaled Hammoud. To expedite the whole process, the unit also involved Culture Minister Ghattas Khoury, Interior Minister Nohad Machnouk and former MP Bassem Al Sabaa.

The unit operated on two parallel internal and external levels. Internally, the unit was reassured by the position of Aoun, Speaker Nabih Berri and Hezbollah. Lebanon’s President, Michel Aoun, a Hezbollah ally, who refused to accept the resignation unless Mr. Hariri delivered it in person, addressed the crisis as a personal matter. As for Berri, he reaffirmed his stand alongside the lebanese PM “whether hanging on the cross or banging in the nails.”

Meanwhile, Hezbollah believed since the beginning that MBS, the young ambitious heir, was determined to shake up Lebanon’s power structure and set the entire country on edge.

Externally, seeking international and regional asssistance, Machnouk headed, secretly, to Cairo where he met state department and intelligence officials. He did not need to explain to them what was going on for the Egyptian officials were fully aware that Hariri was kidnapped and subjected to “house arrest”.

Seeking International Assistance

Foreign Minister Gebran Basil had a central role to play in mobilizing support from decision-making countries to help release the imprisoned prime minister. As for General Security Chief, Major General Abbas Ibrahim, he activated the intelligence services in different countries. In France, Bernard Emié (former French ambassador to Lebanon) was the director of Foreign Intelligence Service. In Germany, Ibrahim called for an urgent meeting with the director of intelligence, but the latter was outside the country, so he sent him the German ambassador in Beirut. Ibrahim explained the circumstances of the prime minister’s “resignation” and shared with him some information in his possession.

In Beirut, the US Ambassador to Lebanon, Elizabeth Richard, was still confused. At first, her stance was quite negative. In the early hours following Hariri’s resignation, when asked about her opinion regarding what was going on, she said that Hariri “had resigned in public. What are we supposed to do?” However, after a series of communication channels and after providing the State Department and US intelligence with thorough and accurate information, Washington’s attitude changed.

As in many other cases (since Donald Trump came to power), there has been a split between the Deep State and the National Security, on one hand, and the White House on the other. Trump backed Bin Salman’s coup against his cousins in Riyadh. He did not take a decisive position from Hariri’s capture at first. But the “national security state” in Washington stood up for Bin Salman’s willigness to exclude Saad Hariri.

Hariri’s Tour

Both Emirati Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed and Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, viewed Bin Salman’s move with suspicion. When the Saudi Crown Prince decided that detained Hariri would visit a number of Arab countries, in a bid to prove that the Lebanese PM is “free”, Cairo said that it would not host the Lebanese prime minister unless he departs from Cairo to Beirut. That made Bin Salman limit Hariri’s tour to Gulf states.

On November 7, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, who is also the Deputy Supreme Commander of the UAE Armed Forces and known as MBZ, met with the Lebanese prime minister in Abu Dhabi where they discussed “brotherly relations and the recent developments in Lebanon.”

The visit aimed at humiliating Hariri by forcing him to go to Abu Dhabi, whose governor had decided to boycott Hariri for a while, for political reasons and financial differences between them. However, contrary to what Bin Salman wanted, bin Zayed was friendly with Hariri and reassured him that his ordeal would soon end.

Bold Moves 

Saudi Arabia’s Arab Gulf Affairs Minister, Thamer al-Sabhan’s team contacted all Hariri’s family members, except Nader, and asked them to come to Riyadh to pledge allegiance to Bahaa, Saad Hariri’s brother, as the leader of the family and the Sunni Muslim sect. All of Hariri’s family showed their loyalty and commitment to their leader. Even his younger brother, Fahd, who was not in accord with Saad, rejected the Saudi “supreme order” and expressed discomfort with that bold move. Within 48 hours, Saudi Arabia received the following unanimous message from the entire family: Saad has no alternative. The latter played a key role in thwarting this “conspiracy,” through his secret contacts with his team in Beirut. After visiting Abu Dhabi, Hariri eventually moved from the Ritz to his home, where he remained under house arrest. Within days, several Western ambassadors visited him there. They came away with conflicting impressions of how free he was. There were two Saudi guards in the room, officials said, and when the diplomats asked if the guards could leave, Mr. Hariri said no, they could stay. Intense diplomacy followed by France, the United States, Egypt and other countries, producing a deal that allowed Mr. Hariri to leave Saudi Arabia.

