Weekly report on israel’s terrorism on Palestinians (01 August – 07 August 2019)

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (01– 07 August 2019)

Israeli violations of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory

01 – 07 August 2019

 

  • Great March of Return in Eastern Gaza Strip: 72 civilians injured, including 30 children, 3 women, one of them is a paramedic, and 2 journalists by Israeli forces. 
  • West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 2 Civilians Injured. 
  • 91 civilians, including 9 children, arrested during 65 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. 
  • 5 civilians, including 2 children, arrested in eastern Gaza Strip, and 5 shooting incidents reported in the area. 
  • A house demolished by Israeli forces and a woman forced to self-demolish her house in Jerusalem; also 4 under-construction barracks demolished in Beit Jala. 
  • 5 shooting incidents reported against Palestinian fishing boats off Gaza shores, and a fisherman arrested and his boat confiscated.                                                
  • 37 temporary checkpoints established in the West Bank, where 9 Palestinian civilians were arrested. 

 

Summary 

During the reporting period, PCHR documented 124 violations of the international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli forces and settlers in the occupied Palestinian territory.

In terms of violation to the right to life and bodily integrity, Israeli forces injured 74 Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank: 72 of them, including 30 children, 3 women, one of them is a paramedic, and 2 journalists at the Great March of Return.

Israel carried out 65 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, and raided civilian houses attacking and enticing fear among residents. Moreover, 91 Palestinians were arrested, including 9 children. Only one incursion was conducted into the northern Gaza Strip. Furthermore, 5 civilians, including 2 children, were arrested from the border areas in Khan Younis and Rafah while attempting to sneak to Israel.

Additionally, 8 incidents were documented by PCHR under expanded settlement activity as the Israeli forces demolished a residential house and forced a female civilian to self-demolish her house in Jerusalem. Also, a tractor and a vehicle were confiscated in the northern Jordan valley, 4 barracks and an under-construction building were demolished in Beit Jala.

During the reporting period, Israeli naval forces further continued their attacks against the Palestinian fishermen and their equipment at sea though sailing within the allowed fishing area.  This week witnessed 5 shooting incidents against the fishermen and their boats.  Further, this week witnessed 4 shooting incidents in Khan Younis area.

It should be highlighted that Israel continues its closure policy on the Gaza Strip for the 14th consecutive year, severely restricting the freedom of movement of persons and goods and isolating the Gaza Strip from the West Bank and the rest of the world. Meanwhile, the West Bank is divided into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation and with temporary and permanent checkpoints. During this week, 37 temporary military checkpoints were erected, and 9 Palestinian civilians were arrested there.

 

Violation of the right to life and to bodily integrity

 

Excessive Use of Force

The 69th Great March of Return took off in eastern Gaza Strip on Friday, 02 August 2019, titled “Solidarity with Crimes against Wadi al-Humus.” The Israeli attacks resulted in the injury of 73 civilians, including 30 children, 3 women including a paramedic, and 2 journalists.

 

The incidents were as follows:

 Excessive Use of Force against the Great March of Return in the Gaza Strip

  • Northern Gaza Strip: 1500 protesters participated in Abu Safiyah area protests, northeast of Jabalia; only tens approached the border fence and threw stones. The protest involved activities such as national songs of the Palestinian heritage, speeches by political leaders in addition to raising the Palestinian flag. Israeli forces, stationed along the fence, fired live and rubber bullets as well as teargas canisters at the protesters. As a result, 20 of them were injured, including 10 children, 2 women and 1 security officer: 11 were shot with live bullets, 5 were shot with rubber bullets; and 4, all children, were directly hit with tear gas canisters. Yasser Salah Mohammed al-Tanneh (16) sustained a bullet wound to his upper thighs severely damaging a main blood vessel. Paramedic Wafa’a Omar Khamis Jaber (24) was shot with a rubber bullet in her left ankle. 
  • Gaza City: hundreds of civilians marched in eastern Malakah area, east of Gaza City. Speeches, theatrical performances and other segments were performed at the protest central encampment. Palestinian security forces spread along Jakar street and denied civilians access to the border fence; nonetheless, a handful managed to approach the fence at a 100 meters distance, threw stones at the border and Israeli soldiers responded with live ammunition. No injuries were reported for the first time since the outbreak of the protests.
  • Central Gaza Strip:  hundreds of civilians, including women, children and families, took part in the eastern Bureij refugee camp protests; tens approached the border fence at a range varying between 2 – 70 meters. , and some of them attempted to throw stones at Israeli soldiers with slingshots. The Israeli soldiers, reinforced with 9 military SUVs, responded with live and rubber bullets in addition to teargas canisters at the protesters, wounding 16 civilians, including 4 children, a woman and a journalist: 8 were shot with live bullets and shrapnel, 5 were directly hit with teargas canisters and 3 were shot with rubber bullets. Most of the injuries were documented in the upper body. Israeli forces deployed a sewage water pump against the protestors. At approximately 17:50, while present 200 meters away from the fence, journalist Usama Sharif Mohammed al-Kahlout (35), from Deir al-Balah, was shot with a live bullet to the left leg and was transferred to the hospital for treatment.
  • Khan Younis:  protests took place in Khuza’a, where Ahmed al-Qarra and Hany Abu-Selmy, who were killed by Israeli forces this week were commemorated. Dozens approached the border fence and threw stones at it, Israeli soldiers shot back; as a result, 17 civilians were injured, including 10 children and a journalist: 4 were shot with live bullets and shrapnel and 4 were directly hit with a tear gas canister and 9 were shot with rubber bullets. The injured journalist is Hatem Saadi Saleh Omar (39), from Rafah, and he was wearing a flak jacket with “PRESS” clearly imprinted on it. Mr. Omar is a reporter for Xinhua News Agency and he sustained two rubber bullet wounds in his legs while videotaping the events at least 130 meters away from the fence. Furthermore, dozens of civilians, suffocated due to teargas inhalation.

 

  • Rafah: Hundred participated in the eastern Shokah protests, where folklore shows, and speeches were held. Dozens approached the border fence and threw stones. The Israeli soldiers used live and rubber bullets and teargas canisters against the protestors. As a result, 13 civilians were injured, including 4 children: 3 were shot with live bullets and shrapnel, 3 shot with rubber bullets and 7 were hit with tear gas canisters. Mohammed Zaher Wassel Abu-Zaid (15) sustained serious wounds after being hit with a tear gas canister directly to the head.

Excessive Use of Force against Protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

  • After the Friday prayer, 02 August 2019, Israeli forces dispersed a peaceful protest in Wadi al-Humus neighborhood in Sour Baher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem. Hundreds of civilians participated in the protest denouncing the Israeli forces’ demolition of tens of residential houses in the area and the planned demolitions. Israeli soldiers attacked the civilians and fired tear gas canisters at them. As a result, tens of civilians suffered tear gas inhalation. Photojournalist Eyad Namer Hamad (61) was beaten by the soldiers, causing him bruises to the foot and was transferred to Beit Jala Hospital. Hamad stated to PCHR that the soldiers detained him in order to prevent him from recording the weekly Friday activities in Wadi al-Hummus neighborhood. The soldiers also isolated him from his colleagues and then attacked him. Also, Hasan Brijiyah, from the Popular Anti-Settlement Committee in Bethlehem, was arrested.
  • At approximately 13:30 on Friday afternoon, 02 August 2019, Palestinians from Kufor Qaddoum village, northeast of Qalqiliyah launched their weekly peaceful protest and headed towards the village’s eastern entrance that has been closed by Israeli forces for the past 15 years in favor of “Kedumim” settlement. The demonstrators chanted national slogans demanding end of the occupation and protested the Israeli forces’ crimes against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. The protestors threw stones at the Israeli soldiers stationed behind sand berms while the soldiers fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, 2 civilians were wounded. 

Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity

 

  • At approximately 23:00 on Saturday, 03 August 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, opened fire for few minutes at agricultural lands in eastern al-Sanati area, and no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 05:00 on Sunday, 04 August 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia shore in northern Gaza strip, heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives; neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 08:45 on Sunday, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire for few minutes at agricultural lands and shepherds in eastern Khuza’a village, and no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 04:00 on Monday, 05 August 2019, Israeli forces stationed off Sheikh ‘Ejlin shore in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire and pumped water at 2 Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 7 nautical miles. As a result, Abdullah Mefleh Khalil Abu Rayalah (13) fell in water in addition to 2 engines from the boat belonging to Falah Mohammed Abu Ryalah; and 12 fishing nets from the boat that belongs to Mohsen Khalil Abu Ryalah. According to statement of Abdullah Abu Ryalah, at approximately 17:00 on Sunday, 04 August 2019, he accompanied his father Mefleh Abu Ryalah (42), and uncle in addition to other fishermen. He got into a boat owned by his grandfather Khalil Abu Ryalah. The fishermen went for fishing off Shiekh ‘Ejlin shore in southern Gaza Strip. At approximately 04:00 on Monday, at dawn, 05 August 2019, Israeli gunboats approached the boats and then pumped water at their boat in addition to another boat belonging to Abdullah’s uncle Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Ryalah. As a result, Abdullah fell in water and the boat’s engine was broken. Abdullah could not swim, so his cousin Mohammed jumped into water and rescued him. The Israeli naval forces ordered the fishermen to transfer Abdullah to the gunboat where he received first aid and then returned him to his companions. Upon their arrival to the Gaza Seaport, Abdullah was taken to al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Monday, 05 August 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire for few minutes at agricultural lands in al-Qararah and al-Fukhari villages in western Gaza Strip. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 05:30 on Tuesday, 06 August 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed in western Rafah in southern Gaza strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 11:00 on the same day, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Gaza City, heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. They surrounded a fishing boat manned by ‘Awad Tareq Abdul Razeq Baker (22), from al-Remal neighborhood, and owned by his brother Majd. As a result, the boat was broken and confiscated and Baker was arrested.
  • At approximately 16:35 on Tuesday, 06 August 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire for few minutes at a group of Palestinian young men, who were in eastern Khuza’a village; no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 22:00 on Tuesday, 06 August 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Rafah shore in southern Gaza Strip, sporadically opened fire for an hour at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, no arrests were reported.

 

  1. Incursions and Arrests

 

Thursday, 01 August 2019:

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Qalqiliyah. They raided and searched a house belonging to Oseid Hani Mousa Jdou’ (20) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit ‘Awa village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Bilal Mahmoud ‘Essa Suwiti (22) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Wad al-Yamoun village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Anwar ‘Ali Fares Abu al-Hasan (38) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:20, large Israeli military force moved into Deir Netham village, northwest of Ramallah. Tens of Palestinian young men gathered in the village streets and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli forces, who replied with live and rubber bullets at them. The soldiers also fired tear gas canisters at houses. As a result, dozens of civilians suffer tear gas inhalation, fainting and seizures and they received treatment on the spot. Furthermore, the soldiers raided and searched several houses in the village and then arrested 18 civilians taking them to the investigation center in “Halamish” settlement, and then released them 5 hours later.

(the names of the arrestees are available at PCHR)

 

  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces stopped a bus at the eastern entrance to al-Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem and then arrested 5 civilians accompanying the village children. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Issawiyia Follow-up Committee, said that the Israeli Intelligence Service chased, stopped and detained a bus carrying about 35 children aged between 8 – 12 years and at the village entrance. Abu al-Humus added that Israeli forces and 3 Intelligence officers forced the bus driver to drive towards the military camp at al-‘Issawiyah eastern entrance where they thoroughly searched the bus and imposed about NIS 1000 for the driver and withdrew. Abu al-Humus pointed out that the Israeli forces released the driver and children while arrested 5 guides: Mahmoud Shehadah Mustafa, Abdul Nasser ‘Obeid, Younis ‘Ali Nasser, Morad al-Shloudi, Nidal ‘Elyan.
  • At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence in eastern al-Shoka village, east of Rafah in southern Gaza Strip, arrested Hamzah Ehmoud Suleiman Abu Qershain (18) and his brother al-Husein (17), who suffers from impaired mobility in lower extremities, when they approached the border fence. Hamzah told PCHR’s fieldworker that Israeli soldiers fired several live bullets at them while grazing their sheep. The soldiers forced them at gunpoint to take off their clothes and cross the border fence to Israel. After questioning them in a military vehicle, the arrestees were taken to Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing in northern Gaza Strip. Hamzah and his brother were released at approximately 23:00 on the same day.
  • At approximately 16:30, Israeli forces arrested Wasim Eyad Dari (17) in al-‘Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. The soldiers beat Wasim causing him several fractures in the left hand in addition to bruises throughout his body. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Issawiyia Follow-up Committee, stated that Israeli forces attacked, dragged and then handcuffed Wasim taking him to a police vehicle. Abu al-Humus mentioned that the Israeli forces also attacked and pushed Wasim’s grandmother, Sabah Dari (60). As a result, she fainted and was taken to Hadassah Medical Center – al-‘Issawiyah to receive medical treatment.
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in Hebron and al-Thaheriyah village, south of the city; and Howarah village, south of Nablus. No arrests were reported.

 

Friday, 02 August 2019:

 

  • At approximately 15:30, Israeli forces moved into Tal village, southwest of Nablus. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mahmoud Ahmed Saleh Hamed Ramadan (17) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 17:00, Israeli forces moved into Qabatyah village, southeast of Jenin and patrolled the streets. Meanwhile, a number of Palestinian children and youngsters gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli forces, while the latter used tear gas canisters against them. As a result, dozens of civilians suffered tear gas inhalation. The soldiers chased the protestors and then arrested Bilal al-Sa’di (16) and Khalid Nazal (17).
  • At approximately 18:30, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence in eastern Abu Safiyah area, northeast of Jabalia in northern Gaza Strip, arrested Ra’ed ‘Awad Mohammed Abu Wardah (23), from Beit Lahia after crossing the border fence. At approximately 09:00 on Saturday, 03 August 2019, Israeli forces released Abu Wardah through Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing in northern Gaza Strip. According to field investigations, Abu Wardah was participating in the March of Return and Breaking Siege activities before crossing the border fence.
  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in Um al-Tout and al-Jomlah villages in Jenin; Sa’ir and Nuba villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.                                           

Saturday, 03 August 2019:

  • At approximately 13:40, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tarah checkpoint, south of Nablus arrested 3 civilians, from Qalqiliyah, namely: Salem Riyad Abu ‘Aba’ah (25), Mohammed Mesleh Nazal (25) and Hasan Amin Qawas (25).
  • In the evening hours, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence arrested Mohammed ‘Awad Hamdan Abu Hagras (17), from Bani Suheila, east of Khan Younis, while attempting to sneak through the border fence in eastern al-Rannah area, east of the city. on Sunday, at morning, 04 August 2019, the Israeli forces released Mohammed through Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing, north of the Gaza Strip.
  • At approximately 22:00, Israeli forces stationed at Shu’fat military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem, arrested Ahmed Yusuf al-Ghazawi (26) and Nassar Jaber (23).

 

Sunday, 04 August 2019

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Qabatiyah village, southeast of Jenin They raided and searched several houses from which they arrested 3 civilians, from al-Hesbah area at the western village entrance. The arrestees were identified as: Ahmed Abdul Latif Zakarnah (22), Feras Hasan Abu al-Rab (33) and Ahmed Jamal al-Badawi (25)
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Wadi Qaddoum neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Ahmed Walid al-Ghoul (21) and Jamal Mohammed al-Ghoul (19) and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched a number of houses after which they arrested Mohammed Mar’ai Darbas (20), ‘Ali Mohammed ‘Ali ‘Obaid (19), ‘Odai ahmed Dari (19) and ‘Ala’a Mohammed Dari (22).
  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces stationed at ‘Annab checkpoint, east of Tulkarm, arrested ‘Ammar Jihad ‘Oufer (26), from Noor Shams refugee camp, east of Tulkarm.
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in Hebron, Dora and Sebastia village, northwest of Nablus. No arrests were reported.

