Hamas Leader to “Israel”: Don’t Try Us, Tel Aviv Our next Target

 

Local Editor

The Leader of Hamas Resistance Movement Yihye Sinwar had threatened the apartheid “Israeli” entity, warning “Don’t try us again,” as he held up a pistol that the Resistance men captured from elite “Israeli” Forces.

In a stern speech on Friday evening to honor Gaza’s Khan Younis martyr, Sinwar threatened to target Tel Aviv next time should “Israel” test the Resistance again.

“If we are attacked, we can bombard Tel Aviv — to the point, we have more missiles and more accurate ones,” he said.

Sinwar further revealed that he also had pictures of the incident and the retrieval of the commander of the force that was killed known to the public only as Lieutenant Colonel M. due to the military censor.

“This time you succeeded in leaving with killed and wounded, next time we will release our prisoners from prison and even more soldiers will remain in our hands,” Sinwar declared gravely.

He also asserted that the relative calm since the 2014 “Israeli”-Gaza conflict was not in vain, suggesting that the Resistance groups reinforced their arsenal with more damaging capabilities.

“The “Israeli” enemy understood that our quiet in recent years was not casual,” he said, adding that during the latest escalation, “the rocket fire was measured but in larger numbers and with much more powerful warheads.”

Source: News Agencies, Edited by website team

 

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Echoing Prominent Israeli, Chomsky Warns of the Rise of ‘Judeo-Nazi Tendencies’ in israel (apartheid state)

Echoing Prominent Israeli, Chomsky Warns of the Rise of ‘Judeo-Nazi Tendencies’ in Israel

Professor Noam Chomsky. (Photo: via Facebook)

Prominent Jewish intellectual Noam Chomsky has raised concerns over what he believes is the rise of “Judeo-Nazi tendencies” in Israel. Speaking to i24NEWS last week, the renowned political dissident, linguist and scholar repeated warnings given by Yeshayahu Leibowitz, an Israeli public intellectual, biochemist and polymath, concerning the dehumanizing effect of Israel’s brutal occupation of Palestine on the victims and the oppressors.

Chomsky commented on remarks by Leibowitz who was nominated for the Israel Prize saying that “Leibowitz warned that if the occupation continues, Israeli Jews are going to turn into what he called, Judeo-Nazis”. Chomsky recognized the description was a “strong term” and that most people wouldn’t be able to get away with describing Israel in this manner but explained that Leibowitz’s status meant that he was able to speak about Israel without incurring fury.

 

Leibowitz who passed away in 1994 in Jerusalem, cautioned that the state of Israel and Zionism had become more sacred than Jewish humanist values and controversially went on to describe Israeli conduct in occupied Palestinian territories as “Judeo-Nazi” in nature.

Outraged by Israel’s killing of 60 villagers of Qibya in 1953, most of whom were women and children by the notorious Israeli commando Unit 101, known for its brutality and retribution campaigns, Leibowitz has been quoted as saying:

“We have to ask ourselves where this youth of ours emerged from; young people who had no mental inhibitions about committing this atrocity? What inner motivation for such acts could have been at work here? This youth is not a mob but the product of Zionist, humanist social education.”

 

Echoing Leibowitz, Echoing Leibowitz, Chomsky said:

“If you have your jackboot on somebody’s neck, you have to find a way to justify it.” Repeating Leibowitz’s warning he added that “blaming the victim was a direct reflection of the continued occupation, the humiliation of people, the degradation, and the terrorist attacks by the Israeli government”.

The former MIT linguist said that being critical of the occupation in Israel today means being labeled a traitor, a phenomenon which has caused the left to virtually disappear from the political spectrum. He pointed to opposition to the situation in the Gaza Strip, which he likened to a concentration camp, as an example of the delegitimization of the left.

Chomsky said:

“Take Gaza. If you are going to place two million people in a concentration camp, which is in effect what it is, and put them under a vicious siege, you have to ask yourself; am I justified in doing this? People who try to oppose it are traitors, Arab lovers and so on. You have seen this phenomenon in European history, I don’t have to give you examples.”

Speaking about a common myth in Israeli society that a military presence in the West Bank is necessary for security reasons, Chomsky dismissed that idea saying that the opposite is true; that “a military occupation” of the West Bank only endangers Israel’s security.

“Ask any Israeli strategic analysts. They all understand that occupation of the West Bank is a threat to Israeli security.”

Chomsky went on to present a number of incidents where Arab leaders have offered Israel peace in return for withdrawal from the West Bank, all rejected by Israel. Israel, he told, i24NEWS is deliberately choosing expansion over security.

(MEMO, PC, Social Media)

«Israel’s» Gaza Headache

«Israel’s» Gaza Headache

Abdallah al-Sinawi

“I hope to wake up one morning and not find Gaza on the map,” former “Israeli” Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin told the French President Francois Mitterrand during a meeting in the Elysee Palace. These were feelings he could no longer hide and the nightmares haunting him when he thought about the future of the Jewish “state”.

This was in the early 1990s when talk of settling the Palestinian issue dominated the arena of international diplomacy. The “Israeli” statement, conveyed by the surprised French president to his old friend Professor Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, was not a metaphor for fears as much as it was the basis of a complete strategy that governed “Israel’s” negotiations with the Palestinians in Oslo.