Source: Al-Akhbar Newspaper

 

 وقائع غير منشورة من قصة اختطاف سعد الحريري في السعودية

 حسن عليق

اللواء ابراهيم تلقى الإشارة الأولى إلى كون الحريري معتقلا

بعد دقائق على اعلان الرئيس سعد الحريري استقالته من رئاسة الحكومة، يوم 4 تشرين الثاني 2017، في خطاب متلفز من الرياض، تلقّى المدير العام للامن العام اللواء عباس ابراهيم اتصالاً من ردينة العرب، زوجة عبدالكريم العرب، مسؤول فريق حماية الحريري. كانت تبكي قائلة: خطفوا زوجي. استفسر ابراهيم منها عما تقوله، فأخبرته انها، وفور مشاهدتها خطاب رئيس الحكومة، اتصلت بزوجها الذي كان يرافقه. رد عليها، ولم يكن على علم بما يجري. ثم سمعت صراخاً بقربه، وأشخاصاً يتحدّثون معه بعدائية. قطع العرب الاتصال قائلا لزوجته انه سيحادثها بعد دقائق. حاولت الاتصال به مجدداً، لكنها لم تفلح. الصراخ الذي سمعته جعلها تقتنع بأن الذين يصرخون كانوا يريدون توقيف زوجها او اختطافه.

Image result for ‫نادر الحريري‬‎

اتصال ردينة العرب كان الاشارة الاولى على حقيقة ما جرى في الرياض، في ذلك اليوم المجنون. نادر الحريري، مدير مكتب رئيس الحكومة، كان يضع اللمسات الاخيرة على جدول أعمال الزيارة التي سيقوم بها رئيس الحكومة في اليوم التالي الى شرم الشيخ، للمشاركة في مؤتمر والاجتماع بالرئيس المصري عبدالفتاح السيسي. الرجل الاقرب (في ذلك الحين) الى سعد الحريري، صُدم باعلان الأخير استقالته. بعد وقت ليس ببعيد، اتصل به هاتفيا. كرر رئيس الحكومة على مسامع مدير مكتبه، بنبرة لا تخلو من «الرسمية»، ما قاله في بيان الاستقالة عن إيران وحزب الله. اللغة التي استخدمها لم تكن معتادة بين الرجلين. تيقّن نادر من أن ابن خاله لم يكن في وضع طبيعي، فختم الاتصال بعبارة «الله يحميك».

خمسة أيام قبل «الاستقالة»: ابن سلمان يستدرج الحريري

Image result for ‫ثامر السبهان‬‎

قبل نهاية تشرين الأول (2017)، زار الرئيس الحريري الرياض. كان وزير الدولة السعودي لشؤون الخليج، ثامر السبهان، قد ملأ الفضاء الالكتروني تهويلاً على لبنان. التقى الرجلان، قبل أن يستقبل ولي العهد السعودي «دولة الرئيس سعد». كان اللقاء «فائق الإيجابية». وعد إبن سلمان بترتيب موعد للحريري مع الملك السعودي قبل نهاية الأسبوع نفسه (أي قبل الخامس من تشرين الثاني). كان الحريري مرتبطاً بموعد المشاركة في «منتدى شباب العالم»، الذي سيقام برعاية الرئيس المصري عبد الفتاح السيسي يوم 4 تشرين الثاني 2017، في شرم الشيخ. ولأجل ذلك، سعى إلى ان يكون موعده مع الملك سلمان يوم السبت لا يوم الأحد. عاد الحريري إلى بيروت، وإلى جدول اعماله المعتاد. استقبالات واجتماعات… ترأس جلسة لمجلس الوزراء، واجتماعاً للجنة الوزارية المكلفة بحث تطبيق قانون الانتخابات. ليل الخميس، 2 تشرين الثاني، تلقى اتصالاً من ديوان ابن سلمان. قيل له إن «سمو ولي العهد يريد ان يقضي معك نهاية الأسبوع، وستذهبان سوياً إلى (صيد) البر». اتفق مع المتصلين به على أي يكون في الرياض مساء الجمعة 3 تشرين. في ذلك اليوم، استقبل وزيرة الثقافة الفرنسية، على رأس وفد ضم السفير الفرنسي في بيروت. اجتمع بها، واستبقاها الى مائدة الغداء. لم يُكمل «وجبته». بعد نحو 10 دقائق، تركها مع نظيرها اللبناني غطاس خوري، ومدير مكتبه، ومستشاره الإعلامي، وآخرين من فريق عمله، واعتذر بسبب ارتباطه بموعد في الرياض.

