RT Documentary on Ahed Tamimi

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The above documentary is very much worth watching. Uploaded on March 9 and entitled “The Slap Heard Around the World: The People of Israel vs. Ahed Tamimi,” the video focuses not only on the Tamimi family and Ahed’s case in the Israeli military court system, but also the hysteria that has erupted in Israeli society over the whole affair. It includes interviews with members of the Tamimi family as well as Israeli journalist Gideon Levy.

For the past couple of days I’ve been trying to find out what, if anything, occurred in the Ofer military court on Sunday, March 11, the day Ahed’s trial was supposed to open. For some reason the Israeli media, at least the outlets that publish in English, have largely gone mum on the case. About the only reference I could find was a Haaretz piece published a bit earlier today and which, though vague on details, seems to suggest that the trial has been postponed once again so that the court may consider an appeal of its decision to close proceedings to the public.

Ahed’s pre-trial hearings were open to the public, but on February 13 a ruling was issued saying the trial would be held behind closed doors. Then on February 26, Israeli soldiers carried out another raid in Nabi Saleh, arresting Mohammed Tamimi, Ahed’s 15-year-old cousin, the boy who was shot in the head by a rubber-coated bullet. One day after that arrest an Israeli official went public with a claim that Mohammed had “admitted” under interrogation that the head injury had been from a bike accident. The bogus claim is covered in the video above.

The latest charade the Israelis seem to be playing is that it is not the prosecution that objects to having the trial opened to the public, but that this decision was made by the court alone and with Ahed’s best interest at heart.

“We left the request to open the hearings to the judgment of the court of first instance, and we will leave that request to the discretion of this honorable court,” says Maj. Gilad Peretz, the military prosecutor quoted in the Haaretz story.

In other words, Peretz purports to be neutral on the question of a trial behind closed doors, but with an air of touching concern for the girl’s welfare believes that keeping the proceedings closed would be “to Tamimi’s advantage.”

The appeal, filed by defense attorney Gabby Lasky, calls for the trial to be opened to the public, and while the court did not issue a ruling in a hearing held on Monday, it is “expected to do so shortly,” the report states.

It’s interesting that the Israeli media, aside from the Haaretz article (which is very brief) have gone so quiet on the story–in stark contrast to the kind of reporting we were seeing back in January, February and the latter part of December, when stories were coming out virtually every day. Apparently “out of sight out of mind” is the operative theory now.

Meanwhile, Ahed and her mother, Nariman, remain locked up in an Israeli prison.

Below is a commentary written by Jonathan Cook and published a bit over a week ago by Mondoweiss.


Israeli Army’s Lies Can No Longer Salvage Its Image

By Jonathan Cook

It is has been a very bad week for those claiming Israel has the most moral army in the world. Here’s a small sample of abuses of Palestinians in recent days in which the Israeli army was caught lying.

A child horrifically injured by soldiers was arrested and terrified into signing a false confession that he was hurt in a bicycle accident. A man who, it was claimed, had died of tear-gas inhalation was actually shot at point-blank range, then savagely beaten by a mob of soldiers and left to die. And soldiers threw a tear gas canister at a Palestinian couple, baby in arms, as they fled for safety during a military invasion of their village.

In the early 2000s, at the dawn of the social media revolution, Israelis used to dismiss filmed evidence of brutality by their soldiers as fakery. It was what they called “Pallywood” – a conflation of Palestinian and Hollywood.

In truth, however, it was the Israeli military, not the Palestinians, that needed to manufacture a more convenient version of reality.

Last week, it emerged, Israeli officials had conceded to a military court that the army had beaten and locked up a group of Palestinian reporters as part of an explicit policy of stopping journalists from covering abuses by its soldiers.

Israel’s deceptions have a long history. Back in the 1970s, a young Juliano Meir-Khamis, later to become one of Israel’s most celebrated actors, was assigned the job of carrying a weapons bag on operations in the Jenin refugee camp in the West Bank. When Palestinian women or children were killed, he placed a weapon next to the body.

In one incident, when soldiers playing around with a shoulder-launcher fired a missile at a donkey, and the 12-year-old girl riding it, Meir-Khamis was ordered to put explosives on their remains.