 

Monday, 05 August 2019:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched a house belonging to Loai ‘Odah Salama (21) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Bita village, south of Nablus. They raided and searched a house belonging to Bahjat ‘Izzat Aqtash (30) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested 5 civilians, including 3 children. The arrestees were identified as Ihab Kamal Salem Jawabrah (16), ‘Anan Nidal Hasan al-Shareef (15), Akram ‘Abed al-Rahman al-Shareef (16), Ahmed Rafat al-Badawi (19), and Jamal Hisham Mohamed Janazrah (20). Moreover, the Israeli forces handed 4 other civilians, including a child, summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem. Those civilians were identified as ‘Ali Hasan al-Shareef (13), Mohamed Naser al-Badawi (18), Obai Mohamed Jawabrah (25), and Iyyas Hani Ja’arah (20).
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into ‘Azoun village, east of Qalqiliyia. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Yousef Saqer Saleem (21) and Anas Yousef Salama (25) and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Nour Shams refugee camp, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched a house belonging to Esam Isma’il Mohamed al-‘Aloul (46) and then arrested him with his son Laith (25).
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Taqqou’ village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Mo’min Ratib al-‘Amour (16) and Mahmoud ‘Ali al-‘Amour (16) and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli forces arrested Ahmed Mohamed al-Khatib (25), from Jayyous village, northeast of Qalqiliyia, while referring to the Israeli Intelligence Service upon a prior notice.
  • At approximately 18:00, the Israeli authorities prevented holding 2 memorial services of the late Dr. Subhi Ghosha and the late athlete Ahmed ‘Adaliyah in occupied East Jerusalem, claiming that the 2 memorial services were sponsored by the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Eyewitnesses said that the Israeli forces raided and surrounded “Yabous” center on al-Zahra Street in the central of occupied East Jerusalem. The Israeli forces forced attendees out of the hall and attacked them. The eyewitnesses also said that the Israeli forces checked the attendees’ IDs and handed some of them summonses for interrogation. Moreover, the Israeli forces fixed a decision from Gilad Ardan, the Minister of Internal Security, on the center’s door to prevent holding the memorial service. He claimed that the Subhi Ghosha memorial service was sponsored by the PNA.
  • Around the same time, the Israeli authorities prevented holding the closing ceremony of the late Ahmed ‘Adaliyah in the Young Men Christian Association (YMCA) in al-Shaiekh Jarrah neighborhood in the center of occupied Jerusalem. The ceremony was organized by Jerusalem’s Sport Federation Group.
  • Israeli forces carried out (5) incursions in al-Zababdah and al-Kufair villages, southeast of Jenin; Bani Na’iem and Surif villages and al-Fawar refugee camp in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Tuesday, 06 August 2019:

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Izzariyah village, east of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and then arrested Tariq Saleh al-Amouri (28); Mothafar Abu Roumi (32); and Majd Abu Roumi (25).
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Kafer Dan village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Farouq ‘Abed (40), and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Zakareya ‘Elian (19), and then arrested him.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Barqin village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Ali Abdul Qader Atiq (27), a reporter at al-Watan News Agency; and Mahdi Jamil ‘Asib (27), and arrested them.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Fawar Refugee Camp, south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Fares Adel al-Titi (23), and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Ouja village, northeast of Jericho. They raided and searched a house belonging to Haitham Awad Jarahid (22) and his brother Marwan (24), and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:45, Israeli forces moved into northen ‘Asira village, north of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and then arrested (9) civilians, namely: Darar Ahmed Hamadna (58); his son ‘Amr (30); Adham Tahseen al-Shouli (30); Monadel Ali Abdul Fattah Sa’ada (33); Hamza Abdullah Yaseen (30); Omar Nidal Daghles (27); Bara’a Yasin Abdul Fattah Jarara’a (30); Ahmed Ibrahim Sawalha (27); and Asim Jamal Daghles (25).
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Aida Refugee Camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Shadi Mohammed Abu ‘Akar (35) and Abdul Raziq Mowafaq al-Badawna (29), and then arrested them.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Adel Mousa al-Sayed Ahmed (19), and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians, namely: Fayez Mohammed Mohaisen (18); Jihad Bader (19); and Mohammed Wa’el Obaid (22).
  • Israeli forces conducted (2) incursions in al-Burj and Sa’ir Villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Wednesday, 07 August 2019:

                                        

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Aida refugee camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Suleiman Musalam al-Debes (15) and Mohammed Jamal Roumi (18), and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mahmoud Mohammed Doqdoq (28) and his brother Ali (23), and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Doha village, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched a house belonging to Malik Hasan al-Zaghari (24), and then arrested them.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Qalqiliya. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Anas Wajeeh Abatli (25) and his brother Adam (20), and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Tabaqa village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ra’ed Badawi Hamdan (39) and then handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli forces backed by a number of military construction vehicles moved about 100 meters into eastern al-Buraij refugee camp. The vehicles leveled lands along the border fence with Israel. Few hours later, the vehicles were redeployed along the border fence.
  • Israeli forces conducted (3) incursions in al-Aroub refugee camp; Dura and Nuba village in Hebron. No arrest were reported.

 

Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank including occupied East Jerusalem

 

  1. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Settlement Expansion Activities 
  • At approximately 06:30 on Tuesday, 06 August 2019, Israeli forces moved into al-Boqi’ah Plain in the northern Jordan Valley, a part of Area (B), which is under Palestinian jurisdiction as per the 1993 Oslo Accords. They stopped a vehicle driven by Moayad Fakhri Mohamed ‘Ali Daraghmah (42) and a tractor belonging to al-Forat agricultural company. The vehicle and tractor were confiscated and Daraghmah was arrested.
  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces demolished 4 barracks and the concrete foundations of an under-construction house in Bir ‘Onah area, north of Beit Jala, in addition to a carwash near “Rachel’s Dome” checkpoint, north of Bethlehem. Eyewitnesses said that the Israeli forces provided protection for the Israeli bulldozers that moved into Bir ‘Onah area in Beit Jala and demolished concrete foundations and barracks belonging to Mahmoud Ghunaim and Mahmoud Razinah. It should be noted that the Israeli forces demolished barracks and facilities belonging to Mahmoud Razinah 2 months ago, despite having documents proving his ownership. Bir ‘Onah area is exposed to the Israeli authorities’ attacks, including demolishing buildings and barracks, in order to vacate the area for settlement expansion. The Israeli forces continued to demolish buildings in the mentioned areas under the pretext of being near the annexation wall, which isolates Beit Jala village and Bethlehem from occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 09:00, the Israeli Municipality bulldozers demolished a residential house belonging to Eyad Saleem al-Kasawani in Beit Hanina area, north of occupied Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Al-Kasawani said that the Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles moved into the neighborhood and surrounded his house after forcibly getting his family out. The military construction vehicles demolished his house comprised of 2 apartments built on an area of 140 square meters. The house sheltering 6 persons was built 17 years ago. Al-Kasawani said that he received the demolition notice few days ago and there was no time to challenge.
  • On Tuesday, Diala Abu Irmilah implemented the Israeli Municipality decision and self-demolished her under-construction house in al-‘Issawiyia village, northeast of occupied Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Diala said that she self-demolished her house to avoid paying fines estimated at NIS 70,000.

 

  1. Israeli Settler Violence 
  • At approximately 22:00 on Thursday, 01 August 2019, dozens of buses carrying hundreds of Israeli settlers moved into ‘Urtah village, southeast of Nablus, under the Israeli forces’ protection. The buses stopped near religious shrines, the settlers stepped out of the buses and performed their prayers. On Friday, 02 August 2019, the Israeli forces and settlers withdrew from the village and no more incidents were reported.
  • At approximately 13:30 on Sunday, 04 August 2019, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Halmish” settlement, threw stones at Palestinian civilians present adjacent to the settlement street near al-Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah. As a result, the Palestinian civilians sustained minor bruises throughout their bodies.
  • At approximately 19:00 on Monday, 05 August 2019, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Yitzhar” settlement, attacked the outskirts of ‘Oreef village from the eastern side. The settlers threw stones at a house belonging to Jamal ‘Abed Yousef Shehadah and broke its windows, causing fear among the house residents. The one-story-house, which is located near ‘Oreef secondary school for boys, shelters 9 persons, including 6 children.
  • At approximately 01:30 on Tuesday, 06 August 2019, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Yitzhar” settlement, attacked the northern of Nablus. The settlers threw stones at ‘Oreef secondary school for girls and al-Nour Wedding Hall. As a result, the wedding hall windows were broken. 

 

Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods

                                  

The Gaza Strip

As the Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip enters its 14th consecutive year this July, severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of persons and goods enhance the de facto separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Moreover, Israeli naval forces imposed a blockade, chased fishermen, opened fire at them, and confiscated their fishing equipment. During the reporting period, 5 shooting incidents and chasing fishermen and their boats were documented.

 

  • Note: No updates occurred on the state of the crossing during the reporting

 

  1. West Bank

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals movement between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. Israeli forces established 37 temporary checkpoints, from which they arrested 9 civilians.

 

The military checkpoint were as follows:

 

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 01 August 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Beit Kahel village and on Wad Risha road.
  • On Friday, 02 August 2019, 3 similar checkpoints were established at the entrance to Beit ‘Awaa village and on Qalqas and al-Fahes roads.
  • On Saturday, 03 August 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to al-Fawar refugee camp and at the southern entrance to Halhoul village.
  • On Sunday, 04 August 2019, Israeli forces established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Dir Samt, al-Shayyoukh and Beit ‘Aynoun villages.
  • On Tuesday, 06 August 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Beit ‘Aynoun village and at the northern entrance to Halhoul village.

 

Ramallah:

 

  • On Thursday, 01 August 2019, Israeli forces established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to al-Nabi Saleh, Ras Karkar and Kafur Malek villages, and at the entrance to al-Jalazoun refugee camp.
  • On Friday, 02 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the entrance to Silwad village, northeast of Ramallah.
  • On Monday, 05 August 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Ras Karkar and ‘Ain Sinah villages.
  • On Wednesday, 07 August 2019, a similar checkpoint was established at the intersection of Kafur ‘Ain village, northwest of the city.

 

Nablus:

 

  • At approximately 14:00 on Thursday, 01 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint on Nablus-Jenin, near the entrance to Barqah village, northwest of the city.
  • At approximately 17:00, a similar checkpoint was established near Khaleh Nofal shop, at the northern entrance to Tal village, southwest of the city.
  • At approximately 17:00 on Friday, 02 August 2019, Israeli forces stationed at Hawarah checkpoint, at the southern entrance to Nablus, closed the checkpoint and prevented Palestinians from exiting the village for over 2 hours without any reasons.
  • At approximately 18:30, Israeli forces established a checkpoint on Tulkarm-Nablus Road, west of the city.
  • On Saturday, 03 August 2019, Israeli forces imposed more restrictions on the Palestinian civilians’ movement. PCHR’s fieldworker said that the Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the intersection of al-Naqourah village, branching Jenin-Nablus Street. Moreover, a similar checkpoint was established on Tulkarm-Nablus Road, west of the city. The Israeli forces stopped Palestinian vehicles and searched the passengers, causing a one-kilometer traffic jam. The checkpoints lasted until mid-night.
  • At approximately 21:00, Israeli forces stationed at Beit Foreek checkpoint established at the eastern entrance to Nablus, closed the checkpoint and prevented Palestinians from passing through the checkpoint. The checkpoint’s closure continued until mid-night.
  • At approximately 18:00 on Monday, 05 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the entrance to the northern ‘Asirah village, southwest of Nablus.

 

Jenin:

 

  • At approximately 17:00 on Friday, 02 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint near Markah village, between Qabatiyia and Sanour villages, southeast of the city.

 

Qalqiliyia:

 

  • On Thursday, 01 August 2019, Israeli forces established 4 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia (was established 2 times), between Jayyous and ‘Azoun villages, and at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village, east of the city.

 

Salfit:

 

  • At approximately 20:50 on Friday, 02 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the western entrance to Dirsitiyia village, northwest of Salfit.
  • At approximately 17:30 on Saturday, 03 August 2019, a similar checkpoint was established at the entrance to Dir Ballout village, west of the city.

 

Tubas:

 

  • At approximately 20:00 on Monday, 05 August 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint near al—Kaffir village, northwest of Tubas, on Tubas-Jenin Road.
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New Heroic Op in WB: “Israeli” Soldier Stabbed to Death, ‘Israel’ Concerned about More Palestinian Attacks on Settlers Planned in Gaza

By Staff

In a new heroic operation and as part of the successive “Israeli” failures to end the Palestinian resistance, a Palestinian man was able to stab an “Israeli” army soldier to death in the West bank.

The “Israeli” army along with the Police and Shit Bet failed till now to capture the Palestinian men despite the massive manhunt.

Hebrew local media reported that there have been no arrests as of yet.

“This morning we have learned of a terrible stabbing attack,” “Israeli” PM Benjamin Netanyahu said.

‘Israel’ Concerned about More Palestinian Attacks on Settlers Planned in Gaza

As the Zionist authorities announced that a soldier was stabbed and killed in Gush Etzionin the occupied West Bank, the various media outlets in ‘Israel’ reflected the large scale case of fear and worry about the possible recurrence of the incident.

The Israeli analysts considered that the operation alarms more attacks planned in Gaza Strip, adding that all the security measures cannot prevent such incidents when they target individuals.

The Zionist media outlets recalled the abduction of  three settlers in the same area, warning against similar kidnapping incidents in the near future.

In a sign of the Israeli tension, the occupation troops got alerted at Jalemeh crossing in the West Bank when an armed Palestinian managed to cross into the territories occupied in 1948.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Israel’s Hands Spread Wide and Dig Deep

Image result for Israel’s Hands Spread Wide and Dig Deep
Brian Cloughley
August 6, 2019
© Photo: Flickr / Official Photo by Caleb Smith

In the US House of Representatives on 23 July there was an overwhelming vote condemning the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement which has the objective of encouraging the government of Israel to meet “its obligation to recognize the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination and fully comply with the precepts of international law by:

1. Ending its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the Wall;

2. Recognizing the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and

3. Respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN resolution 194.”

There is nothing morally or legally questionable in any of these aims.  But the United States Congress does not concern itself with morality or legality if these are inconsistent with its policy concerning Israel, which, as enunciated by Representative Lee Zeldin of New York, is based on the conviction that “Israel is our best ally in the Mid East; a beacon of hope, freedom & liberty, surrounded by existential threats.”  Fox News reported that the condemnatory resolution “has been pushed by AIPAC, the influential Israel lobby in Washington,” which explains a great deal, as AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee is a very powerful organisation, with deep pockets and wide-spreading hands.

In February 2019 The Intercept noted  that “AIPAC, on its own website, recruits members to join its ‘Congressional Club,’ and commit to give at least $5,000 per election cycle.” In a film called The Lobby “Eric Gallagher, a top official at AIPAC from 2010 to 2015, tells an Al Jazeera reporter that AIPAC gets results.”  A secret recording revealed that “Getting $38 billion in security aid to Israel matters, which is what AIPAC just did. Everything AIPAC does is focused on influencing Congress.”

