Nobel Prize Winner Supports BDS Movement For Palestinian Rights, Ending Military Aid to israel (apartheid state)

Nobel Prize Winner Supports BDS Movement For Palestinian Rights, Ending Military Aid to Israel

Nobel Prize has been awarded to George P. Smith, a renowned scientist and longtime advocate for Palestinian rights who supports the BDS movement and has called for an end to US military aid to Israel. The BDS movement congratulates Professor Smith.

(Professor George Smith smiles during a press conference. Credit: Columbia Missourian)

October 5, 2018 —  A Nobel Prize has been awarded to George P. Smith, a renowned scientist and longtime advocate for Palestinian rights who supports the BDS movement and has called for an end to US military aid to Israel. The BDS movement congratulates Professor Smith.

Dr. Samia Botmeh, Dean at Birzeit University in the occupied Palestinian West Bank and leading activist in the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI), said:

Congratulations to Professor George P. Smith for winning the 2018 Nobel Prize in Chemistry. His principled commitments are evident in both his scientific work to protect human life and his support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement for Palestinian rights.

Professor Smith has consistently spoken out against Israel’s egregious violations of Palestinian human rights, and taken the extremely important step of calling on his government in the United States to end arms sales to the Israeli military. His call to end military aid to Israel is not only deeply principled, but a critical and effective form of solidarity that we hope to see multiplied. The US government should be investing in human needs, including health, education and dignified jobs, rather than giving Israel $3.8 billion in military aid a year to repress and destroy Palestinian life.

Thank you Professor Smith for your inspiring solidarity.

The Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) is the largest coalition in Palestinian civil society. It leads and supports the global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement for Palestinian rights.

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Jewish Guilt is the Discourse of The Goyim

April 24, 2018  /  Gilad Atzmon

 The Unconscious is the discourse of the Other, Jacques Lacan

The Unconscious is the discourse of the Other, Jacques Lacan

By Gilad Atzmon

For quite some time the British have accepted that British Jewish organizations have hijacked the political discourse. As has happened in other Western countries, the British political establishment has engaged is a relentless rant against antisemitsm. Sometime the focus drifts for a day or two. An alleged ‘Russian nerve gas attack’ provided a 48 hour pause. Occasionally we bomb Arabs in the name of ‘human intervention’ only to realize a day or two later that we have, once again, followed a premeditated foreign agenda. But, somehow, we always return to the antisemitsm debate, as if our media and politicians are a herd of flies gravitating to a pile of poop.

Last week the BOD/JLC, two Jewish organisations that claim to ‘represent’ British Jews published this painful to watch video.

https://youtu.be/pnEYxMHb-RU

Judging by the number of viewers, Brits are tired of this nauseating outburst. Brits know very well that when it comes to hate crimes, Jews are not high on the victim list; Jews are far less ‘victimized’ than Blacks, Muslims, Roma, trans-sexuals, gays and many others.

Since Jewish community ‘leaders’ remain obsessed with anti semitism, I will try to help these ‘leaders’ understand the universal perspective on the meaning of antisemitsm.

True Antisemitsm is when IDF snipers film themselves   shooting unarmed Semite protestors* like sitting ducks while laughing their heads off!

True Antisemitsm is when the Jewish State legislates and enforces institutional racism against actual SemitesBlacks and Goyim in general.

The Gaza siege is an example of what common people see as real Antisemitsm. It is designed  to humiliate and deprive  Semites for being Semites and it has turned Gaza into the largest open air prison known to man.

Enough is Enough is humanity expressing collective fatigue of these barbarian actions.

I would prefer to believe that the Jewish fear of antisemitsm is actually an expression of collective Jewish guilt.  For obvious reasons, Jews find it hard to compartmentalize Jewish identity within the context of the Jewish State being a rogue State.

There are a few modes of dealing with collective guilt that have been recognized.  Repression seems to be the most common one. Some argue, in that regard, that escapism and denial are Israel’s primary belief systems.

Acknowledgment of guilt is, undoubtedly, far more painful. The Germans made it into their way of living after the last big war. Maybe Jews can actually learn from the Germans — instead of attempting to emulate 3rd Reich’s racist agenda—— Israel and its supporters  should try to reproduce German’s post WWII  remorse.   As it happens, there are a very few Jews and Israelis who acknowledge their responsibility for the Palestinian plight and support the Palestinian Right of Return. These rare Jews are brave enough to admit that Israel is inherently anti-Semitic and racist to the core.