Continued here




February 24, 2018  /  Gilad Atzmon


By Eve Mykytyn

Take $3,500 and a one-way ticket to an ‘unnamed’ African country (Rwanda or Uganda) by April 1, or face indefinite imprisonment. This is what Israel told the 40,000 African migrants who have been stuck in limbo in Israel for years. According to the Israeli governmentroughly 20,000 Africans have already been expelled.

On February 21, following the imprisonment of seven Eritreans who refused to leave Israel, 750 African asylum seekers detained at the  Holot detention center began a hunger strike reportedly refusing both food and water.

It seems that Israel has come face to face with one consequence of trying to be a ‘nation like all others’: having to cope with the difficulties of refugees who want the protection of your state without necessarily subscribing to your values.

Israel calls itself the Jewish state (as opposed to a state of its citizens), and actively seeks Jewish immigrants. This has given religious identity  a huge role in Israel, although Israel  is largely secular. Israel has not yet become a ‘nation like all others’  in its treatment of non Jews.  Its 20% Palestinian minority are second-class citizens.*

The African asylum seekers and its Palestinian citizens are not the only non Jewish residents of Israel has who have the potential of conflicting with Israel’s policy of being the Jewish state. Like many wealthy countries, Israel has chosen to import labor for the lower rungs of the pay scale. After the 1967 war, Palestinians crossed into Israel to work in construction and agriculture. Then following the first intifada in 1987, Israel banned most Palestinians  from entering and decided instead to import labor from developing countries. By 2002, there were 226,000 migrant workers living in Israel. Such workers; Thais on farms, Chinese in construction, African street labor and Filipino caregivers are sometimes described as ‘transparents,’  communities invisible to most Israelis. These laborers were never intended to and largely have not been given permanent refuge in Israel.

To keep the migrant population from ‘taking root,’ as Israel’s Interior Ministry puts it, the ministry has devised a byzantine system of barriers. Work permits for foreign caregivers are valid for only five years and three months, and are meant to ensure their presence is transitory. They face additional restrictions on the locations in which they can work, their ability to marry,  to ‘visit’ Israel with family members and in job mobility.

Nonetheless, Israel’s right wing parties see migrant workers as  a direct threat to the country’s Jewish makeup. In 2008, the government moved to deport 1,200 children of undocumented foreign workers. After a public outcry the Israeli government granted amnesty to 800 children of migrant workers who met certain strict criteria.  Other than this trivial number of new permanent residents, Israel has been successful in importing cheap  labor without adding to its non Jewish citizenry.

Israel has taken in a number of Jews from relatively poor backgrounds, particularly Ethiopian Jews.  While these immigrants may present more problems of integration then European or North American Jews, as Jews they fit Israel’s goal of remaining a primarily Jewish state.

In the 1990s over a  million citizens of the former Soviet Union claimed Jewish ancestry and migrated to Israel . They and their progeny now constitute around 15% of Israel’s population of 7.7 million. Many of these immigrants are not Jewish. Anyone from the former Soviet Union who had a Jewish father or grandparent, or who was married to someone meeting those criteria, was granted Israeli citizenship under the country’s liberalized law of return.

According to Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics around 30% of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s were not Jews or not considered Jewish under Orthodox law  (which treats Judaism as either inherited from the mother or obtained through conversion). In 2005 over 59% of former Soviet immigrants were not Jewish.  Less than 5% of these nonJewish immigrants have converted.

The Russian immigrants initially encountered a scarcity of jobs and housing. They have now achieved near parity with other Israelis and have successfully gained political power. The former Soviets are an important part of Israel’s governing coalition and are relentlessly rightwing, reliably opposing concessions to the Palestinians, supporting settlement expansion and seeking to curb the rights of Israel’s Palestinian population.

Were the non Jewish ex Soviets accepted because they were right wing, because as Europeans they helped Israel to form a stronger bulwark against Palestinians or was it purely racism that allowed Israel to welcome these white skinned immigrants? Those decrying the rise of racism in Europe aroused by recent African immigration might consider adding Israel to their list of reprobates.

The African immigrants do not seem to serve a purpose for the Israelis, either as a political entity or in Israel’s goal of remaining  a Jewish dominated state. Most of the Africans crossed into Israel through the Sinai desert between 2006 and 2012, fleeing harsh political conditions in Eritrea or genocide and war in Sudan. Their stay in Israel has not been easy. Many migrants spent years in the Saharonim prison in the Negev desert and were subsequently transferred to Holot. Some have been briefly released from these facilities to travel to Tel Aviv, only to be sent back again when the Ministry of Interior refused to renew their visas.