“Israel’s” strategic goals in the Oslo negotiations leaned towards getting rid of the Gaza headache as quickly as possible and transferring the responsibility over to a Palestinian Authority that is bound by full security cooperation with the “Israeli” occupation forces.

It was no coincidence that the title of the first phase of the Oslo agreement was “Gaza and Ariha [Jericho] first”. At the time, there was a fundamental criticism regarding the gaps and concessions that took on the title: “Gaza and Ariha, first and foremost”. This has been happening somewhat for more than a quarter of a century.

“Israel” did not abide by what it signed and there was no Palestinian state created on the territories occupied in 1967. The settlements expanded until they almost devoured the greater part of the West Bank. Al-Quds was annexed by the force of arms and not much attention was paid to any legitimate rights or international resolutions. The Palestinian Authority itself became a hostage under the bayonets of the occupation.

Popular uprisings unfolded. Confrontations took place in al-Quds and the West Bank. Gaza progressed to become “Israel’s” headache.

New situations arouse, the worst of which was the bloody Palestinian division between Fatah and Hamas or the West Bank and Gaza. A harsh siege was imposed on the impoverished enclave, making life there almost impossible.

Three devastating wars were carried out against Gaza in 2008, 2012 and 2014. Sporadic “Israeli” raids and attacks destroyed and killed. But Gaza did not succumb. No one in “Israel” is thinking of reoccupying Gaza. The price is high and intolerable. There are no biblical references advocating the occupation of a populated and armed enclave poor of natural resources.

“Israel’s” exact intentions with respect to its ongoing military operations against Gaza and its people are to reduce the prospects for the growth of the armed resistance and to sever its links to the West Bank in order to break the unity of the people and the cause. This is the closest explanation to the truth regarding the motives of the intelligence operation, the repercussions of which have caused the most severe clashes between the “Israeli” army and the resistance groups since 2014.

The failure of the operations shocked the “Israelis”. The commando force, which infiltrated into Khan Younis, fell into the ambush of the resistance. Its commander was killed and another officer was seriously wounded. It almost fell captive had it not been for the general military and intelligence mobilization directly supervised by the “Israeli” chief of staff to save it from that fate.

That incident with its ramifications and the courage shown by the Palestinians in a battle that lacked military parity was a new Gaza headache for “Israel”. The “Israelis” thought they can do whatever they wanted, launch incursions, kill and arrest, without caring about the truce that is supposed to refrain it from any provocative actions.

Such operations are not new. It cannot be envisioned that “Israel” will stop launching them in any long-term truce. It believes that it has the right to do whatever it wants in the name of its security without taking into account that there are about two million Palestinians who demand reciprocity. Calm in return for calm. Not calm from one side. That was the first message. There was a second message sent by the besieged Strip, which was targeted by “Israeli” missiles and destroyed while its residents were intimidated. The message conveyed is that it can retaliate, hurt and push 250 thousand “Israelis” to bomb shelters, paralyze and frighten the southern part of the Jewish “state” and eventually force the “Israelis” to accept Egyptian mediation for a ceasefire and a return to the course of calm, whose longevity cannot be counted upon.

While accepting the ceasefire, “Israel” declared that it would continue military operations if necessary.

What was the necessity that called for breaking the truce?

There is no single answer that goes beyond the loose phrases about “Israeli” security. As if one side has the right to violate the truce on vague grounds and to remove the other party’s similar rights. As usual, the US administration ensured that the “Israeli” war machine was protected in the UN Security Council. Hamas rockets appeared to be the only culprit, as if Palestinian victims were not terrorized and killed by “Israel’s” excessive violence. As usual, the Arab powerlessness was clearly tragic. As if the Gaza headache struck Arab rulers that wished not to find it on the map or that the entire Palestinian cause would simply disappear.

The Arab scrambling for normalization was the fundamental reason that drove the “Israeli” delegate in the UN Security Council to call other states that were talking about the disproportionate use of force ‘immoral’. That light criticism was not easy for “Israel”. As if identifying with the occupation and condemning the victims are the components of morality according to the latest “Israeli” definitions.

Despite “Israel’s” arrogance in its power, its fragility and lack of confidence in the future cannot be hidden. Suffice it to point the targeting of the Al-Aqsa TV with intensive shelling that leveled the premises and surrounding areas. This is a sign of weakness, not power. The capabilities and level of broadcast of the TV station is limited. This shows that “Israel” cannot tolerate a voice against its policies. It is unleashing policies that do not have a way to get rid of the chronic Gaza headaches other than the excessive use of force. It is a peace imposed by force, according to US President Donald Trump, in other words the “Deal of the Century”. With any objective reading, Gaza is its main focus. There is no room for negotiations over the settlements in the West Bank and al-Quds as well as the refugees. The Arab initiative of a comprehensive normalization in return for a full withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied since 1967 has clinically died. The separation of Gaza from the West Bank is an essential objective of the prepared plan.