(هيثم الموسوي)

وصل إلى الرياض في ساعات المساء الاولى. بخلاف ما قيل سابقاً، كان في استقباله موكب من المراسم الملكية، أوصله إلى منزله. بقي منتظراً، من دون أن يتصل به احد. في السعودية، هذا الانتظار «طبيعي». لكن ما هو غير طبيعي حدث صباح اليوم التالي. على غير المعتاد، استفاق الحريري قرابة السابعة من صباح الرابع من تشرين الثاني، على وصول موكب أمني سعودي، ينبئه بأن ولي العهد ينتظره «في القصر»، للذهاب في «رحلة البر».

ارتدى رئيس الحكومة «ثياب سبور». وصل الموكب إلى قصر ابن سلمان، لكن فريق الامن المرافق للحريري لم يُسمح له بالدخول إلى المكان الذي يصل إليه عادة في زيارات مماثلة. أبقي المرافقون في قاعة تابعة للحرس السعودي. وكان حراس إبن سلمان يتعاملون بشدة مع مرافقي رئيس الحكومة، حتى أن احدهم طلب دخول المرحاض، فقيل له: «يمكنك الانتظار، لست مضطراً لذلك الآن». بعد قليل، طُلِب من سائق الحريري أن يذهب إلى منزله ليأتي بـ«بدلة رسمية». وأشاع السعوديون أن الحريري يحتاج إلى تغيير ثيابه للقاء الملك.

بعد عودة السائق بالبزّة بوقت قصير، ظهر الحريري على قناة «العربية»، قارئاً بيان الاستقالة.

زوجة الحريري تؤكد اختطافه

في قصر بعبدا، قرر الرئيس ميشال عون التريث. وصف الاستقالة بالملتبسة. سريعاً، أجرى سلسلة اتصالات امنية. سأل الجيش والامن العام والامن الداخلي عما اذا كانت في حوزة اي منهم معلومات عن مخطط لاغتيال الحريري، وهو ما كانت وسائل الاعلام السعودية تروج له لتبرير بقاء رئيس الحكومة خارج البلاد. نفى الجميع ذلك. فطلب بيانات رسمية بالنفي. شخصياً، اتصل عون باللواء عماد عثمان، أكثر من مرة قائلا له: عليك تحمّل مسؤولية. اذا كانت لديكم معلومات عن مخطط لاغتيال الحريري، فعليك إعلامي بها. واذا لم تكن لديكم معلومات مماثلة، فعليكم اصدار بيان نفي لأن ما يُخطّط للبلد شديد الخطورة. رد عثمان نافياً وجود اي معلومة عن مخطط لاغتيال رئيس الحكومة، فأصر عون على اصدار بيان. كان رئيس الجمهورية قد حصل على تأكيد من الجيش والامن العام ينفي المزاعم السعودية. لكنه شدد على ضرورة صدور موقف من الامن الداخلي، لما لهذه المؤسسة من صلة بالحريري والسعودية معاً.

زوجة الحريري زارته في «الريتز» وأبلغت أفراداً من العائلة بأنه مختطف

لجأ عماد عثمان الى نادر الحريري قائلا ان رئيس الجمهورية يطلب اصدار بيان ينفي ما ورد في بيان استقالة رئيس الحكومة، وما تشيعه وسائل الاعلام السعودية. سأل نادر عماد عثمان: هل طلبت رأي وزيرك؟ قصد عثمان وزارة الداخلية، برفقة رئيس «شعبة» المعلومات العقيد خالد حمود. لم يكن نهاد المشنوق متردداً. أفتى بوجوب إصدار البيان، ونقّحه قبل إعلانه. كان بيان الأمن الداخلي أول صفعة في سلسلة الردود على الرواية السعودية الكاذبة بشأن الأسباب الأمنية الموجبة لاستقالة الحريري. لحق به بيان للجيش، وتصريح للواء عباس ابراهيم، ينفيان المزاعم السعودية.

مضى اليوم الأول على استقالة الحريري. لم يكن ثمة تأكيد يقينيّ بأن الرجل مخطوف. وردت إلى رئيس الجمهورية العماد ميشال عون، يوم الاحد 5 تشرين الثاني، معلومات «غير رسمية» من العاصمة الإيرانية طهران تقول إن الحريري مختطف. وذكرت تلك المعلومات تفاصيل عن الظروف التي أحاطت بالحريري، منذ لحظة إعلان استقالته. لكن ما تقدّم لم يكن سوى إشارات تحتاج إلى ما يقطع الشك.لكن ما حسم الامر، كان في اتصالات هاتفية، جاءت من قبل لارا العظم، زوجة الرئيس الحريري المقيمة مع عائلتها في الرياض، حيث يسكن اهلها اصلا.

