Hezbollah Denounces Sinful Crime of Assassinating Palestinian Mujahid Mazen Faqha

March 25, 2017

Hezbollah flag

In a statement, Hezbollah hostile spirit of the Zionist evident is evident in the crime and stressed the inevitability of the continuation of the fight against the usurper enemy till expelling it from “our occupied land”.

Offering congratulations and condolences to the Palestinians, Hamas movement and the family of the martyr over Faqha’s assassination, Hezbollah called on punishing all the culprits so that no one dares to undermine the resistance and the mujahideen in the context of serving the interests of the Zionist enemy.

Hamas official, Mazen Faqha, who was freed in a 2011 prisoner swap with the Zionist entity, was assassinated on Friday with four bullets being shot to his head.

Faqha was released along with more than 1,000 other Palestinians in exchange for Gilad Shalit, an Israeli occupation soldier Hamas had detained for five years.

Source: Hezbollah Media Relations

Gaza: Freed Detainee Mazen Faqha Assassinated with Four Bullets in his Head

Mazen_Faqha

Hamas official, Mazen Faqha, who was freed in a 2011 prisoner swap with the Zionist entity, was assassinated on Friday with four bullets being shot to his head.

Faqha was released along with more than 1,000 other Palestinians in exchange for Gilad Shalit, an Israeli occupation soldier Hamas had detained for five years.

Iyad al-Bozum, an interior ministry spokesman in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip, said that gunmen opened fire on Faqha in the Tell al-Hama neighborhood.

“An investigation has been launched,” he said, giving no further details.

Faqha was a senior Hamas official in the Israeli-occupied West Bank but after his release the occupation authorities transferred him to Gaza.

Source: AFP

Related Videos

Related Aricles

Empire Files: Israeli Army Vet’s Exposé – “I Was the Terrorist”

 

 

“Israel maintains a regime of apartheid over Palestinians” 

“Israel maintains a regime of apartheid over Palestinians” — UN report

Report by the UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA) 2017
Palestine and the Israeli Occupation, Issue №1
Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid

UN group cowers to Israeli & US complaints – takes down report finding Israel guilty of apartheid

United Nations

“The report concludes that the weight of the evidence supports beyond a reasonable doubt the proposition that Israel is guilty of imposing an apartheid regime on the Palestinian people, which amounts to the commission of a crime against humanity, the prohibition of which is considered jus cogens in international customary law.”

This report was commissioned by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA) from authors Mr Richard Falk and Ms Virginia Tiley.

This report examines, based on key instruments of international law, whether Israel has established an apartheid regime that oppresses and dominates the Palestinian people as a whole. Having established that the crime of apartheid has universal application, that the question of the status of the Palestinians as a people is settled in law, and that the crime of apartheid should be considered at the level of the State, the report sets out to demonstrate how Israel has imposed such a system on the Palestinians in order to maintain the domination of one racial group over others.

A history of war, annexation and expulsions, as well as a series of practices, has left the Palestinian people fragmented into four distinct population groups, three of them (citizens of Israel, residents of East Jerusalem and the populace under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza) living under direct Israeli rule and the remainder, refugees and involuntary exiles, living beyond. This fragmentation, coupled with the application of discrete bodies of law to those groups, lie at the heart of the apartheid regime. They serve to enfeeble opposition to it and to veil its very existence. This report concludes, on the basis of overwhelming evidence, that Israel is guilty of the crime of apartheid, and urges swift action to oppose and end it.


Executive Summary

This report concludes that Israel has established an apartheid regime that dominates the Palestinian people as a whole. Aware of the seriousness of this allegation, the authors of the report conclude that available evidence establishes beyond a reasonable doubt that Israel is guilty of policies and practices that constitute the crime of apartheid as legally defined in instruments of international law.

The analysis in this report rests on the same body of international human rights law and principles that reject anti-Semitism and other racially discriminatory ideologies, including: the Charter of the United Nations (1945), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965). The report relies for its definition of apartheid primarily on article II of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973, hereinafter the Apartheid Convention):

The term “the crime of apartheid”, which shall include similar policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination as practiced in southern Africa, shall apply to… inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them.

Although the term “apartheid” was originally associated with the specific instance of South Africa, it now represents a species of crime against humanity under customary international law and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, according to which:

“The crime of apartheid” means inhumane acts… committed in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime.

Against that background, this report reflects the expert consensus that the prohibition of apartheid is universally applicable and was not rendered moot by the collapse of apartheid in South Africa and South West Africa (Namibia).

The legal approach to the matter of apartheid adopted by this report should not be confused with usage of the term in popular discourse as an expression of opprobrium. Seeing apartheid as discrete acts and practices (such as the “apartheid wall”), a phenomenon generated by anonymous structural conditions like capitalism (“economic apartheid”), or private social behaviour on the part of certain racial groups towards others (social racism) may have its place in certain contexts. However, this report anchors its definition of apartheid in international law, which carries with it responsibilities for States, as specified in international instruments.

The choice of evidence is guided by the Apartheid Convention, which sets forth that the crime of apartheid consists of discrete inhuman acts, but that such acts acquire the status of crimes against humanity only if they intentionally serve the core purpose of racial domination. The Rome Statute specifies in its definition the presence of an “institutionalized regime” serving the “intention” of racial domination. Since “purpose” and “intention” lie at the core of both definitions, this report examines factors ostensibly separate from the Palestinian dimension — especially, the doctrine of Jewish statehood as expressed in law and the design of Israeli State institutions — to establish beyond doubt the presence of such a core purpose.

That the Israeli regime is designed for this core purpose was found to be evident in the body of laws, only some of which are discussed in the report for reasons of scope. One prominent example is land policy. The Israeli Basic Law (Constitution) mandates that land held by the State of Israel, the Israeli Development Authority or the Jewish National Fund shall not be transferred in any manner, placing its management permanently under their authority. The State Property Law of 1951 provides for the reversion of property (including land) to the State in any area “in which the law of the State of Israel applies”. The Israel Lands Authority (ILA) manages State land, which accounts for 93 per cent of the land within the internationally recognized borders of Israel and is by law closed to use, development or ownership by non-Jews. Those laws reflect the concept of “public purpose” as expressed in the Basic Law. Such laws may be changed by Knesset vote, but the Basic Law: Knesset prohibits any political party from challenging that public purpose. Effectively, Israeli law renders opposition to racial domination illegal.

Demographic engineering is another area of policy serving the purpose of maintaining Israel as a Jewish State. Most well known is Israeli law conferring on Jews worldwide the right to enter Israel and obtain Israeli citizenship regardless of their countries of origin and whether or not they can show links to Israel-Palestine, while withholding any comparable right from Palestinians, including those with documented ancestral homes in the country. The World Zionist Organization and Jewish Agency are vested with legal authority as agencies of the State of Israel to facilitate Jewish immigration and preferentially serve the interests of Jewish citizens in matters ranging from land use to public development planning and other matters deemed vital to Jewish statehood. Some laws involving demographic engineering are expressed in coded language, such as those that allow Jewish councils to reject applications for residence from Palestinian citizens. Israeli law normally allows spouses of Israeli citizens to relocate to Israel but uniquely prohibits this option in the case of Palestinians from the occupied territory or beyond. On a far larger scale, it is a matter of Israeli policy to reject the return of any Palestinian refugees and exiles (totalling some six million people) to territory under Israeli control.