And AIPAC influences Congress and other agencies extremely efficiently, even to the extent of managing to have Al Jazeera refrain from broadcasting the US-focused version of The Lobby.The Director of Al Jazeera’s Investigative Unit, Clayton Swisher, said that pressure included “pro-Israel lobbyists in Washington threatening to convince Congress to register the network as ‘foreign agents,’ and false accusations of anti-Semitism against the producers of the documentary.”  That’s all you need:  the mere mention of anti-Semitism makes everyone suck their teeth, roll their eyes, and leap out of the way.

It so happened that the day before Congress condemned an initiative aimed at having Israel recognise the rights of Palestinians and abide by international law, the Israelis carried out an operation of destruction that was specifically aimed against the rights of Palestinians and was contrary to international law.  As the BBC reported, it involved 200 Israeli soldiers and 700 police, weapons at the ready, deploying to the Palestinian village of Wadi Hummus at 4 in the morning of July 22, along with bulldozers and excavators that proceeded to destroy Palestinian homes.

There wasn’t a word of objection from the US Administration whose Tweeter-in-Chief had made his views on Israel crystal-clear on 16 July when he announced that the four non-white female Members of Congress whom he loathes to the point of psychosis are “a bunch of Communists [who] hate Israel.”  Moreover, they “talk about Israel like they’re a bunch of   thugs, not victims of the entire region.”  On the other hand, the European Union stated that “Israel’s settlement policy, including actions taken in that context, such as forced transfers, evictions, demolitions and confiscations of homes, is illegal under international law. In line with the EU’s long-standing position, we expect the Israeli authorities to immediately halt the ongoing demolitions.”  Fat chance of that — just as there is no possibility that the United states or the United Kingdom will support pursuit of international law when it is violated by Israel.

Britain is on its way out of the European Union, so has no say in EU policy, but in any case it wouldn’t agree about criticism of Israel because the governing Conservative Party fosters an organisation called ‘Conservative Friends of Israel’ (CFI) whose members constitute some eighty per cent of Conservative Members of Parliament.

Boris Johnson, Britain’s Trump-loving new prime minister, is a fervid supporter of CFI which supported him in his bid to be head of the Conservative party. On 23 July, after his selection to be leader and thus prime minister, the CFI’s Chairmen, Stephen Crabb MP and Lord Pickles, and Honorary President Lord Polak declared that “From his refusal to boycott Israeli goods in his time as Mayor of London through to his instrumental role as Foreign Secretary…  Boris has a long history of standing shoulder to shoulder with Israel and the Jewish community. Mr Johnson continued to display his resolute support… reiterating his deep support for Israel and pledging to be a champion for Jews in Britain and around the world.”

One of Johnson’s first ministerial appointments was of Ms Priti Patel to be Home Secretary. She had resigned from the Cabinet of PM Theresa May in November 2017 because it had been discovered that she had been telling lies, which wasn’t in itself unusual, but the circumstances were intriguing.  As the BBC headlined about the then head of International Development :  “Priti Patel quits cabinet over Israel meetings row” which involved her apologising to the prime minister “after unauthorised meetings in August with Israeli politicians — including prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu — came to light. But it later emerged she had two further meetings without government officials present in September.”  Not only that, but in a media interview “she gave the false impression that the foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, and the Foreign Office knew about her meetings in Israel.”

It’s one of these irregular verbs which were met with much laughter during the marvellous BBC series ‘Yes Minister’ and ‘Yes, Prime Minister’ — ‘I make a misstatement;  she gives a false impression;  he is in prison for telling lies.’

And it was decidedly strange that the egregious Lord Polak, he of the statement that Boris Johnson stands “shoulder to shoulder with Israel” accompanied Patel at 13 of her 14 meetings with Israeli officials during August and September. What on earth could have been going on?

Of course she had no reason to worry about having to resign for telling lies, because at the time of her disgrace Boris Johnson told the BBC that “Priti Patel has been a very good colleague and friend for a long time and a first class secretary of state for international development. It’s been a real pleasure working with her and I’m sure she has a great future ahead of her.”  The man has the gift of prophecy.

Then Johnson appointed Michael Gove to his Cabinet as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, which is a weird appointment that gives a lot of power and very little responsibility. Gove had been demonstrably disloyal to Johnson during the first leadership struggle, in what the Daily Telegraph called a “spectacular act of treachery” but all was forgiven because, as recorded approvingly by the Conservative Friends of Israel he believes that anti-Zionism and antisemitism are “two sides of the same coin”, which means that anybody who criticises Israel’s nationalistic persecution of Palestinians is an anti-Semite. He believes that “the test for any civilised society is whether it stands with the Jewish people, and whether it stands with Israel. It is a pleasure to stand with the Jewish people. It is a duty to stand with Israel.”

The Palestinians are not going to get one tiny bit of support from either the United States or Britain when their houses are bulldozed to rubble.  They can expect no criticism from Washington or London when their children are killed in Gaza by Israeli soldiers.

The West Bank of the Jordan River, between Israel and Jordan, was captured by Israel in the 1967 Middle East war. Then it annexed East Jerusalem. Both areas are defined in international law as occupied territory.  Although this is ignored by the US and Britain it was intriguing that in a minor but telling legal finding in Canada on 30 July, a judge ruled that wines made in Jewish settlements in the West Bank should not carry labels that say “Product of Israel” because of course the settlements are built on Palestinian land.

But there’s no point in telling that to the Israeli-supporting wine connoisseur Donald Trump or the US Congress or any member of Britain’s governing Conservative party, because international law means nothing when there are other priorities.

“Greater Israel”: The Zionist Plan for the Middle East

Global Research, August 03, 2019
Association of Arab-American University Graduates, Inc. 3 March 2013

Introduction

The following document pertaining to the formation of “Greater Israel” constitutes the cornerstone of powerful Zionist factions within the current Netanyahu government,  the Likud party, as well as within the Israeli military and intelligence establishment. (article first published by Global Research on April 29, 2013).

President Donald Trump has confirmed in no uncertain terms, his support of Israel’s illegal settlements (including his opposition to UN Security Council Resolution 2334, pertaining to the illegality of the Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank).  

Moreover, by moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem and allowing for the expansion of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and beyond, the US president has provided a de facto endorsement of the “Greater Israel” project as formulated under the Yinon Plan.

Bear in mind this design is not strictly a Zionist Project for the Middle East, it is an integral part of US foreign policy, namely Washington’s intent to fracture and balkanize the Middle East.

According to the founding father of Zionism Theodore Herzl, “the area of the Jewish State stretches: “From the Brook of Egypt to the Euphrates.”  According to Rabbi Fischmann,  “The Promised Land extends from the River of Egypt up to the Euphrates, it includes parts of Syria and Lebanon.”

Image result for kivunim plan

When viewed in the current context, the war on Iraq, the 2006 war on Lebanon, the 2011 war on Libya, the ongoing wars on Syria, Iraq and Yemen, not to mention the political crisis in Saudi Arabia bear and intimate relationship to the Zionist Plan for the Middle East.

The latter consists in weakening and eventually fracturing neighboring Arab states as part of a US-Israeli expansionist project, with the support of NATO and Saudi Arabia. In this regard, the Saudi-Israeli rapprochement is from Netanyahu’s viewpoint a means to expanding Israel’s spheres of influence in the Middle East as well as confronting Iran. Needless to day, the Geater Israel project is consistent with America’s imperial design. 

“Greater Israel” consists in an area extending from the Nile Valley to the Euphrates. According to Stephen Lendman, “A near-century ago, the World Zionist Organization’s plan for a Jewish state included:

• historic Palestine;

• South Lebanon up to Sidon and the Litani River;

• Syria’s Golan Heights, Hauran Plain and Deraa; and

• control of the Hijaz Railway from Deraa to Amman, Jordan as well as the Gulf of Aqaba.

Some Zionists wanted more – land from the Nile in the West to the Euphrates in the East, comprising Palestine, Lebanon, Western Syria and Southern Turkey.”

The Zionist project supports the Jewish settlement movement. More broadly it involves a policy of excluding Palestinians from Palestine leading to the eventual annexation of both the West Bank and Gaza to the State of Israel.

Greater Israel would create a number of proxy States. It would include parts of Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, the Sinai, as well as parts of  Iraq and Saudi Arabia. (See map).

According to Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya in a 2011 Global Research article,   The Yinon Plan was a continuation of Britain’s colonial design in the Middle East:

“[The Yinon plan] is an Israeli strategic plan to ensure Israeli regional superiority. It insists and stipulates that Israel must reconfigure its geo-political environment through the balkanization of the surrounding Arab states into smaller and weaker states.

Israeli strategists viewed Iraq as their biggest strategic challenge from an Arab state. This is why Iraq was outlined as the centerpiece to the balkanization of the Middle East and the Arab World. In Iraq, on the basis of the concepts of the Yinon Plan, Israeli strategists have called for the division of Iraq into a Kurdish state and two Arab states, one for Shiite Muslims and the other for Sunni Muslims. The first step towards establishing this was a war between Iraq and Iran, which the Yinon Plan discusses.

The Atlantic, in 2008, and the U.S. military’s Armed Forces Journal, in 2006, both published widely circulated maps that closely followed the outline of the Yinon Plan. Aside from a divided Iraq, which the Biden Plan also calls for, the Yinon Plan calls for a divided Lebanon, Egypt, and Syria. The partitioning of Iran, Turkey, Somalia, and Pakistan also all fall into line with these views. The Yinon Plan also calls for dissolution in North Africa and forecasts it as starting from Egypt and then spilling over into Sudan, Libya, and the rest of the region.

Greater Israel” requires the breaking up of the existing Arab states into small states.

“The plan operates on two essential premises. To survive, Israel must 1) become an imperial regional power, and 2) must effect the division of the whole area into small states by the dissolution of all existing Arab states. Small here will depend on the ethnic or sectarian composition of each state. Consequently, the Zionist hope is that sectarian-based states become Israel’s satellites and, ironically, its source of moral legitimation…  This is not a new idea, nor does it surface for the first time in Zionist strategic thinking. Indeed, fragmenting all Arab states into smaller units has been a recurrent theme.” (Yinon Plan, see below)

Viewed in this context, the war on Syria and Iraq is part of  the process of Israeli territorial expansion.

In this regard, the defeat of US sponsored terrorists (ISIS, Al Nusra) by Syrian Forces with the support of Russia, Iran and Hizbollah constitute a significant setback for the Zionist project.  

Michel Chossudovsky, Global Research, September 06, 2015, updated December 8, 2017


The Zionist Plan for the Middle East

Translated and edited by

Israel Shahak

The Israel of Theodore Herzl (1904) and of Rabbi Fischmann (1947)

In his Complete Diaries, Vol. II. p. 711, Theodore Herzl, the founder of Zionism, says that the area of the Jewish State stretches: “From the Brook of Egypt to the Euphrates.”

Rabbi Fischmann, member of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, declared in his testimony to the U.N. Special Committee of Enquiry on 9 July 1947: “The Promised Land extends from the River of Egypt up to the Euphrates, it includes parts of Syria and Lebanon.”

from

Oded Yinon’s

“A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties”

Published by the

Association of Arab-American University Graduates, Inc.

Belmont, Massachusetts, 1982

Special Document No. 1 (ISBN 0-937694-56-8)

Table of Contents

 Publisher’s Note1

The Association of Arab-American University Graduates finds it compelling to inaugurate its new publication series, Special Documents, with Oded Yinon’s article which appeared in Kivunim (Directions), the journal of the Department of Information of the World Zionist Organization. Oded Yinon is an Israeli journalist and was formerly attached to the Foreign Ministry of Israel. To our knowledge, this document is the most explicit, detailed and unambiguous statement to date of the Zionist strategy in the Middle East. Furthermore, it stands as an accurate representation of the “vision” for the entire Middle East of the presently ruling Zionist regime of Begin, Sharon and Eitan. Its importance, hence, lies not in its historical value but in the nightmare which it presents.

2

The plan operates on two essential premises. To survive, Israel must 1) become an imperial regional power, and 2) must effect the division of the whole area into small states by the dissolution of all existing Arab states. Small here will depend on the ethnic or sectarian composition of each state. Consequently, the Zionist hope is that sectarian-based states become Israel’s satellites and, ironically, its source of moral legitimation.

3

This is not a new idea, nor does it surface for the first time in Zionist strategic thinking. Indeed, fragmenting all Arab states into smaller units has been a recurrent theme. This theme has been documented on a very modest scale in the AAUG publication,  Israel’s Sacred Terrorism (1980), by Livia Rokach. Based on the memoirs of Moshe Sharett, former Prime Minister of Israel, Rokach’s study documents, in convincing detail, the Zionist plan as it applies to Lebanon and as it was prepared in the mid-fifties.

4

The first massive Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1978 bore this plan out to the minutest detail. The second and more barbaric and encompassing Israeli invasion of Lebanon on June 6, 1982, aims to effect certain parts of this plan which hopes to see not only Lebanon, but Syria and Jordan as well, in fragments. This ought to make mockery of Israeli public claims regarding their desire for a strong and independent Lebanese central government. More accurately, they want a Lebanese central government that sanctions their regional imperialist designs by signing a peace treaty with them. They also seek acquiescence in their designs by the Syrian, Iraqi, Jordanian and other Arab governments as well as by the Palestinian people. What they want and what they are planning for is not an Arab world, but a world of Arab fragments that is ready to succumb to Israeli hegemony. Hence, Oded Yinon in his essay, “A Strategy for Israel in the 1980’s,” talks about “far-reaching opportunities for the first time since 1967” that are created by the “very stormy situation [that] surrounds Israel.”

5

The Zionist policy of displacing the Palestinians from Palestine is very much an active policy, but is pursued more forcefully in times of conflict, such as in the 1947-1948 war and in the 1967 war. An appendix entitled  “Israel Talks of a New Exodus” is included in this publication to demonstrate past Zionist dispersals of Palestinians from their homeland and to show, besides the main Zionist document we present, other Zionist planning for the de-Palestinization of Palestine.

6

It is clear from the Kivunim document, published in February, 1982, that the “far-reaching opportunities” of which Zionist strategists have been thinking are the same “opportunities” of which they are trying to convince the world and which they claim were generated by their June, 1982 invasion. It is also clear that the Palestinians were never the sole target of Zionist plans, but the priority target since their viable and independent presence as a people negates the essence of the Zionist state. Every Arab state, however, especially those with cohesive and clear nationalist directions, is a real target sooner or later.

7

Contrasted with the detailed and unambiguous Zionist strategy elucidated in this document, Arab and Palestinian strategy, unfortunately, suffers from ambiguity and incoherence. There is no indication that Arab strategists have internalized the Zionist plan in its full ramifications. Instead, they react with incredulity and shock whenever a new stage of it unfolds. This is apparent in Arab reaction, albeit muted, to the Israeli siege of Beirut. The sad fact is that as long as the Zionist strategy for the Middle East is not taken seriously Arab reaction to any future siege of other Arab capitals will be the same.

Khalil Nakhleh

July 23, 1982

Foreward

by Israel Shahak

1

The following essay represents, in my opinion, the accurate and detailed plan of the present Zionist regime (of Sharon and Eitan) for the Middle East which is based on the division of the whole area into small states, and the dissolution of all the existing Arab states. I will comment on the military aspect of this plan in a concluding note. Here I want to draw the attention of the readers to several important points:

2

1. The idea that all the Arab states should be broken down, by Israel, into small units, occurs again and again in Israeli strategic thinking. For example, Ze’ev Schiff, the military correspondent of Ha’aretz (and probably the most knowledgeable in Israel, on this topic) writes about the “best” that can happen for Israeli interests in Iraq: “The dissolution of Iraq into a Shi’ite state, a Sunni state and the separation of the Kurdish part” (Ha’aretz 6/2/1982). Actually, this aspect of the plan is very old.