However, silencing Israel’s dissent is the usual Jewish political method to resolve Jewish guilt.  Attributing the ‘Antisemitic’ slur to others is how both Zionists and the so called ‘anti’ kick the ball to the goyim’s yard. This method was effective for a while but it doesn’t work anymore: being called an anti-Semite in 2018 is a synonym for an ethically driven humanistan anti racista truth tellerpeace and Justice role model, a rock star. The list of ‘anti semites’ is growing exponentially, probably in direct proportion with the tidal rise in Jewish guilt. The more guilty (some) Jews feel, the more the rest of us are becoming anti-Semitic in their eyes.

“Unconscious is the discourse of the Other,” was, probably Jacques Lacan’s most astute psychoanalytical observation. It is the fear that the Other, in this case, the gentile, the humanist, sees you truly. It is the fear that the goy can detect your shame. Jewish Guilt as such is the unbearable fear that the Goyim know.

If they want to burn it, you want to read it!

cover bit small.jpg

Being in Time – A Post Political Manifesto,

Amazon.co.uk , Amazon.com and  here (gilad.co.uk).

Ahed Tamimi Interrogation Video Discussed in New Report

Source

I do not make a habit of visiting the Daily Beast. I simply don’t care much for their editorial policies. But an article published today on an alleged video of a police interrogation of Palestinian teen Ahed Tamimi is worth taking a look at.

Before I get into the details of the report, let me just comment, as an aside, that for a while now it has seemed to me that we are witnessing a growing rift among Jews over the policies of the state of Israel. The rift is primarily between Jews who live in the West and Israeli Jews who by and large support the policies of apartheid.

For instance you might want to go here to read an article, published a bit over a week ago at the ultra-Zionist Aurtz Sheva/Israel National News website–an article which assails Ronald Lauder over a mildly-worded comment in which the president of the World Jewish Congress criticized “Israel’s capitulation to religious extremists” while at the same time referencing a “growing disaffection of the Jewish diaspora.”

Israel’s policies and all the boycotts they are generating, in addition to making it increasingly hard to cast Jews as victims, are bound to be causing headaches for Jews who oversee vast business empires in the West–empires which depend upon public goodwill for continued profitability. And this is probably a major source of the “growing disaffection” Lauder refers to.

Now comes the Daily Beast article.

Written by a Jewish writer, Jesse Rosenfeld, the article offers a rather realistic view of the occupation, describing Ahed Tamimi’s village of Nabi Saleh as a place where “unpleasant daily encounters with Israeli settlers and soldiers are a fact of life.” Rosenfeld also makes reference to “vitriolic condemnations” heaped upon the Tamimi family by “hardline Israeli politicians” and by “national activists,” and he additionally cites figures showing that the conviction rate of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli military courts is “near one hundred percent.”

It’s almost sounds as if the Daily Beast is championing the cause of Ahed Tamimi!

But let’s get into the nuts and bolts of the article, which you can read in full here. Rosenfeld apparently was given access to a video of an interrogation of Ahed that took place on December 26. The video, he says, is nearly two hours long, and in it the two Israeli interrogators show no regard for her rights as a minor.

ريم بنّا: غزالة فلسطين

ريم بنٌا… وَبُحَّ صوتُ فلسطين


سيرة مقاوِمة ذكّرتنا أن لا فن بدون كرامة

سيرة مقاوِمة ذكّرتنا أن لا فن بدون كرامة
لطالما رددت أن الصوت سلاحها، عثرت عليه في عام 1982 أثناء اجتياح بيروت وخروج المقاومة الفلسطينية منها. بنت الناصرة كانت وقتها في الـ 16 من عمرها، لكن القصة بدأت قبل ذلك بكثير. ولدت في 1966 عام الكذبة…
ام الكذبة…

حفرت أنفاق الذاكرة… وكانت مرايا الروح

حفرت أنفاق الذاكرة... وكانت مرايا الروحعلينا الاعتراف بأن العدو الإسرائيلي أشدّ وعياً منّا حول أهمية التراث والثقافة الشعبية. علينا أن نفهم سبب استماتته لضمّ ما يناسب (وطمس ما لا يخدم) مشروعه من تركة أجدادنا، من موسيقى وأزياء وحتى أطباق،…

 الأغاني في فمّكِ ياسمين

 الأغاني في فمّكِ ياسمين

الرسالة الصوتية الأخيرة التي وصلتني من ريم كانت قبل شهر ونيف، تخبرني فيها بعض تفاصيل عملها الجديد المختلف الذي تسجله في النروج وحوّلت فيه «الفحوصات المخبرية» إلى نوتات موسيقية و«أغنيات» غير مسبوقة….