Human-rights organizations claim that most or all such migrants have a well-founded fear of persecution in their home countries and are entitled to asylum. Applicants for asylum face a years-long delay due to ‘backlog’ and in any case of the more than 13,000 people who had applied for asylum as of last summer, only 10 have been granted refugee status. Israel recognizes far fewer people in “refugee-like situations” as refugees when compared to almost all Western countries.

The Israeli government has argued that these migrants are not fleeing persecution but are ‘economic’ refugees looking for work in Israel.  “In the last few days, a false campaign [has attempted] to harm the government’s efforts to remove infiltrators from Israel,” wrote Ayelet Shaked, the Israeli minister of justice. “The state of Israel is too small and has its own problems. It cannot be used as the employment office of the African continent.”

Despite protests from Israel’s left, opinion polls suggest that  70 percent of Israel’s Jewish population support Israel’s deportation policy. Possibly such broad support is the result of conditioning, native Israelis may simply see non-Jews within the state as a threat to their safety or to maintaining a Jewish majority. “It’s really hard for them to distinguish between the refugees and the Palestinians they were taught to be against,” said Rabbi Idit Lev, the social-justice director for Rabbis for Human Rights.

But Israel has not entirely behaved as if the migrants have no right to asylum. Although the government argues that the Eritrean and Sudanese migrants are not truly refugees, it has not sent them back to their country of origin as would be proper with economic immigrants. Doing so to refugees would violate international conventions around refugee rights.

The migrants do not want to be deported back to their own countries or to Rwanda. Although Israel pays the migrants to leave,  those who have arrived in Rwanda report that their documents and money were confiscated on arrival and they ended up on the streets.

UNHCR said in a recent report that only nine asylum seekers deported to Rwanda have actually stayed there. What has not been adequately documented is where the refugees have gone from there. The African migrants claim that returning to their country of origin will mean certain death.

Economic immigration presents tough issues to many countries. If Israel is unable to deport the remaining 40,000 African immigrants, it may find itself a little more a country like all others.

* (GA) This doesn’t include the millions of Palestinians who live in Israeli controlled territories, lack any political status and are subject to constant lethal abuse… 


جيش أحمد جرار


فبراير 7, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– تشهد مواقع التواصل عبر الصفحات الفردية والجماعية للفلسطينيين ثورة وطوفاناً تتصدّرهما صور الشهيد أحمد جرار والكتابات الوجدانية التي تفيض حباً وتقديراً لرمزية هذا الشهيد الذي اغتال حاخاماً صهيونياً متطرفاً يتصدّر لائحة العنصريين بين المستوطنين في التحريض على قتل الفلسطينيين، ونجح أحمد بعد الاغتيال بالتخفّي عن أعين مخابرات الاحتلال وعملائه متنقلاً في بيوت الناس وقراهم وبلداتهم، يطارده الاحتلال بفرق من جيشه ويفشل في الوصول إليه، حتى كانت معركة المواجهة بينه وحيداً، مقابل مئات الجند ورجال المخابرات ووحدات الكوماندوس، فيقاتل ومعه كسرات خبز وقنينة ماء حتى تنفد منه ذخيرته، فيُستشهَد.

– يكرّر الفلسطينيون في حديثهم عن أحمد جرار ما قاله محمود درويش عن أحمد العربي، ويردّدون كلنا أحمد، ويتباهون بمن يتمثّل قبل الآخر صورة أحمد ويكرّر فعله، فتكون الحصيلة البسيطة بعد استشهاد أحمد جرار، أنّ جيش الاحتلال ومخابراته وقد دوّخهم أحمد،

لم يتسنّ لهم الاحتفال بتسديد الرصاصات القاتلة إلى صدره، فقد كان أحمد آخر يستدرجهم لدفن أحد مستوطنيهم، الذي طالته سكين أحمد، وكان عليهم أن يواجهوا سيلاً من التظاهرات التي تهتف لأحمد على مساحة الضفة الغربية، وكان عليهم أن يقرأوا في سخونة التفاعل الشعبي والشبابي، خصوصاً مع استشهاد أحمد وتقدّمه أيقونة للشباب الذاهب للمقاومة بالمئات والآلاف بلا انتظار السلاح، وبما تيسّر من وسائل وأدوات ينفع بينها الدهس وينفع الطعن، وتنفع كلّ وسيلة متاحة أخرى يبتكرها شعبٌ أثبت على مدى قرابة مئة عام أنه لا ييأس ولا يتعب.