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قالت لارا للعائلة في بيروت: الشيخ سعد محتجز في مجمّع الريتز كارلتون في الرياض. ليس موجودا في مبنى الفندق، مع الامراء ورجال الاعمال والمسؤولين السعوديين المعتقلين، بل في فيلا ملحقة بالفندق». وأوضحت إن رجال محمد بن سلمان سمحوا لها بزيارة زوجها مرتين. كان هذا التأكيد الاول على أن الحريري مختطف. معلومات لارا العظم لم تكن متاحة للجميع، بل لعدد محدود بينهم نادر الحريري ونهاد المشنوق وهاني حمود.

«خلية التحرير»

في منزل رئيس الحكومة في وادي أبو جميل بوسط بيروت، نشأت خلية لمتابعة الازمة: دائرة ضيقة تضم نادر الحريري والمستشار الإعلامي هاني حمود. ينضم إليهما اللواء عماد عثمان والعقيد خالد حمود، متى وُجِدت الحاجة لمتابعات ذات طابع أمني. كانت الدائرة تتسع لتضم وزير الداخلية نهاد المشنوق، ووزير الثقافة غطاس خوري، والنائب السابق باسم السبع. هؤلاء جميعاً «موثوقون». لكن ضرورات فرضت توسيع الدائرة اكثر من خلال إشراك الرئيس السابق للحكومة، فؤاد السنيورة، في عدد من الاجتماعات. موقف الأخير كان رمادياً. يكرر كلاماً عاماً: لا هو يريد إغضاب السعودية، ولا هو راغب بطعن الحريري. وخشية من «ذهابه بعيدا»،

قرر فريق عمل سعد «توريطه»، جزئياً، في سعيهم لتحرير الرئيس المخطوف. «الذهاب بعيداً» يمكن أن يكون على شاكلة اقتراح السنيورة، بعد ثلاثة أيام على اختطاف الحريري في الرياض، بدعوة كل قوى 14 آذار إلى اجتماع في «بيت الوسط». وهذه الفكرة كانت تهدف، بحسب ما قدّم لها نائب صيدا السابق، إلى إظهار توحّد الفريق السياسي العريض خلف قيادة الحريري من جهة، ولتأكيد «الثوابت». تصدّى نادر الحريري للاقتراح، مشيراً إلى ان في فريق 14 آذار جهات خانت الحريري. قال كلاماً قاسياً بحق صديقه فارس سعيد، كما بحق سمير جعجع. لم يكن السنيورة بحاجة إلى أكثر من الوقوف في وجهه بلطف، للتراجع عن اقتراحه.

بدأت «خلية وادي أبو جميل» العمل على مسارين: داخلي وخارجي. في الأول، طمأنها موقف عون ورئيس مجلس النواب نبيه بري وحزب الله. الاول، تعامل مع المعركة كقضية شخصية. الثاني كرر وقوفه إلى جانب الحريري «ظالماً او مظلوماً». كان في السابق، وكلما أراد استقبال سعد الحريري، يوصيه بعدم اصطحاب نادر معه. ثمة في فريق رئيس مجلس النواب من أوغر صدره على نادر. لكن الازمة المستجدة دفعت ببري إلى استقبال مدير مكتب رئيس الحكومة. وفي آخر اللقاء، قال بري لضيفه: «انت تعرف أن صوفتك كانت حمرا عندي. لكن اجتماع اليوم محا كل سيئاتك».

وضع بري كل إمكاناته وعلاقاته في سبيل إعادة سعد إلى بيروت. يبقى حزب الله. منذ اللحظة الاولى، رأى في «استقالة» الحريري استهدافاً للبلد، وله. وأن إبن سلمان يريد اخذ لبنان إلى حرب أهلية.