3

2. The strong connection with Neo-Conservative thought in the USA is very prominent, especially in the author’s notes. But, while lip service is paid to the idea of the “defense of the West” from Soviet power, the real aim of the author, and of the present Israeli establishment is clear: To make an Imperial Israel into a world power. In other words, the aim of Sharon is to deceive the Americans after he has deceived all the rest.

4

3. It is obvious that much of the relevant data, both in the notes and in the text, is garbled or omitted, such as the financial help of the U.S. to Israel. Much of it is pure fantasy. But, the plan is not to be regarded as not influential, or as not capable of realization for a short time. The plan follows faithfully the geopolitical ideas current in Germany of 1890-1933, which were swallowed whole by Hitler and the Nazi movement, and determined their aims for East Europe. Those aims, especially the division of the existing states, were carried out in 1939-1941, and only an alliance on the global scale prevented their consolidation for a period of time.

5

The notes by the author follow the text. To avoid confusion, I did not add any notes of my own, but have put the substance of them into this foreward and the conclusion at the end. I have, however, emphasized some portions of the text.

Israel Shahak

June 13, 1982


 

A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties

by Oded Yinon

This essay originally appeared in Hebrew in KIVUNIM (Directions), A Journal for Judaism and Zionism; Issue No, 14–Winter, 5742, February 1982, Editor: Yoram Beck. Editorial Committee: Eli Eyal, Yoram Beck, Amnon Hadari, Yohanan Manor, Elieser Schweid. Published by the Department of Publicity/The World Zionist Organization, Jerusalem.

1

At the outset of the nineteen eighties the State of Israel is in need of a new perspective as to its place, its aims and national targets, at home and abroad. This need has become even more vital due to a number of central processes which the country, the region and the world are undergoing. We are living today in the early stages of a new epoch in human history which is not at all similar to its predecessor, and its characteristics are totally different from what we have hitherto known. That is why we need an understanding of the central processes which typify this historical epoch on the one hand, and on the other hand we need a world outlook and an operational strategy in accordance with the new conditions. The existence, prosperity and steadfastness of the Jewish state will depend upon its ability to adopt a new framework for its domestic and foreign affairs.

2

This epoch is characterized by several traits which we can already diagnose, and which symbolize a genuine revolution in our present lifestyle. The dominant process is the breakdown of the rationalist, humanist outlook as the major cornerstone supporting the life and achievements of Western civilization since the Renaissance. The political, social and economic views which have emanated from this foundation have been based on several “truths” which are presently disappearing–for example, the view that man as an individual is the center of the universe and everything exists in order to fulfill his basic material needs. This position is being invalidated in the present when it has become clear that the amount of resources in the cosmos does not meet Man’s requirements, his economic needs or his demographic constraints. In a world in which there are four billion human beings and economic and energy resources which do not grow proportionally to meet the needs of mankind, it is unrealistic to expect to fulfill the main requirement of Western Society, 1 i.e., the wish and aspiration for boundless consumption. The view that ethics plays no part in determining the direction Man takes, but rather his material needs do–that view is becoming prevalent today as we see a world in which nearly all values are disappearing. We are losing the ability to assess the simplest things, especially when they concern the simple question of what is Good and what is Evil.

3

The vision of man’s limitless aspirations and abilities shrinks in the face of the sad facts of life, when we witness the break-up of world order around us. The view which promises liberty and freedom to mankind seems absurd in light of the sad fact that three fourths of the human race lives under totalitarian regimes. The views concerning equality and social justice have been transformed by socialism and especially by Communism into a laughing stock. There is no argument as to the truth of these two ideas, but it is clear that they have not been put into practice properly and the majority of mankind has lost the liberty, the freedom and the opportunity for equality and justice. In this nuclear world in which we are (still) living in relative peace for thirty years, the concept of peace and coexistence among nations has no meaning when a superpower like the USSR holds a military and political doctrine of the sort it has: that not only is a nuclear war possible and necessary in order to achieve the ends of Marxism, but that it is possible to survive after it, not to speak of the fact that one can be victorious in it.2

4

The essential concepts of human society, especially those of the West, are undergoing a change due to political, military and economic transformations. Thus, the nuclear and conventional might of the USSR has transformed the epoch that has just ended into the last respite before the great saga that will demolish a large part of our world in a multi-dimensional global war, in comparison with which the past world wars will have been mere child’s play. The power of nuclear as well as of conventional weapons, their quantity, their precision and quality will turn most of our world upside down within a few years, and we must align ourselves so as to face that in Israel. That is, then, the main threat to our existence and that of the Western world. 3 The war over resources in the world, the Arab monopoly on oil, and the need of the West to import most of its raw materials from the Third World, are transforming the world we know, given that one of the major aims of the USSR is to defeat the West by gaining control over the gigantic resources in the Persian Gulf and in the southern part of Africa, in which the majority of world minerals are located. We can imagine the dimensions of the global confrontation which will face us in the future.

5

The Gorshkov doctrine calls for Soviet control of the oceans and mineral rich areas of the Third World. That together with the present Soviet nuclear doctrine which holds that it is possible to manage, win and survive a nuclear war, in the course of which the West’s military might well be destroyed and its inhabitants made slaves in the service of Marxism-Leninism, is the main danger to world peace and to our own existence. Since 1967, the Soviets have transformed Clausewitz’ dictum into “War is the continuation of policy in nuclear means,” and made it the motto which guides all their policies. Already today they are busy carrying out their aims in our region and throughout the world, and the need to face them becomes the major element in our country’s security policy and of course that of the rest of the Free World. That is our major foreign challenge.4

6

The Arab Moslem world, therefore, is not the major strategic problem which we shall face in the Eighties, despite the fact that it carries the main threat against Israel, due to its growing military might. This world, with its ethnic minorities, its factions and internal crises, which is astonishingly self-destructive, as we can see in Lebanon, in non-Arab Iran and now also in Syria, is unable to deal successfully with its fundamental problems and does not therefore constitute a real threat against the State of Israel in the long run, but only in the short run where its immediate military power has great import. In the long run, this world will be unable to exist within its present framework in the areas around us without having to go through genuine revolutionary changes. The Moslem Arab World is built like a temporary house of cards put together by foreigners (France and Britain in the Nineteen Twenties), without the wishes and desires of the inhabitants having been taken into account. It was arbitrarily divided into 19 states, all made of combinations of minorites and ethnic groups which are hostile to one another, so that every Arab Moslem state nowadays faces ethnic social destruction from within, and in some a civil war is already raging. 5 Most of the Arabs, 118 million out of 170 million, live in Africa, mostly in Egypt (45 million today).

7

Apart from Egypt, all the Maghreb states are made up of a mixture of Arabs and non-Arab Berbers. In Algeria there is already a civil war raging in the Kabile mountains between the two nations in the country. Morocco and Algeria are at war with each other over Spanish Sahara, in addition to the internal struggle in each of them. Militant Islam endangers the integrity of Tunisia and Qaddafi organizes wars which are destructive from the Arab point of view, from a country which is sparsely populated and which cannot become a powerful nation. That is why he has been attempting unifications in the past with states that are more genuine, like Egypt and Syria. Sudan, the most torn apart state in the Arab Moslem world today is built upon four groups hostile to each other, an Arab Moslem Sunni minority which rules over a majority of non-Arab Africans, Pagans, and Christians. In Egypt there is a Sunni Moslem majority facing a large minority of Christians which is dominant in upper Egypt: some 7 million of them, so that even Sadat, in his speech on May 8, expressed the fear that they will want a state of their own, something like a “second” Christian Lebanon in Egypt.

8

All the Arab States east of Israel are torn apart, broken up and riddled with inner conflict even more than those of the Maghreb. Syria is fundamentally no different from Lebanon except in the strong military regime which rules it. But the real civil war taking place nowadays between the Sunni majority and the Shi’ite Alawi ruling minority (a mere 12% of the population) testifies to the severity of the domestic trouble.

9

Iraq is, once again, no different in essence from its neighbors, although its majority is Shi’ite and the ruling minority Sunni. Sixty-five percent of the population has no say in politics, in which an elite of 20 percent holds the power. In addition there is a large Kurdish minority in the north, and if it weren’t for the strength of the ruling regime, the army and the oil revenues, Iraq’s future state would be no different than that of Lebanon in the past or of Syria today. The seeds of inner conflict and civil war are apparent today already, especially after the rise of Khomeini to power in Iran, a leader whom the Shi’ites in Iraq view as their natural leader.

10

All the Gulf principalities and Saudi Arabia are built upon a delicate house of sand in which there is only oil. In Kuwait, the Kuwaitis constitute only a quarter of the population. In Bahrain, the Shi’ites are the majority but are deprived of power. In the UAE, Shi’ites are once again the majority but the Sunnis are in power. The same is true of Oman and North Yemen. Even in the Marxist South Yemen there is a sizable Shi’ite minority. In Saudi Arabia half the population is foreign, Egyptian and Yemenite, but a Saudi minority holds power.

11

Jordan is in reality Palestinian, ruled by a Trans-Jordanian Bedouin minority, but most of the army and certainly the bureaucracy is now Palestinian. As a matter of fact Amman is as Palestinian as Nablus. All of these countries have powerful armies, relatively speaking. But there is a problem there too. The Syrian army today is mostly Sunni with an Alawi officer corps, the Iraqi army Shi’ite with Sunni commanders. This has great significance in the long run, and that is why it will not be possible to retain the loyalty of the army for a long time except where it comes to the only common denominator: The hostility towards Israel, and today even that is insufficient.

12

Alongside the Arabs, split as they are, the other Moslem states share a similar predicament. Half of Iran’s population is comprised of a Persian speaking group and the other half of an ethnically Turkish group. Turkey’s population comprises a Turkish Sunni Moslem majority, some 50%, and two large minorities, 12 million Shi’ite Alawis and 6 million Sunni Kurds. In Afghanistan there are 5 million

Shi’ites who constitute one third of the population. In Sunni Pakistan there are 15 million Shi’ites who endanger the existence of that state.

13

This national ethnic minority picture extending from Morocco to India and from Somalia to Turkey points to the absence of stability and a rapid degeneration in the entire region. When this picture is added to the economic one, we see how the entire region is built like a house of cards, unable to withstand its severe problems.

14

In this giant and fractured world there are a few wealthy groups and a huge mass of poor people. Most of the Arabs have an average yearly income of 300 dollars. That is the situation in Egypt, in most of the Maghreb countries except for Libya, and in Iraq. Lebanon is torn apart and its economy is falling to pieces. It is a state in which there is no centralized power, but only 5 de facto sovereign authorities (Christian in the north, supported by the Syrians and under the rule of the Franjieh clan, in the East an area of direct Syrian conquest, in the center a Phalangist controlled Christian enclave, in the south and up to the Litani river a mostly Palestinian region controlled by the PLO and Major Haddad’s state of Christians and half a million Shi’ites). Syria is in an even graver situation and even the assistance she will obtain in the future after the unification with Libya will not be sufficient for dealing with the basic problems of existence and the maintenance of a large army. Egypt is in the worst situation: Millions are on the verge of hunger, half the labor force is unemployed, and housing is scarce in this most densely populated area of the world. Except for the army, there is not a single department operating efficiently and the state is in a permanent state of bankruptcy and depends entirely on American foreign assistance granted since the peace.6

15

In the Gulf states, Saudi Arabia, Libya and Egypt there is the largest accumulation of money and oil in the world, but those enjoying it are tiny elites who lack a wide base of support and self-confidence, something that no army can guarantee. 7 The Saudi army with all its equipment cannot defend the regime from real dangers at home or abroad, and what took place in Mecca in 1980 is only an example. A sad and very stormy situation surrounds Israel and creates challenges for it, problems, risks but also far-reaching opportunities for the first time since 1967. Chances are that opportunities missed at that time will become achievable in the Eighties to an extent and along dimensions which we cannot even imagine today.

16

The “peace” policy and the return of territories, through a dependence upon the US, precludes the realization of the new option created for us. Since 1967, all the governments of Israel have tied our national aims down to narrow political needs, on the one hand, and on the other to destructive opinions at home which neutralized our capacities both at home and abroad. Failing to take steps towards the Arab population in the new territories, acquired in the course of a war forced upon us, is the major strategic error committed by Israel on the morning after the Six Day War. We could have saved ourselves all the bitter and dangerous conflict since then if we had given Jordan to the Palestinians who live west of the Jordan river. By doing that we would have neutralized the Palestinian problem which we nowadays face, and to which we have found solutions that are really no solutions at all, such as territorial compromise or autonomy which amount, in fact, to the same thing. 8 Today, we suddenly face immense opportunities for transforming the situation thoroughly and this we must do in the coming decade, otherwise we shall not survive as a state.

17

In the course of the Nineteen Eighties, the State of Israel will have to go through far-reaching changes in its political and economic regime domestically, along with radical changes in its foreign policy, in order to stand up to the global and regional challenges of this new epoch. The loss of the Suez Canal oil fields, of the immense potential of the oil, gas and other natural resources in the Sinai peninsula which is geomorphologically identical to the rich oil-producing countries in the region, will result in an energy drain in the near future and will destroy our domestic economy: one quarter of our present GNP as well as one third of the budget is used for the purchase of oil. 9 The search for raw materials in the Negev and on the coast will not, in the near future, serve to alter that state of affairs.

18

(Regaining) the Sinai peninsula with its present and potential resources is therefore a political prioritywhich is obstructed by the Camp David and the peace agreements. The fault for that lies of course with the present Israeli government and the governments which paved the road to the policy of territorial compromise, the Alignment governments since 1967. The Egyptians will not need to keep the peace treaty after the return of the Sinai, and they will do all they can to return to the fold of the Arab world and to the USSR in order to gain support and military assistance. American aid is guaranteed only for a short while, for the terms of the peace and the weakening of the U.S. both at home and abroad will bring about a reduction in aid. Without oil and the income from it, with the present enormous expenditure, we will not be able to get through 1982 under the present conditions and we will have to act in order to return the situation to the status quo which existed in Sinai prior to Sadat’s visit and the mistaken peace agreement signed with him in March 1979. 10

19

Israel has two major routes through which to realize this purpose, one direct and the other indirect. The direct option is the less realistic one because of the nature of the regime and government in Israel as well as the wisdom of Sadat who obtained our withdrawal from Sinai, which was, next to the war of 1973, his major achievement since he took power. Israel will not unilaterally break the treaty, neither today, nor in 1982, unless it is very hard pressed economically and politically and Egypt provides Israelwith the excuse to take the Sinai back into our hands for the fourth time in our short history. What is left therefore, is the indirect option. The economic situation in Egypt, the nature of the regime and its pan-

Arab policy, will bring about a situation after April 1982 in which Israel will be forced to act directly or indirectly in order to regain control over Sinai as a strategic, economic and energy reserve for the longrun. Egypt does not constitute a military strategic problem due to its internal conflicts and it could be driven back to the post 1967 war situation in no more than one day. 11

20

The myth of Egypt as the strong leader of the Arab World was demolished back in 1956 and definitely did not survive 1967, but our policy, as in the return of the Sinai, served to turn the myth into “fact.” In reality, however, Egypt’s power in proportion both to Israel alone and to the rest of the Arab World has gone down about 50 percent since 1967. Egypt is no longer the leading political power in the Arab World and is economically on the verge of a crisis. Without foreign assistance the crisis will come tomorrow. 12 In the short run, due to the return of the Sinai, Egypt will gain several advantages at our expense, but only in the short run until 1982, and that will not change the balance of power to its benefit, and will possibly bring about its downfall. Egypt, in its present domestic political picture, is already a corpse, all the more so if we take into account the growing Moslem-Christian rift. BreakingEgypt down territorially into distinct geographical regions is the political aim of Israel in the Nineteen Eighties on its Western front.