– تخلّصت «إسرائيل» من أحمد جرار، لكنها اكتشفت أنّ عليها أن تنتظر المواجهة مع جيش جرّار هو جيش أحمد جرار، حيث الشباب اليافع والصبية في الأحياء يلعبون لعبة التخفي والمخابرات والفائز في التخفي تكون جائزته أن يكنّى بأحمد، والعرائس تتحدّث لأزواج المستقبل عن مهر لعرس يتقدّمه إثبات الرجولة في ميزان أحمد، وحيث الفصائل التي تنابذت على أشياء كثيرة وتنافست وأحياناً تقاتلت، تجتمع على النموذج المثال لأحمد، وحيث البلدات والمخيمات تتنافس وتتبارى في مَن تكون البلدة ومَن يكون المخيم، حيث يكون الصمود والثبات، كما في جنين بلدة أحمد ومخيم أحمد.

– مَن يقرأ علم الاجتماع السياسي بين «الإسرائيليين» ويدرك معنى ما يسمّيه العلماء بالتيار والموجة العارمة، والأيقونة، سيعلم أنّ المواجهة مع الفلسطينيين قد دخلت بعد استشهاد أحمد جرار مرحلة جديدة. فليست القضية هنا دعوة للتضامن مع الطفلة المكافحة والصامدة عهد التميمي، ولا القضية إدانة واستنكار إقدام جنود الاحتلال على قتل طفل بدم بارد. إنّها شيء مختلف، لا مكان فيها لدعوات التضامن والحديث عن المظلومية. القضية هنا هي التباهي بالدم والشهادة لشاب أرهق جيش الاحتلال لشهر كامل بعد أن تمكّن من تسديد ضربة موجعة له على الأنف مباشرة وتركه في الأرض نازفاً، ومن ثم استطابت له الشهادة. القضية لا مظلومية فيها بل حداء نصر، وأنشودة الشهادة، والشعوب عندما تبلغ هذه المرتبة من العزم، وتصير هذه الحالة مشهداً طاغياً في كلّ بيت وكلّ شارع، على مَن يعاديها ويحتلّ أرضها ويصادر حقوقها، أن يشعر بالذعر لا بالخوف فقط.

فالآتي أعظم، وما خلف الستار وتحت السجادة أهمّ بكثير مما يبدو في كادر الصورة.

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Palestinians Deserve – And Will Get – A More Effective Leadership

By Rami G. Khouri

January 19, 2018 “Information Clearing House” –  BEIRUT — The crushing irony for Palestinians today is that their cause remains widely supported by over 120 governments and billions of ordinary men and women around the world, yet the Palestinian leadership is a case study in hapless incompetence that verges on national shame. This was confirmed again this week as the Central Council of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) issued a policy statement after days of deliberations that is a sad example of meaningless clichés uttered by aging men whose track record of political achievement is empty — and astoundingly so, in view of the massive and sustained support around the world for Palestinian national rights.

The Central Council is supposed to fill the gap between the National Council (parliament-in-exile) that represents all Palestinians around the world, and the Executive Committee that represents the major Palestinian political factions and functions like a government cabinet, headed by the president. In fact, these three organs of government and the presidency are all moribund institutions that have neither impact nor legitimacy, for the leadership has lost touch with the ordinary Palestinians whom it is supposed to represent and serve.

So it is no surprise that after another fiery but hollow speech by President Mahmoud Abbas, the Central Council has decided to “suspend” its recognition of Israel, end security cooperation with Israel, effectively nullify the 2003 Oslo accords, and call on the world to work for the creation of a Palestinian state and end Israel’s colonization policies. These meaningless words by a powerless leadership will have no impact on anything.