What is being planned and what the “Israelis” hope to implement is striping away Gaza’s National liberation nature and transforming it into a purely humanitarian issue that includes improving the standards of living and services such as electricity, fuel and the establishment of a water corridor between Cyprus and Gaza under the full supervision of the “Israeli” security services. In one way or another, the failed intelligence operation and the ensuing military confrontation come in the context of the “Deal of the Century”. In one surreal scene, the violence, siege, starvation and the pressure to halt US shares to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) come side by side with proposed projects, deals and promises to improve the standards of living in exchange for Palestinians surrendering any legitimate rights. This kind of thinking is closer to delirium and is certainly fated to fail.

Source: Al-Akhbar, Translated by website team

صداع غزة في رأس إسرائيل

عبدالله السناوي

  الخميس 15 تشرين الثاني 2018

«أتمنى أن استيقظ من النوم ذات صباح فلا أجد غزة على الخريطة». هكذا كاشف رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي الأسبق إسحاق رابين الرئيس الفرنسي فرانسوا ميتران في اجتماع ضمهما بقصر الإليزيه بمشاعر لم يعد بوسعه أن يخفيها وكوابيس تلاحقه في النظر إلى مستقبل الدولة العبرية. كان ذلك مطلع تسعينيات القرن الماضي وأحاديث تسوية القضية الفلسطينية تتسيّد كواليس الديبلوماسية الدولية. لم تكن العبارة الكاشفة، التي نقلها الرئيس الفرنسي مندهشاً من رسائلها إلى صديقه القديم الأستاذ محمد حسنين هيكل، تعبيراً مجازياً مبالغاً عن هواجس ومخاوف بقدر ما كانت تأسيساً لاستراتيجية كاملة حكمت إدارة إسرائيل للمفاوضات مع الفلسطينيين في «أوسلو».

مال التصميم الاستراتيجي الإسرائيلي في مفاوضات «أوسلو» إلى التخلص بأسرع ما هو ممكن من صداع غزة وإحالة مسؤوليتها إلى سلطة فلسطينية مقيّدة بالتزامات التعاون الأمني الكامل مع قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي. ولم تكن مصادفة أن يكون عنوان المرحلة الأولى في اتفاقية «أوسلو»: «غزة وأريحا أولاً». شاع وقتها نقد جوهري لما انطوت عليه الاتفاقية من ثغرات وتنازلات أخذ عنواناً مضاداً: «غزة وأريحا أولاً وأخيراً». على مدى أكثر من ربع قرن هذا ما حدث تقريباً.

لا إسرائيل التزمت بما وقعت عليه ولا نشأت دولة فلسطينية على الأراضي التي احتلت عام 1967. توسعت المستوطنات حتى كادت تلتهم الجانب الأكبر من الضفة الغربية وضمت القدس بقوة السلاح من دون التفات كبير لأية حقوق مشروعة أو أية قرارات دولية، والسلطة نفسها تحولت إلى رهينة تحت حراب الاحتلال.

هبّت انتفاضات شعبية وجرت مواجهات في القدس والضفة الغربية وتقدمت غزة لتفاقم صداعها في الرأس الإسرائيلي.

ثم نشأت أوضاع جديدة، أسوأها الانشقاق الفلسطيني الفادح بين «فتح» و«حماس» أو الضفة وغزة، وفرض حصار قاس على القطاع الفقير حتى أصبحت الحياة شبه مستحيلة.

جرت ثلاثة حروب مدمرة عليه أعوام 2008 و2012 و2014 فضلاً عن غارات واعتداءات متكررة تضرب وتدمر وتقتل من حين لآخر من دون أن تخضع غزة. ليس في وارد أي تفكير إسرائيلي إعادة احتلال غزة، فالثمن باهظ وغير محتمل، كما أنه ليست هناك مطامع توراتية، أو إغواءات ما لاحتلال قطاع فقير في موارده الطبيعية ومكتظ بالسكان والسلاح. ما تريده إسرائيل ـ بالضبط ـ من عملياتها العسكرية المتواصلة ضد غزة وأهلها تقليل احتمالات نمو المقاومة المسلحة واتصال أدوارها بالضفة الغربية لفصم وحدة الشعب والقضية. هذا هو التفسير الأقرب إلى الحقيقة لدوافع العملية الاستخباراتية، التي استدعت تداعياتها أوسع اشتباك بين الجيش الإسرائيلي وجماعات المقاومة منذ عام 2014.

كان فشل العملية صدمة إسرائيلية مؤكدة. وقعت قوة الكوماندوس الخاصة التي تسلّلت إلى خانيونس في كمين المقاومة، قتل قائدها وأصيب ضابط آخر بجروح خطيرة، وكادت أن تقع في الأسر لولا التعبئة العامة العسكرية والاستخباراتية لإنقاذها من ذلك المصير تحت الإشراف المباشر لرئيس الأركان الإسرائيلي.

ما حدث تلك الليلة بدلالاته ومستوى الشجاعة التي أبداها الفلسطينيون في معركة تفتقد التكافؤ العسكري، تعبير جديد عن صداع غزة في رأس يتصور أن بوسعه فعل ما يشاء، يخترق ويستكشف ما يريد استكشافه، يقتل ويعتقل، من دون أن يأبه بمسار التهدئة الذي يفترض أن يلزمه بالامتناع عن أية تصرفات استفزازية بالسلاح.