موقف الحزب كان حاسماً: نحن معكم حتى عودة الرئيس الحريري إلى بيروت.خارجياً، لم تترك الخلية أحداً لم تتواصل معه لشرح الموقف: غالبية السفراء المعتمدين في لبنان… كل مسؤول أجنبي لمكتب الحريري به صلة. جرت الاستعانة بكل من يقدر على تقديم إضافة: أمل مدللي في واشنطن، جورج شعبان في موسكو… فجأة، استقل نهاد المشنوق طائرة خاصة، سراً، قاصداً العاصمة المصرية القاهرة. التقى هناك بمسؤولين في وزارة الخارجية، وفي الاستخبارات. لم يكن بحاجة ليشرح لهم ما يجري، إذ كانوا على يقين من أن الحريري مخطوف، وعلى دراية كاملة بظروف «إقامته الجبرية» في الرياض. وكانت قراءتهم دقيقة للموقف اللبناني، رسمياً وشعبياً، كما لردود الفعل الدولية على خطوة ابن سلمان. عاد إلى بيروت التي نشط فيها بالاتصالات مع كل من له به صلة في الغرب، شارحاً خطورة الموقف. لم يقتصر دوره على الموقف الجريء الذي أطلقه بعد عودته من القاهرة بيومين، من على باب دار الفتوى، حيث خاطب حكام الرياض بالقول: لسنا غنماً.

جهد «خلية وادي أبو جميل» لاقاه فريق رئيس الجمهورية. وزير الخارجية جبران باسيل يجول في عواصم القرار حاشداً الدعم لتحرير رئيس الحكومة المعتقل. واللواء عباس ابراهيم يحرّك قنوات التواصل ذات السرعة الفائقة: أجهزة الاستخبارات. في فرنسا، كان برنارد إيمييه (السفير السابق في لبنان) يتولى إدارة الاستخبارات الخارجية. ما تلقاه من ابراهيم نقله على وجه السرعة إلى رئيسه إيمانويل ماكرون. وفي ألمانيا، طلب ابراهيم موعداً عاجلاً للقاء مدير الاستخبارات، لكن الأخير كان خارج البلاد، فأرسَل السفيرَ الألماني في بيروت للقاء ابراهيم. شرح الأخير ظروف «استقالة» رئيس الحكومة، والمعلومات الموجودة في حوزته. سريعاً أيضاً، ظهرت نتائج هذه الاتصالات بموقف سياسي ألماني، ظهر جزء منه علناً.

في بيروت، كانت السفيرة الأميركية لا تزال حائرة. موقفها كان شديد السلبية في البداية. قالت لكل من سألها رأيها في الساعات الاولى التي تلت بيان الحريري إن الأخير «استقال علناً، فماذا تريدون منا أن نفعل؟». بعد سلسلة اتصالات، وإثر معلومات دقيقة توفرت لوزارة الخارجية وأجهزة الاستخبارات الأميركية، تغيّر موقف واشنطن. وكما في كثير من القضايا الأخرى (منذ وصول دونالد ترامب إلى السلطة)، كان ثمة انقسام بين الخارجية والامن القومي من جهة، والبيت الأبيض من جهة أخرى. ترامب كان مؤيداً لانقلاب ابن سلمان على أبناء عمومته في الرياض. ولم يتخذ موقفاً حاسما في البداية من احتجاز الحريري. لكن «دولة الأمن القومي» في واشنطن وقفت في وجه إقصاء رئيس الحكومة اللبنانية.

السيسي وإبن زايد يفاجئان إبن سلمان

ومن حيث لم يحتسب أحد، نظر حاكمان عربيان إلى خطوة محمد بن سلمان بعين الريبة. الرئيس المصري عبدالفتاح السيسي، والحاكم الفعلي للإمارات العربية المتحدة محمد بن زايد. رغم حلفهما الوثيق مع ابن سلمان، إلا انهما وجدا في احتجازه للحريري قراراً غبياً عبّرت دوائرهما عنه بأنه «خطوة غير محسوبة النتائج». وعندما قرر ولي العهد السعودي أن يجول الحريري، المحتجز، على عدد من الدول العربية، ردت القاهرة بأنها لن تستقبل رئيس حكومة لبنان إلا إذا كان سيغادرها إلى بيروت. هذه الإجابة المصرية جعلت ابن سلمان يحصر «جولة الحريري» بدول خليجية، قبل أن يكتفي بلقاء مع ولي عهد أبو ظبي محمد بن زايد (الثلاثاء 7 تشرين الثاني). كان القصد إذلال الحريري بإجباره على زيارة أبو ظبي التي قرر حاكمها الفعلي مقاطعة الحريري منذ مدة، لأسباب سياسية من جهة، ولخلافات مالية بينهما. وعلى عكس ما اشتهى ابن سلمان، كان ابن زايد ودوداً مع سعد. طمأنه إلى ان محنته ستنتهي قريباً، وأبلغه بعدم موافقته على طريقة التعامل معه، رغم تحفّظه (ابن زايد) على طريقة إدارة الحريري للتسوية الرئاسية والعلاقة مع حزب الله. وكان لابن زايد دور في حث الرئيس الفرنسي إيمانويل ماكرون على التدخل لدى ابن سلمان، وإجراء اتصالات مع واشنطن، للملمة ما اقترفه ولي العهد السعودي. وبعد يومين (9 تشرين الثاني)، كان ملف الحريري بنداً أول على مائدة الاجتماع الطارئ الذي عقده ماكرون مع ابن سلمان في طريق عودته من أبو ظبي إلى بلاده.

بعد رحلة أبو ظبي، انتقل الحريري من مجمع الريتز إلى منزله، حيث بقي قيد الإقامة الجبرية.

ابن زايد تجاوز مشكلته السياسية والمالية مع الحريري ورفض «حماقة» ابن سلمان

يوم 7 تشرين الثاني كان مفصلياً في أزمة الحريري. فمن جهة، بدأت تظهر، علناً، علامات الامتعاض العربي، والصدمة الدولية، من «حماقة» ابن سلمان. ومن جهة اخرى، بدا جلياً أن الموقف اللبناني، الرسمي والشعبي، لم يجر بما تشتهي سفن حاكم الرياض. ومن جهة ثالثة، أحرق السعوديون آخر ورقة بين أيديهم: بهاء الحريري. في الليلة السابقة، ارتكب ابن سلمان حماقة إضافية بالسماح لمرافق الحريري، محمد دياب، بالعودة من الرياض إلى بيروت. بعودته، بات موقف «خلية تحرير الرئيس المخطوف» أقوى من ذي قبل، إذ ما عاد في مقدور أحد في تيار المستقبل، ولا خارجه، التشكيك بأن الحريري استقال تحت الضغط، وأنه باقٍ في السعودية خلافاً لإرادته.

فريق ثامر السبهان تولى التواصل مع جميع أفراد عائلة الحريري، باستثناء نادر، طالباً قدومهم إلى الرياض لمبايعة بهاء، خلفاً لاخيه سعد، زعيماً للعائلة والطائفة. وكانت إجابات الجميع متمسكة بسعد. حتى أخوه الأصغر، فهد، الذي لم يكن على وئام معه، رفض «الأمر السامي» السعودي، وعبّر عن امتعاضه من طلب البيعة لأخيه الأكبر. وفي غضون 48 ساعة، تبلّغت السعودية من كافة أفراد العائلة موقفاً موحداً: لا بديل عن سعد. وكان للاخير دور رئيسي في إحباط تلك «المؤامرة»، من خلاله تواصله السري مع فريق عمله في بيروت.

سر زيارة قبرص!

في الأيام التالية، لم يعد امام الرياض من خيار سوى الرضوخ أمام انسداد الأفق، لبنانياً، وعربياً، ودولياً. حاولت قدر المستطاع أن تؤجل خروج الحريري، لتحقيق بعض المكاسب، لكن انتهى بها الأمر تمارس نوعاً من فشّة الخلق، كتلك التي أصرّت عليها، وتحققت بتعريج الحريري على قبرص، ليل 21 ــــ 22 تشرين الثاني، في طريق عودته من باريس (التي انتقل إليها ليل 17/18 تشرين الثاني) فالقاهرة إلى بيروت. فالزيارة التي بقيت أسبابها مجهولة طوال العام الماضي، لم يكن لها من هدف سوى «كسر كلمة السيسي». إذ أن الأخير، عندما عرض عليه ابن سلمان استقبال الحريري بعد يومين على احتجازه، اشترط لتلبية الطلب عودة الحريري إلى بيروت.

طلب ابن سلمان من الحريري عدم العودة مباشرة من القاهرة إلى بيروت لـ«كسر كلمة السيسي»

ولما أفضت الضغوط على ابن سلمان إلى مغادرة الحريري الرياض إلى باريس، قرر الأخير زيارة القاهرة، تقديراً لموقف رئيسها. فما كان من ابن سلمان إلا أن تدخّل طالباً من رئيس تيار المستقبل المرور بأي دولة يريدها، لكي لا يعود إلى بيروت من القاهرة مباشرة، فلا تكون مشيئة السيسي هي النافذة. اختار الحريري قبرص التي رَتّب مكتبُه في بيروت موعداً عاجلاً له في مطار عاصمتها مع رئيسها الذي لم يكن قد مضى على استقباله الحريري سوى 24 يوماً (زار الحريري قبرص يوم 28 تشرين الأول 2017).

في نظر ابن سلمان وحاشيته، ليس مهماً المردود السياسي لما يقومون به. ما يصبون إليه حصراً هو «أن تكون كلمة ولي العهد السعودي هي العليا»، بصرف النظر عن الأسلوب والنتيجة. وما على من يستغرب هكذا أداء سوى تذكّر اغتيال جمال خاشقجي. بهذه الطريقة، لا بسواها، يريد ابن سلمان إدارة الإقليم.

الحريري اللبناني والحكومة والحسابات الإقليمية

أكتوبر 18, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– يدرك الرئيس سعد الحريري أنه يصير أكثر لبنانية، بعدما تخفّف من مصالحه الاقتصادية في كل من السعودية وتركيا، وبدأ مشواراً اقتصادياً جديداً من بيروت، لو لم تكن كل أوراقه الاقتصادية لبنانية. كما يدرك أنه صار أكثر لبنانية بعدما اكتشف سهولة تعرّضه لمعاملة غير متوقعة بسبب ما يفترضه من مكانة له بين حلفائه، تتيح له أن «يمون» على تحديد المصلحة المشتركة للحلفاء انطلاقاً من قراءته الخاصة ويتوقع قبولها من الحلفاء، وهو الظنّ نفسه الذي أودى بحياة والده الرئيس رفيق الحريري عندما سار بالتمديد للرئيس إميل لحود بتلبية طلب الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد، خلافاً لما كان ينتظره منه حلفاؤه بأن يستقوي بالقرار 1559 ليكسر القرار السوري في لبنان، بمثل ما كرّر الظن نفسه عندما انقلب من ضفة قيادة الانتخابات النيابية لتشكيل معارضة بوجه سورية وحلفائها إلى البحث عن المشتركات مع سورية وحلفائها، بعدما تحقق من أن سورية على الحياد بين مؤيدي ومعارضي قانون «القضاء» آنذاك، وكما في عالم الاستخبارات في لعبة الكبار لا يهم كيف تم تنفيذ التخلّص من الذي فقد بعيون من راهنوا عليه حصاناً لمشروعهم تلك المكانة وصار دمه أغلى من لحمه كما يُقال، وصار تدبير التخلص منه وخوض معركة الحقيقة والعدالة بوجه خصومهم الذين رفض أن يخاصمهم، طريقاً مجدياً لتوظيفه بعدما بات توظيفه مستحيلاً في حياته، وقد تعرّف الرئيس سعد الحريري على بعض هذه المعاناة في تجربة الاحتجاز التي هزت كيانه وغيرت فيه الكثير بمثلما غيرت طبيعة علاقته بالسعودية.

– يدرك الرئيس الحريري أن حلفاءه لم يعودوا كما كانوا، وأن القوة التي يتحدثون عنها، ما عادت قوة صنع الأحداث بل القدرة على تعطيل بعضها وتأخير بعضها الآخر، ولا عادت قوة الفعل بل قوة القول، ولا قوة التواضع بل قوة الغطرسة، لكنه يدرك عملياً أن المتغيرات المحيطة بهم تتوزّع بين ثلاث وجهات متعاكسة، وضع أوروبي يرغب بلغة التسويات من العلاقة بالتفاهم النووي مع إيران إلى النظر لمستقبل سورية، وصولاً للقلق من اي توتر في لبنان يدفع بموجات النازحين إلى أبواب أوروبا، ووضع أميركي يدير التوازنات بحذر بين التصعيد بوجه إيران وحزب الله، والانفتاح على روسيا وتقبل التغييرات في سورية، وإدراك العجز الإسرائيلي السعودي رغم ما قدّمه الأميركي لإنجاح صفقة القرن، عن تحقيق ما يقلب التوازنات، ومسار سعودي تراجعي من فشل ذريع متكرّر في تحقيق أي تقدم عسكري في اليمن، الذي تحوّلت الجرائم والحالة الإنسانية فيه عبئاً لا يحتمل المزيد، إلى العجز عن تأمين شريك فلسطيني مقبول في صفقة القرن للانتقال نحو حلف عربي إسرائيلي تريده واشنطن بوجه إيران وقدّمت ما طلب منها لتحقيقه، ولكن النتيجة جاءت فشلاً بفشل، وصولاً إلى خسارة مكانة باكستان التي يدرك الحريري موقعها المحوري في صناعة الدور السعودي، وقد أطاحتها الانتخابات الأخيرة كمحمية سعودية، ومع الخسارة الكاملة في سورية لم يتبق للسعودية إلا لبنان والعراق والمناورة بينهما.

– من خلال هذا الإدراك يدرك الحريري اللبناني، أن عليه السير بحذر بين النقاط، كي لا يتبلل، وأن يراعي حدود الغضب السعودي ويقرأ الحسابات، دون أن يكون كما من قبل راعياً للسياسات السعودية، مستقوياً بموقف أوروبي داعم، وملاقياً موقفاً أميركياً يقترب من لغة التسويات على أبواب زيارة مستشار الأمن القومي الأميركي جون بولتون إلى موسكو، وبعد ما أظهرته قضية جمال الخاشقجي وقضية القس الأميركي اندرو برانسون، من تبادل مواقع القوة بين الرياض وأنقرة، وحدود الغضب السعودي تبدو بحدود استثمار لبنانية فريق آخر يمثله حليفه اللدود وليد جنبلاط المستقوي بالدعم السعودي لتحسين وضعه بعد تراجعه النيابي، بينما صار رئيس حزب القوات اللبنانية سمير جعجع الممثل الحصري للموقف السعودي بتخفيف النبرة ضد سورية ورفعها ضد حزب الله، بعكس ما يفعل الحريري وجنبلاط.

– منذ توقيت الانتخابات المتزامن بين لبنان والعراق، والتلاعب بالمهل والتنازع على الصلاحيات لتمرير الوقت الضائع، كان واضحاً أن تسمية رئيس الحكومة العراقية الجديدة سيعني انطلاق مساعٍ جدية لتشكيل الحكومة في لبنان. فالرهان السعودي كان على نيل نصيب وافر من المواقع الدستورية العراقية لتسهيل الحكومة اللبنانية بتوازنات تعبر عما جاءت به الانتخابات، أما وأن الحصيلة العراقية ضئيلة، وتنتظر التشكيلة الحكومية الجديدة لترصيدها خلال أيام قليلة تحكمها المهل الدستورية هناك، وهي مهلة تنتهي في الثاني من الشهر المقبل لتقديم الحكومة للبرلمان طلباً للثقة، والمصادر العراقية من مواقع مختلفة تقول إن الحكومة ستبصر النور قبل نهاية الأسبوع، والتوازن يبدو هذه المرة في مواعيد صدور الحكومتين بفوارق أيام وربما ساعات قليلة. وبكل حال يبدو أن على الحريري إقناع خصومه بتسهيل مهمته لإرضاء حلفائه الذين هم في النهاية المؤشر لنية عدم إغضاب السعودية، ومعادلته بسيطة، لديكم رئاسة الجمهورية، ومعكم أغلبية نيابية، وأكثر من الثلث المعطل في الحكومة إذا تجمّعتم وفقاً لخياراتكم الإقليمية، وعندما تجدون الحكومة قد صارت عبئاً عليكم في معادلات تغيّر الإقليم، تستطيعون التخلص منها نحو حكومة جديدة بشروط جديدة، وتعالوا الآن لنبحث عن حلول منتصف الطريق وتدوير الزوايا.

– السؤال الذي يواجه قوى الثامن من آذار وحليفيها التيار الوطني الحر كما يواجه رئيس الجمهورية، هو هل يجب أن يدفع حلفاء حقيقيون في الطائفة السنية يشكّلون المعنى الحقيقي لاعتماد قانون النسبية، ثمن هذه الحسابات؟ وهل يجب إفراغ حكومة الوحدة الوطنية من معناها كحكومة وحدة وطنية بقبول تشكيلها دون شراكة القوى غير الطائفية التي يمثل أبرزها القوميون الذين لم يغب تمثيلهم عن حكومات الوحدة الوطنية منذ اتفاق الطائف، كعلامة التزام بكونه معبراً مؤقتاً من الحال الطائفية؟ وهل يجب التلاعب بتمثيل الثنائية السياسية في الطائفة الدرزية وتضخيمها في الطائفة المسيحية، تحت شعار التسهيل، أم أن ثمة قدرة على ابتكار حلول تسووية تحقق المطلوب ولا تتسبّب بالعرقلة كما تشير المعلومات المتداولة حول المقعد الدرزي الثالث؟

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