21

Egypt is divided and torn apart into many foci of authority. If Egypt falls apart, countries like Libya, Sudan or even the more distant states will not continue to exist in their present form and will join thedownfall and dissolution of Egypt. The vision of a Christian Coptic State in Upper Egypt alongside a number of weak states with very localized power and without a centralized government as to date, is the key to a historical development which was only set back by the peace agreement but which seems inevitable in the long run. 13

22

The Western front, which on the surface appears more problematic, is in fact less complicated than the Eastern front, in which most of the events that make the headlines have been taking place recently. Lebanon’s total dissolution into five provinces serves as a precendent for the entire Arab worldincluding Egypt, Syria, Iraq and the Arabian peninsula and is already following that track. The dissolution of Syria and Iraq later on into ethnically or religiously unqiue areas such as in Lebanon, is Israel’s primary target on the Eastern front in the long run, while the dissolution of the military power of those states serves as the primary short term target. Syria will fall apart, in accordance with its ethnic and religious structure, into several states such as in present day Lebanon, so that there will be a Shi’ite Alawi state along its coast, a Sunni state in the Aleppo area, another Sunni state in Damascus hostile to its northern neighbor, and the Druzes who will set up a state, maybe even in our Golan, and certainly in the Hauran and in northern Jordan. This state of affairs will be the guarantee for peace and security in the area in the long run, and that aim is already within our reach today. 14

23

Iraq, rich in oil on the one hand and internally torn on the other, is guaranteed as a candidate forIsrael’s targets. Its dissolution is even more important for us than that of Syria. Iraq is stronger than Syria. In the short run it is Iraqi power which constitutes the greatest threat to Israel. An Iraqi-Iranian war will tear Iraq apart and cause its downfall at home even before it is able to organize a struggle on a wide front against us. Every kind of inter-Arab confrontation will assist us in the short run and willshorten the way to the more important aim of breaking up Iraq into denominations as in Syria and in Lebanon. In Iraq, a division into provinces along ethnic/religious lines as in Syria during Ottoman times is possible. So, three (or more) states will exist around the three major cities: Basra, Baghdad and Mosul, and Shi’ite areas in the south will separate from the Sunni and Kurdish north. It is possible that the present Iranian-Iraqi confrontation will deepen this polarization. 15

24

The entire Arabian peninsula is a natural candidate for dissolution due to internal and external pressures, and the matter is inevitable especially in Saudi Arabia. Regardless of whether its economic might based on oil remains intact or whether it is diminished in the long run, the internal rifts and breakdowns are a clear and natural development in light of the present political structure. 16

25

Jordan constitutes an immediate strategic target in the short run but not in the long run, for it does not constitute a real threat in the long run after its dissolution, the termination of the lengthy rule of King Hussein and the transfer of power to the Palestinians in the short run.

26

There is no chance that Jordan will continue to exist in its present structure for a long time, and Israel’s policy, both in war and in peace, ought to be directed at the liquidation of Jordan under the present regime and the transfer of power to the Palestinian majority. Changing the regime east of the river will also cause the termination of the problem of the territories densely populated with Arabs west of theJordan. Whether in war or under conditions of peace, emigration from the territories and economic demographic freeze in them, are the guarantees for the coming change on both banks of the river, and we ought to be active in order to accelerate this process in the nearest future. The autonomy plan ought also to be rejected, as well as any compromise or division of the territories for, given the plans of the PLO and those of the Israeli Arabs themselves, the Shefa’amr plan of September 1980, it is not possible to go on living in this country in the present situation without separating the two nations, the Arabs to Jordan and the Jews to the areas west of the river. Genuine coexistence and peace will reign over the land only when the Arabs understand that without Jewish rule between the Jordan and the sea they will have neither existence nor security. A nation of their own and security will be theirs only in Jordan. 17

27

Within Israel the distinction between the areas of ’67 and the territories beyond them, those of ’48, has always been meaningless for Arabs and nowadays no longer has any significance for us. The problem should be seen in its entirety without any divisions as of ’67. It should be clear, under any future political situation or military constellation, that the solution of the problem of the indigenous Arabs will come only when they recognize the existence of Israel in secure borders up to the Jordan river andbeyond it, as our existential need in this difficult epoch, the nuclear epoch which we shall soon enter. It is no longer possible to live with three fourths of the Jewish population on the dense shoreline which is so dangerous in a nuclear epoch.

28

Dispersal of the population is therefore a domestic strategic aim of the highest order; otherwise, we shall cease to exist within any borders. Judea, Samaria and the Galilee are our sole guarantee for national existence, and if we do not become the majority in the mountain areas, we shall not rule in the country and we shall be like the Crusaders, who lost this country which was not theirs anyhow, and in which they were foreigners to begin with. Rebalancing the country demographically, strategically and economically is the highest and most central aim today. Taking hold of the mountain watershed from Beersheba to the Upper Galilee is the national aim generated by the major strategic consideration which is settling the mountainous part of the country that is empty of Jews today. l8

29

Realizing our aims on the Eastern front depends first on the realization of this internal strategic objective. The transformation of the political and economic structure, so as to enable the realization of these strategic aims, is the key to achieving the entire change. We need to change from a centralized economy in which the government is extensively involved, to an open and free market as well as to switch from depending upon the U.S. taxpayer to developing, with our own hands, of a genuine productive economic infrastructure. If we are not able to make this change freely and voluntarily, we shall be forced into it by world developments, especially in the areas of economics, energy, and politics, and by our own growing isolation. l9

30

From a military and strategic point of view, the West led by the U.S. is unable to withstand the global pressures of the USSR throughout the world, and Israel must therefore stand alone in the Eighties, without any foreign assistance, military or economic, and this is within our capacities today, with nocompromises. 20 Rapid changes in the world will also bring about a change in the condition of world Jewry to which Israel will become not only a last resort but the only existential option. We cannot assume that U.S. Jews, and the communities of Europe and Latin America will continue to exist in the present form in the future. 21

31

Our existence in this country itself is certain, and there is no force that could remove us from here either forcefully or by treachery (Sadat’s method). Despite the difficulties of the mistaken “peace” policy and the problem of the Israeli Arabs and those of the territories, we can effectively deal with these problems in the foreseeable future.

Conclusion

1

Three important points have to be clarified in order to be able to understand the significant possibilities of realization of this Zionist plan for the Middle East, and also why it had to be published.

2

The Military Background of The Plan

The military conditions of this plan have not been mentioned above, but on the many occasions where something very like it is being “explained” in closed meetings to members of the Israeli Establishment, this point is clarified. It is assumed that the Israeli military forces, in all their branches, are insufficient for the actual work of occupation of such wide territories as discussed above. In fact, even in times of intense Palestinian “unrest” on the West Bank, the forces of the Israeli Army are stretched out too much. The answer to that is the method of ruling by means of “Haddad forces” or of “Village Associations” (also known as “Village Leagues”): local forces under “leaders” completely dissociated from the population, not having even any feudal or party structure (such as the Phalangists have, for example). The “states” proposed by Yinon are “Haddadland” and “Village Associations,” and their armed forces will be, no doubt, quite similar. In addition, Israeli military superiority in such a situation will be much greater than it is even now, so that any movement of revolt will be “punished” either by mass humiliation as in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, or by bombardment and obliteration of cities, as in Lebanon now (June 1982), or by both. In order to ensure this, the plan, as explained orally, calls for the establishment of Israeli garrisons in focal places between the mini states, equipped with the necessary mobile destructive forces. In fact, we have seen something like this in Haddadland and we will almost certainly soon see the first example of this system functioning either in South Lebanon or in all Lebanon.

3

It is obvious that the above military assumptions, and the whole plan too, depend also on the Arabs continuing to be even more divided than they are now, and on the lack of any truly progressive mass movement among them. It may be that those two conditions will be removed only when the plan will be well advanced, with consequences which can not be foreseen.

4

Why it is necessary to publish this in Israel?

The reason for publication is the dual nature of the Israeli-Jewish society: A very great measure of freedom and democracy, specially for Jews, combined with expansionism and racist discrimination. In such a situation the Israeli-Jewish elite (for the masses follow the TV and Begin’s speeches) has to bepersuaded. The first steps in the process of persuasion are oral, as indicated above, but a time comes in which it becomes inconvenient. Written material must be produced for the benefit of the more stupid “persuaders” and “explainers” (for example medium-rank officers, who are, usually, remarkably stupid). They then “learn it,” more or less, and preach to others. It should be remarked that Israel, and even the Yishuv from the Twenties, has always functioned in this way. I myself well remember how (before I was “in opposition”) the necessity of war with was explained to me and others a year before the 1956 war, and the necessity of conquering “the rest of Western Palestine when we will have the opportunity” was explained in the years 1965-67.

5

Why is it assumed that there is no special risk from the outside in the publication of such plans?

Such risks can come from two sources, so long as the principled opposition inside Israel is very weak (a situation which may change as a consequence of the war on Lebanon) : The Arab World, including the Palestinians, and the United States. The Arab World has shown itself so far quite incapable of a detailed and rational analysis of Israeli-Jewish society, and the Palestinians have been, on the average, no better than the rest. In such a situation, even those who are shouting about the dangers of Israeli expansionism (which are real enough) are doing this not because of factual and detailed knowledge, but because of belief in myth. A good example is the very persistent belief in the non-existent writing on the wall of the Knesset of the Biblical verse about the Nile and the Euphrates. Another example is the persistent, and completely false declarations, which were made by some of the most important Arab leaders, that the two blue stripes of the Israeli flag symbolize the Nile and the Euphrates, while in fact they are taken from the stripes of the Jewish praying shawl (Talit). The Israeli specialists assume that, on the whole, the Arabs will pay no attention to their serious discussions of the future, and the Lebanon war has proved them right. So why should they not continue with their old methods of persuading other Israelis?

6

In the United States a very similar situation exists, at least until now. The more or less serious commentators take their information about Israel, and much of their opinions about it, from two sources. The first is from articles in the “liberal” American press, written almost totally by Jewish admirers of Israel who, even if they are critical of some aspects of the Israeli state, practice loyally what Stalin used to call “the constructive criticism.” (In fact those among them who claim also to be “Anti-Stalinist” are in reality more Stalinist than Stalin, with Israel being their god which has not yet failed). In the framework of such critical worship it must be assumed that Israel has always “good intentions” and only “makes mistakes,” and therefore such a plan would not be a matter for discussion–exactly as the Biblical genocides committed by Jews are not mentioned. The other source of information, TheJerusalem Post, has similar policies. So long, therefore, as the situation exists in which Israel is really a “closed society” to the rest of the world, because the world wants to close its eyes, the publication and even the beginning of the realization of such a plan is realistic and feasible.

Israel Shahak

June 17, 1982 Jerusalem

About the Translator

Israel Shahak is a professor of organic chemistly at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and the chairman of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights. He published The Shahak Papers, collections of key articles from the Hebrew press, and is the author of numerous articles and books, among them Non-Jew in the Jewish State. His latest book is Israel’s Global Role: Weapons for Repression, published by the AAUG in 1982. Israel Shahak: (1933-2001)

Notes

 1. American Universities Field Staff. Report No.33, 1979. According to this research, the population of the world will be 6 billion in the year 2000. Today’s world population can be broken down as follows: China, 958 million; India, 635 million; USSR, 261 million; U.S., 218 million Indonesia, 140 million; Brazil and Japan, 110 million each. According to the figures of the U.N. Population Fund for 1980, there will be, in 2000, 50 cities with a population of over 5 million each. The population ofthp;Third World will then be 80% of the world population. According to Justin Blackwelder, U.S. Census Office chief, the world population will not reach 6 billion because of hunger.

 2. Soviet nuclear policy has been well summarized by two American Sovietologists: Joseph D. Douglas and Amoretta M. Hoeber, Soviet Strategy for Nuclear War, (Stanford, Ca., Hoover Inst. Press, 1979). In the Soviet Union tens and hundreds of articles and books are published each year which detail the Soviet doctrine for nuclear war and there is a great deal of documentation translated into English and published by the U.S. Air Force,including USAF: Marxism-Leninism on War and the Army: The Soviet View, Moscow, 1972; USAF: The Armed Forces of the Soviet State. Moscow, 1975, by Marshal A. Grechko. The basic Soviet approach to the matter is presented in the book by Marshal Sokolovski published in 1962 in Moscow: Marshal V. D. Sokolovski, Military Strategy, Soviet Doctrine and Concepts(New York, Praeger, 1963).

 3. A picture of Soviet intentions in various areas of the world can be drawn from the book by Douglas and Hoeber, ibid. For additional material see: Michael Morgan, “USSR’s Minerals as Strategic Weapon in the Future,” Defense and Foreign Affairs, Washington, D.C., Dec. 1979.

 4. Admiral of the Fleet Sergei Gorshkov, Sea Power and the State, London, 1979. Morgan, loc. cit. General George S. Brown (USAF) C-JCS, Statement to the Congress on the Defense Posture of the United States For Fiscal Year 1979, p. 103; National Security Council, Review of Non-Fuel Mineral Policy, (Washington, D.C. 1979,); Drew Middleton, The New York Times, (9/15/79); Time, 9/21/80.

 5. Elie Kedourie, “The End of the Ottoman Empire,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 3, No.4, 1968.

 6. Al-Thawra, Syria 12/20/79, Al-Ahram,12/30/79, Al Ba’ath, Syria, 5/6/79. 55% of the Arabs are 20 years old and younger, 70% of the Arabs live in Africa, 55% of the Arabs under 15 are unemployed, 33% live in urban areas, Oded Yinon, “Egypt’s Population Problem,” The Jerusalem Quarterly, No. 15, Spring 1980.

 7. E. Kanovsky, “Arab Haves and Have Nots,” The Jerusalem Quarterly, No.1, Fall 1976, Al Ba’ath, Syria, 5/6/79.

 8. In his book, former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin said that the Israeli government is in fact responsible for the design of American policy in the Middle East, after June ’67, because of its own indecisiveness as to the future of the territories and the inconsistency in its positions since it established the background for Resolution 242 and certainly twelve years later for the Camp David agreements and the peace treaty with Egypt. According to Rabin, on June 19, 1967, President Johnson sent a letter to Prime Minister Eshkol in which he did not mention anything about withdrawal from the new territories but exactly on the same day the government resolved to return territories in exchange for peace. After the Arab resolutions in Khartoum (9/1/67) the government altered its position but contrary to its decision of June 19, did not notify the U.S. of the alteration and the U.S. continued to support 242 in the Security Council on the basis of its earlier understanding that Israel is prepared to return territories. At that point it was already too late to change the U.S. position and Israel’s policy. From here the way was opened to peace agreements on the basis of 242 as was later agreed upon in Camp David. See Yitzhak Rabin. Pinkas Sherut, (Ma’ariv 1979) pp. 226-227.