حكاية عشق طويلة مع تونس

حكاية عشق طويلة مع تونس
تونس | انهالت رسائل النعي والتعازي الصباحية، وبات الأمر حقيقة لا مفر منها: رحلت ريم بنا فجراً. كثيرة هي الصداقات التي أزهرت بين رفاق ريم على مختلف جنسياتهم، وامتزجت الدموع بذكريات السنوات…
 

تراجيديات ريم بنّا

تراجيديات ريم بنّا
تبدو كأنها واحدة من تلك الشخصيات الخارجة من الأساطير الإغريقة القديمة. مسار حياتها، لا بدّ من أنه قادها لأن تكون، تجسيداً لهذه التراجيديا التي امتازت بها تلك الشخصيات. تراجيديا في حدّها الأقصى، والتي…

شهادات

تركت لنا شجاعتها باسل زايد *كنت طفلاً يستمع بشغف إلى كل ما هو موجود وكانت أغاني ريم بنا، وكبرنا وظلت ريم بنا ورحلت وستظل شخصية ريم بنا. رحيل ريم هو رحيل علاقتنا جميعاً مع ريم، فالكثير…
 
«لا تخافوا ..هذا الجسد كقميص رثّ.. لا يدوم حين أخلعه (..) سأهرب خلسة من بين الورد المسجّى في الصندوق وأترك الجنازة وخراريف العزاء..»، بعض من كلمات دوّنتها ريم بنّا (1966-2018)، في 5 آذار (مارس)…
 

RT Documentary on Ahed Tamimi

Posted on 

The above documentary is very much worth watching. Uploaded on March 9 and entitled “The Slap Heard Around the World: The People of Israel vs. Ahed Tamimi,” the video focuses not only on the Tamimi family and Ahed’s case in the Israeli military court system, but also the hysteria that has erupted in Israeli society over the whole affair. It includes interviews with members of the Tamimi family as well as Israeli journalist Gideon Levy.

For the past couple of days I’ve been trying to find out what, if anything, occurred in the Ofer military court on Sunday, March 11, the day Ahed’s trial was supposed to open. For some reason the Israeli media, at least the outlets that publish in English, have largely gone mum on the case. About the only reference I could find was a Haaretz piece published a bit earlier today and which, though vague on details, seems to suggest that the trial has been postponed once again so that the court may consider an appeal of its decision to close proceedings to the public.

Ahed’s pre-trial hearings were open to the public, but on February 13 a ruling was issued saying the trial would be held behind closed doors. Then on February 26, Israeli soldiers carried out another raid in Nabi Saleh, arresting Mohammed Tamimi, Ahed’s 15-year-old cousin, the boy who was shot in the head by a rubber-coated bullet. One day after that arrest an Israeli official went public with a claim that Mohammed had “admitted” under interrogation that the head injury had been from a bike accident. The bogus claim is covered in the video above.

The latest charade the Israelis seem to be playing is that it is not the prosecution that objects to having the trial opened to the public, but that this decision was made by the court alone and with Ahed’s best interest at heart.

“We left the request to open the hearings to the judgment of the court of first instance, and we will leave that request to the discretion of this honorable court,” says Maj. Gilad Peretz, the military prosecutor quoted in the Haaretz story.

In other words, Peretz purports to be neutral on the question of a trial behind closed doors, but with an air of touching concern for the girl’s welfare believes that keeping the proceedings closed would be “to Tamimi’s advantage.”

The appeal, filed by defense attorney Gabby Lasky, calls for the trial to be opened to the public, and while the court did not issue a ruling in a hearing held on Monday, it is “expected to do so shortly,” the report states.

It’s interesting that the Israeli media, aside from the Haaretz article (which is very brief) have gone so quiet on the story–in stark contrast to the kind of reporting we were seeing back in January, February and the latter part of December, when stories were coming out virtually every day. Apparently “out of sight out of mind” is the operative theory now.

Meanwhile, Ahed and her mother, Nariman, remain locked up in an Israeli prison.