Two additional attributes of a systematic regime of racial domination must be present to qualify the regime as an instance of apartheid. The first involves the identification of the oppressed persons as belonging to a specific “racial group”. This report accepts the definition of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of “racial discrimination” as “any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life”. On that basis, this report argues that in the geopolitical context of Palestine, Jews and Palestinians can be considered “racial groups”. Furthermore, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination is cited expressly in the Apartheid Convention.

The second attribute is the boundary and character of the group or groups involved. The status of the Palestinians as a people entitled to exercise the right of self determination has been legally settled, most authoritatively by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in its 2004 advisory opinion on Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. On that basis, the report examines the treatment by Israel of the Palestinian people as a whole, considering the distinct circumstances of geographic and juridical fragmentation of the Palestinian people as a condition imposed by Israel. (Annex II addresses the issue of a proper identification of the “country” responsible for the denial of Palestinian rights under international law.)

This report finds that the strategic fragmentation of the Palestinian people is the principal method by which Israel imposes an apartheid regime. It first examines how the history of war, partition, de jure and de facto annexation and prolonged occupation in Palestine has led to the Palestinian people being divided into different geographic regions administered by distinct sets of law. This fragmentation operates to stabilize the Israeli regime of racial domination over the Palestinians and to weaken the will and capacity of the Palestinian people to mount a unified and effective resistance. Different methods are deployed depending on where Palestinians live. This is the core means by which Israel enforces apartheid and at the same time impedes international recognition of how the system works as a complementary whole to comprise an apartheid regime.

Since 1967, Palestinians as a people have lived in what the report refers to as four “domains”, in which the fragments of the Palestinian population are ostensibly treated differently but share in common the racial oppression that results from the apartheid regime. Those domains are:

1. Civil law, with special restrictions, governing Palestinians who live as citizens of Israel;

2. Permanent residency law governing Palestinians living in the city of Jerusalem;

3. Military law governing Palestinians, including those in refugee camps, living since 1967 under conditions of belligerent occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip;

4. Policy to preclude the return of Palestinians, whether refugees or exiles, living outside territory under Israel’s control.

Domain 1 embraces about 1.7 million Palestinians who are citizens of Israel. For the first 20 years of the country’s existence, they lived under martial law and to this day are subjected to oppression on the basis of not being Jewish. That policy of domination manifests itself in inferior services, restrictive zoning laws and limited budget allocations made to Palestinian communities; in restrictions on jobs and professional opportunities; and in the mostly segregated landscape in which Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel live. Palestinian political parties can campaign for minor reforms and better budgets, but are legally prohibited by the Basic Law from challenging legislation maintaining the racial regime. The policy is reinforced by the implications of the distinction made in Israel between “citizenship” (ezrahut) and “nationality” (le’um): all Israeli citizens enjoy the former, but only Jews enjoy the latter. “National” rights in Israeli law signify Jewish-national rights. The struggle of Palestinian citizens of Israel for equality and civil reforms under Israeli law is thus isolated by the regime from that of Palestinians elsewhere.

Domain 2 covers the approximately 300,000 Palestinians who live in East Jerusalem, who experience discrimination in access to education, health care, employment, residency and building rights. They also suffer from expulsions and home demolitions, which serve the Israeli policy of “demographic balance” in favour of Jewish residents. East Jerusalem Palestinians are classified as permanent residents, which places them in a separate category designed to prevent their demographic and, importantly, electoral weight being added to that of Palestinians citizens in Israel. As permanent residents, they have no legal standing to challenge Israeli law. Moreover, openly identifying with Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory politically carries the risk of expulsion to the West Bank and loss of the right even to visit Jerusalem. Thus, the urban epicentre of Palestinian political life is caught inside a legal bubble that curtails its inhabitants’ capacity to oppose the apartheid regime lawfully.

Domain 3 is the system of military law imposed on approximately 6.6 million Palestinians who live in the occupied Palestinian territory, 4.7 million of them in the West Bank and 1.9 million in the Gaza Strip. The territory is administered in a manner that fully meets the definition of apartheid under the Apartheid Convention: except for the provision on genocide, every illustrative “inhuman act” listed in the Convention is routinely and systematically practiced by Israel in the West Bank. Palestinians are governed by military law, while the approximately 350,000 Jewish settlers are governed by Israeli civil law. The racial character of this situation is further confirmed by the fact that all West Bank Jewish settlers enjoy the protections of Israeli civil law on the basis of being Jewish, whether they are Israeli citizens or not. This dual legal system, problematic in itself, is indicative of an apartheid regime when coupled with the racially discriminatory management of land and development administered by Jewish-national institutions, which are charged with administering “State land” in the interest of the Jewish population. In support of the overall findings of this report, annex I sets out in more detail the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory that constitute violations of article II of the Apartheid Convention.

Domain 4 refers to the millions of Palestinian refugees and involuntary exiles, most of whom live in neighbouring countries. They are prohibited from returning to their homes in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. Israel defends its rejection of the Palestinians’ return in frankly racist language: it is alleged that Palestinians constitute a “demographic threat” and that their return would alter the demographic character of Israel to the point of eliminating it as a Jewish State. The refusal of the right of return plays an essential role in the apartheid regime by ensuring that the Palestinian population in Mandate Palestine does not grow to a point that would threaten Israeli military control of the territory and/or provide the demographic leverage for Palestinian citizens of Israel to demand (and obtain) full democratic rights, thereby eliminating the Jewish character of the State of Israel. Although domain 4 is confined to policies denying Palestinians their right of repatriation under international law, it is treated in this report as integral to the system of oppression and domination of the Palestinian people as a whole, given its crucial role in demographic terms in maintaining the apartheid regime.

This report finds that, taken together, the four domains constitute one comprehensive regime developed for the purpose of ensuring the enduring domination over non-Jews in all land exclusively under Israeli control in whatever category. To some degree, the differences in treatment accorded to Palestinians have been provisionally treated as valid by the United Nations, in the absence of an assessment of whether they constitute a form of apartheid. In the light of this report’s findings, this long-standing fragmented international approach may require review.

In the interests of fairness and completeness, the report examines several counterarguments advanced by Israel and supporters of its policies denying the applicability of the Apartheid Convention to the case of Israel-Palestine. They include claims that: the determination of Israel to remain a Jewish State is consistent with practices of other States, such as France; Israel does not owe Palestinian non-citizens equal treatment with Jews precisely because they are not citizens; and Israeli treatment of the Palestinians reflects no “purpose” or “intent” to dominate, but rather is a temporary state of affairs imposed on Israel by the realities of ongoing conflict and security requirements. The report shows that none of those arguments stands up to examination. A further claim that Israel cannot be considered culpable for crimes of apartheid because Palestinian citizens of Israel have voting rights rests on two errors of legal interpretation: an overly literal comparison with South African apartheid policy and detachment of the question of voting rights from other laws, especially provisions of the Basic Law that prohibit political parties from challenging the Jewish, and hence racial, character of the State.

