Palestinians Clash with Zionist Occupation Forces in Various Cities after Friday Prayer

February 9, 2018

Palestinian clashes

Hundreds of Palestinian youths clashed with the Zionist occupation forces in various cities after the Friday Prayers, which left a number of them injured.

In Gaza strip, the Palestinian youths moved to the border with the Zionist settlements and clashed with the Israeli occupation forces; consequently, a number of Palestinians were wounded.

In the various cities of the occupied West Bank, the Israeli occupation forces used live bullets onto the Palestinian youths, injuring a number of protestors.

Source: Al-Manar Website

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أحمد النصر

أحمد جرّار شهيداً: المطارد الناجي من «الذل»

قال جيش العدو إنّه هدم المبنى الذي تحصّن فيه الشهيد جرار في بلدة اليامون قرب مدينة جنين في شمال الضفة الغربية (الأناضول)

كان يعلم أن طريق «العبث بأمن إسرائيل» ومستوطنيها يتفرّع إلى ثلاثة خيارات: الاعتقال، المطاردة، الشهادة، لكنه سلك الدرب غير آبهٍ للنتائج. فرحت إسرائيل بما سمّته إنجازاً، لكنها تعلم أن جيشاً بكامله، ومعه أجهزة أمن قوية وكبيرة، طاردوا شاباً في منطقة تخضع لحكمهم، وقد أخفقوا في الوصول إليه أربع مرات على الأقل، ليموت بطريقة تشهد أنه رفض المذلة، وأن الذي أُذِلّ هو «الجبروت الإسرائيلي» المكسور على أعتاب بندقيته. خلف كيان العدو، أيضاً، كيان طفيلي آخر من «جلدة» الشهيد أحمد. «سلطة أوسلو» تتقدّم خطوات في ما هو «مطلوب» منها لتمثّل في مسألة ملاحقة ثم استشهاد جرّار، آلة عدوانية شريكة في كشف المقاومين وسفك دمائهم

سلفيت | في التاسع من كانون الثاني 2018، أعلن أحمد نصر جرّار بطلقات بندقيته افتتاح العام الجديد، مستهدفاً مستوطناً ــ حاخاماً ــ إسرائيلياً في عملية نوعية غرب نابلس. جهود مضنية قضاها «الشاباك» الإسرائيلي وأجهزة الجيش والأمن الأخرى على مدار أيام طويلة، محاولاً فك لغز العملية، ليصل بعد نحو أسبوعٍ إلى أن جرّار هو «قائد خلية حماس» المسؤولة عن العملية.

العدد ٣٣٩٠

الضفة التي تغيّرت: هل هي بلاد المطلوبين؟

صورة للشهيد أحمد (يسار) في طفولته

رام الله ــ الأخبار
لا عجب في أن يترك أحمد نصر جرار هذا الأثر وراءه عند رحيله، فلم يصدق كثيرون من الفلسطينيين النبأ لحظة وروده صباح أمس، وصاروا أشبه بـ«اليتامى» عند مواجهة لحظة الحقيقة؛ الشهيد أحمد لم يكن مقاوماً فحسب، بل أخذ القرار عن مئات الألوف من الذين يؤمنون بالمقاومة، وتحديداً المسلحة. لذلك، ليس غريباً أن يشعر هؤلاء بشعور الأم عندما تُكذّب الفاجعة في فلذة كبدها عند الساعات الأولى، لكن، لماذا شكّل جرار «استثناءً» يتشابه مع ما فعله الشهيد باسل الأعرج قبل نحو عام. وثمة سؤال آخر مبكر: لماذا لم يمكث مطارداً أكثر من 20 يوماً؟

العدد ٣٣٩٠

فدائي بيْننا… عاش «أحمد النصر»

قبل تعميم «سلطة أوسلو» لغة التسامح والسلام، كانت بيانات التنظيمات الفلسطينية تُذيَّل بعبارة «الخزي والعار للخونة والعملاء». شركاء «الحل السلمي» أعادوا تدوير الجملة في ماكينة السردية المضادة. هرول العرب قبل العجم نحو التطبيع مع العدو، لتصبح «أدبيات الثورة» مادة تهكمية لدى «الواقعيين» (اقرأ المنبطحين). معاودة إنتاج ثقافة استحالة التغيير واستهداف «الفئة المغامرة» مارسهما 99% من حكومات العالم. النسبة هنا لا تُزعج أنصار الديموقراطية.

العدد ٣٣٩٠

زرع ذاكرة في أرضه واستشهد: هنا مقرّ إقامتي الأخير

 لو كان بالإمكان اختصار سيرة أحمد جرار في قصيدة، لوقع الاختيار على «أحمد الزعتر» للشاعر الراحل محمود درويش. فهو الذي «كان في كل شيء يلتقي بنقيضه»: حين كان ابن ست سنوات لم يحيَ عيشة أترابه المعهودة، إذ وُلِدَ لأبٍ مقاوم يسير إلى المستحيل بأطرافه المبتورة، ويطارده جيشٌ بأكمله كأنما هو بطل أسطوري يصارع وحشاً عملاق، حتى استشهد بعد مطاردة طويلة، وهدم المكان الذي كان يتحصّن فيه فوق رأسه، تماماً كما انتهى المطاف بجرار الابن.

Palestinian Hero Ahmed Nasser Jarrer Martyred by ’Israeli’ Raid

06-02-2018 | 09:22

The Palestinian hero Ahmed Nasser Jarrer of Jenin, was martyred early Tuesday morning in a raid by “Israeli” security forces.

 

Palestinian Hero Ahmed Nasser Jarrer


According to “Israeli” reports, Jarrar was hiding in a complex of buildings in the village of Yamun, 9 kilometers west of Jenin, in the West Bank.

The “Israeli” forces also arrested several Palestinians in the assault.

His martyrdom came after more than a month-long “Israeli” manhunt for him after he killed the apartheid entity’s Rabbi, Raziel Shevach.

A graphic photograph from the scene showed Jarrar lying on the ground, covered in blood and surrounded by M-16 assault rifle ammunition cartridges.

The 22-year-old Jarrar is the son of Hamas Resistance Leader Martyr Nassar Jarrar.

The Martyr father, born in 1958, was imprisoned in 1978.

After he was released from prison in 1998, Jarrar became a senior commander of Hamas’s forces during the Second Intifada of the early 2000s.

In 2001, the elder Jarrar lost both his legs and an arm.

Source: Al-Ahed- Palestine

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اغتيال الملك الأردني

اغتيال الملك الأردني

File:FeisalPartyAtVersaillesCopy.jpg

الملك عبد الله الأول بن الحسين

جعفر البكلي

«قتلوا الملك… قتلوا الملك… طَخّوا الملك عبد الله…». تعالى الصراخ والهرج في المكان، وتدافع الناس هاربين، في كل اتجاه، وقد اعتراهم الرعب والهلع والذعر. واندفع الجنود الأردنيون وراءهم، داخل المصلّى القِبليّ، شاهرين بنادقهم، وقد ركّبوا فيها الحِراب. وسريعاً ما أخذوا يطلقون النار على كل إنسان يجري فزعاً في قاعة الصلاة. وتساقط عشرات الفلسطينيين مضرّجين بدمائهم، في أقدس بقعة في المسجد الأقصى.

كان جنود «الفوج الهاشمي» المكلّفين بحماية الملك عبد الله، يصطادون فرائسهم لا يميّزون في ذلك بين شيخ أو صبيّ. وأودت المذبحة، في داخل الحرم المقدسي، بحياة عشرين فلسطينياً، وأصاب الجنود برصاصهم المتطاير زهاء مئة من المصلّين الآخرين(¹). ولم تلبث أن قدمت تعزيزات من قوات «الفيلق العربي»، فملأ العساكر باحات المسجد الأقصى. وطوّقوا الجامع القبليّ محتجزين كل من فيه من الناس، داخله. كان حسين الفتى الصغير ما زال جاثياً يرتجف بجانب جثة جدّه الذي تفجرت الدماء من تحت عينه اليمنى، فغطّت وجهه وصدره. وسقطت عمامة الشريف من فوق هامته، وتدلت لفائفها في بركة الدم. وحمل الجنود جثمان سيّدهم، وهرعوا به نحو سيّارة، إلى مستشفى «الهوسبيس»، في البلدة القديمة في القدس. وتداعى الجنود الأردنيون، وقد اجتاحتهم رغبة عارمة في الثأر والانتقام، فاندفعوا بأسلحتهم إلى أسواق القدس العتيقة، وهم يطلقون النار على كل من يعترض سبيلهم. ثم أخذوا يكسّرون واجهات المحال، وينهبون ما في الدكاكين، ويضربون التجار بأعقاب البنادق، وبالقبضات. كانت شتائم الأردنيين لا توفّر أحداً من الناس، غير أنّ المفتي الحاج أمين الحسيني حظي بالنصيب الأوفر من اللعنات. أليس هو عدوّ الملك الأول؟! – بلى. وإذاً فلا بدّ أنّ له يداً في مصرع الملك. وكذلك استيقن الأردنيون، في أنفسهم، من هو خصيمهم.

ظلال الرجل المشؤوم

الحاج امين في الوسط

كان الملك عبد الله الأول لا يُخفي مقته للحاج أمين. وكان يطيب له أن يصفه بـ«المشؤوم»، وبأنه رجل لا يظهر ظلّه في بقعة من بقاع الأرض إلّا وسارعت إليها المصائب، وتتالت عليها الكوارث. ولطالما تهكّم الملك الأردني من غريمه، قائلاً إنّ المفتي «المتعوس» أخذ على عاتقه قيادة ثورة فلسطين سنة 1936، فانفرط عقد الثورة. وبعدها، ظهر في العراق نصيراً لرشيد عالي الكيلاني، ففشلت ثورة الكيلاني. وفرّ إلى طهران، فخُلِع شاه إيران.

واستقبله هتلر، فاندحرت جيوش هتلر. واستجار ذلك الرجل بموسوليني، فشُنِق موسوليني وعلّقت جثته من ساقيه. ورحل إلى الملك فاروق في مصر، فانتشر في مصر يوم وصل إليها أمين الحسيني وباء الكوليرا (²)… ولم يكن الملك عبد الله يعلم أنّ ظلّ المفتي «الكريه» سيظهر له هو أيضاً، على عتبات المسجد الأقصى الذي ذهب إليه ظهر يوم 20 تموز 1951، لأداء صلاة الجمعة. وعندما وجد الجنود الأردنيون، وهم يفتشون جثة القاتل ورقة مطوية في جيبه، فيها فتوى تجيز قتل عبد الله، وتَعِد من يقضي على هذا «الخائن» بدخول الجنة؛ فإنهم استيقنوا في أنفسهم أنّ المفتي إيّاه هو الذي دبّج تلك الفتوى. وصدرت الأوامر الأردنية باعتقال كلّ أتباع أمين الحسيني في القدس، فوراًَ.

كان مصطفى شكري عِشّو، قاتل الملك عبد الله، شاباً فلسطينيّاً فقيراً، يشتغل صانع خياط. ولقد انتمى، منذ صباه، إلى أحد تنظيمات المقاومة التي تُدعى «الجهاد المقدّس». وأبغض مصطفى، مثل غيره من الفلسطينيين المتحمسين، الملكَ عبد الله، واعتبره «خائناً، وعميلاً عتيقاً للبريطانيين، ومتعاوناً مع اليهود يستحق الموت».

صورة ذات صلة

ولم تكن صِلة عبد الله بالإنكليز خافية على أحد. لكنّ اتصالاته الأخرى مع الصهاينة سرعان ما فاحت روائحها، وانكشفت للملأ. فقد كان بعض السّاسة الإسرائيليين لا يتورّعون عن المجاهرة بما يدور بينهم وبين عبد الله، في لقاءاتهم السرية المتتالية، ولا يبالون بما تسبّبه تصريحاتهم أو تسريباتهم من فضحٍ للرجل. ومثلاً، فقد كشف حاييم وايزمان، رئيس مجلس الدولة المؤقت لإسرائيل، في مؤتمر صحافي عقده في باريس، بعد إعلان وقف إطلاق النار في حزيران 1948، عن فحوى الاتفاق بين عبد الله وغولدا مائير التي استضافها الملك لتتعشى معه، في قصر رغدان، قبل أربعة أيام من الإعلان عن قيام دولة «إسرائيل»، في 15 أيار 1948. وكان من المصادفات المحضة أنّ تلك الضيافة الملكية لغولدا مائير اتفق لها أن تحصل في اليوم ذاته الذي احتلت فيه قوات «البَلماح» الصهيونية مدينة صفد، وهجّرت منها كل أهلها العرب، وبعد سويعات من انسحاب القوات الأردنية التابعة لـ«جيش الإنقاذ» من مواقعها في المدينة الفلسطينية المنكوبة. وفي ذلك الاجتماع بين الملك الأردني وغولدا مائير اتفق الاثنان على أن لا يقاتل جيش أحدهما الآخر، في الميدان، وأن تُقتسم فلسطين، فيحصل اليهود على نصيبهم المقرّر لهم، ويستولي عبد الله على ما يبقى من الوطن السليب، فيضمّه لمملكته. ثم ما لبثت قصص عبد الله والصهاينة أن شاعت، خصوصاً بعدما هرب عبد الله التل، أحد أبرز القادة العسكريين الأردنيين إلى مصر، وفضح فيها المستور(³).

ولم يكن التل شخصاً عادياً، بل كان مطلعاً على كثير مما يدبَّر بين الأردنيين والإسرائيليين، بحكم منصبه كحاكم عسكري لمدينة القدس. وكان التل هو الذي قاد المعارك في جبهة القدس، أيام حرب 1948. وهو أيضاً الرجل الذي أمره الملك عبد الله، عبر الهاتف في يوم 11 حزيران 1948 – وكان المقاتلون في خضمّ المعركة – بأن يوقف زحف جنوده في الفوج السادس، على المواقع العبرية في القدس (4). ولقد بدت له تلك الأوامر مفجعة، فالجنود كانوا ينظرون إلى النصر، ويمدّون بأيديهم ليقبضوا عليه.

نتيجة بحث الصور عن عبد الله التل

عافَ التل ما يصنعه ملكه، فرحل إلى القاهرة، وانضمّ إلى المعارضة التي يقودها المفتي أمين الحسيني هناك. وأما في الأردن، فقد اعتُبر عبد الله التل خائناً، وسقط من عين الشريف عبد الله. وبعدما وقعت واقعة اغتيال العاهل الهاشمي، خمّن المحققون الأردنيون في احتمال أن يكون التل – وهو الذي كان حاكم القدس قبل سنتين – ضالعاً في الجريمة التي حصلت في المدينة. وصار هناك، إذن، مشتبهان كبيران. وتمّ اعتقال كل من يمتّ بصلةٍ إلى مفتي القدس. واحتجز أكثر من سبعين فرداً من عائلة الحسيني وأتباعه. وحامت الشبهات فوق رؤوس من كانوا أصدقاء لعبد الله التل في الماضي. ثم ضاقت دائرة التحقيقات، فانحصرت في عشرة أنفار، قُدّموا إلى المحكمة العسكرية. وكان عبد الله التل على رأسهم. ولم تدم المحاكمة سوى تسعة أيام، كالَ فيها ممثل الدفاع عن المتهمين مديحاً للمحكمة العسكرية أكثرَ مما رافع عن منوبيه. وفي نهاية المطاف أصدر رئيس المحكمة الفريق عبد القادر الجندي أحكامه بالإعدام لعبد الله التل (5) الذي اعتبر مدبّر المؤامرة، وعلى صديقه موسى أحمد الأيوبي باعتباره متواطئاً في الجريمة. على أنّ هذين كانا في القاهرة فلم يطلهما الأذى. وأمّا الدكتور موسى الحسيني، وقد اتُهم بأنه صلة الوصل بين المحرّضين في مصر، والمنفذين في القدس، فقد تم إعدامه شنقاً، مع عبد القادر فرحات، والشقيقين عابد وزكريا عُكّة. وبرّأت المحكمة العسكرية أربعة متهمين بينهم اثنان من أقرباء أمين الحسيني.

في انتظار الملك «المجنون»

لم تُهدِّأ سرعة القبض على متهمين، وإجراء محاكمة لهم، وتنفيذ الإعدام بهم، مشاعرَ الغضب عند كثير من أبناء العشائر الأردنية. ولقد اعتبر بعض هؤلاء أنّ قتل المليك جريمة فلسطينية شنعاء لا تمسّ بأذاها أفراد العائلة المالكة وحدهم. وعلى الرغم من أنّ جلّ الفلسطينيين في المملكة الهاشمية أبدوا الحزن والأسى، وأعلنوا الحداد على جلالة الفقيد المعظّم، فإنّ المتعصبين في الضفة الشرقية من البلاد لم يصدّقوا بأنّ جيرانهم مستاؤون فعلاً. ومن سوء الحظ أنّ النزق بلغ ببعض الشبّان في مخيمات اللاجئين مبلغه، فأعلنوا جهاراً احتفالات الشماتة. ولم يتأخر ردّ المتعصبين في المعسكر الثاني، فقُتِل ثلاثة من اللاجئين، وجُرح آخرون في مخيّم قرب فندق فيلادلفيا في عمّان. وخوفاً من ردات فعل أخرى غير منضبطة طُوِّق قصر رغدان بالجنود، ولم يسمح لأفراد الرعية بإلقاء النظرة الأخيرة على راعيهم الراحل. وسُيّجت التلة التي سيدفن فيها الملك بالأسلاك الشائكة. وانتظر الجميع رجوع ولي العهد من جنيف لإجراء مراسم الدفن. وكان الأمير طلال يُداوَى، في سويسرا، من أمراض عقلية ما انفكت تلمّ به، وتدفعه كل مرّة إلى تصرفات مجنونة. وقبل أشهر من مصرع والده، كاد طلال أثناء بعض شكوكه وهلوساته، أن يقتل زوجته زين وابنته الصغيرة بسمة.

وفي داخل العائلة الحاكمة، تفجرت بسرعة الأحقاد بين الضرائر، أرامل الملك الثلاث. ولم تسمح الأميرة مصباح بنت ناصر لمراسم الجنازة الملكيّة أن تتمّ، قبل عودة ابنها طلال وليّ العهد، من غيبته القسرية في سويسرا. ولمّا كانت عودة طلال متعذرة في ذلك الوقت، فقد بقي جثمان الملك ممدوداً، ثلاثة أيام، في قاعة العرش في قصر رغدان. وكان جوّ تموز لاهباً، والجثة أخذت تتحلل، والأرملة يابسة الرأس. ولعلها كانت تخشى إذا لم يعد ابنها من غربته، أن يتولى أخوه غير الشقيق نايف مقاليد الحكم في الأردن. وزاد من هواجسها أنّ نايف عُيّن بالفعل وصيّاً على العرش. ولم يتوقف الجنون على الأميرة مصباح، فشقيقة نايف الأميرة مقبولة صنعت هي الأخرى فضيحة عندما توجهت أمام الملأ نحو رئيس الوزراء سمير الرفاعي، وجعلت تتهمه بأنه هو الذي قتل أباها، وتدعو الجنود إلى أن يقتلوه فوراً. وأمّا ناهدة، المحظية السودانية التي أغرم بها عبد الله، فتزوجها ووهب لها معظم أرزاقه، فقد دارت عليها الدوائر، منذ اللحظة التي مات فيها وليّ نعمتها. ولقد حانت ساعة الانتقام الجماعي منها.

Mr. and Mrs. Winston Churchill at Government House reception on March 28th 1921 in Jerusalem. Emir Abdullah of Transjordan and Sir Herbert Samuel on steps at left of Churchill.

وفي مجلس العموم في لندن، قام ونستون تشرشل، وليّ نعمة عبد الله القديم، بتأبين صديقه العربي على طريقته، فقال: «لقد كنت شخصيّاً مسؤولاً عن تعيينه أميراً لشرق الأردن. ولقد كان رجلاً شديد الحماسة، سعى إلى طرد الفرنسيين من سوريا بقوة السلاح، فأقنعته مع لورانس بعدم اتخاذ هذه الخطوة الشاذة. ولقد أقدم على كل المخاطرات ليرضي الذين تعاون معهم. إنّ العرب فقدوا بطلاً عظيماً، واليهود فقدوا صديقاً مؤهلاً لتذليل المصاعب، ونحن فقدنا حليفاً مخلصاً».

الهوامش:

1- Mary Christina Wilson, King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan (Cambridge University Press, 1987) p: 209
2- محمد حسنين هيكل، المفاوضات السرية بين العرب وإسرائيل، الأسطورة والإمبراطورية والدولة اليهودية، الكتاب الأول (دار الشروق طبعة 1996) ص: 214
3- بعد انشقاق عبد الله التل ولجوئه إلى مصر، أفشى الرجل أسرار المفاوضات السرية التي كان يجريها الملك عبد الله مع الصهاينة، وسعيه لعقد اتفاق صلح منفرد مع «إسرائيل». ونشرت جريدة «أخبار اليوم» القاهرية ابتداء من يوم 18 آذار 1951، سلسلة من التقارير اعتمدت فيها على المعلومات التي سرّبها الكولونيل التل عن خفايا ما يجري في قصر الملك عبد الله بالشونة، قرب البحر الميت. وأثارت تلك التقارير سخط الفلسطينيين، أيامها. وبعد ذلك نشر عبد الله التل مذكراته في كتاب سمّاه «كارثة فلسطين»، ونشرته «دار الهدى» المصرية، في سنة 1959.
4- Larry Collins & Dominique Lapierre, O Jerusalem! (Club edition,1972) p: 537
5- بعد سنوات عديدة، من إدانة عبد الله التل في قضية اغتيال الملك عبد الله الأول، عاد الملك حسين، وعَفَا عن الرجل الذي اتُهِم بأنه «قاتل جدّه». ولم يكتفِ حسين بالعفو عن التل وإعادته إلى وطنه، بل احتفى به أيضاً، وعيّنه في عدّة مناصب رسميّة رفيعة في وزارات الداخلية، والخارجية، والأوقاف. ثمّ عيّنه الملك عضواً بمجلس الأعيان عام 1971.
* كاتب عربي

Youngest children held by israel jailed for months

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Israel has sentenced two of the youngest Palestinian children in military custody to months in prison.

Abdel Raouf al-Bilawi, 13, from Dheisheh refugee camp in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, was sentenced to four months for throwing stones at occupation forces, the most common charge leveled against Palestinian children in Israeli military courts, according to prisoners rights group Samidoun.

Al-Bilawi was detained by occupation forces in December and his trial was postponed seven times, until he was sentenced on 22 January. He was also fined $100.

Israeli occupation forces have a policy of deliberately maiming and disabling Palestinian youths who resist their frequent invasions of Dheisheh refugee camp. Many others are arrested.

Al-Bilawi is currently thought to be the youngest Palestinian prisoner held by Israel, according to Shehab News Agency.

 In this video, his mother says that Israel does not see her son as a child and treats him like a grown man.

 “They are not at all taking into consideration that he’s a child.”

Al-Bilawi was interrogated for hours, shackled and verbally abused until he confessed under pressure, his family told local media.

His older brother Ala al-Bilawi has been jailed by Israel for the last six months.

Kangaroo courts

“Israel has the dubious distinction of being the only country in the world that systematically prosecutes an estimated 500 to 700 children each year in military courts lacking fundamental fair trial rights,” according to Defense for Children International-Palestine.

Israel’s military kangaroo courts have a near-100 percent conviction rate for Palestinians.

There are currently about 350 Palestinian children in Israeli jails.

Youngest female prisoner

Razan Abu Sal, 13, was also sentenced on 16 January to four months in prison and a fine of approximately $700, also allegedly for throwing stones.

Razan, from al-Arroub refugee camp in Hebron, is the youngest Palestinian female prisoner held by Israel.

She was arrested with her sister Roa on 13 January in Hebron. Her sister’s case was delayed by the military court.

Palestinian teenager Muhammad Bilal Tamimi was brought before the Israeli military court on 28 January, but no decision was made to release him from detention, which is in its third week.

His mother, Manal Tamimi, wrote about Muhammad’s condition in a Facebook post. This was the first time his parents were able to see him since he was arrested.

“[He] looks very tired, his face turned to yellow and he lost around seven kilos or more,” she wrote. “He didn’t have enough food or sleep during the past 17 days and he went through so many interrogation sessions days and nights.”

Muhammad, 19, was taken prisoner during a night raid on the village of Nabi Saleh on 11 January.

He is a relative of Palestinian child prisoner Ahed Tamimi.

Seized while getting pizza

Abdul Khalik Burnat, 17, from the Palestinian village of Bilin, was also brought before the Ofer military court on 28 January after some 50 days in prison.

His father Iyad Burnat called it “a long day of deliberate humiliations and insults.”

Writing on Facebook, Iyad described: “A court filled with soldiers wearing military uniforms and a child in a cage, his feet in chains, wearing a brown uniform and a broad smile. A smile that says, I am strong!”

Like with so many other children, occupation forces accuse Abdul Khalik of throwing stones at the army or its fortifications.

His father Iyad is a prominent advocate of unarmed resistance in Bilin, who featured in the award-winning documentary 5 Broken Cameras.

Abdul Khalik was “kidnapped, beaten and detained on the night of 10 December while getting pizza along with his friends Hamzah Al-Khatib and Malik Rahdi,” according to Samidoun.

A year ago, Abdul Khalik was shot in the head with a rubber-coated bullet. Israeli forces also previously detained him in a night raid in March 2017, while he was under treatment for his injuries, Samidoun added.

Abdul Khalik’s next hearing was scheduled for 11 February.

Medical neglect

On 25 January, Israel’s high court denied the appeal of a woman with severe burns.

Israa Jaabis, 32, appealed her 11-year sentence citing her “inability to perform essential functions behind bars and the lack of adequate medical treatment provided to her,” according to Samidoun.

Sixty percent of her body is covered in burns and she has lost eight fingers. Jaabis needs multiple surgeries, suffers intense pain and cannot care for herself.

Jaabis, from occupied East Jerusalem, sustained severe burns and other injuries after a cooking gas canister she was transporting caused a fire in her car in October 2015. She was then accused of attempting to detonate the car when she was hundreds of meters from an Israeli checkpoint.

“The situation was treated as a ‘terror attack’ rather than a medical emergency by the occupation forces on the scene,” Samidoun said.

Her family says Jaabis was moving to a new apartment in East Jerusalem and had been transferring furniture for days, including the gas canister when it exploded.

Jaabis had reportedly been told that she would lose her Jerusalem residency if she did not move back to the city.

She is one of 34 Palestinian women, including eight girls, currently being held in HaSharon prison, and one of almost 60 Palestinian women held by Israel.

Death from cancer

Palestinian prisoner Hussein Husni Atallah, 57, died of cancer on 20 January, after spending more than 20 years behind Israeli bars.

Atallah’s son, Muhammad, told the Ma’an News Agency that the family learned of his death from the Red Cross after a severe deterioration in his health.

An Israel court denied repeated requests from his lawyers to release him, despite medical reports from the Red Cross and the prison doctor attesting to the severity of his illness.

After losing consciousness, Atallah was reportedly transferred from Ramle prison to Israel’s Asaf Harofeh hospital.

The Palestinian Authority’s prisoners commission and the Palestinian Prisoners Club condemned Israel’s refusal to allow Atallah to spend his final days with his family.

Meanwhile, Ayoub al-Asa, 33, from the West Bank city of Bethlehem, has been on hunger strike for approximately 20 days.

Israel transferred him from solitary confinement in Ofer prison to solitary confinement in the Naqab prison on 27 January in retaliation for his fast.

Al-Asa is protesting the extension of his detention without charge or trial since he was arrested in June 2017.

Bahraini Emir Mubarak Al Khalifa in Tel Aviv

 February 4, 2018

1

The Bahraini emir Mubarak Al Khalifa visited the Zionist entity in the context of normalizing ties between the regime in Manama and the enemy’s authorities.

The Zionist Telecommunication Minister Ayoob Kara revealed that he met with the Bahraini emir, adding that he would welcome him at Knesset on Monday.

Ayoob posted the photo of his meeting with Mubarak Al Khalifa via Twitter.

A Bahraini governmental delegation visited last December the Zionist entity and had a field tour in the occupied Al-Quds accompanied by a staff from the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

Source: Al-Manar Website

Year In Review: Worst Abuses Against Palestinian Children

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Year In Review: Worst Abuses Against Palestinian Children

 The International Court of Justice and the United Nations General Assembly have both declared that the Separation Wall, built by Israel, is against international law and needs to be removed.
Defense for Children International – Palestine reports on 14 child deaths and at least 961 child injuries at the hands of Israeli forces in 2017; use of excessive force; little to no accountability; an average of over 300 children in the prison system each month, of which 75% are abused and many face solitary confinement.
Children held in Palestinian detention also face solitary confinement and abuse at times.
In Gaza the humanitarian crisis is causing great risk to children: the electricity and clean water shortages are creating a crisis in medical services; travel restrictions, the blockade, and airstrikes are making it difficult to seek treatment. A change in school programming is having a positive impact on children, making them less likely to be influenced by military-type recruitment.
And in the US, HR 4391 is gaining traction: the bill calls for basic due process rights for Palestinian children under Israeli military detention.

Ramallah, January 18, 2018—Last year marked 50 years of Israeli military occupation, with no signs of abatement in Palestinian children’s vulnerability to injury and abusive military arrest in the West Bank. Rapidly devolving living conditions in the Gaza Strip put in jeopardy the most basic human rights, as children became collateral damage in an internal Palestinian political standoff.

Israeli forces’ misuse of crowd control weapons caused critical and permanent injuries to some children while others endured ill-treatment amid high rates of military detention. An electricity crisis in the Gaza Strip led to the most severe downturn in the ongoing humanitarian crisis since Israel imposed a military blockade a decade ago, with hefty repercussions to children’s rights to clean water and health.

Israeli military and police brutality

Israeli forces killed 14 children in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) during 2017, according to Defense for Children International – Palestine documentation. In addition, nine-year-old Mohammad Abu Hdaf died on December 6 due to injuries sustained during an Israeli drone strike in the Gaza Strip in 2014.

Five children were killed by live ammunition during clashes between Palestinians and Israeli forces in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. Five more children accused of committing some kind of attack also sustained fatal gunshot wounds.

Israeli forces shot four Palestinian teenagers inside a car on March 23 during unclear circumstances near the Israeli settlement of Bet El, north of the West Bank city of Ramallah. Mohammad Khattab, 17, died on the spot, and Jasem Nakhleh, 16, succumbed to his wounds 18 days later. The two others sustained serious injuries, but survived.

An Israeli military statement confirmed “hits,” according to local media, but claimed that the children were shot outside their car, while throwing explosives toward the settlement.

Under the condition of anonymity, a witness told DCIP that Mohammad was shot when he got out of his stalled car near Bet El settlement, to push it. Mohammad jumped back into the car to try to escape, but the car did not start, according to DCIP’s source. The witness said Israeli soldiers then approached the car and opened fire on all four children.

Israeli forces routinely employ the use of excessive force and intentional lethal force in situations not justified by international norms, which in some incidents may amount to extrajudicial or wilful killings, according to documentation collected by DCIP.

International law requires that intentional lethal force be used only when absolutely unavoidable where there is a threat to life or serious injury. Where individuals allegedly carry out a criminal act, they should be apprehended in accordance with international law and afforded due process of law.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs(OCHA) reported at least 961 child injuries at the hands of Israeli forces in 2017.

At the time of publication, DCIP had documented 61 child injuries by Israeli forces from a mix of live ammunition, rubber-coated metal bullets, and crowd control weapons in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and 28 in the Gaza Strip in 2017. Of these cases, 33 children sustained injuries to the upper body from crowd control weapons, in some cases causing irreversible damage.

Crowd control weapons are only “less lethal” when fired at the lower body, from a distance of 50 to 60 meters (164 to 197 feet) and not aimed at children, as stipulated by Israel’s own military regulations.

Israeli forces shot at least two children in the face with rubber-coated metal bullets and two children in the head with tear gas canisters during a two-week period in December alone.

An Israeli soldier on December 15 shot Mohammad Tamimi, 15, in the face at close range with a rubber-coated steel bullet in the West Bank town of Nabi Saleh. The bullet lodged in the back of his skull and caused severe bleeding in his brain.

Days before, 14-year-old Mohammad al-Farani was hit in the face with a tear gas canister shot by Israeli forces from a military watchtower 50 meters (55 yards) away on the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel. He suffered a fractured cheekbone, head gash, internal bleeding in the brain, and permanent loss of his right eye.

The injuries took place as Israeli authorities used excessive force to quash widespread protests that erupted across the OPT following the United States’ recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital on December 6. Heightened violence was ongoing as the year came to a close.

Evidence collected by DCIP also showed that Palestinian children in East Jerusalem were particularly vulnerable to misuse of black sponge-tipped plastic bullets by Israeli forces.

Jerusalem residents Nour al-Din Mustafa, 13, and Tareq Mohammad, 15, suffered permanent eye loss after being hit with black sponge-tipped plastic bullets. Neither child was involved in confrontations at the time of injury.

Accountability is extremely rare in cases where Israeli forces are accused of committing crimes against Palestinian children. Israeli rights group Yesh Din reported that of 186 internal investigations into Israeli soldiers accused of harming Palestinians in 2015, only 3.1 percent of cases yielded an indictment.

Among Palestinian children killed by Israeli forces in recent years, only one incident, the fatal shooting of Nadeem Nawara, 17, in May 2014, has resulted in both an investigation and indictment.

Children in Israeli military custody

Between February and November, an average of 310 Palestinian children were in the Israeli prison system each month for “security offences,” according to Israel Prison Service (IPS) data. Among them were an average of 60 children between the ages of 12 and 15. The IPS does not release the yearly total number of incarcerated Palestinian children and has stopped consistently releasing monthly data since May 2016.

Israel has the dubious distinction of being the only country in the world that systematically prosecutes an estimated 500 to 700 children each year in military courts lacking fundamental fair trial rights. Children within the Israeli military system commonly report physical and verbal abuse from the moment of their arrest, and coercion and threats during interrogations.

Israeli border guards detain a Palestinian youth during a demonstration outside Lions Gate, a main entrance to Al-Aqsa mosque compound, in Jerusalem's Old City on July 17. (Photo: AFP / Ahmad Gharabli)

Israeli border guards detain a Palestinian youth during a demonstration outside Lions Gate, a main entrance to Al-Aqsa mosque compound, in Jerusalem’s Old City on July 17. (Photo: AFP / Ahmad Gharabli)

Large-scale demonstrations, marches and clashes throughout the West Bank following U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to publicly recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in December corresponded with a spike in the number of Palestinian child detainees.

Louay al-Mansi, a Palestinian prisoner in charge of juveniles at Israel’s Ofer military prison, told DCIP that some 78 children arrived in December, more than doubling the number of child detainees to be newly incarcerated in the military facility from the month before.

Among those held in Ofer was 16-year-old Fawzi J., detained in the southern West Bank city of Hebron on December 7. He told DCIP lawyer Farah Bayadsi that by the time he arrived to interrogation, one of his shoes had been kicked off and he had been repeatedly beaten and verbally abused for nearly two hours.

“When I arrived at the checkpoint, I remember my face bleeding, mostly my lips because of the beating. They took me to a room, knocked me down to the floor and began kicking me all over my body,” Fawzi said a sworn testimony.

Fawzi told DCIP lawyer Farah Bayadsi of the extreme pain in his right shoulder, prompting her to demand a medical check-up on December 25 that confirmed a fractured shoulder sustained during his arrest. Late on December 27, Fawzi was released on 10,000 shekels (around US$2,900) bail and a third-party bond in the same amount. DCIP filed a complaint over his ill-treatment while in Israeli military detention.

DCIP collected affidavits from 137 West Bank children detained and prosecuted under the jurisdiction of Israeli military courts in 2017. The data shows that 74.5 percent of children endured some form of physical violence following arrest and 62 percent were verbally abused, intimidated, or humiliated.

Israeli soldiers arrest Palestinian demonstrators amid clashes in the West Bank village of Beita, southeast of Nablus city, on April 21. (Photo: APF / Jaafar Ashtiyeh)

Israeli soldiers arrest Palestinian demonstrators amid clashes in the West Bank village of Beita, southeast of Nablus city, on April 21. (Photo: APF / Jaafar Ashtiyeh)

Of the 137 children, 26 were held in solitary confinement for interrogation purposes for an average period of 12 days. The longest period of isolation for a child that DCIP documented in 2017 was 23 days.

At least five Palestinian minors were placed in administrative detention in 2017, a form of imprisonment based on secret evidence without charge or trial. Of these, three were released without charge after a period of two to seven months, leaving two still in administrative detention at year’s end. Another teenager placed under administrative detention in August 2016 when 17 years old, spent his 18th month in prison without charge or trial.

Israel has placed a total of 25 Palestinian minors in administrative detention since October 2015 when it renewed the practice against individuals under the age of 18.

International juvenile justice standards, which Israel has obliged itself to implement by ratifying the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991, demand that children should not be deprived of their liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time.

Children in Palestinian detention

Palestinian security forces in the West Bank exhibited patterns of abuse against Palestinian children detained in 2017.

DCIP investigation into child detentions by Palestinian security forces showed they carried out arbitrary detentions through a non-transparent process rife with rights violations, including the use of solitary confinement and torture.

DCIP obtained information on 16 West Bank children arbitrarily detained by Palestinian security services other than the police in 2017, all except four at the hands of the Palestinian Preventive Security Service.

In one of the cases DCIP documented, the Preventive Security Service held a 17-year-old from Nablus in solitary confinement for three days in September, interrupted by physically abusive interrogation sessions without the presence of a lawyer or family member.

“I could not bear to stay in that facility, and I was thinking of a way to put pressure on them to let me out,” the teenager told DCIP in a sworn testimony. “I found a small metal object on the window, and I used it to make several cuts on my left forearm.”

The interrogators accused the teenager of manufacturing a weapon and possessing a pistol. “They shouted at me and threatened to hit me,” the teenager told DCIP. “In one session, [one of the interrogators] slapped me around 20 times on my neck.”

After an estimated 70 hours in detention at the Preventive Security headquarters in Nablus, the teenager was released.

The Palestinian Authority is legally obligated to abide by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which it ratified in 2014, and the Palestinian juvenile protection law passed in 2016.

While signing these safeguards indicated progress in Palestinian Authority’s treatment of children, violations documented by DCIP in 2017 indicate gaps in fully aligning domestic juvenile legal framework and its implementation with international standards.

The juvenile protection law was only implemented in the West Bank owing to the political division between the Hamas-led government in the Gaza Strip and the Palestinian Authority. Accordingly, Gazan children remain subject to the outdated British Juvenile Offenders Ordinance of 1938.

DCIP documentation showed that children in conflict with the law in the Gaza Strip are also at severe risk of rights violations and ill-treatment, including torture, during detention.

Based on six cases documented by DCIP in 2017, three children endured torture during police interrogations. A fourth child was reportedly physically abused by police station guards and adult prisoners with whom he was forced to share a cell, prompting the boy’s suicide attempt and resulting death on September 22.

Downward spiral in the Gaza Strip

While the Gaza Strip began the year already entrenched in a humanitarian crisis, 2017 brought new threats to children’s human rights, especially at the peak of the electricity crisis.

Political divisions between rival Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas, along with taxation disputes, contributed to a serious degradation in children’s right to health, including clean water and medical care.

The Fatah-led Palestinian Authority stopped payments for a portion of the Gaza Strip’s electricity supply, bringing electricity levels to an all time low. Electricity shortages decreased children’s access to basic and emergency care, also increasing wait times for specialized medical services and surgeries. Without power, children with illnesses and disabilities reliant on medical equipment struggled to charge and use their equipment.

Around the same period, the Palestinian Authority pulled funding from the Gaza Strip’s already decimated health sector and local news outlets reported 30 to 70 percent cuts to Gazan civil servant salaries.

Palestinian children doing their homeworks during a power cut in an impoverished area in Gaza City, on September 11, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Mahmud Hams)

A Palestinian nurse tends to a newborn at the neonatal intensive care unit at the UAE hospital in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on June 27, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Said Khatib)

Palestinian school girls walk in a flooded street during heavy rain in Gaza City on November 21, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Mahmud Hams)

(Top): Palestinian children doing their homeworks during a power cut in an impoverished area in Gaza City, on September 11, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Mahmud Hams) (Bottom Left): A Palestinian nurse tends to a newborn at the neonatal intensive care unit at the UAE hospital in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on June 27, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Said Khatib) (Middle): Palestinian school girls walk in a flooded street during heavy rain in Gaza City on November 21, 2017. (Photo: AFP / Mahmud Hams) Reconciliation efforts started in October between the rival factions reached an impasse at the end of the year. UN Coordinator for Humanitarian Aid and Development Activities Robert Piper said in a statement that “most of the measures adopted by the Palestinian Authority since March 2017, which triggered the latest deterioration in the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, are yet to be eversed.”

School program reduces child recruitment risk

In a positive move for children’s rights in the Gaza Strip, government-run schools removed military-style drills from their Futuwwa, or youth, programs that focus on civics and health.

A DCIP 2014 investigation found strong links between the school-based Futuwwa program and highly attended winter camps hosted by Palestinian armed groups, which took place off school premises.

Following amendments to government school programs in 2017, neither the Futuwwa program nor the summer and winter camps appeared to constitute child recruitment under international standards. DCIP, however, remained deeply concerned at the potential of the program and the camps to serve as vehicles for future recruitment.

DCIP in 2017 found no evidence that children in the Gaza Strip were being used or recruited by Palestinian armed groups for any role in armed conflict, in the context of these programs. However, pervasive poverty keeps children vulnerable to recruitment and other forms of child labor.

Palestinian child bill gathers Congressional support

DCIP leads efforts to support the first-ever bill in U.S. Congress focused on Palestinian human rights, specifically grave human rights violations against Palestinian child detainees. The bill, titled Promoting Human Rights by Ending Israeli Military Detention of Palestinian Children Act or H.R. 4391, prohibits U.S. financial assistance to Israel from being used to support the  ill-treatment and torture of Palestinian children in military detention.

The bill, which was introduced by Rep. Betty McCollum on November 14, had 19 co-sponsors by year’s end. The aim is to establish, as a minimum safeguard, a U.S. demand for basic due process rights for Palestinian children under Israeli military detention. This extends to an absolute prohibition against the torture and ill-treatment of detained minors, in keeping with both U.S. and international law.

The bill falls in line with concerns long recorded by the U.S. Department of State. In March, for the 10th consecutive year, the annual report on Israel made note of the prevalence of ill-treatment toward Palestinian children and Israeli military courts’ denial of their fair trial rights.

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