It is hard to know what else to say or do in the face of such a failed leadership of a noble Palestinian people that continues to struggle, mostly nonviolently, for their peaceful statehood and end to refugeehood and exile, alongside an Israeli state that would acknowledge those rights for Palestinians. But we must do something, because simply continuing with the same inept leadership that has excluded the vast majority of Palestinians from participating in their national decision-making only guarantees that daily life conditions and future prospects for those millions of Palestinians will only worsen with every passing month — and for those in refugee camps or under Israeli siege in Gaza, it is hard to imagine how life could get any more difficult.

The Palestinians cannot force major changes in the policies of the Israeli government that continues with the same colonial, Apartheid-like policies that have defined Zionism since the 1947-48 creation of Israel and the dismemberment, disenfranchisement, and dispersal of the Palestinians. But 1.5 million Palestinians of 1948 have become nine million or so today, and they do have the power to do one thing, whether they live in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza, as Israeli citizens inside Israel, or throughout the diaspora around the region and the world.

They can and must re-legitimize their national leadership into a single movement that listens to all their views, represents them legitimately, reaches policy decisions on the basis of serious consultations and consensus that allows Palestinians to speak in a single voice, and engages diplomatically around the world with the full support of all Palestinians.

None of these dynamics exists today, which is why the current leadership of the PLO under Mahmoud Abbas is not taken seriously in the region or internationally — least of all by the majority of Palestinians themselves, who have looked elsewhere for leadership in the years since the Oslo process proved to be a failure and Yasser Arafat started to lose his credibility. The leaderless condition of the Palestinian people today is reflected in how the three most dramatic examples of pubic political action in recent years have occurred without any meaningful input from the PLO, or from the Palestinian Authority (PA) which administers limited services and regions in the West Bank and Gaza where Israel gives it permission to do so.

Those three examples are: the current campaign around the world to support Ahed Tamimi, the 16-year-old girl from a West Bank village who is detained in an Israeli jail pending a possible military court trial, because she resisted Israeli occupation and slapped an Israeli soldier; the weeks of spontaneous popular protest last summer in Arab East Jerusalem, when tens of thousands of Palestinians there defended their holy sites at the Haram al-Sharif (Temple Mount, for Israelis); and, the ongoing Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement by civil society to pressure Israel to stop its mistreatment and human rights denials of Palestinians in the three arenas of occupied Palestine, the state of Israel, and the disapora.

Hamas’ challenge to the PLO leadership in Gaza is another sign of the PLO’s delinquency in protecting, representing, or leading the Palestinians. It is difficult now to create a whole new national leadership, given the fragmented nature of the Palestinian community. Yet the cohesion that all Palestinians feel, wherever they live, also makes it feasible to at least start consultations amongst themselves to find a way out of the current nightmare by giving fresh blood and new life and legitimacy to existing PLO organs.

There is no reason why we should suffer this ghastly fate of being plagued by a colonial Zionist Israeli state that steadily eats up our land, ignored by a mostly caring world that is otherwise preoccupied by more pressing issues, and abandoned by a Palestinian leadership that has become powerless, dependent on donors, docile, a purveyor of empty clichés, and largely incoherent. Such situations might lull some observers to see the end of the Palestine issue, while a more likely conclusion would be that this low point will mark the start of a process of re-birth for the nine million Palestinians who have never stopped struggling and working for their national rights since the 1930s. They are certainly not going to stop now, regardless of the poor quality of their current leaders.

Rami G. Khouri is senior public policy fellow and professor of journalism at the American University of Beirut, and a non-resident senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School Middle East Initiative. He can be followed on Twitter @ramikhouri

Copyright ©2018 Rami G. Khouri — Distributed by Agence Global

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Sheikh Qassem: Al-Quds Must Be Priority, ‘Israel’ Behind All Regional Crises

December 23, 2017

Sheikh Naim Qassem

Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem stressed on Saturday that the Zionist entity is behind all the regional crises, adding that it has always posed a major threat to the whole region.

Sheikh Qassem said that Al-Quds (Jerusalem) must be a priority for the whole Umma, adding that the Palestinians’ fight against the Zionist occupation will protect their basic rights.