 9. Foreign and Defense Committee Chairman Prof. Moshe Arens argued in an interview (Ma ‘ariv,10/3/80) that the Israeli government failed to prepare an economic plan before the Camp David agreements and was itself surprised by the cost of the agreements, although already during the negotiations it was possible to calculate the heavy price and the serious error involved in not having prepared the economic grounds for peace.

The former Minister of Treasury, Mr. Yigal Holwitz, stated that if it were not for the withdrawal from the oil fields, Israel would have a positive balance of payments (9/17/80). That same person said two years earlier that the government of Israel (from which he withdrew) had placed a noose around his neck. He was referring to the Camp David agreements (Ha’aretz, 11/3/78). In the course of the whole peace negotiations neither an expert nor an economics advisor was consulted, and the Prime Minister himself, who lacks knowledge and expertise in economics, in a mistaken initiative, asked the U.S. to give us a loan rather than a grant, due to his wish to maintain our respect and the respect of the U.S. towards us. See Ha’aretz1/5/79. Jerusalem Post, 9/7/79. Prof Asaf Razin, formerly a senior consultant in the Treasury, strongly criticized the conduct of the negotiations; Ha’aretz, 5/5/79. Ma’ariv, 9/7/79. As to matters concerning the oil fields and Israel’s energy crisis, see the interview with Mr. Eitan Eisenberg, a government advisor on these matters, Ma’arive Weekly, 12/12/78. The Energy Minister, who personally signed the Camp David agreements and the evacuation of Sdeh Alma, has since emphasized the seriousness of our condition from the point of view of oil supplies more than once…see Yediot Ahronot, 7/20/79. Energy Minister Modai even admitted that the government did not consult him at all on the subject of oil during the Camp David and Blair House negotiations. Ha’aretz, 8/22/79.

 10. Many sources report on the growth of the armaments budget in Egypt and on intentions to give the army preference in a peace epoch budget over domestic needs for which a peace was allegedly obtained. See former Prime Minister Mamduh Salam in an interview 12/18/77, Treasury Minister Abd El Sayeh in an interview 7/25/78, and the paper Al Akhbar, 12/2/78 which clearly stressed that the military budget will receive first priority, despite the peace. This is what former Prime Minister Mustafa Khalil has stated in his cabinet’s programmatic document which was presented to Parliament, 11/25/78. See English translation, ICA, FBIS, Nov. 27. 1978, pp. D 1-10.

According to these sources, Egypt’s military budget increased by 10% between fiscal 1977 and 1978, and the process still goes on. A Saudi source divulged that the Egyptians plan to increase their militmy budget by 100% in the next two years; Ha’aretz, 2/12/79 and Jerusalem Post, 1/14/79.

 11. Most of the economic estimates threw doubt on Egypt’s ability to reconstruct its economy by 1982. See Economic Intelligence Unit, 1978 Supplement, “The Arab Republic of Egypt”; E. Kanovsky, “Recent Economic Developments in the Middle East,” Occasional Papers, The Shiloah Institution, June 1977; Kanovsky, “The Egyptian Economy Since the Mid-Sixties, The Micro Sectors,” Occasional Papers, June 1978; Robert McNamara, President of World Bank, as reported in Times, London, 1/24/78.

 12. See the comparison made by the researeh of the Institute for Strategic Studies in London, and research camed out in the Center for Strategic Studies of Tel Aviv University, as well as the research by the British scientist, Denis Champlin, Military Review, Nov. 1979, ISS: The Military Balance 1979-1980, CSS; Security Arrangements in Sinai…by Brig. Gen. (Res.) A Shalev, No. 3.0 CSS; The Military Balance and the Military Options after the Peace Treaty with Egypt, by Brig. Gen. (Res.) Y. Raviv, No.4, Dec. 1978, as well as many press reports including El Hawadeth, London, 3/7/80; El Watan El Arabi, Paris, 12/14/79.

 13. As for religious ferment in Egypt and the relations between Copts and Moslems see the series of articles published in the Kuwaiti paper, El Qabas, 9/15/80. The English author Irene Beeson reports on the rift between Moslems and Copts, see: Irene Beeson, Guardian, London, 6/24/80, and Desmond Stewart, Middle East Internmational, London 6/6/80. For other reports see Pamela Ann Smith, Guardian, London, 12/24/79; The Christian Science Monitor 12/27/79 as well as Al Dustour, London, 10/15/79; El Kefah El Arabi, 10/15/79.

 14. Arab Press Service, Beirut, 8/6-13/80. The New Republic, 8/16/80, Der Spiegel as cited by Ha’aretz, 3/21/80, and 4/30-5/5/80; The Economist, 3/22/80; Robert Fisk, Times, London, 3/26/80; Ellsworth Jones, Sunday Times, 3/30/80.

 15.  J.P.  Peroncell  Hugoz,  Le  Monde,  Paris  4/28/80;  Dr.  Abbas  Kelidar,  Middle  East  Review,  Summer  1979;

Conflict Studies, ISS, July 1975; Andreas Kolschitter, Der Zeit, (Ha’aretz, 9/21/79) Economist Foreign Report, 10/10/79, Afro-Asian Affairs, London, July 1979.

 16. Arnold Hottinger, “The Rich Arab States in Trouble,” The New York Review of Books, 5/15/80; Arab Press Service, Beirut, 6/25-7/2/80; U.S. News and World Report, 11/5/79 as well as El Ahram, 11/9/79; El Nahar El Arabi Wal Duwali, Paris 9/7/79; El Hawadeth, 11/9/79; David Hakham, Monthly Review, IDF, Jan.-Feb. 79.

 17. As for Jordan’s policies and problems see El Nahar El Arabi Wal Duwali, 4/30/79, 7/2/79; Prof. Elie Kedouri, Ma’ariv 6/8/79; Prof. Tanter, Davar 7/12/79; A. Safdi, Jerusalem Post, 5/31/79; El Watan El Arabi 11/28/79; El Qabas, 11/19/79. As for PLO positions see: The resolutions of the Fatah Fourth Congress, Damascus, August 1980. The Shefa’amr program of the Israeli Arabs was published in Ha’aretz, 9/24/80, and by Arab Press Report 6/18/80. For facts and figures on immigration of Arabs to Jordan, see Amos Ben Vered, Ha’aretz, 2/16/77; Yossef Zuriel, Ma’ariv 1/12/80. As to the PLO’s position towards Israel see Shlomo Gazit, Monthly Review; July 1980; Hani El Hasan in an interview, Al Rai Al’Am, Kuwait 4/15/80; Avi Plaskov, “The Palestinian Problem,” Survival, ISS, London Jan. Feb. 78; David Gutrnann, “The Palestinian Myth,” Commentary, Oct. 75; Bernard Lewis, “The Palestinians and the PLO,” Commentary Jan. 75; Monday Morning, Beirut, 8/18-21/80; Journal of Palestine Studies, Winter 1980.

 18. Prof. Yuval Neeman, “Samaria–The Basis for Israel’s Security,” Ma’arakhot 272-273, May/June 1980; Ya’akov Hasdai, “Peace, the Way and the Right to Know,” Dvar Hashavua, 2/23/80. Aharon Yariv, “Strategic Depth–An Israeli Perspective,” Ma’arakhot 270-271, October 1979; Yitzhak Rabin, “Israel’s Defense Problems in the Eighties,” Ma’arakhot October 1979.

 19. Ezra Zohar, In the Regime’s Pliers (Shikmona, 1974); Motti Heinrich, Do We have a Chance Israel, Truth Versus Legend (Reshafim, 1981).

 20. Henry Kissinger, “The Lessons of the Past,” The Washington Review Vol 1, Jan. 1978; Arthur Ross, “OPEC’s Challenge to the West,” The Washington Quarterly, Winter, 1980; Walter Levy, “Oil and the Decline of the West,” Foreign Affairs, Summer 1980; Special Report–“Our Armed Forees-Ready or Not?” U.S. News and World Report 10/10/77; Stanley Hoffman, “Reflections on the Present Danger,” The New York Review of Books 3/6/80; Time 4/3/80; Leopold Lavedez “The illusions of SALT” Commentary Sept. 79; Norman Podhoretz, “The Present Danger,” Commentary March 1980; Robert Tucker, “Oil and American Power Six Years Later,” Commentary Sept. 1979; Norman Podhoretz, “The Abandonment of Israel,” Commentary July 1976; Elie Kedourie, “Misreading the Middle East,” Commentary July 1979.

 21. According to figures published by Ya’akov Karoz, Yediot Ahronot, 10/17/80, the sum total of anti-Semitic incidents recorded in the world in 1979 was double the amount recorded in 1978. In Germany, France, and Britain the number of anti-Semitic incidents was many times greater in that year. In the U.S. as well there has been a sharp increase in anti-Semitic incidents which were reported in that article. For the new anti-Semitism, see L. Talmon, “The New Anti-Semitism,” The New Republic, 9/18/1976; Barbara Tuchman, “They poisoned the Wells,” Newsweek 2/3/75.

 

Weekly report on israel’s terrorism on Palestinians (25 July – 31 July 2019)

PCHR Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations (25 – 31 July 2019)

Israeli violations of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory

25- 31 July 2019

  • Great March of Return in Eastern Gaza Strip: A Palestinian Civilian Killed and 73 others injured, including 35 children, 3 women and a paramedic in the oPt. 
  • West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem: 8 Civilians Injured, including 2 children. 
  • 62 civilians, including 3 children, arrested during 71 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem. 
  • 3 residential tents torn down in the northern Jordan Valley, 80 olive trees uprooted in Salfit, and 5 dunums confiscated from Sour Baher in occupied Jerusalem. 
  • 5 shooting incidents reported against Palestinian fishing boats off Gaza shores. 
  • Flare Bombs dropped in a house in eastern Deir al-Balah in the Central Gaza Strip. 
  • 44 temporary checkpoints established in the West Bank, where 4 Palestinian civilians were arrested. 

 

Summary 

During the reporting period, PCHR documented 133 violations of the international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli forces and settlers in the occupied Palestinian territory.

Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian during the Great March of Return protests in eastern Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip.  They also injured 81 others in the Gaza Strip and West Bank: 73 injuries, including 35 children, 3 women and a paramedic at the Great March of Return; and 8 injuries, including 2 children, during Israeli forces’ suppression of peaceful protests and incursions into residential neighbourhoods in the West Bank.

Israel carried out 71 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, and raided civilian houses attacking and enticing fear among residents. Moreover, 62 Palestinians were arrested, including 3 children and a Member of the dissolved Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC).

Additionally, 4 incidents were documented by PCHR under expanded settlement activity as the Israeli forces destroyed the fronts of an under-construction building in Nablus and bulldozed 3 residential tents and livestock barns in the northern Jordan Valley.  Furthermore, they confiscated 5 dunums from Sour Baher village in occupied Jerusalem and uprooted 80 fruitful olive trees in Salfit.

During the reporting period, the Israeli naval forces continued their attacks against the Palestinian fishermen and their equipment at sea though sailing within the allowed fishing area.  This week witnessed 5 shooting and chasing incidents against the fishermen and their boats.  Further, the Israeli forces opened fire twice in eastern Gaza Strip, where flare bombs fell on a house in eastern Deir al-Balah.  No casualties were reported.

It should be highlighted that Israel continues its closure policy on the Gaza Strip for the 13th consecutive year, severely restricting the freedom of movement of persons and goods and isolating the Gaza Strip from the West Bank and the rest of the world. Meanwhile, the West Bank is divided into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation and with temporary and permanent checkpoints.  During this week, 44 temporary military checkpoints were erected, and 4 Palestinian civilians were arrested there.

 

Violation of the right to life and to bodily integrity

Excessive Use of Force

The 68th Great March of Return took off in eastern Gaza Strip on Friday, 26 July 2019, titled “Palestinians Refugees of Lebanon”. The Israeli attacks resulted in killing 1 civilian and injury of 73 other, including 35 children, 3 women and a paramedic.

The incidents were as follows:

 

Excessive Use of Force against the Great March of Return in the Gaza Strip

  • Northern Gaza Strip: hundreds of civilians marched towards the central tent of the Great March of Return in Abu Safiyah area, northeast of Jabalia, north of the Gaza Strip. The protest involved activities such as national songs of the Palestinian heritage, speeches by political leaders in addition to raising the Palestinian flag. At approximately 17:00, Israeli forces stationed behind sand berms and in military vehicles along the border fence, fired live and rubber bullets as well as teargas canisters at the protesters. As a result, 11 of them were injured, including 5 children and a woman: 8, including the 5 children, were shot with live bullets; and 3, including a woman, with rubber bullets. 
  • Gaza City: At approximately 17:00, hundreds of civilians marched towards the central tent of the Great March of Return titled: “Palestinians Refugees of Lebanon” in eastern Malakah area. The protest involved raising Palestinian flags and chanting slogans and national songs. Tens of young men approached the border with Israel and threw stones at soldiers using slingshots. The activities continued until 19:00 on the same day. Despite the peaceful nature of the demonstrations, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence fired live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at the participants, wounding 8, including 2 children and a woman. The wounded paramedic, Ibrahim Jamil Jamous (31) was hit with a rubber bullet in his right hand.
  • Central Gaza Strip:  Approximately 15:00, around 900 participants (women, men, young men, elderlies, children and entire families) swarmed to the Return encampments, which are 400 meters away from the border fence with Israel in eastern al-Buriaj. Hundreds peacefully approached the border fence up to a distance of 2 – 250 meters away. A number of young men flew paper kites and threw stones at Israeli forces stationed there; the latter responded with live and rubber bullets in addition to teargas canisters. As a result, 21 civilians sustained wounds, including 12 children and a woman: 16 were shot with live bullets, 4 were shot with rubber bullets and 1was directly hit with a teargas canister.
  • Khan Younis:  At approximately 16:30, hundreds of civilians marched to the central encampment in Khuza’ah, east of Khan Younis, and activities included speeches, folklore songs and theoretical performances. Meanwhile, tens of young men approached the border fence with Israel and set tires on fire, threw stones and fireworks at the Israeli soldiers sheltered in military vehicles along the border fence. The Israeli attacks against protestors resulted in the killing of Ahmed Mohammed Abdullah al-Qarra (23), from Bani Suhaila, who was shot with a live bullet to the abdomen, causing him an internal bleeding at approximately 18:05. Al-Qarra was present 80 meters away from the border when he was shot, while eyewitness statements affirm that he was merely standing there. Due to his critical injury, al-Qarra was transferred from the medical point in the encampment to Gaza European Hospital where he stayed in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) until his death was declared at approximately 23:40. Furthermore, 12 civilians were injured, including 8 children: 2 wounded in their upper extremities and 2 in their lower limbs. Of the wounded, 10 were shot with live bullets and shrapnel, and 2 were directly hit with tear gas canisters and rubber bullets. Furthermore, dozens of civilians, including journalists and paramedics, suffocated due to teargas inhalation. Later that evening, at approximately 19:00, as the protests almost finished, at least 10 young men approached the border fence and attempted to cross it; some of them managed cross.  The Israeli forces chased the infiltrators and released police dogs at them, biting two, including a 12-year-old child.  All of them managed to flee back into the Gaza Strip and received treatment at the medical point. 
  • Rafah: Around 1400 civilians participated in the eastern Shokah protests, where folklore shows, and speeches were held. Dozens approached the border fence and threw stones. The Israeli soldiers used live and rubber bullets, and teargas canisters against the protestors. The incidents, which continued until approximately 19:00, resulted in the injury of 21 civilians, including 8 children: 8 wounded in the upper part of their bodies. Ten of those wounded were shot with live bullets and shrapnel, 7 shot with rubber bullets and 4 were hit with tear gas canisters. Mohammed Fathi Qeshtah (25) sustained serious wounds caused by a live bullet to the abdomen.