Below is a commentary written by Jonathan Cook and published a bit over a week ago by Mondoweiss.

***

Israeli Army’s Lies Can No Longer Salvage Its Image

By Jonathan Cook

It is has been a very bad week for those claiming Israel has the most moral army in the world. Here’s a small sample of abuses of Palestinians in recent days in which the Israeli army was caught lying.

A child horrifically injured by soldiers was arrested and terrified into signing a false confession that he was hurt in a bicycle accident. A man who, it was claimed, had died of tear-gas inhalation was actually shot at point-blank range, then savagely beaten by a mob of soldiers and left to die. And soldiers threw a tear gas canister at a Palestinian couple, baby in arms, as they fled for safety during a military invasion of their village.

In the early 2000s, at the dawn of the social media revolution, Israelis used to dismiss filmed evidence of brutality by their soldiers as fakery. It was what they called “Pallywood” – a conflation of Palestinian and Hollywood.

In truth, however, it was the Israeli military, not the Palestinians, that needed to manufacture a more convenient version of reality.

Last week, it emerged, Israeli officials had conceded to a military court that the army had beaten and locked up a group of Palestinian reporters as part of an explicit policy of stopping journalists from covering abuses by its soldiers.

Israel’s deceptions have a long history. Back in the 1970s, a young Juliano Meir-Khamis, later to become one of Israel’s most celebrated actors, was assigned the job of carrying a weapons bag on operations in the Jenin refugee camp in the West Bank. When Palestinian women or children were killed, he placed a weapon next to the body.

In one incident, when soldiers playing around with a shoulder-launcher fired a missile at a donkey, and the 12-year-old girl riding it, Meir-Khamis was ordered to put explosives on their remains.

Continued here

 

ISRAEL’S ASYLUM SEEKERS

February 24, 2018  /  Gilad Atzmon

depos.jpg

By Eve Mykytyn

Take $3,500 and a one-way ticket to an ‘unnamed’ African country (Rwanda or Uganda) by April 1, or face indefinite imprisonment. This is what Israel told the 40,000 African migrants who have been stuck in limbo in Israel for years. According to the Israeli governmentroughly 20,000 Africans have already been expelled.

On February 21, following the imprisonment of seven Eritreans who refused to leave Israel, 750 African asylum seekers detained at the  Holot detention center began a hunger strike reportedly refusing both food and water.

It seems that Israel has come face to face with one consequence of trying to be a ‘nation like all others’: having to cope with the difficulties of refugees who want the protection of your state without necessarily subscribing to your values.

Israel calls itself the Jewish state (as opposed to a state of its citizens), and actively seeks Jewish immigrants. This has given religious identity  a huge role in Israel, although Israel  is largely secular. Israel has not yet become a ‘nation like all others’  in its treatment of non Jews.  Its 20% Palestinian minority are second-class citizens.*

The African asylum seekers and its Palestinian citizens are not the only non Jewish residents of Israel has who have the potential of conflicting with Israel’s policy of being the Jewish state. Like many wealthy countries, Israel has chosen to import labor for the lower rungs of the pay scale. After the 1967 war, Palestinians crossed into Israel to work in construction and agriculture. Then following the first intifada in 1987, Israel banned most Palestinians  from entering and decided instead to import labor from developing countries. By 2002, there were 226,000 migrant workers living in Israel. Such workers; Thais on farms, Chinese in construction, African street labor and Filipino caregivers are sometimes described as ‘transparents,’  communities invisible to most Israelis. These laborers were never intended to and largely have not been given permanent refuge in Israel.

To keep the migrant population from ‘taking root,’ as Israel’s Interior Ministry puts it, the ministry has devised a byzantine system of barriers. Work permits for foreign caregivers are valid for only five years and three months, and are meant to ensure their presence is transitory. They face additional restrictions on the locations in which they can work, their ability to marry,  to ‘visit’ Israel with family members and in job mobility.

Nonetheless, Israel’s right wing parties see migrant workers as  a direct threat to the country’s Jewish makeup. In 2008, the government moved to deport 1,200 children of undocumented foreign workers. After a public outcry the Israeli government granted amnesty to 800 children of migrant workers who met certain strict criteria.  Other than this trivial number of new permanent residents, Israel has been successful in importing cheap  labor without adding to its non Jewish citizenry.

Israel has taken in a number of Jews from relatively poor backgrounds, particularly Ethiopian Jews.  While these immigrants may present more problems of integration then European or North American Jews, as Jews they fit Israel’s goal of remaining a primarily Jewish state.

In the 1990s over a  million citizens of the former Soviet Union claimed Jewish ancestry and migrated to Israel . They and their progeny now constitute around 15% of Israel’s population of 7.7 million. Many of these immigrants are not Jewish. Anyone from the former Soviet Union who had a Jewish father or grandparent, or who was married to someone meeting those criteria, was granted Israeli citizenship under the country’s liberalized law of return.

According to Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics around 30% of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s were not Jews or not considered Jewish under Orthodox law  (which treats Judaism as either inherited from the mother or obtained through conversion). In 2005 over 59% of former Soviet immigrants were not Jewish.  Less than 5% of these nonJewish immigrants have converted.

The Russian immigrants initially encountered a scarcity of jobs and housing. They have now achieved near parity with other Israelis and have successfully gained political power. The former Soviets are an important part of Israel’s governing coalition and are relentlessly rightwing, reliably opposing concessions to the Palestinians, supporting settlement expansion and seeking to curb the rights of Israel’s Palestinian population.

Were the non Jewish ex Soviets accepted because they were right wing, because as Europeans they helped Israel to form a stronger bulwark against Palestinians or was it purely racism that allowed Israel to welcome these white skinned immigrants? Those decrying the rise of racism in Europe aroused by recent African immigration might consider adding Israel to their list of reprobates.

The African immigrants do not seem to serve a purpose for the Israelis, either as a political entity or in Israel’s goal of remaining  a Jewish dominated state. Most of the Africans crossed into Israel through the Sinai desert between 2006 and 2012, fleeing harsh political conditions in Eritrea or genocide and war in Sudan. Their stay in Israel has not been easy. Many migrants spent years in the Saharonim prison in the Negev desert and were subsequently transferred to Holot. Some have been briefly released from these facilities to travel to Tel Aviv, only to be sent back again when the Ministry of Interior refused to renew their visas.

Human-rights organizations claim that most or all such migrants have a well-founded fear of persecution in their home countries and are entitled to asylum. Applicants for asylum face a years-long delay due to ‘backlog’ and in any case of the more than 13,000 people who had applied for asylum as of last summer, only 10 have been granted refugee status. Israel recognizes far fewer people in “refugee-like situations” as refugees when compared to almost all Western countries.

The Israeli government has argued that these migrants are not fleeing persecution but are ‘economic’ refugees looking for work in Israel.  “In the last few days, a false campaign [has attempted] to harm the government’s efforts to remove infiltrators from Israel,” wrote Ayelet Shaked, the Israeli minister of justice. “The state of Israel is too small and has its own problems. It cannot be used as the employment office of the African continent.”

Despite protests from Israel’s left, opinion polls suggest that  70 percent of Israel’s Jewish population support Israel’s deportation policy. Possibly such broad support is the result of conditioning, native Israelis may simply see non-Jews within the state as a threat to their safety or to maintaining a Jewish majority. “It’s really hard for them to distinguish between the refugees and the Palestinians they were taught to be against,” said Rabbi Idit Lev, the social-justice director for Rabbis for Human Rights.

But Israel has not entirely behaved as if the migrants have no right to asylum. Although the government argues that the Eritrean and Sudanese migrants are not truly refugees, it has not sent them back to their country of origin as would be proper with economic immigrants. Doing so to refugees would violate international conventions around refugee rights.

The migrants do not want to be deported back to their own countries or to Rwanda. Although Israel pays the migrants to leave,  those who have arrived in Rwanda report that their documents and money were confiscated on arrival and they ended up on the streets.

UNHCR said in a recent report that only nine asylum seekers deported to Rwanda have actually stayed there. What has not been adequately documented is where the refugees have gone from there. The African migrants claim that returning to their country of origin will mean certain death.

Economic immigration presents tough issues to many countries. If Israel is unable to deport the remaining 40,000 African immigrants, it may find itself a little more a country like all others.

* (GA) This doesn’t include the millions of Palestinians who live in Israeli controlled territories, lack any political status and are subject to constant lethal abuse… 

 

جيش أحمد جرار

 

فبراير 7, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– تشهد مواقع التواصل عبر الصفحات الفردية والجماعية للفلسطينيين ثورة وطوفاناً تتصدّرهما صور الشهيد أحمد جرار والكتابات الوجدانية التي تفيض حباً وتقديراً لرمزية هذا الشهيد الذي اغتال حاخاماً صهيونياً متطرفاً يتصدّر لائحة العنصريين بين المستوطنين في التحريض على قتل الفلسطينيين، ونجح أحمد بعد الاغتيال بالتخفّي عن أعين مخابرات الاحتلال وعملائه متنقلاً في بيوت الناس وقراهم وبلداتهم، يطارده الاحتلال بفرق من جيشه ويفشل في الوصول إليه، حتى كانت معركة المواجهة بينه وحيداً، مقابل مئات الجند ورجال المخابرات ووحدات الكوماندوس، فيقاتل ومعه كسرات خبز وقنينة ماء حتى تنفد منه ذخيرته، فيُستشهَد.

– يكرّر الفلسطينيون في حديثهم عن أحمد جرار ما قاله محمود درويش عن أحمد العربي، ويردّدون كلنا أحمد، ويتباهون بمن يتمثّل قبل الآخر صورة أحمد ويكرّر فعله، فتكون الحصيلة البسيطة بعد استشهاد أحمد جرار، أنّ جيش الاحتلال ومخابراته وقد دوّخهم أحمد،

لم يتسنّ لهم الاحتفال بتسديد الرصاصات القاتلة إلى صدره، فقد كان أحمد آخر يستدرجهم لدفن أحد مستوطنيهم، الذي طالته سكين أحمد، وكان عليهم أن يواجهوا سيلاً من التظاهرات التي تهتف لأحمد على مساحة الضفة الغربية، وكان عليهم أن يقرأوا في سخونة التفاعل الشعبي والشبابي، خصوصاً مع استشهاد أحمد وتقدّمه أيقونة للشباب الذاهب للمقاومة بالمئات والآلاف بلا انتظار السلاح، وبما تيسّر من وسائل وأدوات ينفع بينها الدهس وينفع الطعن، وتنفع كلّ وسيلة متاحة أخرى يبتكرها شعبٌ أثبت على مدى قرابة مئة عام أنه لا ييأس ولا يتعب.

– تخلّصت «إسرائيل» من أحمد جرار، لكنها اكتشفت أنّ عليها أن تنتظر المواجهة مع جيش جرّار هو جيش أحمد جرار، حيث الشباب اليافع والصبية في الأحياء يلعبون لعبة التخفي والمخابرات والفائز في التخفي تكون جائزته أن يكنّى بأحمد، والعرائس تتحدّث لأزواج المستقبل عن مهر لعرس يتقدّمه إثبات الرجولة في ميزان أحمد، وحيث الفصائل التي تنابذت على أشياء كثيرة وتنافست وأحياناً تقاتلت، تجتمع على النموذج المثال لأحمد، وحيث البلدات والمخيمات تتنافس وتتبارى في مَن تكون البلدة ومَن يكون المخيم، حيث يكون الصمود والثبات، كما في جنين بلدة أحمد ومخيم أحمد.

– مَن يقرأ علم الاجتماع السياسي بين «الإسرائيليين» ويدرك معنى ما يسمّيه العلماء بالتيار والموجة العارمة، والأيقونة، سيعلم أنّ المواجهة مع الفلسطينيين قد دخلت بعد استشهاد أحمد جرار مرحلة جديدة. فليست القضية هنا دعوة للتضامن مع الطفلة المكافحة والصامدة عهد التميمي، ولا القضية إدانة واستنكار إقدام جنود الاحتلال على قتل طفل بدم بارد. إنّها شيء مختلف، لا مكان فيها لدعوات التضامن والحديث عن المظلومية. القضية هنا هي التباهي بالدم والشهادة لشاب أرهق جيش الاحتلال لشهر كامل بعد أن تمكّن من تسديد ضربة موجعة له على الأنف مباشرة وتركه في الأرض نازفاً، ومن ثم استطابت له الشهادة. القضية لا مظلومية فيها بل حداء نصر، وأنشودة الشهادة، والشعوب عندما تبلغ هذه المرتبة من العزم، وتصير هذه الحالة مشهداً طاغياً في كلّ بيت وكلّ شارع، على مَن يعاديها ويحتلّ أرضها ويصادر حقوقها، أن يشعر بالذعر لا بالخوف فقط.

فالآتي أعظم، وما خلف الستار وتحت السجادة أهمّ بكثير مما يبدو في كادر الصورة.

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