Source: Al-Manar Website

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Bassam Tamimi: We have no Account on Twitter

Who is Ahed Tamimi

قمة السلاجقة والأعراب لن تبيعوا القدس مرّتين انتظروا المنازلة الكبرى في فلسطين


محمد صادق الحسيني

ديسمبر 14, 2017

انتباه انتباه انتباه

يُجمع العارفون بخفايا الأمور بأن ما حصل في اسطنبول يوم أمس، في ما سُمّي بقمة التعاون الاسلامي إنما هو في الواقع تآمر وتواطؤ سلجوقي سعودي مصري على الفلسطينيين ومبايعة مبطّنة لترامب، وكل ما عدا ذلك تضليل، قولوها صراحة ولا تضحكوا على الناس…!

المنافقون في قمة السلاجقة عندما يقولون بالقدس الشرقية عاصمة لفلسطين دون ذكر حدود 4 حزيران 67 يعني تخلياً عن كامل المقدّسات الإسلامية والمسيحية…!

قمة السلاجقة في اسطنبول خطيرة جداً.

وهي اعتراف بـ أبو ديس عاصمة لفلسطينهم. هذا ما اتفق عليه السيسي وسلمان وأبو مازن بأمر عمليات أميركي مبكر صادق عليه صائب عريقات ومدير المخابرات الفلسطينية قبل نحو ثلاثة أسابيع في أميركا…!

وإليكم تبعات وتداعيات هذه القمة التي يرى فيها البعض أشبه بنكبة ١٩٦٧ جديدة:

أولاً: لقد حققت القمة السلجوقية، التي عقدت أمس 13/12/2017 في اسطنبول، لـ«إسرائيل» أكثر بكثير مما حققه ترامب لها عندما اعترف بالقدس عاصمة لـ«إسرائيل». إذ إن هذه القمة قد سجلت اعتراف 57 دولة إسلامية بالقدس الغربية عاصمة لـ«إسرائيل» من دون أن تحدّد حدود القدس الغربية…!

ثانياً: فيما لم يعترف قرار الأمم المتحدة القاضي بتقسيم فلسطين والصادر في 29/12/1947 بالقدس عاصمة لـ«إسرائيل» وإنما أخضعها لنظام التدويل، أي أن تصبح مدينة دولية مفتوحة للجميع وخاضعة لإدارة دولية.

ثالثاً: وبما أن مفهوم «إسرائيل» للقدس الشرقية يقضي باقتصارها على ضاحية أبو ديس، الواقعة خارج سُور الفصل العنصري «الإسرائيلي» وخارج البلدة القديمة في القدس، فإن الاعتراف بالقدس الشرقية عاصمة لفلسطين ومن دون ذكر لحدود عام 1967 فهذا يشكل تماهياً مع المفهوم «الإسرائيلي» الأميركي للقدس…!

وبالتالي موافقة عملية على مفهوم القدس في صفقة ترامب التي يطلق عليها صفقة القرن…!

رابعاً: وهذا يعني تنازل القمة السلجوقية عن القدس الشرقية الأصلية أيضاً، أي البلدة القديمة، وما فيها من مقدسات مسيحية وإسلامية، لـ«إسرائيل»…!

إضافة الى القدس الغربية التي احتلت عام 1948، وهي بالأساس جزء من مدينة القدس العربية الفلسطينية التي كان يفترض أن تصبح خاضعة لإدارة دولية، حسب القرار الدولي 181 القاضي بتقسيم فلسطين.

خامساً: إن كل ما عدا ذلك من كلام أُطلق في هذه القمة لا قيمة له على الإطلاق ولا يتعدّى كونه أرضية لمزيد من الضياع الفلسطيني في غياهب المنظمات الدولية وغيرها لهاثاً وراء عضوية هنا وهناك.

علماً أن الدول التي شاركت في القمة المذكورة هي أعضاء في جميع هذه المنظمات ولَم تقدّم عضويتها أي خطوة على طريق تحرير فلسطين. كما أن هذا الوقت الذي سيذهب هدراً في الركض وراء سراب المنظمات الدولية وقراراتها، التي لم تحترمها لا «إسرائيل» ولا الولايات المتحدة ولو مرة واحدة..!

إن هذا الوقت إنما هو وقت من ذهب بالنسبة لـ«إسرائيل» والتي ستستغله لتعزيز عملياتها المتواصلة في تهويد القدس وإفراغها من أهلها الفلسطينيين بمختلف الوسائل والسبل.