The report concludes that the weight of the evidence supports beyond a reasonable doubt the proposition that Israel is guilty of imposing an apartheid regime on the Palestinian people, which amounts to the commission of a crime against humanity, the prohibition of which is considered jus cogens in international customary law. The international community, especially the United Nations and its agencies, and Member States, have a legal obligation to act within the limits of their capabilities to prevent and punish instances of apartheid that are responsibly brought to their attention. More specifically, States have a collective duty: (a) not to recognize an apartheid regime as lawful; (b) not to aid or assist a State in maintaining an apartheid regime; and © to cooperate with the United Nations and other States in bringing apartheid regimes to an end. Civil society institutions and individuals also have a moral and political duty to use the instruments at their disposal to raise awareness of this ongoing criminal enterprise, and to exert pressure on Israel in order to persuade it to dismantle apartheid structures in compliance with international law. The report ends with general and specific recommendations to the United Nations, national Governments, and civil society and private actors on actions they should take in view of the finding that Israel maintains a regime of apartheid in its exercise of control over the Palestinian people.


The original report was deleted from the UN website. Alternative source here

The full report: (download pdf here)

Related Video

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (02 – 08 March 2017)

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (02 – 08 March 2017)

02 – 08 March 2017 – Palestinian Center for Human Rights

Israeli forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt)

(02- 08 March 2017)

we

 

  • Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian in al-Bireh.
  • 5 civilians, including a child and journalist, were wounded in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
  • An Israeli drone targeted a military observation point belonging to Hamas Movement and completely destroyed it.
  • Israeli forces continued to target the border areas in the Gaza Strip.
  • Two Palestinian civilians were wounded in the northern Gaza Strip.
  • Israeli forces continued to target Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea.
  • Israeli forces conducted 62 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and four limited ones were conducted in the central and southern Gaza Strip.
  • 4577 civilians, including 2 children and 2 PLC Members, were arrested in the West Bank.
  • 10 of them, including a child, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem and its suburbs.
  • Israeli forces continued their efforts to create Jewish majority in occupied East Jerusalem.
  • Two events to celebrate the International Women’s Day were cancelled in Jerusalem.
  • Israeli forces continued their settlement activities in the West Bank.
  • Two houses were demolished in Khelet al-‘Idah neighbourhood, south of Hebron.
  • Israeli settlers uprooted and damaged 22 olive seedlings while they sprayed with toxic herbicides 3 dunums planted with grain, south of Hebron.
  • Israeli settlers attacked a farmer and his wife, northeast of Qalqilya.
  • Israeli forces turned the West Bank into cantons and continued to impose the illegal closure on the Gaza Strip for the 10th
  • Dozens of temporary checkpoints were established in the West Bank and others were re-established to obstruct the movement of Palestinian civilians.
  • 5 Palestinian civilians were arrested at military checkpoints.

 

Summary

Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law in the oPt continued during the reporting period (02 – 08 March 2017).

 

Shooting:

During the reporting period, Israeli settlers killed a Palestinian civilian in al-Shorfah neighbourhood in al-Bireh.  Meanwhile, the Israeli forces wounded 7 Palestinian civilians, including a child and journalist.  Four of them, including the journalist, were wounded in the West Bank while the 3 others, including the child, were wounded in the Gaza Strip.  The Israeli forces continued to chase Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea and open fire at farmers in the border areas in addition to targeting an observation point belonging to Hamas.

 

In the West Bank, On 06 March 2017, Israeli forces killed Basel Mahmoud Ibrahim al-A’raj (33) from al-Waljah village, west of Bethlehem, and living in al-Shorfah neighbourhood in al-Bireh.  The Israeli media claimed that al-A’raj opened fire at the Israeli soldiers, who raided his house, so the latter opened fire at him.  As a result, he was immediately killed and his body was taken to an unknown destination.  The Israeli forces also claim that al-A’raj had been wanted for them for months. While carrying out the operation, the Israeli forces wounded 2 Palestinian civilians who gathered in the area to throw stones and empty bottles at the Israeli soldiers.

 

On 03 March 2017, Journalist Ahmed Shawar (30) was hit with a metal bullet to the forehead and an 18-year-old young man was hit with a metal bullet as well in the left knee while the former covering the weekly Kafr Qaddoum protest, northeast of Qalqilya, and the latter participating in the protest.

 

In the Gaza Strip, On 03 March 2017, two Palestinian civilians were wounded when Israeli forces stationed along the coastal fence, northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at them.  The two civilians were walking in the area and then approached the border fence.  One of them sustained serious wounds while the other sustained moderate wounds.

 

On the same day, a Palestinian child was wounded while participating in a protest organized near the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, north of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip.  He sustained moderate wounds.

 

In the context of targeting Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea, on 05 March 2017, Israeli gunboats stationed offshore, northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, sporadically opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats and chased them.  However, neither casualties nor damages to the boats were reported.  The shooting recurred at approximately 07:00 on Sunday, 03 March 2017, and at approximately 09:00 on Wednesday, 08 March 2017.

 

In the context of targeting the border areas, on 02 March 2017, Israeli forces stationed in the military watchtowers along the northern borders sporadically opened fire at the border area opposite to the Agriculture School, east of al-Burah area.  Meanwhile, the Israeli force fired 4 artillery shells at an observation point belonging to al-Qassam Brigades, north of Beit Lahia.  As a result, the site sustained material damages.

 

On 06 March 2017, Israeli soldiers stationed in the military watch tower opened fire at the Palestinian farmers, east of Gaza Valley village, east of Deit al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip.  However, no casualties were reported.

 

In the context of airstrikes, on 02 March 2017, an Israeli drone launched one missile at an observation point belonging to al-Qassam Brigades, north of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip.  As a result, it was completely destroyed, but no casualties were repoted.

 

Incursions:

 

During the reporting period, Israeli forces conducted at least 62 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. During these incursions, Israeli forces arrested at least 57 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children. Ten of them, including a child, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem and its suburbs.  Six others, including a child, were arrested in a protest organized against the killing of Basel al-A’raj in the vicinity of ‘Ofer Prison, west of Ramallah.  Among those arrested were also two Members representing Hamas in the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) identified as Khaled Tafesh al-Zoweib (53) and Anwar Zaboun (48).

 

In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces conducted 4 limited incursions into the central and southern Gaza Strip. On 02 March 2017, 4 Israeli bulldozers moved into the eastern side of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip.  They levelled lands adjacent to the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel.  On 05 March 2017, Israeli forces moved into the eastern side of al-

Fokhari village, southeast of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip.  On 06 March, Israeli forces moved into Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip.  On 07 March 2017, Israeli forces moved into the northern Gaza Strip and levelled lands as well.

 

Settlement Activities and settlers’ attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property:

 

On 06 March 2017, Israeli forces destroyed a house belonging to Taghrid Abu Mayalah in Khelet al-‘Eidah neighbourhood, south of Hebron.  The under-construction house is established on an area of 120 square meters.  On the same day, Israeli forces handed Hasan Shehdah ‘Amr a notice to stop construction works in his house in Beit Marsan village, west of Dura.

 

In the same context, On 04 March 2017, a group of settlers uprooted 15 olive seedlings and sprayed 7 others and 3 dunums planted with grain with toxic herbicides.  Those seedlings and dunums belong to al-Herini family near “Havat Ma’aoun” settlement established on Palestinian lands confiscated from Yata, south of Hebron.

 

On 06 March 2017, a group of settlers attacked farmer ‘Abdullah Salman (53) and his wife Mariam Salman (53) while ploughing their land near “Havad Jel’ad” settlement established on Far’eta village, northeast of Qalqilya.