مثل هذه العمليات الإسرائيلية ليست جديدة، ولا يتصور أن تمتنع عنها في ظل أية هدنة طويلة المدى، إذ ترى أن من حقها فعل ما تشاء باسم أمنها من دون أن يخطر ببالها أن هناك نحو مليوني فلسطيني يطلبون المعاملة بالمثل ـ تهدئة مقابل تهدئة وليست تهدئة من طرف واحد. كانت تلك رسالة أولى. كما كانت هناك رسالة ثانية من القطاع المحاصر، الذي استهدفته الصواريخ والطائرات الإسرائيلية تقتيلاً وهدماً وترويعاً لمواطنيه، أن بوسعه أن يرد ويوجع ويدفع نحو 250 ألف إسرائيلي إلى الملاجئ وإصابة جنوب الدولة العبرية بالذعر والشلل ويجبر المعتدي في نهاية المطاف على قبول الوساطة المصرية لوقف تبادل النيران والعودة إلى مسار التهدئة الذي يصعب التعويل على إمكانية ديمومته.

إسرائيل نفسها أعلنت في لحظة قبولها وقف إطلاق النار أنها ستواصل العمليات العسكرية إذا اقتضت الضرورة.

    • ما الضرورة التي تدعو لخرق التهدئة؟

لا إجابة واحدة تتجاوز العبارات الفضفاضة عن الأمن الإسرائيلي، كأنه من حق طرف واحد أن يخرق التهدئة بدواعي غامضة وينزع عن الطرف الآخر أية حقوق مماثلة، أو غير مماثلة. كالعادة تكفّلت الإدارة الأميركية بتوفير الحماية لآلة الحرب الإسرائيلية في مجلس الأمن الدولي، وبدت صواريخ «حماس» متهماً وحيداً، كأنه لم يسقط ويروع ضحايا فلسطينيون بالعنف الإسرائيلي المفرط. وكالعادة تبدى العجز العربي مأسوياً كأن صداع غزة قد أصاب قصور حكمه حتى تمنت بدورها ألا تجدها على الخريطة، أو أن تختفي القضية الفلسطينية كلها من الوجود.

كانت الهرولة العربية للتطبيع داعياً جوهرياً لما أسماه المندوب الإسرائيلي في مجلس الأمن بـ«عدم أخلاقية» الدول التي تتحدث عن عدم تكافؤ العنف بين الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين. لم يكن ذلك النقد الهيّن مناسباً لإسرائيل، كأن التماهي مع الاحتلال وإدانة الضحايا من مقومات الأخلاق وفق أحدث التعريفات الإسرائيلية.

على رغم عجرفة القوة فإنه لا يخفى مدى هشاشتها وعدم ثقتها في مستقبلها. تكفي الإشارة إلى استهداف «فضائية الأقصى» بقصف مكثف أزال مبناها وما حولها. هذه علامة ضعف لا قوة، فالفضائية محدودة في إمكانياتها ومستويات انتشارها، كأن إسرائيل لا تحتمل صوتاً يناهض سياساتها. إنه انفلات أعصاب وسياسات لا تعرف وسيلة ما للتخلص من صداع غزة المزمن غير الإفراط في استخدام القوة. وإنه سلام القوة ـ بتعبير الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب، أو «صفقة القرن» بتعبير آخر. بأية قراءة موضوعية مما تسرب عنها فإن غزة محورها الرئيسي. لا مجال لأي تفاوض في مستوطنات الضفة الغربية والقدس واللاجئين، والمبادرة العربية التي تقضي بالتطبيع الشامل مقابل الانسحاب الكامل من الأراضي العربية المحتلة منذ عام 1967 ماتت إكلينيكياً. فصل غزة عن الضفة الغربية هدف جوهري للخطة المزمعة.

ما هو قيد التخطيط ومحاولة التنفيذ نزع الطابع التحرري الوطني عن غزة وتحويلها إلى محض قضية إنسانية يخفف من وطأتها تحسين مستويات المعيشة والخدمات كالكهرباء والوقود وإنشاء ممر مائي مع قبرص للانتقال من غزة وإليها تحت الإشراف الكامل للأجهزة الأمنية الإسرائيلية. بصورة أو أخرى تدخل العملية الاستخباراتية الفاشلة وما ترتب عليها من مواجهات عسكرية في سياق «صفقة القرن». في مشهد سريالي واحد يتجاور العنف والحصار والتجويع والضغط بوقف الحصة الأميركية في «الأونروا» وكالة الأمم المتحدة لإغاثة وتشغيل اللاجئين الفلسطينيين مع التلويح بمشروعات وصفقات ووعود تحسن مستوى الحياة مقابل التخلي عن أية حقوق مشروعة. هذا النوع من التفكير أقرب إلى الهذيان ومصيره الفشل المؤكد.

    • * كاتب وصحافي مصري

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Israel Brutalizes Palestinians the Way Nazis Mistreated Jews

By Stephen Lendman
Source

Israel repeatedly accuses Gazans and other Palestinians of crimes the Jewish state commits against them – the same blame the victim tactic used by Washington against targeted nations.

Whenever violence erupts anywhere in the Occupied Territories, especially Gaza, it’s always initiated by Israel, not Palestinians – other than isolated incidents too minor to matter.

Since March 30, Gazan Great March of Return Friday demonstrations have been consistently peaceful. 

Yet IDF snipers targeted activist Palestinians with live fire and other brutal tactics, bearing full responsibility for devastating violence – killing over 220, injuring more than 24,000 others, many seriously.

The death and injury toll is sure to rise. Israel holds Gazans and other Palestinians responsible for state-sponsored crimes against them.

On Friday, Israel’s Beer Sheba District Court ruled that Israel is not “liable for damages for the shooting and serious wounding of a 15-year-old Palestinian boy in the Gaza Strip in (November) 2014,” adding:

“Gaza Palestinians are not entitled to seek compensation for damages from Israel” because they live in what the court called an “enemy entity” – an egregious perversion of truth.

The Al Mezan Center for Human Rights and Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel filed the case on behalf of the aggrieved Gazan family, leaving 15-year-old Attiya Fathi al-Nabahin a quadriplegic, confined to a wheelchair.

The court cited Article 5/B-1 of Israeli Civil Wrongs Law (State Responsibility – 1952) – police state legislation, saying “residents of a territory declared by the Israeli government as ‘enemy territory,’ are not eligible to seek compensation for state-sponsored crimes against them.

Israel is the enemy of all Palestinians, not the other way around. Yet the Jewish state is absolved of its highest of high crimes by Israeli judicial injustice and the world community, turning a blind eye to what no just societies tolerate.

No matter how grievously they’re harmed, long-suffering Gazans and other Palestinians are barred from getting redress in Israeli rubber-stamp courts against them.

A joint Al Mezan/Adalah statement said the unjust ruling sends a “very dangerous message that Gaza residents are not entitled to compensation or legal recourse in Israel in any circumstances, in contradiction of international obligations on access to justice and accountability,” adding:

“Israel declared that it absolves itself from the responsibilities, as a state, to investigate, deter, and take responsibility for violations by its armed and security forces.”

“The ruling grants comprehensive immunity to the Israeli military and the State for illegal, reprehensible, and even criminal actions taken during military operations in occupied territories, including the Gaza Strip, and leaves their victims without any hope of compensation.”

The court’s refusal to hear the above case “violates the right of Gaza residents to fulfill their right to ‘effective legal remedy’ from the occupying power as guaranteed to them under international humanitarian law.”

Separately, Adalah said from October 2000 throughout the Territories (the onset of the second intifada) to Gaza 2018, Israel’s Supreme Court affirmed the right of IDF snipers to kill and wound Gazans peacefully demonstrating for fundamental rights the Jewish state denies them.

Israel gets away with mass murder and much more because its courts and the international community do nothing to hold it accountable for repeated high crimes.

On Friday, Israeli General Kamil Abu Rukun, coordinator of government activities in the Territories, threatened Gazans with greater IDF violence against peaceful demonstrators than already since March 30, saying:

“Our patience has broken, and we will respond harshly. We will show no restraint.” Does he have Gaza war 4.0 in mind? Will IDF commanders deploy warplanes to terror-bomb peaceful demonstrators?

Is greater mass slaughter than already planned? “You have been warned,” he roared – ignoring reality on the ground in Gaza.

Hamas is Palestine’s legitimate government, democratically elected in January 2006. It’s not a “terrorist organization,” falsely designated this way by the State Department at Israel’s request, a despicable act, the Jewish state taking full advantage, committing high crimes against two million Gazans with impunity.

On Thursday, extremist Israelis rallied in Tel Aviv for war on the Strip, holding inflammatory banners and shouting hostile slogans, calling on Netanyahu to resign for not waging full-scale war on Gaza.

On the same day, a Security Council session on Gaza failed to resolve anything for its beleaguered people, Palestinian Ambassador to the UN Riyad Mansour saying:

“We want the Security Council to shoulder its responsibility with regard to this situation threatening international peace and security” in Gaza, adding:

“Unfortunately the Security Council is paralyzed. It did not shoulder its responsibility” – because of one-sided Trump regime support for Israel, dismissive of fundamental Palestinian rights.

No safe place: When israeli (apartheid state) airstrikes hit, Gaza’s children have nowhere to run

When Israel strikes, Gaza’s children have nowhere to run

No safe place: When Israeli airstrikes hit, Gaza's children have nowhere to run

Charlie Hoyle

No safe place: When Israeli airstrikes hit, Gaza’s children have nowhere to run

Most children in Gaza have experienced a major war during their lifetime. [Getty]

A sense of normalcy returned to life in the Gaza Strip on Wednesday after a ceasefire agreement between Palestinian political parties and Israel ended a major escalation in violence.

But for children in the besieged territory, it is simply a momentary break in a lifetime of trauma.

Up to 45 percent of Gaza’s population of two million is under the age of 14, with most having experienced at least three major Israeli military operations in their lifetime.

The crushing decade-long siege on the densely populated territory means children have nowhere to play, nowhere to escape, and, during intensified conflict, nowhere to hide.

“There are no safe places to go in times of attacks. We stay at home and pray we are not killed,” Maher Abdullah, a Senior Programme Officer and spokesperson for Save the Children, told The New Arab.

Abdullah and his family huddled together for safety in their apartment as Israel’s military pounded targets in Gaza over the past 24 hours.

Huge bombings punctuated the night at 15-minute intervals as families across Gaza hoped their homes would be spared.

They were asking ‘are we going to die? ‘Why do they want to kill us?’ ‘What did we do for them to kill us?’ Unfortunately, we don’t have an answer for the children
Maher Abdullah

In the most recent 2014 war, Israeli military strikes destroyed over 20,000 homes. More than half a million Palestinians were displaced and over 2,200 killed – including around 500 children.

“They were asking ‘are we going to die? ‘Why do they want to kill us?’ ‘What did we do for them to kill us?’ Unfortunately, we don’t have an answer for the children,” Abdullah said of the most recent Israeli strikes.

“We don’t feel safe and so it’s difficult to make our children feel safe, all we can do is pray.”

Always under threat

Health professionals in Gaza estimate that as many as 50 percent of children suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) due to their experiences of war.

According to a survey by Save the Children, over 95 percent of children displayed symptoms of depression, hyperactivity, aggression, and a preference for being alone.

Abdullah says the brutal 51-day war in 2014 has left children scared of loud noises and thunder, afraid of the dark, and experiencing constant nightmares.

Children waking up screaming and crying in the middle of the night is the norm in Gaza, he says, a consequence of constant panic amid an unending cycle of conflict.

“Our lives are always under threat”, he says.

Up to 45 percent of Gaza’s population is under the age of 14, with most having experienced at least three major wars in their lifetime

The interminable presence of violence means children and adults alike can never recover from their past traumas, and parents cannot isolate them from threats.

The United Nations estimates that more than 300,000 children are in need of psychosocial support.

But Gaza’s health infrastructure cannot even begin to cope with the mental health crisis.

Hospitals lack medical supplies, while severe underfunding means schools and the United Nations refugee agency can often only provide one counsellor for hundreds of children.

Beyond a simmering mental health crisis for children, the physical threat posed by Israel’s military has proved devastating.

Since protests began in March to demand an end to the blockade and the return of Palestinian refugees, more than 5,000 children have been wounded in demonstrations.

More than 40 children have been killed, while over 1,000 have been shot by live ammunition.

“What we are asking here is just to find a peaceful way to end all of this, to ensure that no more harm will happen to all affected children by these escalations in Gaza,” Abdallah said.

“We want to build our future, and our country’s future.”

Follow us on Twitter: @The_NewArab

 

Gaza Strikes Were Deliberate Attempts to Prolong the Suffering of Palestinians – And the World Has Fallen for It

Gaza Strikes Were Deliberate Attempts to Prolong the Suffering of Palestinians – And the World Has Fallen for It

Written by Sarah Helm

The state knew its mission deep into Gaza would wreck the truce deal, which we can only assume was its intention all along

gazastrikenov18

“Holding up the bogeymen of Hamas as the sole rationale for Gaza’s cruel collective punishment has either blinded western governments from the cruelty and injustices going on behind Gaza’s walls and fences, or – more likely – given them an excuse they need for side-stepping the intractable problem.”


As Gaza prepared yesterday for another night of shelling by Israeli jets and gunships, and as Hamas threatened to fire off more rockets into Israel, nobody dared guess in what appalling bloodbath this latest flare-up between Israel and Gaza would end.

One thing, however, was already clear: Israel would be credited with breaking the ceasefire, not Hamas.

Justifying its previous onslaughts on Gaza, Israel has presented a narrative in which Hamas provoked the conflagration. Even after the 2014 war, when more than 2200 Palestinians were killed, compared with seven Israelis, Israel presented Israel as the victims; Hamas had provoked the onslaught, it alleged, and was therefore solely responsible for the results.

On this occasion however the narrative is very hard to spin. On Sunday, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, told his cabinet he was “doing everything I can in order to avoid an unnecessary war” and a truce easing tensions appeared to be in place, brokered by Egypt.

The following day, Israeli commandos launched a highly provocative incursion into Gaza aiming to kill or – more likely – to kidnap a commander of al-Qassem, Hamas’s military wing. Gaza sources believe the Israelis hoped to force the kidnapped man into providing key intelligence, probably about tunnels, but also about the whereabouts of two Israeli soldiers, believed killed by Hamas during the 2014 war and held in Gaza ever since.

But the operation went badly wrong, leaving seven Palestinians fighters killed by Israeli gunfire, including the targeted Qassem man, and one Israeli soldier also killed. The commandos fled back across the border, Hamas rockets ensued, and Israeli jets soon filled the skies.

That the Israeli mission was botched is clear. Palestinians say the Israelis, disguised as Arab women, were easily spotted outside a mosque. Botched or not, however, the timing of such a kidnap or murder attempt, just as the fledgling ceasefire was being finalised, suggests it must have been calculated to shatter any trust there was; Israel knew their mission deep into Gaza would wreck the truce deal, which we can only assume was part of their intention all along.

After all, the truce was in danger of characterising Hamas as possible dealmakers – even as terrorists that are worth talking to perhaps. Weakened after 11 years of siege, Hamas were prepared to show reason, and make concessions in return for cash and fuel to the starved strip.

But for the government of Netanyahu, the idea of Hamas being viewed as in any way reasonable – or at least able to show reason – is anathema. Hamas is the enemy, seeking to destroy Israel and will not change. It is only by maintaining this narrative that Netanyahu can justify the ongoing siege of Gaza, the sniper shootings of border protesters and the periodic bombardment, which is arguably the biggest demonstration of collective punishment on the planet.

Ever since 1948 when the state of Israel was created as 750,000 Palestinians fled their homes, 220,000 to Gaza, it has been as important for Israel to win the narrative war as the military war. A central thread of the Israeli narrative always paints the Israelis as sole victims. The suffering of the Palestinians is entirely their own fault. They chose to flee in 1948 – so the Israeli version goes – so they should not be allowed to return to their land.

Today, no matter that the imprisonment of 2 million Palestinians in Gaza – 1.4 million of them refugees or descendants of those refugees who fled their homes in 1948 – is illegal under every paragraph of international law, including the Geneva Conventions; it is their own fault that they are penned in, stateless and impoverished, because 11 years ago they voted for Hamas.

So successfully has this version of the story been told inside Israel itself that the majority of Israelis today believe that most of people in Gaza are simply “terrorists” who have no claim to any land, and have already been generously granted independence by Israel, living willingly under Hamas rule behind the Gaza wall.

The fact that Palestinians voted for Hamas’s style of resistance out of desperation, after years of failed peace initiatives and of Israeli occupation, is written out of the tale, and so is the fact that most of the Gaza Palestinians would vote Hamas out if only they had a chance.

Most disturbing, however, is how ready the outside world has always been to buy into this version of events. Holding up the bogeymen of Hamas as the sole rationale for Gaza’s cruel collective punishment has either blinded western governments from the cruelty and injustices going on behind Gaza’s walls and fences, or – more likely – given them an excuse they need for side-stepping the intractable problem.

Speaking to western diplomats recently about what plans they had for a new peace initiative, I received only blank looks.

When human rights groups report on the causes of the 2018 “war”, they must at least declare that Israel started it by wrecking the truce. But Israel will try to write the rest of the narrative, saying Hamas was to blame for the horrors that came next. What these horrors will be, we will soon find out.

Source: The Independent

الحرب والتطبيع… أوهن من بيت العنكبوت

«إسرائيل» أوهن من بيت العنكبوت، قالها السيد نصرالله ولا زالت عالقة كشوكة في حلوقهم،

نوفمبر 15, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– منذ العام 2000 والمعادلة العبقرية لقائد المقاومة السيد حسن نصرالله تقضّ مضاجع قادة كيان الاحتلال، «إسرائيل» أوهن من بيت العنكبوت، قالها السيد نصرالله ولا زالت عالقة كشوكة في حلوقهم، خاضوا حرب تموز 2006 وحلمهم رفع علم الاحتلال في ساحة النصر في بنت جبيل، حيث قالها علهم يتحررون من وطأتها، فجعلتها حرب تموز معادلة استراتيجية راسخة، فخاضوا حرب غزة ودبّروا الحرب على سورية وحرب اليمن وفي عقولهم وخطط مفكريهم، التحرر من عقدة بيت العنكبوت، وها هم الآن يعودون بصفقة القرن وتسمية القدس عاصمة أبدية لكيان الاحتلال بكل الدعم الأميركي والتطبيع الخليجي، وبالإشهار عن أن دولتهم قومية يهودية، ويخوضون حربهم على غزة، فماذا يقول التاريخ وماذا تقول الوقائع؟

Image result for ‫الكورنيت في غزة‬‎

– حربهم الأخيرة على غزة التي توقفت في منتصف الطريق كانت تأكيد المؤكد بأن كيانهم وجيشهم أوهن من بيت العنكبوت، فالميدان اليوم له أسياده، ولم يعد جيش الاحتلال مَن يرسم المعادلات فيه، الكورنيت حسم السيطرة في البر، والقدرات الاستخبارية للمقاومة أعادت لهم جثث كبار ضباطهم بدلاً من الإنجازات، والصواريخ أسقطت قبتهم الحديدية وسقطت على رؤوسهم، والتهديد بالتصعيد جاءهم بالتهديد المقابل بالمزيد، الصواريخ الدقيقة والعالية القدرة والبعيدة المدى ستنزل إلى ساحات النزال، وترعد فوق تل أبيب.

– في السياسة تقول الحرب في سورية والحرب في اليمن، إن الأهداف الإسرائيلية سقطت، وإن الذراع الإسرائيلية مغلولة، وإن مشروع صفقة القرن يسقط بالضربة القاضية، غياب الشريك الفلسطيني، لأن الشعب الفلسطيني رسم خطوطه الحمراء، مَن يتنازل عن القدس مقتول مقتول، فماذا تقول لهم خطواتهم التي ترعاها واشنطن في الخليج وضم القدس وإعلان يهودية الدولة؟

– مرّ كيان الاحتلال بأربع مراحل من التعامل مع مرجعياته في مقاربة السعي المحموم نحو التطبيع، في المرحلة الأولى لم يكن يعرض سوى تطبيع تقيمه دباباته حيث يحتل الأرض ويضمّ الجغرافيا ويفرض على السكان الرضوخ لذل الاحتلال، وهي صيغة التطبيع التي تتناسب مع مشروع «إسرائيل» الكبرى القائمة على منهج الاحتلال ورسم حدود الكيان بالقوة، وقد سقطت في الجولان العربي السوري بانتفاضة أهله وتمسكهم بهويتهم العربية السورية، وتكرّس سقوطها منذ عام 2000 بسقوط مشروع التوسّع، وفشل الكيان بالاحتفاظ باحتلال جنوب لبنان وتالياً فشله بالاحتفاظ باحتلال غزة.

– في المرحلة الثانية كانت «إسرائيل» العظمى هي البديل الاستراتيجي، وعنوانها مقايضة الأمن بالهيمنة، ومحورها التطبيع الاقتصادي لحجز مقعد المدير الاقتصادي للمنطقة، مقابل القوة العسكرية القادرة على التدمير، لكن شرطها تظهير قدرة الردع، فجاءت حرب تموز 2006 وتكفلت بما بقي منها. وفي المرحلة الثالثة كانت «إسرائيل» الفضلى هي البديل الاستراتيجي الجديد وعنوانها إعادة صياغة المنطقة من خلف الستار وفقاً للمصالح الإسرائيلية، وأداتها التطبيع مع تنظيم القاعدة والفكر التكفيري بأدواته ومرجعياته الخليجية، وكانت الحرب على سورية أداة تطبيق المشروع، والإعلان عن أن جبهة النصرة كنموذج لهذا التطبيع شريك في الأمن الاستراتيجي لكيان الاحتلال، وقد سقط آخر ما تبقى من هذا التطبيع الذي شمل العلاقات التحالفية المعلنة مع حكام الخليج بالضربة القاضية في جنوب سورية.

– تطل المرحلة الرابعة، وعنوانها «إسرائيل» الصغرى، وشرطها الانكفاء خلف الجدار، والاكتفاء بالاعتراف الأميركي بالقدس عاصمة لكيان الاحتلال، وإشهار يهودية الدولة، وهي ثمرة التسليم بسقوط فرص التسوية مع محور المقاومة، وسقوط فرص ضربه وإضعافه، وسقوط فرص إيجاد شريك فلسطيني بقياس المصالح الإسرائيلية لمضمون التسوية، وشكل التطبيع الذي يتناسب مع بدء أفول الكيان وقوته وقدرته على رسم الخرائط، هو التطبيع الذي نشهده مع حكام الخليج، لتوظيفه في إزالة الذعر الذي يعيشه المستوطنون في الكيان القلقون من مستقبل كيانهم، غير الواثقين بغدهم، في ظل ذعر استراتيجي عنوانه أن وجود الكيان صار مطروحاً على بساط البحث، ومثل هذا التطبيع يسهم في نشر ثقافة الاطمئنان بأن «إسرائيل» كيان طبيعي معترف به في المنطقة، حتى لو كان من يعترفون ليسوا من تخشاهم «إسرائيل» وتعتبرهم التهديد الاستراتيجي لوجودها، وهم من يتسبب لها ولمستوطنيها بهذا الذعر الاستراتيجي، فهو تطبيع بيت العنكبوت، كما باتت الحروب حروب بيت العنكبوت.

– كان لي شرف المشاركة في مؤتمر علمي بدعوة مشتركة من جامعة حلب والمستشارية الثقافية الإيرانية في سورية، ومما قلته في مشاركتي،

إن تلاقي السنن التاريخية والسنن الإلهية جعل الرد على التطبيع الإسرائيلي مع تنظيم القاعدة كردّ على الفشل في حرب تموز ومحاولة استجلاب مَن يباهي حزب الله في بذل الدماء، قد جاء على يد حزب الله نفسه، الذي تكفل بقطع يد تنظيم القاعدة ومتفرعاته في سورية داعماً الدولة السورية وجيشها،

إن تلاقي السنن التاريخية والإلهية يقول اليوم

إن الرد على التطبيع الخليجي المبرمج لحساب «إسرائيل» الصغرى بعد الهزيمة التي تلقتها الحرب التي دبّرتها «إسرائيل» ضد سورية وكان سقوطها مدوياً في حلب، ها هو يبدأ من حلب، حيث المدينة العربية الجريحة، التي لا تزال تلملم بقايا أشلائها بعد دمار وخراب وموت، هي المدينة العربية الأولى التي تقود المواجهة على هذه الحلقة من التطبيع، لكنه تطبيع بيت العنكبوت، دون أن يغير ذلك من وصف الجرم بما يستحق، لكن دون وهم الظن بأن «إسرائيل» تتفوق وتتقدم، فهو حلف المتعوس الحاكم للخليج مع خائب الرجاء المنتقل من حرب فاشلةإلى تطبيع فاشل.

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