سادساً: أما هدير أردوغان وتصريحاته النارية حول عدوانية «إسرائيل» وعنصريتها، فما هي إلا ذَر للرماد في العيون وتغطية على تآمره مع «إسرائيل» والولايات المتحدة. إذ إن الموقف لا يتطلّب كل هذا الضجيج الفارغ وإنما التوجه إلى العمل الجدي المنظم وعلى الطريقة الإيرانية المتمثلة في تقديم الدعم المباشر، العسكري والمالي واللوجستي لكل فصائل المقاومة التي تقاتل الكيان الصهيوني، لو كان صادقاً..!

وهذا ما لن يقوم به أردوغان، فمنذ انطلاقة الثورة الفلسطينية المعاصرة وحتى الْيَوْمَ لم يسجل التاريخ تقديم سلاجقة تركيا، ومنذ عام 1965 وحتى الْيَوْمَ بندقية واحدة للثورة الفلسطينية، سواء من قبل أردوغان أو من أسلافه من سلاحقة تركيا العلمانيين والإسلاميين، في الوقت الذي سارع الى إقامة قواعد عسكرية تركية في قطر التي لا تواجه أي تهديد خدمة للتحشيد الاستراتيجي ضد إيران وروسيا والصين…!

فأين هي قوات أردوغان التي كان يُفترض فيها أن تهبّ لمساندة المقاومة الفلسطينية في غزة لمواجهة الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية المستمرة والتي كان آخرها عدوان عام 2014!؟

سابعاً: نقول هذا ونحن نستذكر المسؤولية العثمانية/التركية عن ضياع فلسطين، التي دخلها الجنرال اللنبي بتاريخ 11/12/1917 وقامت الادارة الاستعمارية البريطانية بتسليمها للعصابات الصهيونية في العام 1949. أي أن تركيا ملزمة وطبقاً لأحكام القانون الدولي بمساعدة الشعب الفلسطيني في إعادة الوضع في فلسطين الى ما كان عليه قبل احتلالها من قبل القوات البريطانية و«الإسرائيلية» لاحقاً.

وهذا يعني بالتحديد تقديم كل الدعم اللازم للمقاومة الفلسطينية لاسترجاع فلسطين كاملة والاعتراف بالقدس الموحدة عاصمة لها، وكما كانت عندما وقع قائد القوات التركية وثيقة استسلام قواته لقائد الجيوش البريطانية يوم 29/12/1917 وفِي القدس التي كانت عاصمة فلسطين، وليس في القدس الشرقية أو أبو ديس، حسب المفهوم الأميركي «الإسرائيلي».

ثامناً: إن ما صدر عن هذا الاجتماع البائس في اسطنبول الْيَوْمَ لا يرقى إلى الحد الأدنى من مطالب الشعب العربي الفلسطيني الذي لا يعوّل شيئاً على هذا السيرك الاستعراضي المنعدم الفائدة والمعنى.

إن ما يهم الشعب الفلسطيني ويرسم الطريق الصحيح لتحرير بلاده فلسطين وإعادة وتثبيت القدس عاصمة لها هو نداء الانتفاضة الأول الذي صدر من غزة، ونداؤها الثاني أي أمر العمليات التنفيذي الذي صدر في بيروت على لسان سماحة السيد حسن نصر الله يوم أول أمس، والذي بدأ تنفيذه عبر الاتصالات الهاتفية التي أجراها اللواء قاسم سليماني، قائد قوة القدس في الحرس الثوري الإيراني، مع قادة الميدان في قطاع غزة، وتلك التي أجريت مع قادة ميدانيين في الضفة الغربية والتي لم يُعلَن عنها، مما دفع قوات الاحتلال «الإسرائيلي» لتنفيذ حملة اعتقالات واسعة في الضفة الغريبة الليلة الماضية بهدف منع كوادر المقاومة بتنفيذ ما تمّ التوافق عليه في تلك الاتصالات…!

ورغم كلّ ذلك يظلّ الأمل كبيراً على الذين يوصلون الليل بالنهار، وهم يُعدّون للمنازلة الكبرى، التي ستكون أقرب ما يكون بعلامات الساعة أو يوم القيامة، واليد العليا لن تكون إلا لهم.

بعدنا طيّبين، قولوا الله…

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