 

Restrictions on movement:

 

Israel continued to impose a tight closure of the oPt, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

 

The illegal closure of the Gaza Strip, which has been steadily tightened since June 2007 has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip.  The Israeli authorities impose measures to undermine the freedom of trade, including the basic needs for the Gaza Strip population and the agricultural and industrial products to be exported. For 9 consecutive years, Israel has tightened the land and naval closure to isolate the Gaza Strip from the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, and other countries around the world. This resulted in grave violations of the economic, social and cultural rights and a deterioration of living conditions for 2 million people.  The Israeli authorities have established Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) as the sole crossing for imports and exports in order to exercise its control over the Gaza Strip’s economy.  They also aim at imposing a complete ban on the Gaza Strip’s exports. The Israeli closure raised the rate of poverty to 65%. Moreover, the rate of unemployment increased up to 47% and youth constitutes 65% of the unemployed persons.  Moreover, 80% of the Gaza Strip population depends on international aid to secure their minimum daily needs. These rates indicate the unprecedented economic deterioration in the Gaza Strip.

 

In the West Bank, Israeli forces continued to suffocate the Palestinian cities and village by imposing military checkpoints around and/or between them. This created “cantons” isolated from each other that hinders the movement of civilians. Moreover, the Palestinian civilians suffering aggravated because of the annexation wall and checkpoints erected on daily basis to catch Palestinians.

 

 

Details

 

  1. Incursions into Palestinian Areas, and Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

 

Thursday, 02 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Ourta village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched a number of houses after which they arrested 3 civilians namely Shadi Salim Shurrab (39), Abdul Salam Yusuf al-Jamal ‘Awwad (45) and Ali As’ad Lolah (32). The soldiers took them to Howarah military camp, south of the city, where they interrogated them. At approximately 07:00, the Israeli forces released them in the abovementioned camp.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Beit Awa village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched several houses after which they arrested 4 civilians namely Omer Mohammed Maslamah (20), Farouq Husain Maslamah (24), ‘Ali ‘Aref Fayez Suwaiti (26) and ‘Atef Husain Masalmah (25).

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Fare’ah refugee camp, south of Tubas. They raided and searched a number of houses and then arrested Fares Hasan Salah (25) and took him to Howarah military camp, south of Nablus. They questioned him about his brother Mohammed, who is known as al-Kharouf “the sheep” and wanted by the Israeli forces. At approximately 08:00, they released Fares in the abovementioned camp.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Marah Rabah village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses after which they arrested 4 civilians namely Husam Mohammed al-Shaikh, Murad Mahmoud al-Shaikh, Hamzah Abdullah al-Shaikh and Husain Amr al-Shaikh.

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Hebron and stationed in al-Hawouz area. They raided and searched a house belonging to Anas Mohammed Mahmoud al-Zughair (22) and then arrested him. In the meantime, a number of Israeli soldiers raided and searched a house belonging to Abdul Karim Mahmoud Abu Shakhdam (30), but no arrests were reported. They also raided and searched a house belonging to Riyadh ‘Adnan Abu ‘Aishah (27) in Nanqor neighborhood. They then raided and searched a house belonging to Nuhailah Abdul Mo’ti Abu Aishah (60),’Adnan’s mother. An Intelligence officer questioned Riyadh about having weapons, but no arrests were reported.

 

  • At approximately 06:30, Israeli forces accompanied with 4 military jeeps moved about 100 meters into the western side of the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip. They leveled the lands adjacent to the abovementioned border fence. The incursion continued until 14:00 after which the Israeli forces redeployed along the abovementioned border fence.

 

  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces stationed in the military watchtowers along the northern borders of Beit Hanoun in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at the border area adjacent to the Agriculture School. As a result, the farmers were forced to flee for fear of their lives, but neither casualties nor material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces stationed in military watchtowers along the eastern borders of Beit Hanoun village in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at al-Ahmer area and east of al-Burah area. As a result, the farmers were forced to flee for fear of their lives, but neither casualties nor material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 14:15, Israeli forces stationed at military watchtowers along the northern borders of Um El-Naser (Bedouin) village in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at the abovementioned border area. As a result, the farmers were forced to flee for fear of their lives, but neither casualties nor material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 14:45, Israeli forces fired 4 artillery shells towards a site for al-Qassam Brigades (the armed wing of Hamas Movement), north of Buret Abu Samrah, north of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip. The site was about 250 meters away from the western side of the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel. The shelling resulted in severe material damages to the site.

 

  • At approximately 14:50, an Israeli drone fired a missile at the abovementioned site. As a result, the site was totally destroyed, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • At approximately 16:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Azzoun village, east of Qalqiliyah. They patrolled between the streets and then chased a number of civilians. They detained two children namely Samir Mahmoud Shbitah (17) and Omer Mo’in Husain (17) while they were harvesting almonds from their land in the center of the village. The Israeli forces also raided a greenhouse and detained 4 civilians, who were harvesting cucumber, for 3 hours during which the soldiers questioned them. They released them at approximately 19:00 after the Palestinian Civil Liaison interfered. The detained civilians were identified as Mustafa Yasser Shabitah (20), Mohammed ‘Aref Jaber (20), Thaer Thabet ‘Abed (21) and Anas Zahran Shabitah (21).

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (3) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Ethna village and Yatta, south of Hebron; Badia village, northwest of Salfit.

 

Friday, 03 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 17:45, Israeli forces stationed in military watchtowers, north of al-Ghoul land along the borderline, northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at 2 Palestinian young men who were about 50 meters away from the border fence. As a result, the young men were wounded, and a PRCS ambulance then took them to the Indonesian Hospital in Jabalia. One of them sustained serious wounds while the other sustained moderate ones. The wounded civilians were identified as :
  1. Fehmi Mohammed Mousa Hammou (19), who live on Abu Hasirah Street, west of Gaza. Fehmi was hit with a bullet to the abdomen, due to which his guts got out. In addition, and two others to the pelvis and left hand. His condition was classified as moderate.
  2. Ibrahim Ramadan Abdul Men’em Shehadah (19) from al-Toffah neighborhood, east of Gaza. He was hit with 2 live bullets to the right shoulder and right hand. His condition was classified as moderate.

According to PCHR’s investigations and the testimony of Shehadah to PCHR’s fieldworker, at approximately 16:15, he and his friend Hammou went out for a walk on al-Sudaniyah beach, west of Jabalia. They walked to the north to Beit Lahia beach and attempted to return to their houses through the agricultural lands located in the northwest of Beit Lahia, but lost their way. At approximately 17:45, they were surprised by the shooting and did not know where it came from. Therefore, they crouched down on the ground, and few minutes later, there was an intensive shooting at them. As a result, Ibrahim was hit with a live bullet to the right foot and called for Hamou’s help.  Fehmi told him he was wounded as well and cannot move, so he crawled towards him. During this, Shehadah felt so much pain in his right shoulder. They were still both lying on the ground for an hour. Shehadah attempted to stand and run to call an ambulance via his phone. While he was running, Ibrahim found out that he hit the border fence and then ran to the north. After rectifying the matter, he ran to the south until he reached a safe area and then called a PRCS ambulance. After 15 minutes, two ambulances arrived at the area while Shehadah was at an observation point belonging to the Gaza Interior Ministry.  The officers there welcomed Shehadah, who told them about what happened. Following that, Sehahdah accompanied the PRCS crews and took them to where his friend was. At approximately 19:30, Shehadah was transferred to the Indonesian Hospital in Jabalia while the medical crew continued the search for Hammou. In the meantime, the Israeli soldiers fired several flare bombs in the sky, so Hammou was found with his guts out of his abdomen due to his injury. He was transferred to the Indonesian Hospital at approximately 20:00 and immediately admitted to the operation room as his condition was classified serious.