 

Excessive Use of Force against Protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

  • At approximately 16:00 on Thursday, 25 July 2019, a few children and youngsters gathered at the entrance to al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron, adjacent to the Bypass Road (60), and threw stones at Israeli soldiers sheltered in a military watchtower. The soldiers used rubber bullets and teargas canisters against the stone-throwers, causing the injury of a 17-year-old child with a rubber bullet to the left leg. The child was then transferred to Hebron Governmental Hospital.
  • At approximately 13:30 on Friday afternoon, 26 July 2019, Palestinians from Kufor Qaddoum village, northeast of Qalqiliyah organized their peaceful weekly protest, and then headed to the eastern village entrance that has been closed for 15 years in favor of “Kedumim” settlement. The demonstrators chanted national slogans demanding end of the occupation and protesting the Israeli forces’ crimes against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. The protestors threw stones at the Israeli soldiers stationed behind sand berms while the soldiers fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a 26-year-old civilian was hit with a rubber bullet to the neck, a 30-year-old civilian was hit with a rubber bullet to the back and a 25-year-old civilian was hit with a rubber bullet to the hand. (Names of the wounded civilians are available at PCHR) 
  • Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity 
  • At approximately 23:30 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Sunday, 28 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed northwest of Beit Lahia shore in northern Gaza strip, opened fire and pumped water at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles in an attempt to sink them. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 23:00 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed off Rafah shore in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 23:15 on the same Monday, Israeli forces backed by a bulldozer moved into Nablus from the southern entrance (Howarah checkpoint) and eastern entrance (Beit Furik) to secure the entry of dozens of buses carrying settlers to the abovementioned area in order to perform their prayers in “Joseph’s Tomb” in Balatat al-Balad, east of the city. A number of civilians gathered on Amman Street, set tires on fire, put barricades on the street and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli patrols in the city. The Israeli forces fired Two-Two bullets at them. As a result, 4 civilians, including a child, were wounded to the right thigh.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia shore in northern Gaza Strip, opened fire and pumped water at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles in an attempt to sink these boats. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 21:00 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, fired several flare bombs at the area adjacent to the border fence. A bomb fell on a house belonging to Kamel Sayed al-Louh (60), 800 meters away from the border fence, causing partial damage to the apartment of his son Haitham (30). Another bomb fell on the street, east of al-Louh house, while the third fell in the landfill, east of Deir al-Balah, 20 meters away from the border fence. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Wednesday, 31 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, opened fire and fired flare bombs at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives; neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 07:20 on Wednesday, 31 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis fired live bullets at agricultural lands in al-Sanati area, east of ‘Abasan al-Kabirah, west of the border fence. As a result, a tire of a tractor belonging to ‘Azam Qdaih, was hit with a live bullet while working in a land 150 meters away from the border fence. As a result, the tractor stopped working and left the area.

 

  1. Incursions and Arrests

Thursday, 25 July 2019:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into several neighborhoods in Hebron. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to ‘Azam No’man Salhab (59), a Member at the dissolved Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) representing the Reform and Change Bloc, and Ayman Mohammed al-Natshah (40) and then arrested them.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Jenin. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Ghassan ‘Adnan al-Atrash (35) and Abdul Rahman ‘Ali Mahmoud Saleh Abu Khader (37) and then arrested them.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Wad Barqin village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Yahiya Ahmed ‘Ali Turkman al-Hendawi (48) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Yamoun village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to engineer Meqdad Ahmed Nawahdah (38) and then arrested him.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Silah al-Harithiyah village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud ‘Essa ‘Aram (23) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:40, Israeli forces moved into al-Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied Jerusalem. they raided and searched several houses and then arrested 7 civilians, including a father and his 2 sons, taking them to detentions centers for investigation. The arrestees were identified as: Tha’er Abed Mahmoud, his sons Mohammed and Abdul Rahman; Adham Sabtah, Mohammed Amin Khalaf, Mohammed Abed ‘Atiyah and Nasim Amjad ohsen.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into ‘Anzah village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed ‘Awni Obaid (27) and the arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Balatat al-Balad refugee camp, east of Nablus. They raided ad searched a house belonging to Omer Bassam Wadee’a Qar’an (30) and the arrested him.
  • At around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Surif village, northwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud Ghuneimat (20) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into Qaz’out village, northeast of Nablus. They surrounded a house belonging to Mohammed ‘Ataa Hasan Sharai’ah at the village entrance blew up the main gate of a workshop under the house and then confiscated 2 metal lathes and their parts and later withdrew from the house. Mohammed Sharai’ah said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“At approximately 03:30 on Thursday, 25 July 2019, my family of 8 members were asleep at our house in ‘Azmout village, northeast of Nablus. We woke up to an explosive sound under our 2-story house (the ground floor is used as stores and a workshop while the other floor is used as a resident). Israeli soldiers blew up the main gate, handcuffed me and left me under the staircase in the ground floor. I asked them to speak with the officer, but they refused. The soldiers then destroyed the lathes in an attempt to dismantle them. At approximately 06:30, the soldiers brought a mounted-crane truck and confiscated the lathes that cost about NIS 125,000. After the soldiers withdrew from the house, my wife told me that they detained her and my children in our bedroom, searched the house and questioned my wife.”

  • At approximately 19:00, a number of children and youngsters gathered in al-Zawiyah Gate area in the center of Hebron. They threw stones at Israeli soldiers stationed at a military checkpoint established at the entrance to al-Shuhada’a Street (Checkpoint No. 56). The soldiers chased them and then arrested Ezz Eden Yusuf Mo’amer al-Atrash (17), and took him to the military camp on al-Shuhada’a closed street.
  • At approximately 19:30 Israeli forces stationed at a temporary military checkpoint at the entrance to al-Kafriyat entrance, south of Tulkarm, arrested Baha’a ‘Ezz Eden al-Jalad (28) and Ahmed Khalil Mohammed al-Shafe’i (26), from Tulkarm, and confiscated al-Jalad’s vehicle.
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in al-Thaheriyah and Beit al-Roush al-Tahta in Hebron; Sebastia village, northwest of Nablus. No arrests were reported.

 

Friday, 26 July 2019:

  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in Bani Na’im, Tarqumiya, al-Semia villages and Yatta in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Saturday, 27 July 2019:

  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in Dura, Karza, Nuba and Tarama villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Sunday, 28 July 2019

  • At approximately 01:25, Israeli forces moved into Bedia village, northwest of Salfit. They raided and searched a house belonging to Abdullah Mohammed Mustafa Shatat (26) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:40, Israeli forces moved into Tulkarm refugee camp, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Hasan Matrouk (20) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Tal village, southwest of Nablus. They raided and searched a house belonging to Yusuf Ibrahim ‘Afanah (20) and then arrested him.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Ethna village, west of Hebron. they raided and searched a house belonging to Abdul Karim Hammad Farajallah (35) and then arrested him.
  • At the same time, Israeli forces moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron, and stationed in Huneinah neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Shadi Abdul Fattah ‘Amr (35) and then handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 02:15, Israeli forces moved into ‘Anabta village, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Oseid Ayman Shafiq Qabbag (19) and Adam Omer Sobhi Qabbag (24) and then arrested them.
  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in Sebastia village, northwest of Nablus, Deir al-‘Asal, Abu al-‘Asja and al-Thaheriyah villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Monday, 29 July 2019:

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and then arrested 7 civilians, including 2 children: Nagham Mohammed Hasan ‘Elyan (16), Mo’atasem Hamzah Obeid (15). The other arrestees were identified as: Yusuf Hashem ‘Elyan, Majed Suleiman Dari, Mohammed ‘Elyan, Anas ‘Elyan and Fadi Yusuf Mustafa ‘Obeid.
  • At approximately 12:30, Israeli forces moved into ‘Aqraba village, southeast of Nablus. They confiscated an excavator driven by Suhail Samih Abdul Hamid Abdul Fattah, from Yasouf village, east of Salfit. The excavator, which belongs to Shaker Shukri Talab, from the abovementioned village, was working on expanding ‘Aqraba main street near Sheikh Sa’adah Mosque for favor of ‘Aqraba Municipality. The soldiers forced Suhail to drive the excavator to Za’tarah checkpoint, south of Nablus where it was confiscated.
  • Israeli forces carried out (6) incursions in northern ‘Asirah village, north of Nablus; eastern al-Laban village, southeast of the city; al-Thaheriyah, Bani Na’im, Emrish and Susiya villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

 

Tuesday, 30 July 2019:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohamed ‘Emad al-Taiti (19) and then arrested him.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Yatta in southern Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Loai Khaled al-‘Amour (25) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Hebron and stationed in al-Shaiekh neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Rezeq Mohamed Burhan al-Ja’bari (28) and then arrested him.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Hassan Mahmoud Jarrar (22) and then arrested him.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Ratib Raied Rajeh Bali (18) and Fares Hussain Rahhal (21) and then arrested them.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohamed Tawfiq Hamdi Turkman (20) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:40, Israeli forces moved into ‘Izbit Shofa village, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched a house belonging to Nashat Mohamed Mostafa Hamad (30) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Ummer village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Ali Zaiyd Ikhlayil (23) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Samou’a village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Fathi Ahmed al-Badareen (27) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces established a military checkpoint nar Sinjel village, north of Ramallah. They stopped Palestinians ‘vehicles, checked their IDs and then arrested Jehad ‘Ortani (30), from Nablus.
  • In the evening, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Issawiyia village, northeast of occupied Jerusalem. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested 5 civilians and took them to detention facilities for interrogation. The arrestees were identified as Sari Raied Jaber, Jum’a Marwan Hamdan, Nayif Waseem ‘Obaid, Mahmoud Ramadan ‘Obaid, and ‘Abed Abu Sayimah. The Israeli forces also raided Tsh’ari Tsedeq Hospital in western Jerusalem and arrested Zakaria ‘Olayan (47) from his workplace.
  • On Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli police summoned Mohamed Rabie’ ‘Olayian (4) for interrogation and his father accompanied him. On Tuesday morning, 30 July 2019, they arrived at Salah al-Deen Police Station in central occupied East Jerusalem, but an Israeli police officer refused to receive him, claiming that they did not summon him. Mohamed’s family confirmed that the Israeli forces ordered Mohamed’s father to bring his son for interrogation.
  • On Tuesday evening, 30 July 2019, the Israeli police summoned Qais Feras ‘Obaid (6) for interrogation in Salah al-Deen Police Station and his father accompanied him. It should be noted that the Israeli forces pursued Qais to arrest him under the pretext of throwing stones. Qais said that he threw a juice box to the ground when the soldiers were in front of his family house in al-‘Issawiyia village.
  • Israeli forces conducted (5) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Tubas, Dura, Karza, and Dir Samet villages and al-Fawar refugee camp in Hebron.

 

 

Wednesday, 31 July 2019:

  • At approximately 00:20, Israeli forces moved into ‘Ateel village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested Laith Helmi Abu Khalil (18), Mujaef Helmi Abu Khalil (19), and Yousef Helmi Abu Khalil (20) after interrogating them. All of them were later released.
  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Nablus. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested Yaser Khaled Mohamed Manna’ (30), Marwan Stayitah (35), and Fadel al-Kurdi (32).
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Jawad Khadir al-Ja’bari (25) and Ibrahim Nimer al-Ja’bari (30) and then arrested them.
  • At approximately 14:00, Israeli forces established a military checkpoint at the entrance to Beit ‘Aynoun village, east of Hebron. They then arrested Haitham’Awon Shehda Abu ‘Arram (23), from Yatta in southern Hebron.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Soreef village, northwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Islam ‘Arafat al-Hadmi (30) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Ethna village in western Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Emad ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Batran (38) and then arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Dajan village, east of Nablus. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mo’awiyia ‘Afeef Hanini (34) and then arrested him.
  • Israeli forces conducted (5) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Silat al-Harithyia and al-Yamoun villages, west of Jenin; Beit Rima village, northwest of Ramallah; and Bani Na’iem and al-Shayyoukh villages in Hebron. 

 

Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank including occupied East Jerusalem 

  1. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Settlement Expansion Activities
  • At approximately 07:45 on Friday, 26 July 2019, an Israeli infantry force, from “Berkha” settlement, moved into al-Manshrah area in southern Nablus. The Israeli force raided an under-construction house belonging to Montaser Nafi’ ‘Abed al-Latif Mansour (28) and damaged the house’ contents, including a water tank and other construction material. The Israeli forces claimed that the house was built in a military area, even though that they did not hand any official notice or warrant to Montaser’s family.
  • At approximately 06:30 on Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbit al-Ras al-Ahmar in Northern Jordan Valley, northeast of Tubas. Israeli forces bulldozed tents, houses, and barns belonging to 3 families. The damage were as follows:
    • Two residential tents built on an area of 60 square meters and used for breeding livestock, in addition to demolishing a solar cell belongs to Ayman ‘Izzat Yousef Bani ‘Odah.
    • A 40-sqaure-meter residential tent was bulldozed, 2 livestock barns built on an area of 100 square meters were also demolished, 2 feeders belonging to Jameel Suliman Bani ‘Odah were damaged.

During the demolition, Israeli forces confiscated the IDs of 3 activists in the popular resistance movement, identified as Ayman Rabah Ghareeb Bani ‘Odah, Ahmed Mahmoud Sa’ied Mosalamni, and Rashid Khaled Rashid Sawaftah. They also confiscated a cell phone belonging to Fawzi Faraj ‘Abed al-Khaleq Abu Zainah.

  • On Tuesday, the Israeli authorities confiscated a plot of land in al-Qaysan neighborhood in Surbaher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of its allocation for public utility, according to Hamada Hamada, Head of Wadi al-Humus Families Committee. He added that the plot of land, property of Omar Ahmed Dabash and Yaser ‘Ali Khalil Doyat, was built on 5 dunums and 200 square meters. Dabash and Doyat challenged the decision before the Israeli Courts, but the court decided in favor of the Israeli authorities. The latter claimed that they confiscated that land to build public utility facilities such as a community center, police station and daycare centers.
  1. Israeli Settler Violence
  • At approximately 10:50 on Saturday, 27 July 2019, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Rahalim“ settlement, attacked 80 olive trees, sawed them, and broke their twigs. The trees belong to the siblings Radi and Ahmed Mahmoud Hussain ‘Atiyani. Radi told PCHR’s fieldworker that: “At approximately 10:00 on Saturday, 27 July 2019, my brother Rajeh headed to his plot of land in Khelet Wasel area, east of Yasouf village and found that all trees were sawed by Israeli settlers and their twigs were broken. It should be noted that we are denied access to the area, but we go there and come back quickly fearing of the settlers. This was not the first attack, in fact, the Israeli settlers repeatedly launch attacks in the area, so we informed the official bodies. After that, Palestinian police officers and Liaison came to the area and we submitted a complaint.”

 

  • Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods

The Gaza Strip

As the Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip enters its 14th consecutive year this July, severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of persons and goods enhance the de facto separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Moreover, Israeli naval forces imposed a blockade, chased fishermen, opened fire at them, and confiscated their fishing equipment. During the reporting period, 5 shooting incidents and chasing fishermen and their boats were documented.

 

  • Note: No updates occurred on the state of the crossing during the reporting

 

  1. West Bank

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals movement between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. Israeli forces established 44 temporary checkpoints, from which they arrested 4 civilians.