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (6) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: al-Samou’i, Qaryout village, southeast of Nablus; al-Yamoun, Zabuba villages, west of Jenin; al-Samou’i, Traqumiya and Beit Ummer villages in Hebron.

 

Saturday, 04 March 2017

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (7) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Nablus, Qaryout villages, southeast of the city; Beit Kahel village, northwest of Hebron; ‘Azzoun village, east of Qalqiliyah and Shaqba village, northwest of Ramallah; Bruqin and Kufur al-Deek villages, west of Salfit.

 

Sunday, 05 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Kahel village, northwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud Abdul Hadi ‘Asafrah (25) and then arrested him.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Ummer village, north of Hebron, and stationed in al-Tarbiqah neighbourhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Sabri Ibrahim Sabri ‘Awad (22) and then arrested him.

 

  • At approximately 07:30, Israeli gunboats stationed offshore, northwest of Beit Lahia village in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and chased them. The shooting continued until 08:45. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee for fear of their lives, but no casualties of material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces accompanied with heavy military jeeps moved about 100 meters into east of al-Fukhari village, southeast of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip. They moved along the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel to the north. They levelled the lands for hours and then redeployed along the abovementioned border fence from the area located in the east of Khuza’ah village.

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (8) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Dura, Kharsa, Tarqumiya villages in Hebron; Bruqin village, west of Salfit; Bedia villages, northwest of the city; Kafel Hares village, north of the city; Birzeit village, north of Ramallah and Kafer Malek village, northeast of the city.

 

Monday, 06 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces accompanied with 300 soldiers from the infantry unit moved into ‘Azzoun village, east of Qalqiliyah from all the entrances. They raided and searched dozens of houses after which they arrested 4 civilians namely Abdullah Husam Howari (22), Zaid ‘Ali ‘Odwan (18), Bahaa’ Sameer Saleem (19) and Mohammed Sufian ‘Oudah (21).

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Beit Ummer village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Yusuf Bader Mahmoud Ekhleil (37) and Mahmoud Bader Ekhleil (32). They then handed 2 summonses to the abovementioned civilians to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service “Gush Etzion” settlement complex, south of Bethlehem.

 

  • In the dawn hours, Israeli forces killed Basel Mahmoud Ibrahim al-A’raj (33), who is from al-Walajah village, west of Bethlehem, but lived in al-Shurafah neighbourhood in al-Birah. The Israeli media claimed that al-A’raj opened fire at the Israeli soldiers, who raided his house, so they shot him dead and took his body to an unknown destination. According to PCHR’s investigation and eyewitnesses, at approximately 01:30 on the same day, the Israeli forces accompanied with several military vehicles moved into al-Birah and stationed on al-Ma’aref Street in al-Shurafah neighbourhood. The soldiers used a police dog and raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmed Hamdi Bastami after breaking the main door of the house, which was adjacent to Basel al-A’raj’s house. The soldiers stayed in Bastami’s house for about 10 minutes and then moved directly to Basel’s house. They broke the main door amidst shooting at him. Eyewitnesses said to PCHR’s fieldworker that they heard a sound of 3 to 4 salvos. Few minutes later, they heard a loud explosion and thought it was a sound of a shell from a shoulder-fired weapon inside the house. In the meantime, a number of young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at the Israeli soldiers, who immediately fired live bullets at the young men in response. As a result, 2 civilians were hit with bullets to the lower limbs. Later, the Israeli forces withdrew and took al-A’raj’s body to an unknown destination. It should be noted that al-A’raj was pursued by the Israeli forces after he disappeared along with a number of his friends in the end of last March for several weeks. Basel was then accused of preparing to carry out an attack against the Israeli forces.

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and then arrested Khaled Tafesh al-Thawib (53) and Anwar Mohamed Abdul Rahman Zabun (48), both are PLC Members representing Hamas Movement.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Harayeq area in Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Anwar Khalil Ed’ais (60). They then confiscated Anwar’s vehicle, but no arrests were reported.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Jenin refugee camp, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several house and then arrested Hamzah Nael ‘Ammar (23) and Kefah ‘Ali Aloub (21).

 

  • At approximately 03:15, Israeli forces moved into Qalqiliyah. They raided and searched a house belonging to Abdul Raheem Mahmoud Abu Suleiman (35) and then arrested him.

 

  • At approximately 13:30, Israeli forces accompanied with 4 military vehicles moved about 150 meters into the west of the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip. During the incursion, the drones were flying in the sky. The Israeli forces levelled the lands adjacent to the abovementioned border fence. The incursion continued for 4 hours and then the Israeli forces moved into the south and redeployed along the border fence.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces stationed in military watchtowers along the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, east of Gaza Valley village (Johr al-Deek) east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire at the farmers. As a result, the farmers were forced to leave their agricultural lands for fear of their lives. However, no arrests were reported.

 

  • Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (3) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: al-‘Aroub refugee camp, Surif village and Yatta in Hebron.

 

Tuesday, 07 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces accompanied with a crane and a truck moved into Jama’in village, south of Nablus. They stationed in the village outskirts from the eastern side and then surrounded a workshop belonging to Mansour Majed Abdul Jalil Gheith (37). The soldiers opened the door of the workshop where Mansour’s brother, Mohammed (21), was sleeping. Following that, an officer called Mansour and ordered him to refer to come. The soldies then confiscated the workshop contents and then handed Mansour a decision to close the workshop and a list of the confiscated contents.

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Barta’ah village, southwest of Jenin. They raided and searched a number of houses after which they arrested 6 civilians namely Mo’tasem Mustafa ‘Aziz Qabah (20), Mousa Marwan Nawaf Qabha (22), Mohammed al-Haj Sa’ed Qabha (53) Hamed (24), his brother Maher (20), Mojahed Jameel Khatib (22)

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Qabatiyah village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and then arrested ‘Ali Saleh Hanthawai (22).

 

  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli gunboats stationed offshore, northwest of Beit Lahia villages in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and chased them. The shooting, which sporadically continued until at approximately 09:00, caused fear among the fishermen, who were forced to flee for fear for their lives. However, neither casualties nor material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces accompanied with 2 tanks and 2 bulldozers moved about 100 meters from a military gate, east of Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing, into the northwest of Beit Hanoun village in the northern Gaza Strip. They levelled and combed empty lands that were levelled before amidst shooting. At approximately 11:00 on the same day, the Israeli forces withdrew from the area, but neither casualties nor material damages.

 

  • At approximately 23:00, Israeli forces moved into several neighbourhoods in Hebron. They raided and searched a number of houses belonging to many civilians. Some of whom were identified as Bilal Salhab al-Tamimi, Fadi Mohammed Shwer, Thaer Ziyad al-Fakhuri, Anas al-Sghair, Rasmi Dufash, Yehya ‘Ali al-Qawasmi, Hesham Abu Turki, Hesham Hmaidan al-Shurbati and Fayez Ibrahim Mesk (50). Mesk’s wife said to PCHR’s fieldworker that the Israeli soldiers locked them in a room and used police dogs while searching the house. She also said that all the males in the family in addition to a number of neighbours, who were detained with them, were subjected to naked search as the women were searched by female soldiers. Moreover, the soldiers confiscated 2 checks, the first was of JD 1000 and the other was of JD 500, but did not leave any list of the confiscated items. The wife added that the soldiers arrested her husband and released him after 5 hours. Fayez said to his wife the he was detained in an investigation centre in “Kiryat Arba” settlement where he was informed that the money were confiscated because they were from Hamas Movement.

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (5) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: ‘Ourta and Awdala villages, southeast of Nablus; Halhoul, Beit Ummer and Surif villages in Hebron.

 

Wednesday, 08 March 2017

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Nablus and ‘Ein Beit al-Maa’ refugee camp, west of the city. They raided and searched a number of houses and then arrested ‘Alaa’ Abdul Ghani Taha (18) from the camp.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Balatet al-Balad, east of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses after which they arrested Yusuf Ramzi Duwaikat (20) and Thaer ‘Esawi (24).

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Balatet al-Balad village, east of Nablus. They raided and searched a number of houses after which they arrested Eyad Fayez Yusuf ‘Aydah (19), a student at al-Quds Open University, and Hamzah Thuqan Ahmed Daraghmah (20), a student at al- Najah National University in Nablus.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Kharas village, west of Hebron. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Diyaa’ Hasan Hmaidan (24) and Yunis ‘Awad al-Haroub (37) and then arrested them.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Beit Awa village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mahmoud Mohammed al-Suwaiti (24) and then arrested him.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Hebron and stationed in al-Dahdah neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Amer Omer Abu ‘Aish, who was killed by the Israeli forces in June 2014 under the pretext of kidnaping and killing 3 settlers in Hebron. In the meantime, another Israeli force raided and searched a house belonging to Sa’di Abdul ‘Afow al-Qawasmah (55). However, no arrests were reported in both houses.

 

  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli gunboats stationed offshore, northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and chased them. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee for fear of their lives, but neither casualties nor material damages were reported.

 

  • At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Haryah Valley area in the southern area in Hebron, and stationed in the vicinity of al-‘Ajouri crossroad. They raided and searched a food company, detained the workers inside it and then arrested Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Hamid Abu Sabih (30).

 

  • Use of excessive force against peaceful demonstrations protesting settlement activities and the construction of the annexation wall

 

West Bank:

 

  • At approximately 12:40 on Friday, 03 March 2017, Palestinian civilians and International activists organized a protest in the center of Kufor Qaddoum village, northeast of Qalqiliya, and then made their way to the eastern entrance of the village in protest against closing that entrance since the beginning of al-Aqsa Intifada with an iron gate. When the protesters approached the entrance, Israeli forces fired metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs at them. As a result, Ahmed Abdul Malek Ibrahim ‘Othman (Shawer) (30), a journalist at the Radio and Television Commission, sustained a metal bullet wound to the forehead while an 18-year-old young man was hit with a metal bullet to the left knee.

Ahmed Shawer said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“At approximately 12:00 on Friday, 03 March 2017, I went to Kufor Qaddoum village, to cover the weekly protest. I was taking photos via my cell phone camera before the protest began. Suddenly, the soldiers came from all sides. Three angry soldiers came close to me and one of them attempted to take my phone by force that almost broke it.  The soldier then took it, forced me to open the lock and then deleted the video that I recorded. When the journalists and I were near the protest area, the incidents escalated. I was then hit with a metal bullet that hit my forehead though I was wearing a press uniform and bulletproof jacket, but the soldiers directly opened fire at me. I was then transferred to Dr. Darwish Nazzal Hospital to receive medical treatment. I needed only one stitch in my face.”

 

  • Following the Friday prayer, dozens of Palestinian civilians and Israeli and international human rights defenders organized demonstrations in Bil’in and Nil’in villages, west of Ramallah and al-Nabi Saleh, northwest of the city; at the entrance to al-Jaalzone refugee camp, north of the city; and in Kafer Qadoum village, northeast of Qalqiliyah, protesting against the annexation wall and settlement activities. Israeli forces forcibly dispersed the protests, firing live and metal bullets, tear gas canisters and sound bombs. They also chased the protesters into olive fields and between houses. As a result, many of the protesters suffered tear gas inhalation while others sustained bruises due to being beaten up by the Israeli soldiers.

 

  • At approximately 14:30 on Tuesday, 07 March 2017, dozens of Palestinians organized a protest in the vicinity of “Ofer” military camp, west of Ramallah, in protest against the murder of Basel al-A’raj. When the protestors approached the camp’s gates, the soldiers fired live bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters towards them and chased them. They then arrested 6 civilians, including a child, namely Khaled Obaidat (22), ‘Othman Nakhlah (20), Haitham Saber (20), Kamel Ghunaimat (23), Aysar ‘Asi (22) and Khalil Mohammed Jebril Abu Qabitah (13).

 

 

Gaza Strip

  • At approximately 02:30 on Friday, 03 March 2017, a number of young men gathered and made their way to the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, north of Buret Abu Samrah, north of Beit Lahia village in the northern Gaza Strip. They threw stones at the Israeli soldiers, who were behind sand barriers and fired live bullets at the protestors. As a result, Fayeq Abed Rabboh Shams Salman (17) from al-Manshiyah Street in Beit Lahia village, sustained a live bullet wound to the left foot and was transferred to the Indonesian Hospital in Jabalia to receive medical treatment. His wounds were described as moderate.

 

 

  1. Continued closure of the oPt

 

Israel continued to impose a tight closure on the oPt, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

 

Gaza Strip

 

Israeli forces continuously tighten the closure of the Gaza Strip and close all commercial crossings, making the Karm Abu Salem crossing the sole commercial crossing of the Gaza Strip, although it is not suitable for commercial purposes in terms of its operational capacity and distance from markets.

Israeli forces have continued to apply the policy, which is aimed to tighten the closure on all commercial crossings, by imposing total control over the flow of imports and exports.

 

Israeli forces have continued to impose a total ban on the delivery of raw materials to the Gaza Strip, except for very limited items and quantities. The limited quantities of raw materials allowed into Gaza do not meet the minimal needs of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip.

 

Israeli forces also continued to impose an almost total ban on the Gaza Strip exports, including agricultural and industrial products, except for light-weighted products such as flowers, strawberries, and spices. However, they lately allowed the exportation of some vegetables such as cucumber and tomatoes, furniture and fish.

 

Israel has continued to close the Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing for the majority of Palestinian citizens from the Gaza Strip. Israel only allows the movement of a limited number of groups, with many hours of waiting in the majority of cases. Israel has continued to adopt a policy aimed at reducing the number of Palestinian patients allowed to move via the Beit Hanoun crossing to receive medical treatment in hospitals in Israel or in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israel also continued applying the policy of making certain civilian traveling via the crossing interviewed by the Israeli intelligence service to be questioned, blackmailed or arrested

israel’s army is world’s best terrorist organization

Israeli army is world’s best terrorist organization

Before some idiot call me antisemite – the title of this post comes from Israel-American author and human rights activist Miko Peled 2012 statement (watch video below).