The military checkpoint were as follows:

 

Qalqiliyia: 

  • On Friday, 26 July 2019, Israeli forces established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Kafur Qaddoum and Jeet villages, north of Qalqiliyia; and at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village, east of the city.
  • On Saturday, 27 July 2019, 2 similar checkpoints were established at the entrances to ‘Azoun and ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb villages, east of Qalqiliyia.

 

Salfit: 

  • At approximately 05:30 on Friday, 26 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the entrance to Kaful Hares village, north of Salfit.

 

Tulkarm: 

  • On Thursday, 25 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the entrance to al-Kafriyat, south of Tulkarm, where they arrested 2 civilians and confiscated a vehicle.

 

Nablus: 

  • At approximately 20:00 on Saturday, 27 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint on Bypass road “Khelet al-Tota intersection”, at the north-eastern entrance to Zawatah village, west of Nablus.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Sunday, 28 July 2019, a similar checkpoint was established at Dir Sharaf village’s square, west of the city.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint in ‘Ain Mizrab area, at the north-eastern entrance to Tal village, southwest of Nablus.

 

Ramallah: 

  • On Thursday, 25 July 2019, Israeli forces established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to al-Nabi Saleh and Dir Nizam villages, west of Ramllah; and at the entrance to Beit ‘Or al-Tahtah village, south of Ramallah.
  • On Friday, 26 July 2019, a similar checkpoint was established at the entrance to al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of the city.
  • On Saturday, 27 July 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Dir Abu Mish’al and al-Nabi Saleh villages, northwest of Ramallah.
  • On Monday, 4 similar checkpoints were established at the entrances to Shaqbah, Beit Ur al-Tahtah and ‘Atarah villages, and at the entrance to al-Jalazoun refugee camp.
  • On Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint at the entrance to al-Nabi Salah village, northwest of Ramallah.
  • At approximately 18:00 on Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli forces established a checkpoint near senjil village, north of Ramallah. They stopped Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs, and then arrested a civilian from Nablus.

 

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 25 July 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Beit Kahel village and on Wad Risha road.
  • On Friday, 26 July 2019, 3 similar checkpoints were established at the entrance to Tarousa village, at the southern entrance to Hebron, and at the northern entrance to Halhoul village.
  • On Saturday, 27 July 2019, Israeli forces established 5 checkpoints at the entrances to Ethna and Beit Ummerm villages, at the entrance to al-Fawar camp, at the southern entrance to Hebron, and at the southern entrance to Halhoul village.
  • On Sunday, 28 July 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the intersection of Beit ‘Aynoun village and at the southern entrance to Halhoul village.
  • On Monday, 29 July 2019, 4 similar checkpoints were established at the southern entrance to Hebron, and at the entrances to al-Dahiriyia, Bani Na’iem and Jalajel villages,
  • At approximately 09:00 on Monday, Israeli authorities closed with sand berms and stones Sha’b al-Baten road, leading to al-Masafer area, east of Yatta in southern Hebron. It should be noted that it was the 3rd time that the Israeli authorities closed the road after Palestinians opening it; this road is considered an essential route for traffic connecting nearby towns and governorates.
  • On Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli forces established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Samou’a and Tarqumiyia.
  • On Wednesday, 31 July 2019, 3 similar checkpoints were established at the entrances to Beit ‘Awaa, Sa’ir and Beit Ummer villages.

Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity 

  • At approximately 23:30 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Sunday, 28 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed northwest of Beit Lahia shore in northern Gaza strip, opened fire and pumped water at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles in an attempt to sink them. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 23:00 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed off Rafah shore in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 23:15 on the same Monday, Israeli forces backed by a bulldozer moved into Nablus from the southern entrance (Howarah checkpoint) and eastern entrance (Beit Furik) to secure the entry of dozens of buses carrying settlers to the abovementioned area in order to perform their prayers in “Joseph’s Tomb” in Balatat al-Balad, east of the city. A number of civilians gathered on Amman Street, set tires on fire, put barricades on the street and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli patrols in the city. The Israeli forces fired Two-Two bullets at them. As a result, 4 civilians, including a child, were wounded to the right thigh.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia shore in northern Gaza Strip, opened fire and pumped water at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles in an attempt to sink these boats. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives, but neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 21:00 on Monday, 29 July 2019, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, fired several flare bombs at the area adjacent to the border fence. A bomb fell on a house belonging to Kamel Sayed al-Louh (60), 800 meters away from the border fence, causing partial damage to the apartment of his son Haitham (30). Another bomb fell on the street, east of al-Louh house, while the third fell in the landfill, east of Deir al-Balah, 20 meters away from the border fence. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Wednesday, 31 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, opened fire and fired flare bombs at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee fearing for their lives; neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 07:20 on Wednesday, 31 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis fired live bullets at agricultural lands in al-Sanati area, east of ‘Abasan al-Kabirah, west of the border fence. As a result, a tire of a tractor belonging to ‘Azam Qdaih, was hit with a live bullet while working in a land 150 meters away from the border fence. As a result, the tractor stopped working and left the area.

Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank including occupied East Jerusalem

 

  1. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Settlement Expansion Activities
  • At approximately 07:45 on Friday, 26 July 2019, an Israeli infantry force, from “Berkha” settlement, moved into al-Manshrah area in southern Nablus. The Israeli force raided an under-construction house belonging to Montaser Nafi’ ‘Abed al-Latif Mansour (28) and damaged the house’ contents, including a water tank and other construction material. The Israeli forces claimed that the house was built in a military area, even though that they did not hand any official notice or warrant to Montaser’s family.
  • At approximately 06:30 on Tuesday, 30 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbit al-Ras al-Ahmar in Northern Jordan Valley, northeast of Tubas. Israeli forces bulldozed tents, houses, and barns belonging to 3 families. The damage were as follows:
    • Two residential tents built on an area of 60 square meters and used for breeding livestock, in addition to demolishing a solar cell belongs to Ayman ‘Izzat Yousef Bani ‘Odah.
    • A 40-sqaure-meter residential tent was bulldozed, 2 livestock barns built on an area of 100 square meters were also demolished, 2 feeders belonging to Jameel Suliman Bani ‘Odah were damaged.

During the demolition, Israeli forces confiscated the IDs of 3 activists in the popular resistance movement, identified as Ayman Rabah Ghareeb Bani ‘Odah, Ahmed Mahmoud Sa’ied Mosalamni, and Rashid Khaled Rashid Sawaftah. They also confiscated a cell phone belonging to Fawzi Faraj ‘Abed al-Khaleq Abu Zainah.

  • On Tuesday, the Israeli authorities confiscated a plot of land in al-Qaysan neighborhood in Surbaher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of its allocation for public utility, according to Hamada Hamada, Head of Wadi al-Humus Families Committee. He added that the plot of land, property of Omar Ahmed Dabash and Yaser ‘Ali Khalil Doyat, was built on 5 dunums and 200 square meters. Dabash and Doyat challenged the decision before the Israeli Courts, but the court decided in favor of the Israeli authorities. The latter claimed that they confiscated that land to build public utility facilities such as a community center, police station and daycare centers.
  1. Israeli Settler Violence
  • At approximately 10:50 on Saturday, 27 July 2019, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Rahalim“ settlement, attacked 80 olive trees, sawed them, and broke their twigs. The trees belong to the siblings Radi and Ahmed Mahmoud Hussain ‘Atiyani. Radi told PCHR’s fieldworker that: “At approximately 10:00 on Saturday, 27 July 2019, my brother Rajeh headed to his plot of land in Khelet Wasel area, east of Yasouf village and found that all trees were sawed by Israeli settlers and their twigs were broken. It should be noted that we are denied access to the area, but we go there and come back quickly fearing of the settlers. This was not the first attack, in fact, the Israeli settlers repeatedly launch attacks in the area, so we informed the official bodies. After that, Palestinian police officers and Liaison came to the area and we submitted a complaint.”

Full report at PCHR official.

Bassam Shakaa: The Making of a Palestinian ‘Organic Intellectual’

Bassam Al Shakaa

Between his birth in Nablus in 1930 and his death, Bassam Shakaa fought a relentless struggle for Palestinian rights. He challenged Israel, the PA, US imperialism and reactionary Arab governments. Throughout this arduous journey, he survived exile, prison and an assassination attempt.

July 29th, 2019

t would be unfair to claim that Palestine has not produced great leaders. It has, and Bassam Shakaa, the former Mayor of Nablus, who passed away on July 22 at the age of 89, was living proof of this.

The supposed deficit in good Palestinian leadership can be attributed to the fact that many great leaders have been either assassinated, languish in prison or are politically marginalized by Palestinian factions.

What was unique about Shakaa is that he was a true nationalist leader who struggled on behalf of all Palestinians without harboring any ideological, factionalist or religious prejudice. Shakaa was an inclusive Palestinian leader, with profound affinity to pan-Arabism and constant awareness of the global class struggle.





In a way, Shakaa exemplified the ‘organic intellectual’ as described by Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci. Indeed, Shakaa was not a mere “mover of feelings and passions” but an “active participant in practical life, as constructor and organizer – a permanent persuader, not just a simple orator”.

Shakaa’s base of support was, and remained, the people – ordinary Palestinians from Nablus and throughout Palestine who always stood by his side, most memorably when the Israeli government attempted to exile him in 1975; when the Palestinian Authority (PA) placed him under house arrest in 1999 and when he was finally laid to rest in his beloved home town of Nablus, a few days ago.

Between his birth in Nablus in 1930 and his death, Shakaa fought a relentless struggle for Palestinian rights. He challenged Israel, the PA, US imperialism and reactionary Arab governments. Throughout this arduous journey, he survived exile, prison and an assassination attempt.

But there is more to Shakaa than his intellect, eloquence, and morally-guided positions. The man represented the rise of a true democratic Palestinian leadership, one that sprang from, spoke and fought for the people.

It was in the mid-1970s that Shakaa rose to prominence as a Palestinian nationalist leader, an event that changed the face of Palestinian politics to this day.

Following its occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza in June 1967, the Israeli government moved quickly to fashion a new status quo, where the Occupation became permanent and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was denied any political base in the newly occupied territories.

Among other things, the Israeli government aimed at creating an ‘alternative’ Palestinian leadership that would engage with Israel with trivial, non-political matters, therefore marginalizing the PLO and its inclusive political program.

In April 1976, the Israeli government, then led by Yitzhak Rabin, conducted local elections in the West Bank and Gaza.

Israel had, by then, assembled another group of Palestinian ‘leaders’, which consisted mostly of traditional heads of clans – a small, self-seeking oligarchy that historically accommodated whatever foreign power happened to be ruling over Palestinians.

Israel was almost certain that its hand-picked allies were ready to sweep the local elections. But the Occupation had its unintended consequences, which surprised the Israelis themselves. For the first time since Israel’s creation, all of historic Palestine was now under Israeli control. This also meant that the Palestinian people were, once again, part of the same demographic unit, which allowed for coordinated political mobilization and popular resistance.

These efforts were largely facilitated by the Palestinian National Front (PNF) which was founded in 1973 and comprised all Palestinian groups throughout Occupied Palestine. What irked Israel most is that the PNF had developed a political line that was largely parallel to that of the PLO.

To Israel’s dismay, the PNF decided to take part in the local elections, hoping that its victory could defeat the Israeli stratagem entirely. To thwart the PNF’s initiative, the Israeli army carried out a massive campaign of arrests and deportation of the group’s members, which included intellectuals, academics and local leaders.

But all had failed as Palestine’s new leaders won decisive victories, claiming most mayoral offices and bravely articulating an anti-occupation, pro-PLO agenda.

“We are for the PLO, and we say this in our electoral speeches,” the elected Mayor of Ramallah, Karim Khalaf, said at the time. “The people who come along to our meetings do not ask about road improvements and new factories; we want an end to the Occupation.”

Bassam Shakaa was at the forefront of that nascent movement, whose ideals and slogans spread out to all Palestinian communities, including those inside Israel.

Bassam Al Shakaa

Bassam Al Shakaa following an assassination attempt

Despite decades of exile, fragmentation and Occupation, the Palestinian national identity was now at its zenith, an outcome the Israeli government could never have anticipated.

In October 1978, Shakaa, Khalaf and the other empowered mayors were joined by city councilors and leaders of various nationalist institutions to form the National Leadership Committee, the main objective of which was to challenge the disastrous Camp David agreement and the resulting marginalization of the Palestinian people and their leadership.

On July 2, 1980, a bomb planted by a Jewish terrorist group, blew up Shakaa’s car, costing him both of his legs. Another targeted Khalaf, who had one of his legs amputated. The leaders emerged even stronger following the assassination attempts.

“They ripped off both my legs, but this only means that I am closer to my land,” said Shakaa from his hospital bed.

“I have my heart, my intellect and a just aim to fight for, I don’t need my legs.”

In November 1981, the Israeli government dismissed the nationalist mayors, including Shakaa. But that was not the end of his struggle which, following the formation of the PA in Ramallah in 1994, acquired a new impetus.

Shakaa challenged the PA’s corruption and subservience to Israel. His frustration with the PA led him to help draft and to sign, in 1999, a “Cry from the Homeland”, which denounced the PA for its “systematic methodology of corruption, humiliation and abuse against the people.” As a result, the PA placed Shakaa, then 70, under house arrest. 

However, it was that very movement created by Shakaa, Khalaf and their peers that sowed the seeds for the popular Palestinian uprising in 1987. In fact, the ‘First Intifada’ remains the most powerful popular movement in modern Palestinian history.

May Shakaa rest in peace and power, now that he has fulfilled his historic mission as one of Palestine’s most beloved leaders and true organic intellectuals of all times.

Feature photo | Bassam Al Shakaa poses in front of an Israeli police vehicle just one week after being released from an Israeli jail.

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and editor of Palestine Chronicle. His last book is ‘The Last Earth: A Palestinian Story’ (Pluto Press, London). Baroud has a Ph.D. in Palestine Studies from the University of Exeter and was a Non-Resident Scholar at Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies, University of California Santa Barbara. His website iswww.ramzybaroud.net

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

‘Israeli’ Regime Summons 3-Year Old Palestinian Boy ‘for Interrogation’

 

By Staff, Agencies

In the latest violation of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, ‘Israeli’ occupation authorities on Monday issued a summons for a 3-year-old child to be brought to the occupied al-Quds police station for interrogation.

During an invasion of al-‘Isawiya neighborhood in occupied al-Quds Monday night, the ‘Israeli’ enemy forces stormed the home of 3-year old Mohammad Rabi ‘Alian, and handed a summons to his parents for him to appear the following day for interrogation about possible ‘stone throwing.’

At the time of the summons, dozens of Palestinian residents of al-‘Isawiya accompanied the small boy to the interrogation center, holding a protest outside while he headed in to be interrogated by the Zionist police.

The Palestinian Prisoners Society called for an investigation into the incident, which they called a blatant example of the occupation’s criminality against children.

The head of the Commission, Maj. Gen. Kadri Abu Bakr, condemned the enemy’s authorities for summoning the 3-year old child, stressing that the occupation is committing open and clear crimes against minors.

Abu Bakr added that Palestinian childhood is in grave and constant danger in light of the silence of the international community towards ‘Israeli’ violations of international law and the global convention on children’s rights.

He stressed that the ‘Israeli’ occupation authorities have stepped up their targeting of occupied al-Quds during the last few years. It was noted that there is an organized campaign against its people in particular, and that arresting them have escalated.

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