US Army Capt (ret) Joe Cortina made a similar statement about Israeli army during an interview he gave to Iranian journalist Kourosh Ziabari in August 2012.

On December 17, 2015, the Jewish News Online published an interview with Jurgen Todenhofer, the German reporter who had spent 10 days with the US-Israel created terrorist group ISIS in Iraq – claiming the terrorist group only fears Israeli army – knowing the latter is far greater terrorist organization than ISIS.

On December 12, 2001, Rob Miller (Jew) posted an article, entitled, Israel: A terrorist success story at Australia’s Green Left Weekly.

Ran HaCohen, an Israeli academic says that if someone need to see Israel’s best terrorism in action – he/she should visit Hebron City. Israeli army’s ex-sergeant Eran Efrati who participated in wars against Palestinians claimed in a recent interview (below): I was the terrorist.

It’s interesting to know that 13 Jew terrorists were elected as prime ministers of the Zionist entity.

Israeli and Zionist leaders, and the Jewish-controlled Western mainstream media have long succeeded in brainwashing the Christian world that any group or nation which resist the Judo-Christian occupation and imperialism, is a terrorist organization. While Israeli terrorist state receives billions of dollars in aid and charity from Western governments – no Muslim or Christian charity is allowed to send a few hundred-thousand dollars to feed and clothe victims of Israeli and western colonialism.

Israeli writer and human right activist Lilach Ben-David wrote at +972 blog (March 13, 2016): “In order to understand why the political leadership of Palestinian citizens of Israel does not view Hizbullah as a terrorist organization, we must first rid ourselves of one of the unspoken conventions of internal Zionist political discourse and ask ourselves a simple question: do Israel’s Arab neighbors – be they Palestinians, Lebanese or others — have the moral right to defend themselves against Israeli (and American) military aggression?”

Then she provide answer to the question by saying: “In the Israeli political consensus is such an unequivocal negative that merely posing the question is considered treasonous. According to the same political consensus, Israel has the supreme moral right to behave in the Middle East like a thuggish child behaves in a playground, and the moral obligation of the neighboring Arab peoples is to suffer quietly from Israel’s attacks and not raise any military entity that might deter Israeli aggression and defend the lives and land of the Arab peoples.”

How israel’s IDF justifies its mass killing

Source

A Palestinian family sits in their destroyed home in Gaza City, which was attacked by the IDF during Operation Protective Edge, September 2014. Photo by Anne Paq / Activestills.org

Illegitimate Targets on Both Sides of Israel’s Border

The onslaughts on Gaza have introduced to our world three terms that have no right to exist: proportionate killing, collateral damage and target bank.

Amira Hass, Haaretz premium
March 03, 2017

Is it proportionate to bomb the town of Kochav Ya’ir, where top commanders and political officials live, when its residents are asleep or eating dinner with their families? That’s a horrid question that has no right to be asked. But Israel long ago gave an affirmative answer to the general question: Is it proportionate to crush neighbourhoods and bomb homes with entire families in them – children, elderly people, women and babies?

Yes, Israel has said, with its bombing of Gaza and Lebanon. It’s proportionate because we also killed – or meant to kill – military commanders and activists, and senior political officials in Palestinian and Lebanese organizations.

Here’s what the military prosecution wrote about one of the many attacks that killed civilians during the Gaza offensive in the summer of 2014:

“The attack was aimed at … a senior commander, equivalent to deputy brigade commander, in the Palestinian terror organization Islamic Jihad …. In the process of planning the attack, it was estimated that a number of civilians might be found in the structure, and that the extent of harm to civilians would not be excessive relative to the significant military advantage expected to be achieved as the result of the attack …. In retrospect, the target of the attack was seriously wounded and [another two Islamic Jihad operatives] were killed along with four civilians.

“The attack was in line with the principle of proportionality, because when the decision was made to attack it was estimated that the expected collateral damage would not be excessive relative to the military advantage that was expected to be received …. A specific warning before the attack to the occupants of the structure where the target was present, or to the occupants of adjacent structures, was not legally required, and could be expected to frustrate the purpose of the attack.”

These terms have become axiomatic beyond question or reflection. How would these axioms work if we sketched out the target bank in the opposite direction?

Every home where there’s an Israeli soldier or reservist would be a legitimate target for bombing; the civilians harmed would be collateral damage. Every bank in Israel would be a target because Israeli ministers and generals have  accounts there.
The neighbours of the police station on Tel Aviv’s Dizengoff Street ought to move because Shin Bet security service officers operate there regularly and the missile might miss and hit a nearby school. Military bases and Shin Bet centres in the heart of civilian neighbourhoods – at the Kirya in Tel Aviv, in the Jerusalem neighbourhoods of Gilo and Neveh Yaakov, or at the Binyamin Division headquarters near the settlement of Beit El – condemn the neighbours to a proportionate death.

Sheba Medical Centre must be evacuated of all its patients because of the army induction centre at Tel Hashomer; all the university laboratories and high-tech companies should be evacuated because of their links to the arms industry, while the lives of the children of Elbit and Rafael employees are also at collateral risk because their parents help develop weapons that our imagination cannot grasp.

This sounds horrifying, and rightly so. But because this mirror-image monstrous script looks completely imaginary, the horror fades immediately. Surprisingly, the state comptroller criticized the fact that no effort was made to find a diplomatic alternative to the war, but most Israelis only think inside the box, a bloody box. They seek ways to streamline the box, not break it and replace it.

Our wars are a continuation of our policy to deny others their rights. Those who scoffed at Palestinian diplomacy seeking an independent state alongside Israel got boycotts, sanctions and divestment. Those who didn’t listen to the logic of generations of Palestinian popular resistance are paying the price of Qassam rockets, attack tunnels and the fear of suicide bombings. Those who set up the prison that is Gaza got Yahya Sinwar, Hamas’ new head in the enclave.

It’s true, our doctrines of repression work − as a proven recipe for escalation. They set the criteria for defining us, Israelis, as “collateral damage” in the eyes of those humiliated by our multifaceted violence.

 

When «Israel» «Discovers» that Aoun is an Enemy!

Yehya Dboukk

Following the publication of “Israel’s” “State Comptroller” report on the 2014 Gaza war, the “Israeli” media exploded with talk about Lebanon in order to “immune” the morale of the public and send enticing messages against the [Lebanese] President General Michel Aoun as well as the Lebanese army.

Lebanese President Michel Aoun

It was a “Lebanese Day” par excellence in the Hebrew-language media. There was a “throng” of reports and analysis about the coming war and its potential achievements as well as analysis on the condition of Hezbollah and its “moral crisis”. Meanwhile, “resentment” against the stance of the Lebanese army and the President of the Republic General Michel Aoun towards “Israel” and the likelihood of its aggression – pointing out that they are enemies of “Israel” and will confront it alongside the resistance should it [“Israel”] wage a war against Lebanon- took over.

During the long “Lebanese Day”, “Israelis” returned to their warnings of Hezbollah’s military capabilities, its tunnels at the border, the potential infiltration of its fighters toward “Israeli” sites and settlements, with the involvement of North Korean expertise, equipment, and troops in assisting Hezbollah dig the tunnels. This was confronted with a display of “Israel’s” military capabilities. “Israeli” army sources asserted that they would decide the outcome of the battle if it broke out on land by facilitating the entry of military brigades into Lebanon to accomplish the task quickly.

Thus, these are wholesale “Israeli” messages to the Lebanese side – state, army and resistance. But they are also, mainly, internal reassurance messages to the “Israelis”, re-emphasizing the “might” of the enemy and its army’s abilities after the “setback-scandal” following the publication of the State Comptroller report on the causes of the failures during the 2014 Gaza war. This proved the weakness of the army, the military commanders, politicians, plans and strategies, and more specifically, the weakness of its intelligence on the capabilities of the resistance and its level of preparedness.

The State Comptroller report had a negative effect on the view of Hamas and the resistance factions in the Gaza Strip regarding “Israel’s” capabilities, intelligence, poor political decisions and their military implementation. Yet the greatest threat, by far, is Hezbollah’s view of the report and the possibility of Hezbollah using it as a foundation. As Yedioth Ahronoth [Ynetnews] indicated yesterday, “what the State Comptroller report showed concerning the inability to develop a strategy in confronting Gaza, [holds] a broader range and more inclusive danger, which are Hezbollah’s military threats -no discussion or debate needed on this point. But “Israel” wants to show [the Secretary General of Hezbollah his Eminence Sayyed Hassan] Nasrallah is in crisis.”

“Israel” wants to claim that the 2014 failure does not necessarily extend to the Lebanese front.

To sum up, the State Comptroller report revealed the failures of “Israel” and its army and intelligence. But the “Israeli” reaction centered on the northern border and an attempt to prevent Hezbollah using this failure as a foundations and building on it. This is the goal of the long “Lebanese Day”.

Aoun is “Israel’s” Enemy

President Michel Aoun’s recent statements against “Israel” and his emphasis on his previous positions toward the resistance and the need to confront the aggression should “Israel” risk and initiate it shocked Tel Aviv. The “Israelis”, as others inside and outside of Lebanon, bet that Aoun would change his stances, at the very least, soften his tone in line with his new position as president. “Israel”, as others, made bad calculations.

Reports not only attacked Aoun’s stances but also attacked him personally in accordance with the size of the shock. The shock was expressed by senior military officials in “Israel”. A senior military source [a Jewish radio station] “discovered” that the Lebanese President is collaborating with Hezbollah, and that he expressed his support for it, pointing out that Aoun’s Lebanese army will fight alongside Hezbollah, as an important “Israeli” enemy in the event of another war with “Israel” on the northern front. Other high-level security sources warned in an interview with the “Maariv” newspaper that the Lebanese army has grown in recent years and is now capable of conducting combat operations – air, land and sea – including those that enable it to harm the “Israeli” army. They also warned that “the threat posed by the Lebanese army is based on its military growth and the closeness of its high commander, Michel Aoun, to the Hezbollah movement.”

“Gulf Media” in Hebrew

A few days ago, the “Israeli” military allowed examined excerpts from a statement by the Chief of Staff of the “Israeli” army, Gadi Eizenkot, to be broadcast. Eizenkot’s statement is related to his review of the situation along the northern front [Lebanon and Syria]. However, the bulk of his speech was censored. One of the most important of these extracts was related to what he called Hezbollah’s “moral crisis” as well as “financial difficulties”. Due to these two factors, Hezbollah does not aspire to initiate a war against “Israel”. Echoing Eizenkot, the head of the Military Intelligence Division, Hrtse Halevy – who went too far in his estimates employing reports by Hezbollah’s opponents inside and outside Lebanon – said that Hezbollah does not pay its members’ salaries, and that members are leaving the party ranks to migrate, while Hezbollah’s base is resentful of its military intervention in Syria. Also, its troops are suffering from old age, with some as old as 60, because its young members are fleeing and emigrating.

Yesterday, Haaretz re-molded Eizenkot’s and Halevy’s statements into an “analysis report” on Hezbollah’s “crisis”. The report, cloned into Hebrew from Gulf media publications and its fabrication about Hezbollah, came almost without editing: a nearly full translation by the Arab affairs commentator in the newspaper, Zvi Bar’el.

Hezbollah’s Tunnels

The newspaper “”Israel” Today” published a report yesterday titled “Hezbollah’s Tunnels”. It is an attempt to emphasize that the most important failure in the Gaza Strip in 2014 does not necessarily extend to the Lebanese front. In an interview with Major General Yossi Langotsky, who served as a former adviser to the Chief of Staff on the subject of fighting against tunnels, stressed that “the threat of Hezbollah’s tunnels is a real threat”, revealing that he was summoned twice in the past year to meet Eizenkot, to review that threat.

Langotsky as well as other “Israeli” experts point out that Hezbollah possesses the ability to dig tunnels. That is what the “Israeli” army observed in the 2006 war “as part of a full Hezbollah combat system in southern Lebanon”. He added that “precedents confirm North Korea’s involvement. Yes, Hezbollah receives extensive Iranian support, but also North Korea helped Hezbollah in building military infrastructure which includes tunnels used as caches of military bases and storage sites in southern Lebanon.”

According to Langotsky, “there is a degree of simplicity in digging the tunnels. They are an effective way to ensure the element of surprise on the enemy, and they are able to wreak havoc on our side. Hezbollah is aware that we have not yet come up with complete solutions in the south [Gaza], which lures it to challenge us north with these tunnels.” Langotsky concludes the following result: “The ‘Israeli’ army is taking this seriously. It does not ignore the possibility that Hezbollah might dig, or has dug, tunnels in the north, the same way North Korea has done with its neighbor South Korea.”

War and Decisiveness

The task of the “Israeli” website “Walla” yesterday was to review the “Israeli” strength and confirm “victory and decisiveness” in the coming war against Hezbollah. The new commander of the northern region, Maj. Gen. Joel Strike, announced this victory three days ago along with a bleak picture related to the war and confrontation with Hezbollah. “Walla” quotes Eizenkot as saying that the “Israeli” army will not neglect ground maneuvers in the coming war. “With the start of any battle, if it erupted, we will activate ground maneuvers with the maximum number of troops and in the least possible time. It is necessary to achieve a decisive victory in the battle.” “Walla” adds that the chief of staff was clear in his words: “The ‘Israeli’ army would not only be content with launching aerial attacks in the coming battles, it will not give up ground maneuvers.”

The long “Lebanese Day” as reported yesterday in the Hebrew-language media, focuses on three trends: an “Israeli” effort to reduce the repercussions of the State Comptroller report related to Hezbollah following revelations of failures and the readiness to attack the Gaza Strip, pointing to the differences in the capabilities of the resistance along the two fronts. Secondly it attempts to support and empower deterrence in confronting Hezbollah, after the setback of the report. There is no “Israeli” deterrence without accurate intelligence information. If this information is incomplete, at least concerning Gaza, than the information concerning Lebanon should be accurate. The third trend is an emphasis inside “Israel”. Following the review of the offensive intent and capability, the failure of 2014 does not necessarily mean withdrawal along the Lebanese front. This is a message of reassurance for the “Israelis”.

Source: Al-Akhbar Newspaper, Translated by website team

06-03-2017 | 12:01

%d bloggers like this: