BDS Victory, Manchester university divest from Caterpillar

By Elfalasteen -August 5, 2020

MANCHESTER, PALESTINOW.COM — Students across the UK have called on universities to end their complicity in Israeli apartheid. ‘Apartheid off Campus’ actions were held at over 30 universities this week.

Stop Arming Colonialism

The protests are part of the annual Israeli Apartheid Week, an international series of events that “seeks to raise awareness about Israel’s apartheid regime over the Palestinian people and build support for the growing Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.”

Israel is currently militarily occupying the West Bank and East Jerusalem, maintaining a siege of the Gaza Strip and denying equal rights to its Palestinian citizens.

Israeli Apartheid Week is now in its 15th year. The theme of the event this year is #StopArmingColonialism.

Students call for divestment from Caterpillar

In the UK, students at Manchester University called for an end to university investments in Caterpillar:The BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions of Israel) society marched through the University of Manchester campus to demand that the University divests its shares, worth £482,381.26, from Caterpillar, and in solidarity to the Palestinians protesting every day during the Great March of Return, of which over 200 have been killed by the Israeli military.

The protest is part of a three-year campaign against the university’s investments in Caterpillar. In February, students occupied a meeting of the Board of Governors, demanding that the university divest.

Caterpillar bulldozers used in revenge attacks on Palestinian families

Caterpillar, a US multinational, provides D9 military bulldozers to the Israeli army through the US’ Foreign Military Sales programme. According to a recent book by research group Corporate Occupation, Caterpillar bulldozers were used in demolitions of at least 41 Palestinian properties by Israeli authorities during 2018. Seven of these demolitions were acts of collective punishment against the families of Palestinians accused of involvement in resistance attacks on Israeli soldiers or colonists. The Israeli policy of punitive home demolitions is widely accepted to be in breach of international law.

Caterpillar D9 bulldozers were used in January 2018 to demolish houses near Jenin in the West Bank. The demolition was carried out as a revenge attack against the family of Ahmad Jarrar. Jarrar was suspected of fatally shooting an Israeli colonist. According to Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, the soldiers, accompanied by Caterpillar D9 bulldozers, began the demolition while people were still inside one of the houses. One Palestinian man was killed during the incident.

“Our kids were so frightened they were in tears”

In a testimony given on 24 January 2018, Nassim Jarrar said:


Shortly after 3am we heard cars and a bulldozer approaching our house. The bulldozer started demolishing the western side of the house. My husband, children and I started screaming because we were scared the house would collapse on top of us. We felt the ground shake and heard parts of the house come crashing down. We went into the kitchen and stood there, confused and scared. Our kids were so frightened they were in tears. The sounds of the demolition grew louder.

Caterpillar D9 Bulldozers are also regularly used in invasions of the Gaza strip, razing Palestinian farmland in the area close to the apartheid barrier between Gaza and Israel, levelling the land to give Israeli snipers a clear shot at Palestinian Great March of Return protesters.

Bulldozer used in yet another murder

On 19 March, the Israeli military shot dead two young Palestinian men. Raed Hamdan, 21, and Zayed Nuri, 20, were driving in their car when soldiers opened fire on them. A military bulldozer was then used to drag and crush the car. The bulldozer appears to be manufactured by Caterpillar. Palestinian people tweeted that the men were still inside the car when it was bulldozed:


About last night in #Nablus and the killing of the two friends, Raed and Zayed.
“Then an Israeli bulldozer drove over the car several times, and the screaming of the guys inside the car was heard, until they were no longer screaming”. pic.twitter.com/TWM8KKB0hG

— Fidaa فِداء (@fidaazaanin) March 20, 2019

The Canary contacted Caterpillar for comment but had not received a reply at the time of publication.

The Apartheid Week protest comes as campaigns against Israel’s home demolition policies are gathering momentum. The #StopTheDemolitions campaign aims to persuade construction equipment manufacturers to stop supplying the Israeli authorities. The Israeli state used military and civilian bulldozers to demolish 461 Palestinian structures in the West Bank last year.

Caterpillar isn’t the only company being targeted. Activists have also taken direct against bulldozer company JCB twice within a year, blockading its factories and preventing goods from arriving and leaving.

On 21 March, four #StopTheDemolitions activists appeared in court in Newcastle-under-Lyme to plead not guilty. They were charged with blockading the JCB Global Logistics Headquarters earlier this month. UK company JCB also manufactures bulldozers which the Israeli authorities use to demolish Palestinian homes. The defendants plan to argue that their actions were justified because of JCB’s complicity in Israel’s home demolitions.

As activists face prosecution, Israel continues to act with impunity, while the bulldozer companies continue to rake in the profits.

Army Abducts Five Palestinians In Nablus, One Near Jerusalem

 August 3, 2020 4:11 PM  IMEMC

Israeli soldiers abducted, earlier Monday, five Palestinians near the northern West Bank city of Nablus, and one near Bethlehem, south of occupied Jerusalem.

Several army jeeps invaded ‘Aseera ash-Shamaliya town, north of Nablus, before the soldiers stormed and violently searched many homes.

The soldiers then abducted five Palestinians, identified as Ja’far Rawajba, Aqaba Fayez Shouli, Fares Bassam Shouli, Bassem Hamid Shouli, and Mohammad Ahmad Sawalma.

In addition, the soldiers abducted a young man, identified as Husam Hasan Abu Hussein, while crossing the Container Roadblock, southeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

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Seeing the Tree But Not the Forest: Systemic Racism in American and Israeli Policing

July 31, 2020

By Benay Blend

Since the murder of George Floyd by the Minneapolis police, his name has (or should have) become a household word. When Mawusi Ture, an activist with the Black Alliance for Peace (BAP), asked if I would write about a similar incident, I was embarrassed that I had to look up the particulars of the case. John Neville also died in police custody, his last words were those of Floyd:   “Let me go.” “Help me up.” “Mama.” “I can’t breathe.”

Neville’s death, and others like it both in America and Occupied Palestine, bears mention beyond the tragedy of this man. The circumstances of his final moments are indicative of the systemic racism embedded in America’s policing and in Israel where many of our police are trained

On December 1, 2019, guards booked John Neville into the Forsyth County jail in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Reporting for the New York Times, Michael Levenson summed up the subsequent events. About 24 hours after his arrest, Neville fell from his top bunk onto the concrete floor. After what appeared to be a seizure, detention officers and a nurse moved him to another cell for observation.

In reality, he was left restrained on his stomach, calling out for help, much like George Floyd. Two days later he died from a brain injury due to cardiac arrest, which in turn was caused by asphyxia during a prone restraint.

In early July, five former detention officers and the attending nurse were charged with involuntary manslaughter in the death of John Neville, yet another Black man who called out “I can’t breathe.”

“Good men and women made bad decisions that day and, as a result, a good man died,” the Forsyth County sheriff, Bobby F. Kimbrough Jr., whose office runs the county jail, said at the news conference.

However, this case was not about good cops who make bad decisions, but rather systemic racism that has long been embedded in America’s policing. As Levenson observes, the charges were the newest in a long string of similar incidents that have inspired global protests against police brutality due to systemic racism in the force.

Over the past ten years, The New York Times found at least 70 people have died at the hands of the police after reiterating Floyd’s words: “I can’t breathe.” On an interactive page, the Times recorded all the words, that of the victim but also the victimizer’s failure to respond, that were said at the time of death.

After the death of George Floyd, videos surfaced of Israeli police performing the same knee-on-the- neck procedure with Palestinians that was responsible for Floyd’s demise. According to Sheren Khalel, the images have renewed concerns about programs that send American police to train under Israeli military forces.

Neighboring Durham, North Carolina’s City Council voted two years ago to bar its police department from engaging in “military-style training” programs abroad. While there seems to be no documentation specific to Winston-Salem, Khalel notes that North Carolina remains one of many states that participates in what Jewish Voice for Peace has labeled Deadly Exchange.

Palestinian Americans had long drawn comparisons between the US and Israeli use of tactics. Palestinians, too, quickly showed support after the murder of George Floyd, partly because of their own long history of oppression at the hands of Israeli cops.

Indeed, on July 8, Middle East Monitor (MEMO) reported that a Palestinian prisoner detained in Israeli jails had died of “medical negligence,” in much the say way as John Neville. In Saadi Al-Gharably’s case, a local NGO conveyed that Al-Gharably had suffered from prostate cancer, diabetes and blood pressure, none of which received medical attention during his time in prison.

Referring to a report from the Media Office of the Palestinian Prisoners, MEMO related that around 222 Palestinian detainees are said to have died in Israeli prisons, while over 5,500 Palestinians are currently held in Israeli jails where they are now even more at risk from the Covid-19 virus.

Shortly after Floyd’s death, Mohammad al-Qadi, a Palestinian marathon runner from the Occupied West Bank tweeted several pictures showing Israeli police using the same chokehold on Palestinians that had been employed on Floyd. “Crazy how the same thing happens in Palestine but the world chooses to ignore it,” al-Qadi captioned, describing with some anger the world’s indifference to suffering in his country.

What does it take to ignite an uprising that draws awareness to injustice? In occupied Palestine, it was the burning alive of Mohammed Abu Khdeir, 16, by three young Israeli settlers that called attention to the 2014 war on Gaza. In America, the murder of George Floyd sparked protests that continue on today.

Both events were watersheds, a spark after decades of Occupation in Palestine and centuries of the same in the United States. Such tragedies need to be put into historical context. Without that kind of grounding, movements that are organized around one event, like for example the anti-war campaign during Vietnam, run the risk of losing momentum when the original galvanizing force is gone.

Other pitfalls, too, could be avoided by placing each victim of police brutality within a timeline. For example, there have recently been important analyses on the tendency of brands and corporations to commodify Black lives. “As brands all over the world are taking a stand,” writes Leonie Annor-Owiredu, the questions should be: “where were you then, why now, and for how long will you take a stand?”

“Brands must be willing to take on struggles,” she continues, “instead of simply supposing/announcing themselves to be allies to the cause.” Context also plays a part in highlighting the Wall of Moms, a group that Dani Blum observes first started at the Portland protests but more recently have mobilized collectives across the country. Arm-in-arm, they have formed human shields between protestors and federal agents.

While admirable, McKensie Mack noted in a Facebook post that Black mothers in Englewood have been protesting violence in their community for years by creating a wall of justice around it in the same way as the Wall of Moms, by using their bodies as a shield. “We have a history,” Mack reminds her readers. “Let’s honor it. Let’s tell it right.”

By placing targeted groups—whether Palestinians or African Americans—at the center of their struggles, by placing those movements within historical contexts, there is a continuity that is less likely to be commodified by opportunists who soon move on to the next thing when they get tired.

It also makes clear that certain communities have entire systems and structures set against them. George Floyd and Mohammed Abu Khdeir were not one-time tragedies, but rather the latest in an entire history of atrocities meted out by settler-colonial states.

“The revolution won’t be sustained in diversity schemes,” Annor-Owiredu warns. It requires structural changes to bring about real justice.

Palestinians and people of color understand the importance of narration from below. In the words of journalist Ramzy Baroud, such history must rely on “the collective memory of the Palestinian people,” an accounting that defines “what it means to be Palestinian…what they stand for as a nation, and why they have resisted for years..”

– Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

PCHR: Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (23– 28 July 2020)

Source

Summary

Israeli forces continued to commit crimes and multi-faceted violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized by the excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, the Israeli’s excessive use of force rendered 3 injuries among Palestinian civilians, including a child, during raids and attacks on peaceful protests in the occupied West Bank.

Since announcing its plans to annex West Bank territories, including occupied East Jerusalem, the Israeli state has continued systematic demolitions and land razing, establishment of exclusive roads for settlements in an accelerated manner.

This week, PCHR documented 125 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli forces and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, including closure of certain territories, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information documented in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

PCHR would like to note that its Weekly Report on Israeli Violations of Human Rights in the oPt will not be published next week as Eid al-Adha is celebrated. PCHR confirms that the following report will cover a two-week period.

Israeli forces shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: Israeli soldiers shot and wounded 3 Palestinians, including a child, in excessive use of force against the weekly peaceful protest in Kufur Qaddoum in Qalqilia; Israeli forces also used live bullets 4 times in raids into West Bank cities.

In Gaza, Israeli forces opened fire at agricultural lands once and 4 times at fishing boats in eastern and western Gaza Strip.

Israeli forces incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: Israeli soldiers carried out 64 incursions into the West Bank. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, inciting fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 64 Palestinians were detained, including 12 children and 1 woman.

Israeli soldiers also conducted two limited incursions into eastern Rafah and northern Beit Hanoun, southern and northern Gaza Strip.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: Israeli authorities continued its settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 14 violations, including:East Jerusalem: 3 warehouses demolished in Wadi al-Hilweh in Silwan village; 14 dunams razed and 5 barracks demolished in al-‘Isawiya; and 1 house vacated in prelude to self-demolishing it;Bethlehem: 3 houses received cease-construction notices; 4 cattle barns (barracks) confiscated;Hebron: 5 cease-construction delivered to 2 houses, an agricultural room and a barracks; 2 demolition notices for a cave used as a house and a barn; and a machine confiscated;Nablus: confiscation of machinery and vehicles used in reconstruction of a road in the Industrial area in Wadi al-Sham area;Salfit: demolition notice delivered of a room.

PCHR also documented 3 illegal Israeli settler attacks: attack on a quarry, wheel loader and excavator set on fire in Nablus; al-Bir wal Ihsan Mosque set on fire in al- Bireh; and suspicion of settler attack on cattle in north-eastern Jericho where 70 sheep died from poisoning.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement: The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst blockade in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

This was amplified by the restrictions put in place by Israeli authorities since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic, that had already had grave implications on the humanitarian and economic situation of the Gaza Strip population. Of all the Gaza Strip’s border crossings, only 2 currently function: Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) for movement of goods and Beit Hanoun (Erez) for movement of individuals. The Israeli authorities continued to impose restrictions on the entry of goods classified as “dual-use items”,[1] despite their importance in reviving the market, manufacturing and maintenance. As to Beit Hanoun crossing, it is almost completely closed except for emergency humanitarian cases. Lately, a very limited number of individual cases of patients who have obtained medical referrals and financial coverage to Israel were able to travel, and some others referred to Israeli organizations working in the field of health for assistance in coordination.

Meanwhile, Israeli authorities continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent military checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to detention.

I. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity

  • At approximately 07:00 on Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. Israeli gunboats also fired flare bombs in the same area at 13:10 on the same day. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 13:00 on Friday, 24 July 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed at the northern entrance established on lands of Kufur Qaddoum village, suppressed a protest in which dozens of civilians participated. Israeli troops chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters, resulting in 3 civilians injuries, including a child who was shot with a rubber bullet in his waist.
  • At approximately 15:20 on the same Friday, Israeli soldiers stationed at “Eyal” crossing established north of Qalqilia, fired live rounds, rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters at civilians who were present in the area. Israeli soldiers claimed that the locals threw stones. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 03:15 on Saturday, 25 July 2020, while storming Qalqilia, Israeli soldiers fired live and rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters at Palestinian civilians’ homes. Israeli soldiers claimed that locals threw stones. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 07:30, July 25, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 00:00 on the same Saturday, Israeli troops, stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of Khuza’a village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 19:40 on the same Saturday, Israeli troops stationed adjacent to the annexation wall established in Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit, indiscriminately opened fire at Palestinian workers, while attempting to pass through the annexation wall for work in Israel. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 00:30 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli troops stormed Deir Estia village, north of Salfit and heavily fired sound bombs, claiming that a bus carrying Israeli settlers was stoned on the main street. Israeli troops withdrew from the villages at 03:00 on the same day. Neither casualties nor arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.

II. Incursions and Detentions:

Thursday, 23 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Jama’een village, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained Hamza As’ad Zeitawi (25).
  • Around the same time, Israeli soldiers reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed around Wad al-Hareya. They raided and searched Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) secretary Nizar Abdul Aziz Ramadan’s (59) house and detained him and his son Ahmed (27). They took them to an unknown destination.
  • Around the same time, Israeli soldiers reinforced with several military vehicles moved into northern Hebron. They raided and searched the former minister Eisa Khayrat al-Ja’bari’s (58) house and took him to where army vehicles were stationed. Meanwhile, Israeli soldiers raided and searched Alaa Mohammed Mujahed’s (50) house, and detained him. Israeli soldiers released al-Ja’bari after investigating with him at the Israeli Intelligence Services’ office in Etzion, who threatened him from committing any illegal activities.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli soldiers moved into al-Dheesha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Omar Yousef Mana”s (21) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Jabal al-Mawaleh area, in the central Bethlehem. They raided and searched Ahmed Burhan Daraghma’s (19) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Aqabat Jabt refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They raided and searched two houses and detained Mohammed Taleb Yaghi (17) and Abdullah Mahmoud Yaghi (19).
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mahmoud Yousef al-Ghalith’s (18) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces moved into Shu’fat refugee camp in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained the Secretary-General of Fatah Movement, Adham al-Hindi.
  • At approximately 08:15, Israeli forces reinforced with 5 military vehicles, moved 100-meters to the south of the border fence, at Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing’s eastern security passage, northwest of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza Strip. They razed and combed lands that were previously levelled amidst a sporadic Israeli shooting which caused fear among farmers. At approximately 10:30, Israeli soldiers withdrew, and no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces stationed at Shu’fat military camp, detained Adam Mansour al-Rashq (17), while passing through the military checkpoint. They took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 20:30, a group of Musta’ribeen (Israeli Special Unit disguised as Palestinian civilians), moved into al-‘Isawiya neighborhood in East Jerusalem. When they arrived to Martyr Mohammed Obaid neighborhood in the city, they wore their masks and stepped out of the car and abducted Mo’ath Owaiwi (12). Israeli forces took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (6) incursions in al-Samoua’, Karza, and Halhoul in Hebron; al-Am’Ari refugee camp, Um al-Sharayet in al-Beira. No detentions were reported.

Friday, 24 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:20, Israeli forces moved into Tubas, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians: Osaid Mahmoud Saleh (20), Emad Sayel Abdul Razik (32), and Lo’ay Rasheed Daraghma (28).
  • At approximately 15:00, Israeli forces stationed at a temporary military checkpoint on the entrance of Beit Einoun village, east of Hebron, detained Eisa Adel al-Haroush (26), from Yatta. Israeli soldiers65 took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 15:14, Israeli forces stationed at Huwara checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, detained Omar Ahmed Shamasna (27), from Jayyous village in Qalqilia governorate. Israeli soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 15:30, Israeli forces stationed at Huwara checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, detained Yaser Abed Hashash (19), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. Soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 23:30, Israeli forces stationed at Elon Moreh settlement, northeast of Nablus, detained Ahmed Mohammed Hashash (17) and Marwan Bassam Hashash from in Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. They took them to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (2) incursions in Hebron and al-Shoyoukh in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

Saturday, 25 July 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians including 2 children. The detainees are: Mohammed Emran Obaid (18), Yazan Emran Obaid (23), Zein el-Dein Muhanna (13), and Mohammed Hamza Obaid (12).
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces stationed at Nazlet Zeid checkpoint, west of Ya’bad, southwest of Jenin, detained Rima Abdul Fattah Kilany (16), from the city. Israeli soldiers took her to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 14:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Ahmed al-Rajabi’s (13) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces severely beat and detained (3) children while present in al-Wad neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s neighborhoods, and took them to one of the police stations in the city. The detainees are: Abdulrahman Ayman al-Bashiti (16), his brother Hatem (14), and Nabil Nidal Sidr (17).
  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in Dura, Beit Kahel, Beit Marsm, and Deir al-‘Asal villages in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

Sunday, 26 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Qalqilia and stationed in three entrances. They raided and searched a number of houses and detained (3) civilians: Mohammed Nour Yaseen (20), Wajdi Moeen al-Shanti (20), and Wesam Hamadah Yaseen (20).
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched the PLC Member of Hamas Movement, Nayef Mohammed Mahmoud Rajoub’s (62) house and detained him. Israeli soldiers released Rajoub from “Ofer” prison, west of Ramallah.
  • At approximately 03:20, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched the PLC Member of Hamas Movement, Hatem Qafishah’s (58) house and detained him. At approximately 10:00, Qafishah was released from a detention center in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces stationed at Erez crossing, north of the Gaza Strip, detained Sa’eed Harbi Abdul Fattah al-Shurafa (37), from al-Tuffah neighborhood in Gaza City, who is married with 2 children and a Franchise owner of DHL Company. Israeli soldiers detained al-Shurafa after he drove his vehicle into an Israeli gate to deliver and receive mail. They took al-Shurafa to an unknown destination and confiscated his vehicle.
  • At approximately 15:00, Israeli forces stationed at Erez crossing, north of the Gaza Strip, detained Mansour Ibrahim Mansour (18), who have a Jerusalemite ID card, while leaving the Gaza Strip to study in Abu Dis University in Jerusalem.
  • Mansour’s father, a former prisoner who served 11 years in the Israeli prisons from 1988 to 1999 and married to a Jerusalemite woman who lives in Jerusalem, and he lives in Gaza city, said that his son headed to Erez crossing at 11:00 to go to occupied East Jerusalem to study in Abu Dis University. Mansour’s father added that he received a phone call from his wife’s family informing him that Israeli police informed them that Mansour was detained, and he is detained in al-Ouz detention center.
  • At approximately 16:30, Israeli police stationed adjacent to Bab al-Rahma, one of al-Aqsa Mosque’s gates, arrested Mohammed Ma’moun al-Sheikh (28), from Ras al-Amoud neighborhood in Silwan village, in the occupied East Jerusalem and took him to a police station in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City.
  • At approximately 21:30, Israeli forces stationed at a temporary military checkpoint, established at the entrance of Jeet village, north of Qalqilia, and detained Jamila Salman Daghamesh, from Jericho.

Monday, 27 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Samoua’ village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched three houses and detained (3) civilians: Eisa Mohammed al-Hawameda (25), Mohammed Ibrahim al-Hawameda (29), and Ayman Ali Abu ‘Arqoub (30).
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Silat al-Thuhr village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and detained Maher Abdul Latif al-Akhras (49).
  • Around the same time, Israeli soldiers moved into Jaba’ village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and detained Emara Abdul Latif Fashafisha (29).
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into ‘Anata village and Shu’fat refugee camp in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians: Ya’qoub Qawasmi, Abdullah al-Bakri, Ali al-Rashq, and Ra’fat Kayali.
  • At approximately 07:30, Israeli soldiers, reinforced with several military vehicles and bulldozers, moved 100-meters in al-Shawka village, east of Rafah, south of the Gaza Strip. They combed and levelled lands along the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel.
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli soldiers stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, on the eastern entrance of Nablus, north of the West Bank, detained Oday Yehya Hamada (18), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:00, Israeli soldiers stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, on the eastern entrance of Nablus, north of the West Bank, arrested Baker Emran Hashash (21), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. Israeli soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli soldiers carried out (5) incursions in Sebastia and Rujeib in Nablus; al-Zababeda, east of Jenin; Beit Kahel and Hebron in Hebron governorate.

Tuesday, 28 July 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Aqabat Jabr Refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They raided and searched three houses and broke the back window of Jamal Sukkar’s vehicle, while storming his house, and detained Mahmoud Sami Abu Atta (28).
  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Wad Qaddoum neighborhood, in Silwan, in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Nidal Abd al-Wadoud Dandis’s house and detained his two sons: Obada (23) and Oday (18). It should be noted that Obada is a former prisoner who spent 50-months in the Israeli prisons and was released last January.
  • Israeli army carried out (7) incursions in Nablus, Sebastia, and Qublan in Nablus governorate; Um al-Tout village, east of Jenin; Deir Samit, Nouba, and Yatta villages in Hebron governorate.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank

a. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • On Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli authorities demolished 3 stores in Wadi Hilweh neighborhood in Silwan village, under the pretext of using the land for public utility. Wadi Hilweh Information Center – Silwan stated that joint crews from the Israel Nature and Parks Authority, Israeli Municipality and Israeli forces raided Marwan Siyam’s plot of land in Bab al-Magharebah area in Wadi Hilweh neighborhood. The municipality staff demolished the 3 stores with manual tools, under the pretext of using the land for public utility. Othman Siyam, a store owner, said that the plot of land belongs to his family and the stores are established on the land before occupying Jerusalem. He added that the Israeli Municipality notified his family in October and November 2019, claiming that the land is for public utility, and his family challenged the municipality decision. Siyam also clarified that his family was shocked when Israeli soldiers raided the land and vacated the stores to demolish them, upon a decision issued by the legal advisor at the Israel Nature and Parks Authority. Siyam added that Elad settlement association attempted several times to raid his family land and conducted excavation works on it, but his family confronted them. He said that the municipality notified his family and the Israel Nature and Parks Authority seized the land.
  • On Friday, 24 July 2020, Israeli authorities notified to stop construction works in 3 houses in Beit Sakaria village, south of Bethlehem. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that Israeli soldiers moved into Beit Sakaria in the central of “Gush Etizon” settlement, where they distributed 3 cease-construction notices to Mohammed Ibrahim ‘Atallah’s houses, under the pretext of non-licensing. It should be noted that Beit Sakaria village is exposed to a fierce settlement attack, which prevents its residents from urban expansion in order to seize their lands and displace them.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli soldiers backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet al-Forn area in southern Hebron. IOF were deployed between Palestinians’ houses while the Israeli Civil Administration officers distributed 2 cease-construction notices, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C. The 2 notices included: Yousef Suliman al-Hanjory’s residential rooms, kitchen and bathroom built of tin plates on an area of 80 square meters; and Ja’far Mohammed al-Qadi’s tin-plate house and foundations built on an area of 70 square meters.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Monday, 27 July 2020, Israeli soldiers moved into ‘Asirah al-Qabaliyia village, southeast of Nablus. Israeli soldiers seized equipment and machineries that were working to rehabilitate a street located in the industrial area in Wadi al-Sham, north of the village, under the pretext of working in Area C. This equipment belongs to Shahir Hanini’s company. It is noteworthy that the village local council has been working on this street for almost three years without objection, and yesterday they started paving it.
  • On the same day, Israeli soldiers seized 4 barracks used for breeding livestock in Nahaleen village, west of Bethlehem. Municipality Mayor, Subhi Zaydan, said that Israeli forces moved into ‘Ain Fares area and seized Ibrahim, Mahmoud and Mousa Hasan Shakarna’s barracks. It should be noted that Nahaleen village is exposed to recurrent attacks by Israeli soldiers and settlers, in addition to distributing cease-construction notices and levelling agricultural lands.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Tuesday, 28 July 2020, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Bereen, west of Bani Na’iem village in eastern Hebron. Israeli forces were deployed between Palestinians’ houses while Israeli Civil Administration officers stopped a truck belongs to Hebron Municipality and confiscated it. Also, Israeli forces distributed 2 demolition notices to ‘Imran Burqan’s old cave used for breeding animals and to Yousef al-‘Ajlouni’s barn built of tin plates and bricks, under the pretext of non-licensing.
  • ‘Abed al-Rahman ‘Abed al-Fattah Tamizy’s 300-square-meter barrack built of tin plates and used for breeding livestock.
  • Rezeq Mohammed Isma’il Salimiyia’s 40-square-meter agricultural room built of concrete and roofed with tin plates.
  • Fadel Ahmed ‘Abed al-Fattah Salimiyia’s 45-square-meter agricultural room built of concrete and roofed with tin plates.
  • On the same day, Israeli forces accompanied with Israeli Municipality staff moved into al-‘Isawiya village in occupied East Jerusalem. Israeli military construction vehicles levelled 14 dunams and demolished 5 barracks. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Isawiya Follow-up Committee, said that, Israeli troops accompanied with Israeli Municipality staff levelled lands in northern and western of al-‘Isawiya village and detained vehicles parked near the lands. IOF also confiscated sheep, horses and dogs from the area.
  • On the same day, Eyad Abu Subieh was forced to vacate his house in Silwan village in occupied East Jerusalem as a prelude to self-demolish it upon a decision issued by the Israeli Supreme Court. Abu Subieh said that: ” I was shocked when Israeli municipality bulldozers raided my house and vacated it 2 weeks ago. I headed to the Israeli Supreme Court to challenge and the lawyer managed to delay the demolition for 21 days. During this period, I appealed the demolition decision before the court, but in vain.”
  • In the evening, Israeli troops placed mobile houses in lands, which were previously levelled in Kisan village, east of Bethlehem. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that Israeli troops placed 2 mobile houses in Kisan village lands, near “Ebi Hanahel” settlement.
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into al-Zawiyia village, west of Salfit. They handed Ibrahim Mostafa As’ad Shoqair a notice to demolish his agricultural room in the western area, under the pretext of being in Area C.

b. Israeli Settler Violence

  • On Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli settlers, from ” Price Tag group”, attacked Ayman ‘Abdullah Zitawi’s quarry in Jama’een village, southeast of Nablus. Also, the settlers vandalized the quarry walls with racist slogans, set a digger and a bulldozer ablaze and fled later.
  • On Monday, 27 July 2020, Israeli settlers moved into al-Bireh city , where they set al-Bar and al-Ihsan mosque ablaze and vandalized its walls with racist slogans. Mayor of al-Bireh municipality, ‘Azzam Isma’il, said that Israeli settlers moved into the city, vandalized the mosque’s interior walls and set its facilities ablaze. The imam of the mosque, Sheikh Ghassan Abdul Salam al-‘Adassi, said that at approximately 03:00, he went to the mosque before dawn prayer. When he arrived at the mosque, he smelled a smoke from the mosque’s facilities. He entered the bathroom and saw flames. Al-‘Adassi said that flammable materials were poured through the bathroom window on the floor. He also said: “I immediately called the civil defense to put out the fire and they claimed that there was a defect in the mosque’s electrical wires.”
  • On Tuesday, 28 July 2020, 70 sheep died after they were poisoned while grazing them in a pastoral area, close to “Naamat” settlement, northeast of Jericho. The sheep’s owner accused the settlers of intentionally poisoning his sheep. According to information obtained by PCHR’s fieldworker that Ahmed Khaled Zawahra (78) headed to a pastoral area in al-‘Ojah village, near “Naamat” settlement, to graze his sheep. In afternoon, Zawahra took his 110 sheep and returned to the barn. After that, he was shocked when he saw his sheep died together within few minutes. He immediately brought a veterinarian to treat them , and it turned out the sheep were poisoned. As a result, 70 sheep died while the rest sustained pain.

OCHA: Protection of Civilians Report | 14 – 27 July 2020 31 Jul 2020

July 31, 2020 5:00 AM

United Nations Office of Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)

Twenty Palestinians were injured by Israeli forces in various clashes across the West Bank. This is around 80 per cent below the average of such injuries since the beginning of 2020. Fourteen of the injuries were sustained during clashes that erupted in two separate protests against the establishment of two settlement outposts in the vicinity ‘Asira ash Shamaliya and Beita villages (both in Nablus); the outposts were subsequently dismantled by the Israeli authorities. The other six Palestinians, including a child, were injured during clashes triggered by search and arrest operations in the refugee camps of Balata (Nablus), Al Jalazoun (Ramallah) and Jenin, and in Tulkarem city.

On 21 July, two Palestinian boys (ages 11 and 14 years) were burned and injured, one of them severely, after handling an object that fell from an Israeli aircraft, reportedly during a military training, and ignited.The incident occurred in the Israeli-controlled area of Hebron city (H2) near the boys’ home.

On 25 July, Palestinian security forces shot and killed a Palestinian man, and injured several others, during clashes in Nablus city.The clashes erupted after the Palestinian forces attempted to close shops and arrest the owners, while enforcing the lockdown regulations imposed in the context of the pandemic. The Palestinian authorities announced the opening of an investigation.

In East Jerusalem, Israeli forces carried out 26 search and detention operations, including two at the premises of cultural institutions, and one at a Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) storage center.In the latter incident, the forces requisitioned some 100 food boxes, reportedly planned for distribution to families in home quarantine due to COVID-19; the reason remains unclear. In a statement issued following the operation at the two cultural centers and the arrest of their directors, a network of Palestinian NGOs called on the international community to defend civic space and provide protection to Palestinian civil society organizations. In one of the operations in Al-‘Isawiya neighbourhood, an undercover unit physically assaulted and abducted a 12-year-old Palestinian boy.

On at least 22 occasions, Israeli forces opened warning fire near Israel’s perimeter fence around Gaza, and off its coast, presumably to enforce access restrictions, resulting in no injuries or damage to property. On two occasions, Israeli forces entered Gaza and carried out land-levelling and excavation operations near the perimeter fence.

Thirty Palestinian-owned structures were demolished or seized in Area C and East Jerusalem for the lack of Israeli-issued building permits, displacing 25 people and otherwise affecting around 140 others. In one incident on 21 July, the Israeli authorities demolished a structure on the outskirts of Hebron city, which, according to the Hebron Municipality, was planned to be used as a COVID-19 testing centre; this claim is contested by the Israeli authorities. This and three other structures were demolished using Military Order 1797, which allows the removal of unauthorized buildings within 96 hours from the delivery of a notice. Humanitarian and human rights organizations have repeatedly raised concern about this procedure, which largely prevents affected people from being heard before a judicial body.

Since the start of the COVID-19 emergency on 5 March, citing the lack of building permits, the Israeli authorities demolished or seized 19 inhabited homes that were in place prior to that date, displacing 104 Palestinians. This follows a commitment by the authorities to suspend the demolition of such structures during the pandemic. An additional seven inhabited homes were demolished during this period by their owners, following the issuance of demolition orders. Since the start of the emergency, 282 Palestinian structures of all types have been demolished or seized due to lack of building permits, in contravention to international humanitarian law.

Assailants, believed to be Israeli settlers injured three Palestinians and vandalized a mosque, some 30 trees and other properties. The injuries include two Palestinian men physically assaulted with sticks and stoned in Turmus’ayya village (Ramallah) and another in the H2 area of Hebron city. On 27 July, a mosque in Al Bireh city (Ramallah) was set on fire, damaging parts of it, and Hebrew graffiti was painted on its walls; the Israeli police reportedly opened an investigation. Some 30 olive trees were set on fire or cut down in Turmus’ayya, Burin, Qaryut (both in Nablus) and Sa’ir (Hebron) villages. Other properties vandalized include bulldozers and other tools at a quarry in Jamma’in village (Nablus) and closed shops in the H2 area of Hebron city.

One Israeli settler was physically assaulted and injured by Palestinians in the H2 area of Hebron city and, according to Israeli sources, four other Israelis were injured after their vehicles were stoned by Palestinians, while traveling on West Bank roads. A total of six Israeli-plated vehicles reportedly sustained damage as a result of stone-throwing and one as a result of Molotov cocktail throwing by Palestinians.

Israel’s Jewish National Fund Is Uprooting Palestinians – Not Planting Trees

By Jonathan Cook
Source: Jonathan Cook

The Jewish National Fund, established more than 100 years ago, is perhaps the most venerable of the international Zionist organisations. Its recent honorary patrons have included prime ministers, and it advises UN forums on forestry and conservation issues.

It is also recognised as a charity in dozens of western states. Generations of Jewish families, and others, have contributed to its fundraising programmes, learning as children to drop saved pennies into its trademark blue boxes to help plant a tree.

And yet its work over many decades has been driven by one main goal: to evict Palestinians from their homeland. 

The JNF is a thriving relic of Europe’s colonial past, even if today it wears the garb of an environmental charity. As recent events show, ethnic cleansing is still what it excels at.

The organisation’s mission began before the state of Israel was even born. Under British protection, the JNF bought up tracts of fertile land in what was then historic Palestine. It typically used force to dispossess Palestinian sharecroppers whose families had worked the land for centuries.

But the JNF’s expulsion activities did not end in 1948, when Israel was established through a bloody war on the ruins of the Palestinians’ homeland – an event Palestinians call the Nakba, or catastrophe.

Israel hurriedly demolished more than 500 cleansed Palestinian villages, and the JNF was entrusted with the job of preventing some 750,000 refugees from returning. It did so by planting forests over both the ruined homes, making it impossible to rebuild them, and village lands to stop them being farmed.

These plantations were how the JNF earned its international reputation. Its forestry operations were lauded for stopping soil erosion, reclaiming land and now tackling the climate crisis.

But even this expertise – gained through enforcing war crimes – was undeserved. Environmentalists say the dark canopies of trees it has planted in arid regions such as the Negev, in Israel’s south, absorb heat unlike the unforested, light-coloured soil. Short of water, the slow-growing trees capture little carbon. Native species of brush and animals, meanwhile, have been harmed.

These pine forests – the JNF has planted some 250 million trees – have also turned into a major fire hazard. Most years hundreds of fires break out after summer droughts exacerbated by climate change.

Early on, the vulnerability of the JNF’s saplings was used as a pretext to outlaw the herding of native black goats. Recently the goats, which clear undergrowth, had to be reintroduced to prevent the fires. But the goats’ slaughter had already served its purpose, forcing Bedouin Palestinians to abandon their pastoral way of life.

Despite surviving the Nakba, thousands of Bedouin in the Negev were covertly expelled to Egypt or the West Bank in Israel’s early years.

It would be wrong, however, to imagine that the JNF’s troubling role in these evictions was of only historical interest. The charity, Israel’s largest private land owner, is actively expelling Palestinians to this day.

In recent weeks, solidarity activists have been desperately trying to prevent the eviction of a Palestinian family, the Sumarins, from their home in occupied East Jerusalem to make way for Jewish settlers.

Last month the Sumarins lost a 30-year legal battle waged by the JNF, which was secretly sold their home in the late 1980s by the Israeli state.

The family’s property was seized – in violation of international law – under a draconian 1950 piece of legislation declaring Palestinian refugees of the Nakba “absent”, so that they could not reclaim their land inside the new state of Israel.

The Israeli courts have decreed that the Absentee Property Law can be applied outside Israel’s recognised territory too, in occupied Jerusalem. In the Sumarins’ case, it appears not to matter that the family was never actually “absent”. The JNF is permitted to evict the 18 family members next month. To add insult to injury, they will have to pay damages to the JNF.

A former US board member, Seth Morrison, resigned in protest in 2011 at the JNF’s role in such evictions, accusing it of working with extreme settler groups. Last year the JNF ousted a family in similar circumstances near Bethlehem. Days later settlers moved on to the land.

Ir Amim, an Israeli human rights group focusing on Jerusalem, warned that these cases create a dangerous legal precedent if Israel carries out its promise to annex West Bank territory. It could rapidly expand the number of Palestinians classified as “absentees”.

But the JNF never lost its love of the humble tree as the most effective – and veiled – tool of ethnic cleansing. And it is once again using forests as a weapon against the fifth of Israel’s population who are Palestinian, survivors of the Nakba.

Earlier this year it unveiled its “Relocation Israel 2040” project. The plan is intended to “bring about an in-depth demographic change of an entire country” – what was once sinisterly called “Judaisation”. The aim is to attract 1.5 million Jews to Israel, especially to the Negev, over the next 20 years.

As in Israel’s first years, forests will be vital to success. The JNF is preparing to plant trees on an area of 40 sq km belonging to Bedouin communities that survived earlier expulsions. Under the cover of environmentalism, many thousands of Bedouin could be deemed “trespassers”.

The Bedouin have been in legal dispute with the Israeli state for decades over ownership of their lands. This month in an interview with the Jerusalem Post newspaper, Daniel Atar, the JNF’s global head, urged Jews once again to drop money into its boxes. He warned that Jews could be dissuaded from coming to the Negev by its reputation for “agricultural crimes” – coded reference to Bedouin who have tried to hold on to their pastoral way of life.

Trees promise both to turn the semi-arid region greener and to clear “unsightly” Bedouin off their ancestral lands. Using the JNF’s original colonial language of “making the desert bloom”, Atar said his organisation would make “the wilderness flourish”.

The Bedouin understand the fate likely to befall them. In a protest last month they carried banners: “No expulsions, no displacement.”

After all, Palestinians have suffered forced displacement at the JNF’s hands for more than a century, while watching it win plaudits from around the world for its work in improving the “environment”.

Al-Qabas evokes the experience of its righteous son, Naji Al-Ali القبس تستحضر تجربة ابنها البار ناجي العلي —

A Must Must See

The Hopelessness Discourse: How Palestinian Pessimism Could Spark a Much-Needed Rebellion

By Ramzy Baroud

Source

Palestine’s biggest challenge is not the failure of the people to register as a factor in the liberation of their own land, but their quisling leadership’s inability to appreciate the immense potential of harnessing the energies of Palestinians everywhere to stage a focused and strategic, anti-colonial, liberation campaign.

In a recent TV discussion, a respected pro-Palestine journalist declared that if any positive change or transformation ever occurs in the tragic Palestinian saga, it would not happen now, but that it would take a whole new generation to bring about such a paradigm shift.

As innocuous as the declaration may have seemed, it troubled me greatly.

I have heard this line over and over again, often reiterated by well-intentioned intellectuals, whose experiences in researching and writing on the so-called ‘Palestinian-Israeli conflict’ may have driven some of them to pessimism, if not despair.

The ‘hopelessness discourse’ is, perhaps, understandable if one is to examine the off-putting, tangible reality on the ground: the ever-entrenched Israeli occupation, the planned annexation of occupied Palestinian land in the West Bank, the shameful Arab normalization with Israel, the deafening silence of the international community and the futility of the quisling Palestinian leadership.

Subscribing to this logic is not only self-defeating but ahistorical as well. Throughout history, every great achievement that brought about freedom and a measure of justice to any nation was realized despite seemingly insurmountable odds.

Indeed, who would have thought that the Algerian people were capable of defeating French colonialism when their tools of liberation were so rudimentary as compared with the awesome powers of the French military and its allies?

The same notion applies to many other modern historic experiences, from Vietnam to South Africa and from India to Cuba.

However, the ‘hopelessness discourse’ is not as innocent as it may seem. It is propelled by the persisting failure to appreciate the centrality of the Palestinian people – or any other people, for that matter – in their own history. Additionally, it assumes that the Palestinian people are, frankly, ineffectual.

Interestingly, when many nations were still grappling with the concept of national identity, the Palestinian people had already developed a refined sense of modern collective identity and national consciousness. General mass strikes and civil disobedience challenging British imperialism and Zionist settlements in Palestine began nearly a century ago, culminating in the six-month-long general strike of 1936.

Since then, popular resistance, which is linked to a defined sense of national identity, has been a staple in Palestinian history. It was a prominent feature of the First Intifada, the popular uprising of 1987.

The fact that the Palestinian homeland was lost, despite the heightened consciousness of the Palestinian masses at the time, is hardly indicative of the Palestinian people’s ability to affect political outcomes.

Time and again, Palestinians have rebelled and, with each rebellion, they forced all parties, including Israel and the United States, to reconsider and overhaul their strategies altogether.

A case in point was the First Intifada.

When, on December 8, 1987, thousands took to the streets of the Jabaliya Refugee Camp, the Gaza Strip’s most crowded and poorest camp, the timing and the location of their uprising was most fitting, rational and necessary. Earlier that day, an Israeli truck had run over a convoy of cars carrying Palestinian laborers, killing four young men. For Jabaliya, as with the rest of Palestine, it was the last straw.

Responding to the chants and pleas of the Jabaliya mourners, Gaza was, within days, the breeding ground for a real revolution that was self-propelled and unwavering. The chants of Palestinians in the Strip were answered in the West Bank, and echoed just as loudly in Palestinian towns, including those located in Israel.

PALESTINIAN UPRISING 1987

The contagious energy was emblematic of children and young adults wanting to reclaim the identities of their ancestors, which had been horribly disfigured and divided among regions, countries and refugee camps.

The Intifada – literally meaning the “shake off” – sent a powerful message to Israel that the Palestinian people are alive, and are still capable of upsetting all of Israel’s colonial endeavors. The Intifada also confronted the failure of the Palestinian and Arab leaderships, as they persisted in their factional and self-seeking politics.

In fact, the Madrid Talks in 1991 between Palestinians and Israelis were meant as an Israeli- American political compromise, aimed at ending the Intifada in exchange for acknowledging the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as a representative of the Palestinian people.

The Oslo Accords, signed by Yasser Arafat and Israel in 1993, squandered the gains of the Intifada and, ultimately, replaced the more democratically representative PLO with the corrupt Palestinian Authority.

But even then, the Palestinian people kept coming back, reclaiming, in their own way, their importance and centrality in the struggle. Gaza’s Great March of Return is but one of many such people-driven initiatives.

Palestine’s biggest challenge in the movement is not the failure of the people to register as a factor in the liberation of their own land, but their quisling leadership’s inability to appreciate the immense potential of harnessing the energies of Palestinians everywhere to stage a focused and strategic, anti-colonial, liberation campaign.

This lack of vision dates back to the late 1970s, when the Palestinian leadership labored to engage politically with Washington and other Western capitals, culminating in the pervading sense that, without US political validation, Palestinians would always remain marginal and irrelevant.

The Palestinian leadership’s calculations at the time proved disastrous. After decades of catering to Washington’s expectations and diktats, the Palestinian leadership, ultimately, returned empty-handed, as the current Donald Trump administration’s ‘Deal of the Century’ has finally proven.

I have recently spoken with two young Palestinian female activists: one is based in besieged Gaza and the other in the city of Seattle. Their forward-thinking discourse is, itself, a testament that the pessimism of some intellectuals does not define the thinking of this young Palestinian generation, and there would be no need to dismiss the collective efforts of this budding generation in anticipation of the rise of a ‘better’ one.

Malak Shalabi, a Seattle-based law student, does not convey a message of despair, but that of action. “It’s really important for every Palestinian and every human rights activist to champion the Palestinian cause regardless of where they are, and it is important especially now, ” she told me.

“There are currently waves of social movements here in the United States, around civil rights for Black people and other issues that are (becoming) pressing topics – equality and justice – in the mainstream. As Palestinians, it’s important that we (take the Palestinian cause) to the mainstream as well,” she added.

“There is a lot of work happening among Palestinian activists here in the United States, on the ground, at a social, economic, and political level, to make sure that the link between Black Lives Matter and Palestine happens,” she added.

On her part, Wafaa Aludaini in Gaza spoke about her organization’s – 16th October Group – relentless efforts to engage communities all over the world, to play their part in exposing Israeli war crimes in Gaza and ending the protracted siege on the impoverished Strip.

“Palestinians and pro-Palestinian activists outside are important because they make our voices heard outside Palestine, as mainstream media does not report (the truth of) what is taking place here,” she told me.

For these efforts to succeed, “we all need to be united,” she asserted, referring to the Palestinian people at home and in the diaspora, and the entire pro-Palestinian solidarity movement everywhere, as well.

The words of Malak and Wafaa are validated by the growing solidarity with Palestine in the BLM movement, as well as with numerous other justice movements the world over.

On June 28, the UK chapter of the BLM tweeted that it “proudly” stands in solidarity with Palestinians and rejects Israel’s plans to annex large areas of the West Bank.

BLM went further, criticizing British politics for being “gagged of the right to critique Zionism and Israel’s settler-colonial pursuits”.

Repeating the claim that a whole new generation needs to replace the current one for any change to occur in Palestine is an insult – although, at times, unintended – to generations of Palestinians, whose struggle and sacrifices are present in every aspect of Palestinian lives.

Simply because the odds stacked against Palestinian freedom seem too great at the moment, does not justify the discounting of an entire nation, which has lived through many wars, protracted sieges and untold hardship. Moreover, the next generation is but a mere evolution of the consciousness of the current one. They cannot be delinked or analyzed separately.

In his “Prison Notebooks”, anti-fascist intellectual, Antonio Gramsci, coined the term “pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will.”

While logical analysis of a situation may lead the intellect to despair, the potential for social and political revolutions and transformations must keep us all motivated to keep the struggle going, no matter the odds.

“But The Jews Also Suffered An Injustice”

By Rima Najjar

Source

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Question: Have there been other examples in history where victims of gross injustice, like that perpetrated against Palestinians by colonizing European Jews, are asked to acknowledge and embrace the poisonous and false claims of their oppressors?

Of course, there have been. Those with the military or political power to oppress have historically imposed their “narratives” on their victims and written their history books accordingly. When liberation came, when the oppression was lifted, the colonial downtrodden and dispossessed were able to reclaim their geographic territory and their history. The oppressors were forced to reevaluate their racist/supremacist self-education.

I am not saying, by any means, “and they all lived happily ever after,” because they haven’t, as we observe in continuing struggles today, many years after liberation technically occurred, especially in settler-colonial countries. To use Angela Davis’ words, freedom is a constant struggle. But “progress,” albeit in fits and starts, is still evident in many, if not all (Kashmir!), of these causes.

The case of Palestine has many similarities with other settler-colonial cases. These are often pointed out in discussion. Our case, however, has been stubbornly resistant to “progress,” even in a century in which “progressive causes” are largely self-evident — except for Palestine.

The reason for the cognitive dissonance embedded in the expression “progressives except for Palestine” lies in the Jewish identity of those who orchestrated the implementation of Zionism on Palestinians. By that I mean Jewish history in Europe continues to pose a challenge to Palestinian liberation.

There was/is something about Palestinian liberation that plays havoc with the minds of Jews on the Left in the “diaspora,” not to mention in the minds and hearts of Israeli Jews. Now that Peter Beinart has opened the door for some revision — not of that history, but of the mindset that balances Palestinian human rights against Jewish interests and reluctantly (or in anguish) finds room for Palestinians in a “Jewish tent” — the key to acceptance of the Palestinian cause as a “progressive cause” appears to lie in the hands of Jews, especially young American Jews, who are growing up rejecting their parents’ beliefs that Jews worldwide are “a people” with a right to self-determination outside their countries of origin.

But it’s still “complicated.”

In pleading our cause, it appears, we have the burden of convincing our oppressors that they have nothing to fear and everything to gain by recognizing our humanity and by sorting out what many have described as their pathology. What’s more, we must, it seems, also be credentialed as their allies in the struggle to end antisemitism — an antisemitism we in Palestine have had nothing to do with, and in which they themselves are complicit!

Israel celebrates its so-called “independence,” as the US does; both are settler-colonial states; both perpetrated genocide/ethnic cleansing and displaced native inhabitants — a criminal project that’s ongoing in Israel. But when people say about “the Middle East” that “it’s complicated,” they are referring to the Israeli phenomenon of successfully selling the status of colonizing Zionist Jews as indigenous. Therein lies the “complication.”

What it is, really, is a hoax. Deception has always been Israel’s first option for the attainment of its Zionist goals. And through deception, Israel has turned the internationally recognized Palestinian right of return into a “redemption fantasy of return across the Green Line,” and the Biblical fantasy of Jewish redemption, i.e., “God redeeming the people of Israel from their exiles,” into a reality.

If reconciliation in conflict means restoring the right relationship between adversaries, our biggest challenge as Palestinians is to persuade all those otherwise rational Jews and non-Jews who understand, on the one hand, that the creation of Israel in Palestine in 1948 was a terrible injustice to the Palestinians, and on the other, fully accept the legitimacy of Israel, that they are wrong.

When you ask such people for an explanation, the answer invariably begins with: “But the Jews also suffered an injustice.” This is exactly what Israeli historian Avi Shlaim says.

To that I say, give us Palestinians a break!

If not for the Arab collusion, the annexation plan would not have been passed: Palestinian expert

Source

By Mohammad Mazhari

July 19, 2020 – 20:4

TEHRAN – A Palestinian analyst believes that the Arab collusion provided an opportunity for Israel to take advantage of some influential Arab countries to take steps toward the annexation of the occupied West Bank.

“The Arab reality is catastrophic, and this provided a window and opportunity for Israel to take advantage of some influential Arab countries to pass the annexation plan,” Zakarya Al-Ahmad tells the Tehran Times. 

He argues that if it was not for the Arab collusion, Israel would not have embarked on annexing the West Bank.

Following is the text of the interview:

Question: What are the reasons that some Israeli parties oppose the annexation of the occupied West Bank?

Answer: Here are three types of opposition to the annexation plan inside Israel. The first one is supported by the left-wing parties that talk about a peaceful solution for Palestinian-Israeli conflict.  Labor Party adopts this approach, but they are in the minority. 

The other critic of the annexation plan is the religious Zionists, especially the leaders of settlements. They believe that the West Bank is part of Israel, and therefore merely annexing parts of this area is not enough, and here lies the dispute over the scope of annexation.

The third group comprises of moderate parties, such as Blue and White and its allies. This party opposes annexation based on its leftist background and believes that it can lead to strategic problems in their relations with the Palestinian Authority and the U.S.

They call for harmony with the U.S. and the international community, emphasizing that the annexation without American approval, may result in problems at international level.

Q: Benjamin Netanyahu recently warned Benny Gantz that he would either have to accept the annexation plan or hold early elections. Do you think that annexation would lead to the collapse of the Israeli government?

A: As for Netanyahu’s warning to Benny Gantz, I rule out that it will lead to the collapse of the government for two reasons: The first reason is that Netanyahu actually works within the U.S. framework, and this is the reason for a delay in annexation, and therefore when he wants to take a step or take a final decision concerning annexation, he will consider into account Washington’s agreement, and Benny Gantz has no problem in this regard. The second reason is that Benny Gantz will be a loser in case of dissolving the coalition government for an important cause. 

If new elections are held, Netanyahu will win with a greater difference, given that the coalition or the powerful bloc (the Blue-White bloc) that had re-run the elections three times disintegrated after Benny Gantz joined the government and defected from his alliance with Yair Lapid.

Benny Gantz has no chance to win if he enters the election race, and so far he has no achievement on the ground. His coalition disintegrated, and he will lose if he competes Netanyahu, according to opinion polls.  Benjamin Netanyahu is able to win more than 40 seats in the Knesset, and he can form a government with right-wing parties.

Q: How do you see the positions of Western countries and international institutions toward the annexation plan? Will it affect relations between the European Union and the Zionist regime?
A: With regard to the positions of the European Union and international institutions, the important point is that European countries often limit themselves to condemning and objecting, but nothing will translate into action. Three cases proved this approach during the last period: The first case is the annexation of the Golan and recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan. The second case is moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and the third point is the “Deal of the Century.”
“If the Palestinian Authority decided to confront Israel and let the people resist on their own, I think we can expect a new Intifada.”There was indeed opposition from some Western countries and international institutions, but it was not translated into real policy. 
Consequently, he does not believe that these international institutions can change the annexation decision or prevent Israel from implementing the plan, or imposing sanctions on Israel. 
In addition, even if these institutions could change something, Israel possibly would be affected minimally. Still, soon Israeli diplomacy will restore balance to relations, and relations with these institutions will recover. Since Israeli diplomacy is rooted in these institutions, it cannot be affected in the long run.
During the past years, the European Union was against settlement and imposed sanctions on the settlements and their products, but Israel continued to build many Jewish settlements and did not stop, on the contrary accelerated it.
Q: What will be the reaction of the Palestinian factions if the West Bank is annexed? Do you expect a new uprising?
A: The Palestinian factions threatened that the annexation plan would be considered declaring a war. It may be an escalation, but it will not lead to a comprehensive war. 
I believe that the Palestinian factions are not interested in entering an all-out war because any war will be disastrous, and post-war is more complicated than before, and will not prevent Israel from taking the annexation step.
In the event the Palestinian factions respond, the responses may be limited, but to enter into a comprehensive confrontation, in my estimation, is not in their interest.
 The Intifada (vast uprising) is linked to an issue; the decision of the Fatah movement and the Palestinian Authority. One of the most significant obstacles that undermine the Intifada in the West Bank is the security coordination between the Palestinian Authority and Israel. This obstacle has long prevented the Palestinian resistance from achieving any progress and execution of any operations against Israel in the West Bank.
“The Arab countries are an essential part of ‘deal of the century’.”The second point is intelligence penetration or Israeli intelligence control of the West Bank.
 If the Palestinian Authority decided to confront Israel and let the people resist on their own, I think we can expect a new Intifada.
Indeed, we can bet on the continuation of individual operations with an individual weapon. This can give a result, but it needs continuity and media support against Israel and help and sponsor the families of the people who resist Israel, especially since most of these families are subject to the demolition of their houses and harassment.
The resistance is facing a difficult situation in the West Bank because of the policies exercised by the Palestinian Authority. Still, if Fatah decides to push and invite people to uprising and give them a weapon in order to carry out operations, at my discretion, that could lead to problems for Israel and will bring a long-term achievement, or at least they will send a message to the world that there are resistance groups who stand in the face of this occupier racist regime.
Q:  How do you evaluate the attitudes of Arab countries towards the annexation plan?
A: If it was not for certain Arab states’ consistency with the Israeli vision, the Zionist regime would not have actually dared to take such a step. 
The Arab countries are an essential part of the “deal of the century,” and the annexation comes in this context, and it is not separate from this deal. There are some distinct stances, but they are fragile. One of these positions which may affect the American administration is Jordan’s position, but can Jordan continue to oppose the annexation plan? 
In my opinion, it will not be able to continue. The question is that can Jordan cancel the peace agreement or at least overlook some provisions of the peace process? I think it is not easy because of its relationship with the international community and U.S. influence and its miserable internal economic situation. In the best condition Jordan can allow a flow of arms to Palestinian factions in the West Bank.
Nevertheless, the annexation plan will eliminate the possibility of forming a Palestinian state, and Jordan will bear the burden of displaced Palestinians from the West Bank in the future. 
Although it has been said that the annexation is partial in this phase, on the strategic level, Israel will not give up a single inch in the West Bank due to (the so-called) religious and strategic considerations. In fact, it will not allow the establishment of a Palestinian state.
 The alternative is displacing the Palestinians and forcing them to go to Jordan. In this case, Jordan will face a big problem.
So Jordan’s opposition comes from this point of view. But can it stand alone? In my opinion, it will not be able to stand alone.


The Arab reality is catastrophic, and this provided a window and opportunity for Israel to take advantage of some influential Arab countries to pass the annexation plan. If not for the Arab collusion, it would not have passed this plan.

Towards a “New Cold War” in the Middle East: Geopolitics of the Persian Gulf and the Battle for Oil and Gas

By Germán Gorraiz López

Global Research, July 21, 2020

The foundations of the great Near East were established in the Pact of Quincey (1945) following the doctrine of the Franco-British Sykes-Picot agreements of 1916 that favored the regional division of power in areas of influence and sustained on the tripod US-Egypt- Saudi Arabia. This doctrine consisted in the endemic survival in Egypt of pro-western autocratic military governments, which ensured the survival of the State of Israel (1948) and provided the US Navy with privileged access to the Suez Canal, a crucial shortcut for access direct to the United Arab Emirates, Iraq and Afghanistan, remaining as a firm bastion of US geopolitical interests in the area, especially after the fall of the Shah of Persia in 1980.

The other pillar of the agreement consisted of the privileged access of the United States to Saudi Arabian oil in exchange for preserving its autocratic regime and favoring the spread of Wahhabism (doctrine founded by Mohamed Abdel Wahab in the mid-eighteenth century with the aim of becoming a vision attractive to Islam and exportable to the rest of the Arab countries), with which the Saudi theocracy became a regional power that provided the US with the key to energy dominance while serving as a retaining wall for socialist and pan-Arab currents. Finally, after the Six Day War (1967), the geostrategic puzzle of the Middle East and the Near East was completed with the establishment of autocratic and pro-Western regimes in the countries surrounding Israel (Libya, Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran), leaving the Palestinians confined in the ghettos of the West Bank and Gaza.

Iraq and the Biden Plan

The Biden-Gelb Plan, approved by the US Senate in 2007 and rejected by Condolezza Rice, Secretary of State with George W. Bush, provided for the establishment in Iraq of a federal system in order to prevent the collapse in the country after the withdrawal of US troops and proposed separating Iraq into Kurdish, Shiite and Sunni entities, under a federal government in Baghdad charged with the care of the borders and the administration of oil revenues.

Thus, we will attend the appearance of Free Kurdistan presided over by Masoud Barzani with capital in Kirkust and that would include annexed areas taking advantage of the power vacuum left by the Iraqi Army such as Sinkar or Rabia in the province of Ninive, Kirkuk and Diyala as well as all the cities of Syrian Kurdish ethnicity (except Hasaka and Qamishli) occupied by the Kurdish insurgency of the BDP.

The new Kurdistan will have the blessings of the United States and will have financial autonomy by owning 20% of the farms of all Iraqi crude oil with the “sine qua non condition” to supply Turkey, Israel and Eastern Europe with Kurdish oil through the Kirkust pipeline that empties into the Turkish port of Ceyhan. On the other hand, the Sunistan with capital in Mosul and that would cover the Sunni cities of Ramadi, Falluja, Mosul, Tal Afar and Baquba (Sunni triangle), with strong connections with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and that would later lead to a radical pan-Islamist movement that it will use the oil weapon to strangle the western economies in the horizon of the next five-year period.

Finally, as the third leg of the tripod, we would have Iraqi Chi with capital in Baghdad that will counterbalance Saudi Wahhabism and that will gravitate in the orbit of influence of Iran, which will make Iran a great regional power in clear conflict with Saudi Arabia and Israel.

Iran, guardian of the Gulf and energy power

Iran acquired a regional power dimension thanks to the erratic policy of the United States in Iraq, (fruit of the political administration myopia obsessed with the Axis of Evil) by eliminating its ideological rivals, the Sunni Taliban radicals and Saddam Hussein with the subsequent power vacuum in the area. He also proposed a global negotiation with the contact group to deal with all the aspects that have confronted Western countries for thirty years, both the suffocating embargo that has plagued the Islamic Republic and the Iranian assets blocked in the United States, the role Iran regional cooperation and security cooperation in Iraq and Afghanistan.The Middle East: A Review of Geopolitical Structures, Vectors of Power Dynamic

President Mahmoud Ajmadinejad stretched the rope to the limit in the security that the United States would not attack and would limit any individual action by Israel (a discarded project of bombarding the Natanz plant with commercial jets), as a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz through which it passes A third of the world’s energy traffic could exacerbate the global economic recession and profoundly weaken the entire international political system. Thus, in an interview with Brzezinski conducted by Gerald Posner in The Daily Beast (September 18, 2009), he stated that “an American-Iranian collision would have disastrous effects for the United States and China, while Russia would emerge as the great winner, as the foreseeable closure of the Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf where oil transportation destined for Northeast Asia (China, Japan and South Korea), Europe and the United States passes, would raise the price of black gold to stratospheric levels and would have severe repercussions on the economy global, becoming the totally crude EU dependent on Russia.

According to experts, Iran would possess the world’s third largest proven reserves of oil and gas, but it would not have enough technology to extract the gas from the deepest fields and would require an urgent multimillion-dollar investment to avoid irreversible deterioration of its facilities, which in practice it translates into a huge pie for Russian, Chinese and Western multinationals and an increase in the supply of Iranian crude oil to 1.5 million barrels / day within a year, with the consequent drop in prices. of the Brent and Texas reference crudes.

Furthermore, the revitalization of the 2010 energy cooperation agreement between Iraq, Iran and Syria for the construction of the South Pars-Homms gas pipeline that would connect the Persian Gulf with the Mediterranean Sea would relativize the strategic importance of the Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline Project (TAP) , (a substitute for the failed Nabucco gas pipeline designed by the US to transport Azerbaijani gas to Europe through Turkey), as well as the relevant role of the United Arab Emirates as suppliers of crude oil to the West, which would explain the eagerness of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey for torpedoing him.

America’s “Project of the New Middle East”

Ralph Peters Map: The Project for the New Middle East. Used for teaching purposes at the military academies. (“Unofficial”)  

Are Iraq and Iran the bait for the US to involve Russia and China in a new war?

Former President Carter’s National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski in a speech to the Iranian-American National Council (NIAC) stated that “I believe that the US has the right to decide its own national security policy and not follow like a stupid mule what the Israelis do. ” In addition, Brzezinski, would be faced with the neocon republican and Jewish lobbies of the USA and with his habitual biting he would have discredited the geostrategic myopia of both pressure groups when affirming that “they are so obsessed with Israel, the Persian Gulf, Iraq and Iran that they have lost from the global picture: the true power in the world is Russia and China, the only countries with a true capacity to resist the United States and England and on which they would have to focus their attention ”.

We would thus be at a crucial moment to define the mediate future of the Middle East and Middle East (PROME East), since after the arrival of Donald Trump from the White House the pressure of the pro-Israeli lobby of the USA (AIPAC) would be increasing to proceed the destabilization of Iran by expeditious methods, a moment that will be used by the United States, Great Britain and Israel to proceed to redesign the cartography of the unrelated puzzle formed by these countries and thus achieve strategically advantageous borders for Israel, following the plan orchestrated 60 years ago. jointly by the governments of Great Britain, the United States and Israel and which would have the backing of the main western allies. Thus, after the approval by the Congress and the US Senate of a declaration prepared by the Republican Senator Lindsey Graham and the Democrat Robert Menéndez, who clearly states that “if Israel is forced to defend itself and take action (against Iran), the US will be at your side to support it militarily and diplomatically”, with the Trump Administration we will assist the increase in pressure from the pro-Israeli lobby of the USA (AIPAC) to proceed with the destabilization of Iran by expeditious methods.

In a first phase of said plan, the US Senate unanimously renewed the Sanctions Against Iran Act (ISA) until 2026 and after the launch of a new ballistic missile by Iran, Trump expanded the sanctions against several Iranian companies related to ballistic missiles without violating the Nuclear Agreement signed between the G + 5 and Iran in 2015, known as the Comprehensive Joint Action Plan (JCPOA) and which would only be fireworks to distract attention from the Machiavellian Plan outlined by the Anglo-Jewish Alliance in 1960 that would include the Balkanization of Iran and whose turning point would be the recent assassination of the charismatic General Qasem Soleimani.

This war could lead to a new local episode that would be involve a return to a “recurrent endemism” of the US-Russia Cold War involving both superpowers having as necessary collaborations the major regional powers namely Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iran.

This Cold War scenario would cover the geographic space that extends from the Mediterranean arc (Libya, Syria and Lebanon) to Yemen and Somalia and having Iraq as its epicenter (recalling the Vietnam War with Lindon B. Johnson (1963-1.969).

Thus, Syria, Iraq and Iran would be the bait to attract both Russia and China and after triggering a concatenation of local conflicts (Syria, Iraq and Lebanon), this potentially could evolve towards a major regional conflict that could mark the future of the area in the coming years.

*

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Featured image is from Silent Crow NewsThe original source of this article is Global ResearchCopyright © Germán Gorraiz López, Global Research, 2020

PCHR: Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (09– 15 July 2020)

Source

July 17, 2020 3:04 AM  PCHR

Summary

Israeli forces continued to commit crimes and multi-faceted violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, a civilian was killed by Israeli forces while he was walking with his friend in Kifl Hares village.

In addition, the army’s excessive use of force rendered 9 injuries among Palestinian civilians during raids and attacks on peaceful protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Furthermore, Israeli forces continued to arrest and raid the houses of those working with the Palestinian security services in the West Bank.

Over the past several weeks, the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, witnessed wide-scale demolitions and distribution of demolition notices of civilian houses and properties as well as confiscation of lands for establishing roads for settlements. This week witnessed an increase confiscation lands decisions, especially in al-‘Isawiya village in occupied East Jerusalem.

This week, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) documented 168 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.

Israeli military shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: On 09 July 2020, Israeli forces shot and killed Ibrahim Mostafa Abu Ya’qoub (33) without justification while he was walking with his friend on a street, 600 meters away from the settlement street so-called “Aber al-Samerah”, in north Salfit. On 13 July 2020, Aseen Mahmoud Hamad Duhair(34), from Rafah, succumbed to wounds she sustained after Israeli warplanes targeted her uncle’s house on 04 August 2014. It should be noted that due the Israeli attack, Duhiar suffered a spinal fracture, causing paraplegia or paralysis.

Israeli forces shot and wounded 9 Palestinians, including a child, in excessive use of force against peaceful protests in the West Bank: 2 in separate incidents in Salfit, 2 in suppression a peaceful protest in Nablus; and 5 were wounded in IOF raid into al-‘Isawiya in occupied East Jerusalem.

In Gaza, 5 shootings against fishing boats were reported; and once against agricultural lands western and eastern Gaza Strip.

Israeli military incursions and detention of Palestinian civilians: The Israeli military carried out 96 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, inciting terror among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 76 Palestinians were arrested, including 5 children. During raids, a Palestinian vehicle was seized.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: The Israeli authorities continued their settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 13 violations, including:

  • East Jerusalem: demolition of 2 houses; 1 self-demolished, a demolition notice given to a building in Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, and confiscation of dozens of dunams.
  • Bethlehem: 2 demolition notices and 2 cease-construction notices distributed, and 3 mixers and a concrete pump confiscated.
  • Salfit: 1000 square meters confiscated upon a military order.
  • Hebron: demolition of a 2-story house comprising of 2 apartments, 70 olive trees uprooted and confiscated, 70-square-long stone chains demolished, agricultural lands levelled, and an agricultural room demolished.
  • Tulkarem: a barrack and a cement wall demolished.

PCHR also documented 2 settler attacks: assault and vandalization on Palestinians’ vehicles in Laban al-Sharqiyia village, and establishing a settlement road in southern Hebron.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement: The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst blockade in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Furthermore, since the Palestinian Authority (PA) ended security coordination with Israeli authorities in May 2020, hundreds of critically ill patients whose condition cannot afford delays in treatment were denied travel. This was amplified by the restrictions put in place by Israeli forces since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic that had already had grave implications on the humanitarian and economic situation of the Gaza Strip population. Recently, a very limited number of individual cases of patients who have obtained medical referrals and financial coverage to Israel were able to travel, and some others referred to Israeli organizations working in the field of health for assistance in coordination.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.
 
1. Violation of the Right to Life and to Bodily Integrity/Shooting

  • On Thursday, 09 July 2020, IOF shot dead a Palestinian civilian without justification while he was walking with his friend in Kifl Hares village. According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 23:00 on Thursday evening, Israeli forces deployed in an olive field in Kifl Hares village, north of Salfit, fired 4 – 5 live bullets at 2 Palestinians who were walking on a street, 15 meters away from the olive field. The olive field is about 600 meters away from a bypass road by Israeli settlers and IOF and links between several Israeli settlements and sites. As a result, Palestinian Ibrahim Mustafa Abu Yaqoub (33), from Kifl Hares village, was shot with a live bullet in his neck. Abu Yaqoub’s friend and two passersby transferred his via a civilian vehicle to Yasser Arafat Hospital, but he died before arriving to the hospital.

“At approximately 13:00 on Thursday, 09 July 2020, I called my friend Ibrahim and informed him that I am on my way to his house in Kifl Hares village in Salfit. We went out and made a phone call with one of our friends and told him that we are going to visit him, but the said that he went to Bedia village. Therefore, we decided to go back to Ibrahim’s house. While we were walking on the street, we heard a sound of gunfire as we were near Ali Saleh Hamad’s house next to olive fields that were about 15 meters away from our place. I thought that the shooting was far away, but Ibrahim suddenly stopped and said: “Haitham call my family and tell them that I got shot”. I was surprised because I thought that the gun fire was around us as IOF fired 4 – 5 sporadic live bullets. Ibrahim said he was shot in his chest and asked me to call his family. I thought he was joking, but I saw his shirt was covered with blood and he fell on the ground. I immediately called his brother. 2 young men, who were in the other side of the street, rushed to me and one of them namely Sari, moved Ibrahim to his vehicle and we all stepped into it. We attempted to leave from the village’s main entrance, but the shooting renewed from the olive field again. We returned to Hares village’s road and took Ibrahim to Salfit Hospital. However, Ibrahim died 10 minutes later and stopped moving as blood came out of his mouth. I later learnt that Israeli soldiers were deployed among the olive field, noting that for the last 5 five days, Israeli forces have been storming the village and deploying between olive trees. Four days ago, an Israeli military vehicle stopped me and an officer said to me, that if stoning did not stop in the village’s main street, they would carry out killings.”

  • Simultaneously, Israeli forces deployed in another olive field in the same village, as they were about thousand meters away of the above-mentioned olive field, opened fire in the adjacent neighborhoods. As a result, a 15-year-old child , from Kifl Hares villages, was shot with a live in his foot while being present adjacent to a house located in the main street, which about 10 meters away from the olive The child was transferred to Istishari Arab Hospital in Ramallah and his injury was classified as moderate. According to Israeli media, IOF alleged that they opened fire in the area after a Molotov cocktails was thrown at “Aber al-Samerah” street, south of the Kifl Hares village.
  • At approximately 01:00 on Friday, 10 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed adjacent to the border fence in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area. Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 11:30 on the same Friday a peaceful protest took part from the center of Asirah northern village, north of Nablus, into lands threatened to be confiscated in al-Marj and Beit al-Zaki areas in Ebal Mount, east of the above-mentioned village. The protest was organized upon calls national factions in Nablus. The participants raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against Israeli forces, settlers, Israeli annexation plan, and the U.S president Donald Trump’s Middle East plan. When the participants arrived at the area, a large number of IOF were waiting for them in the area. The participants performed Friday prayer in the above-mentioned land while Israeli soldiers were surrounding OF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, Hazem Yusuf Taher Yaseen (46), was shot with a sound bomb in his right hand that caused amputation of the middle finger and fracture in his index finger. A 52-year-old man also was shot with a sound bomb in his left leg that caused fracture in his leg’s instep. Another civilian’s leg was fractured after he was pushed by Israeli forces. The wounded civilians were transferred to al-Najah Hospital in Nablus for medical treatment. Many civilians also suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and they received medical treatment on the field. Israeli forces detained Yazan Khalid Yaseen (25), from the same village, severely beat him with their legs and rifles’ butt, dragged him on the ground, and took him to an unknown destination. Yaseen was later released and he referred to al-Najah Hospital for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 13:00 on the same Friday, Israeli forces stationed at the northern entrance to Kufur Qaddoum village, north of Qalqilia, suppressed a protest in which dozens of Palestinian civilians. Israeli forces chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. Many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 14:00 on the same Friday, Israeli forces stationed in the vicinity of a military watchtower established on lands of Kufur Qaddoum village, north of Salfit, fired live bullets at dozens of Palestinians participating in a funeral procession of Ibrahim Mustafa Abu Yaqoub, who was killed by IOF the previous day. Israeli forces chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a 22-year-old young man was shot with a rubber bullet in his right leg.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Saturday, 11 July 2020, Israeli forces stormed al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They deployed in the village neighborhoods, established checkpoints at its entrances and searched vehicles before allowing them to leave the village. In the meantime, a number of young men protested at Al Mahmoud neighborhood’s entrance, west of the village, and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov Cocktails at Israeli soldiers. A large Israeli force immediately stormed the neighborhood, fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at civilians and clashed with them. As a result, 5 civilians were injured, 4 of them were shot with rubber bullets and the fifth was hit with tear gas shrapnel. Two civilians also sustained burns to their faces after Israeli soldiers pepper-sprayed them. IOF arrested Sa’di Mahmoud and his sons Mohammed (23) and Ahmed (20) and withdrew from the village.
  • At approximately 03:00 on Sunday, 22 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of the Gaza Strip, chased and sporadically opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 18:00 on Monday, 14 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Rafah in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 4 nautical miles ). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 22:40 on the same Monday, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of the Gaza Strip, chased and sporadically opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 – 5 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Wednesday, 15 July 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Gaza Valley (Johur al-Dee), south of Gaza city, opened fire at agricultural lands, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 09:50, on the same Wednesday, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Rafah in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (6 nautical miles) and fired flare bombs. Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.

II. Incursions and Detentions

Thursday, 09 July 2020:

  • At approximately 12:00, Israeli forces detained Rami Mohammed Ghaith (26), while present near al-Baraq (Wailing Wall) in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, and took him to one of the investigation center in the city.
  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Ras Ateya village, south of Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and detained Tareq Majed Mara’ba (17).
  • At approximately 01:25, Israeli forces moved into Mithlon village southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Majed Hafiz Na’irat’s (53) house, head of health department in Mithlon village, and detained him.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Sa’eer village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched several houses and detained Sowah Atta Jaradat (45) and Wajdi Nayef Mohammed Jaradat (23).
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed in al-Daheya area. They raided and searched Mohammed Salah al-Qawasma’s (24) house and detained him.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Ayman Obaid (21) and Omar Ahmed Mahmoud (16), and detained them.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Betounia, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Fahmi Assi’s house and detained his daughter Ruba Fahmi Assi (18), a student in Birzeit University.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Anan village, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Obaid al-Mutairy (24) and Mo’ath Mujahed al-Mutairy (20), and detained them.
  • At approximately 03:20, Israeli forces moved into al-Beireh, north of Ramallah, and stationed at Um al-Sharayt neighborhood, southeast of al-Beira. They raided and searched Hussain Mohammed Hussain Abu Kwaik’s (65) house, one of Hamas Movement leaders, detained him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Am’ari refugee camp, southeast of al-Beira, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Jamal Mohammed al-Taweel’s (57) house, one of Hamas Movement leaders, detained him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians: Allam Sami Massad (51), Bassam Hassan Tayeh (49), Abdulla Afeef Zakarna (57), and Mazen Mohammed Zreiki (58).
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces reinforced with two military vehicles moved into al-Shoyoukh village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Mohammed Eid Halayqa’s (39) house and no detentions were reported.
  • At approximately 04:30, Israeli forces moved into Qalqilia. They raided and searched Abdul Rahman Mahmoud Hanini’s (24) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 10:00, the Israeli Intelligence Services moved into Beit Hanina, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Shady Saad al-Mtawar’s (44) house, the Secretary of Fatah movement in Jerusalem, and handed him a summons to refer to al-Muskobeya investigation center in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF moved into Khillat Hassan, west of Salfit. They raided and searched Azmi Taha Hamdan’s (24) house and detained him.
  • In the evening of the same day, Israeli forces established a temporary military checkpoint between Ramallah and Jenin, north of the West Bank. IOF detained Mohammed Falah Yousef Owais (26), from Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin. Israeli forces took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (10) incursions in al-Jadida and Siries, southeast of Jenin; Ein al-Bida, east of Tubas in the northern valleys; Silwad in Ramallah; Ein al-Sultan refugee camp and Jericho, in Jericho governorate; Qafin in Tulkarem; Hebla in Qalqilia; Kifl Hares and Derastya in Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Friday, 10 July 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Mahmoud Mohammed Shamisty’s (40) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and detained Amjad Mahmoud Jaber (22) and Malek Haroun Jaber (19).
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Abdullah Sami Dwaik’s (17) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Jaba’ village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Zeyad Zaki Twam’s (25) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 12:00, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tara military roadblock, southeast of Nablus, detained Shady Mahmoud Mohammed Hammad (33), member of the Palestinian National Security, from al-‘Arqa village, west of Jenin. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 20:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Sa’deya neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Tamer Mohammed al-Khalafawi’s (22) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 21:40, Israeli forces established a temporary military roadblock at the entrance of Jebia village, north of Ramallah, stopped Ra’d al-Barghouthi’s (35) car while driving with his friend, Mohammed Ali Saleem (31), and detained them. IOF released them after several hours but confiscated their car, under the pretext of being illegal.
  • Israeli forces carried out an incursion in Tayaseer village, east of Tubas. No detentions were reported.

 
Saturday, 11 July 2020:

  • At approximately 00:40, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank, arrested Ibrahim Samir al-Banna (28), member of the Palestinian National Security, from Askar refugee camp, northeast of Nablus. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Fawwar refugee camp, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Siraj Eshaq Abu Hashhash’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Yatta, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Eissa Ali Abu Arram’s (40) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:40, Israeli forces moved into Ya’bad village, southwest of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Adham Omar Qabha (25), Mohammed Bassam Ba’jawi (35).
  • At approximately 04:10, Israeli forces moved into Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abd Rabbo Khaled Hashash (21) and Fathi Hani Abu Rizq (20).
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces arrested Ahmed Ali al-Mallah (26) while present near Qalqndia refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF took him to an unknown destination.

 
Sunday, 12 July, 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli army, reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Yazeed Mohammed Abu Eisha’s (20) house, in Ras al-Joura neighborhood, and detained him.
  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in al-Samoua’ and Dura villages in Hebron governorate; Hares and Kifl Hares villages, north of Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Monday, 13 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Towr neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians; Mohammed Tayseer Abu Sbaitan (29), Ahmed Khaled Abu Ghannam (21), and Mousa Abu Ghannam.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Thawri neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mo’taz Waleed Shwaiky’s (18) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Ein al-Lawza neighborhood in Silwan, south of the occupied east Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mousa Na’eem Fatafita’s (33) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Hindaza, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Huthaifa Yasser Abayat’s (23) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into ‘Arraba village, southwest of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians; Ahmed Adnan Suliman Murdai (33), Ja’far Fawzi Abdullah Abu Salah (53), and Hassan Ramzi Hussain Abu Salah (43). IOF released Ja’far Abu Salah in front of “Mafi Dutan” settlement on the entrance of Arraba at approximately 10:00.
  • At approximately 04:30, Israeli forces moved into Abayat village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mahmoud Abdul Karim Ayyad (29) and Mohammed As’ad Nawawra (26), and detained them.
  • At approximately 06:00, Israeli forces moved into Taqoua’, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Salem al-Sabbah’s (24) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces stationed at al-Nafaq military checkpoint, west of Beit Jala, detained Mustafa Kamel Ayesh (21), and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 16:00, Israeli forces stationed at the end of al-Wad street, near Bab al-Majles, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, detained (5) civilians including 3 children. The detainees are: Abdul Rahman Ayman al-Bashiti (16), his brother Hatem (14), Ameer Mohammed al-Malki (19), Mustafa Mousa Abu Sanina (19), and Suhaib Abu Saleh (16).
  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Wad street in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched al-Aseel Deserts store, and detained its owner Jehad Nazmi Abu Sbaih (37).
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in ‘Allar village, north of Tulkarem; Kifl Hares and Hares villages, north of Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Tuesday, 14 July 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Anas Awni Abu Balaha’s (25) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Barqin village, west of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Abdullah Hasan Soboh’s (19) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Jadida village, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Thafer Sami Zaqouq’s (20) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:50, Israeli forces moved into Silwad village, northeast of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mujahed Ayed Flaih’s (28) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces moved into Hizma village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Hasan al-Khateeb’s house and detained his sons, Hamada (30) and Omar (24).
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in Hebron, Sa’eer, and Yatta, in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

 
Wednesday, 15 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Kafr Ein village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Hussam Yousef al-Barghouthi’s (30) house house and detained him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Silat al-Thuhr village, south of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Jarrah Abdullah Hantouli (25) and Mofeed Fathi Za’rour (35), and detained them.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Urif village, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Khaled Mustafa Sbbah’s (22) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces infantry unit moved into Beit Rima, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Saleem Rasem al-Rimawi’s (36) house and detained him. It should be noted that al-Rimawi is a former prisoner in the Israeli prisons for 9 consecutive years.
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into Deir Abu Mish’al village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Wael Mohammed Atta (27) and Taha Hussain al-Barghouthi (29), and detained them.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Kobar village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided anmd searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Maher al-Barghouthi (26) and Fladimir Majed al-Barghouthi (45), and detained them.
  • At approximately 05:20, Israeli forces moved into Ramallah, and stationed in al-Masayef neighborhood, in the northern side of the city. They raided and searched Husni Mohammed Dars’s (47) house and detainedhim. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (6) incursions in al-Nabi Saleh, Deir al-Swadan, Um Safa, ‘Aroura, and Berzeit, in Ramallah; and Burin village, south east of Nablus. No detentions were reported.

 
III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

a. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 09:00 on Friday, 10 July 2020, Israeli authorities notified to demolish parts attached to 2 inhabited houses in al-Walajah village, west of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Activist Ibrahim ‘Awadallah said that Israeli forces notified Ahmed Mohammed ‘Awadallah and Mohammed ‘Abdullah Rabah to demolish parts attached to their houses in ‘Ain Jowizah area, under the pretext of non-licensing. ‘Awadallah added that the notification gave the houses’ owners until next Sunday to implement it, or they will bear the demolition costs. It should be noted that ‘Ain Jowizah area is exposed to a settlement attack, including demolishing houses and retaining walls and stop construction works in other houses.
  • At approximately 13:00 on the same day, Israeli forces moved into Um Rokba area and distributed notices to stop construction works in 2 inhabited houses located in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. The first 330-square-meter house belongs to Nader ‘Abed al-Salam Salah, and the second 500-square-meter house belongs to Mohammed Mahmoud Salah. Also, IOF detained 3 mixers and a concrete pump from Mohammed’s house.
  • On Sunday, 12 July 2020, Israeli Municipality staff raided al-Tahan family’s facility in Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. The municipality staff informed the family to evacuate the facility comprising of 3 apartments as a prelude to demolish it. Weal Tahan clarified that the Israeli Municipality issued a demolition notice against the facility built in 1990, under the pretext of non-licensing. He added that in 1993 the municipality issued a decision to confiscate the land for the “public benefit” and began pursuing the family after construction on their land. Tahan added that many hearings were held to stop demolition and confiscation, but in vain. Tahan said that the municipality imposed a fine of NIS 260,000 on the family and they paid it. Tahan pointed out that 5 families lived in the facility.
  • On the same day, Bahaa’ ‘Adnan Zaytoun implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished his house in Bir Ayoub neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Zaytoun said that the Israeli Municipality threatened him to pay heavy fines if its staff implemented the demolition. He added that his 75-square-meter house sheltering 6 persons, including 4 children, was built 4 years ago. It should be noted that since the beginning of this year, Israeli authorities forced 25 Jerusalemite families to self-demolish their houses or they will pay the demolition costs. Regarding the Israeli Municipality staff, they demolished 31 houses in occupied East Jerusalem since the beginning of 2020, in addition to 11 facilities and an under-construction house. Israeli authorities imposed many obstacles on Jerusalemites citizens and refused to license their houses.
  • On Monday, 13 July 2020, Israeli Municipality staff hanged eviction notices on dozens of dunams in al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of being state owned-lands. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Isawiya Follow-up Committee, said Israeli police officers accompanied with the Israel Lands Administration staff hanged notices on Palestinian lands confiscated in 1967. Parts of these lands were given to Hadasah Hospital to establish parking and other facilities, and were given to expand “French hill” The owners of these lands are prohibited from using the rest of their lands. Abu al-Humus clarified that the dunams belong to ‘Eliyan, Mostafa, Derbas, Abu Reyalah, Darwish, Mahmoud, and ‘Obaif families. Abu al-Humus added that the notices ordered the owners to demolish and remove all constructions and trees from the land. It should be noted that Israeli authorities recently distributed dozens of eviction notices in al-‘Isawiya village for settlement expansion.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Monday, 13 July 2020, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Bereen, southwest of Bani Na’iem village, east of Hebron. The Israeli Civil Administration officers handed Ya’qoub Ishaq Ya’qoub Burqan and As’ad Yousef Burqan final demolition notices against their under-construction house (120 sqm). The notices gave them 7 days to challenge. It should be noted that the Israeli authorities notified the mentioned civilians on 07 June 2020 to stop construction works in their house comprising of 2 apartments and gave them until 17 June 2020 to challenge. Fareed Burqan, Head of the Village Council, said that;
    “I went with the owners of the house to the Israel Lands Administration Department in order to challenge the decision, but Israeli soldiers there prevented us from entering, under the pretext of the Coronavirus pandemic.”
  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-‘Adisa area, south of Sa’ir village, north of Hebron. The soldiers were deployed in the area while the Israeli Civil Administration officers cut Yousef Isma’il Yousef Jaradat’s 70 olive trees plated 5-10 years ago and confiscated them. This land is located within a land of 350 dunams, adjacent to “Kiryat Arba ” settlement, east of Hebron, and Israel considers it as state-owned land. It should be noted that Jaradat was previously handed a seizure notice by Israeli forces.
  • At approximately 09:30, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet al-‘Eidah area, east of Hebron. The Israeli bulldozer demolished a 70-meter-long stone chains and levelled Nemer Fahmi Mostafa Jaber’s 2-dunam land, under the pretext of being state-owned land. The losses were estimated at NIS 40,000. It should be noted that Israeli authorities distributed eviction notices on 17 March 2020.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Boq’ah area, east of Hebron. IOF leveled Mohammed Mostafa ‘Awwad Jaber’s agricultural land (1.5 dunams), under the pretext of being state-owned land and near the bypass road (60) and “Kiryat ‘Arba’” and “Karsina” settlements. It should be noted that on 05 July 2015, Israeli authorities demolished stone chains surrounding the agricultural land. On 03 May 2015, the Israeli authorities notified Jaber to vacate the agricultural land within 45 days and return it to its previous status, under the pretext of being state-owned land, or he will pay the eviction costs to the Israeli authorities. During the previous years, Jaber had obtained a land reclamation project from the agricultural labor committees, which included a 10-dunam plot of land, a water well, barbed wire and stone chains. The Israeli bulldozers demolished the water well and stone chains and razed the agricultural land. They also confiscated irrigation networks, fertilizer, generator, and pesticide spraying machine. At the beginning of 2014, Jaber reclaimed the land at his own expense and rebuilt part of the chains that had been destroyed by IOF, but the Israeli Civil Administration Department issued new notifications against the land, so he bulldozed it for the 2nd time.
  • At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Izbet Shofa village in eastern Tulkarem, where they demolished a barrack and a cement wall surrounding ‘Amer Mohammed Hamed’s parking. Also, Israeli forces demolished another wall surrounding Malek Abu Safiyia’s land, under the pretext of being in Area C.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Wednesday, 15 July 2020, Israeli military construction vehicles demolished Ghassan Mostafa Shoqirat’s residential house in al-Mokaber Mount area, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Shoqirat (24) said that Israeli forces moved into Shoqirat neighborhood, closed the area surrounding his 120-square-meter house and demolished it. Shoqirat clarified that Israeli forces handed him a fine and withdrew later.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers move into Beit Marsam village, west of Dura, southwest of Hebron. Israeli forces demolished Mahmoud ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Sharha’s 60-square-meter agricultural room built of bricks and tin plates. Al-Sharha’s losses were estimated at NIS 24,000. It should be noted that the Israeli Civil Administration Department handed al-Sharha a cease-construction notice on 02 June 2020, and handed him a demolition notice on 03 July 2020.

b. Israeli Settler Violence

  • At approximately 03:00 on Thursday, 09 July 2020, Israeli settlers, from “Price Tag” groups, attacked al-Laban al-Sharqiyah village, southeast of Nablus. The settlers attacked Palestinian civilians’ vehicles parked in front of their owners’ houses and on the village streets. Also, they vandalized the vehicles with racist slurs and punctured the tires of 8 of them before leaving. PCHR keeps the names of affected persons.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli settlers, under Israeli army protection, built a new road connecting between “Ma’oun” settlement and a dairy farm established on Palestinian confiscated lands in Um Zaytouna area, east of Yatta in southern Hebron. Israeli forces seized these lands upon the Israeli Military Order No. 59 “Order Concerning State Property (Judea & Samaria)” (1967) established the ‘Custodian of Government Property’ to take control of land owned by the Jordanian Government (occupied in 1967).

Documentary: ‘Steal of the Century’ (Part 1)

Source

July 8, 2020

The documentary ‘Steal of the Century’ aims to provide the context leading up to Trump’s so-called peace plan, coupling together Palestinian voices with what International Law has to say about the issue. (Photo: Video Grab)

The ‘Steal Of The Century’ (Part 1) is a documentary by Robert Inlakesh, filmed on the ground in occupied Palestine, investigating the peace process, Donald Trump’s proposed ‘Deal of the Century’, and why the Palestinian people have unanimously rejected it. It also seeks to show the brutality of the occupation under which the Palestinian people live, as well as a brief look into the history of Palestine-Israel.

‘Steal of the Century aims to provide the context leading up to Trump’s so-called peace plan, coupling together Palestinian voices with what International Law has to say about the issue.

The documentary series is also built around the themes of the “final status issues”, as they are referred to, namely; borders, Jerusalem (al-Quds), Settlements, and refugees. The focus is also placed on issues, which fall under these categories.

Featured in the documentary are exclusive interviews with Ahed Tamimi, Jana Jihad, Issa Amro and others.

Credits:Cameraman: Hamde Abu RahmaEditing and Graphics by: Dias MussirovFeaturing the song: ‘The Farthest Mosque’ by Waheeb NasanProduced, Written and Directed by: Robert Inlakesh


كفى تحاملا على الأخوة الفلسطينيّين والسوريّين

معن بشور 

خطاب التحريض العلني أو الضمني على الأخوة الفلسطينيين والسوريين، كما خطاب التحريض الطائفي والمذهبي ضد هذا المكوّن اللبناني أو ذاك، ليس مرفوضاً لأسباب وطنية وقومية وأخلاقية وإنسانية فحسب، بل مرفوض لأسباب تتصل بالاستقرار اللبناني، والاقتصاد اللبناني، أو ما تبقى من اقتصاد لبناني…

فالتحريض على أي جماعة لبنانية أو مقيمة في لبنان يؤدي إلى إثارة مخاوف وهواجس عدة تشكل بدورها التربة الخصبة لأي مشروع فتنوي أو إرهابي أو تقسيمي يهدد البلاد، بل إنّ التحريض نفسه هو عامل التفجير الأساسي الذي دفع لبنان، بأبنائه والمقيمين على أرضه أبهظ الأثمان بسببه..

فالجميع يعلم أنّ الفلسطينيين موجودون في لبنان، بغير إرادتهم، وأنهم يناضلون منذ عشرات السنين، ويقدّمون الشهداء بعشرات الآلاف، من أجل العودة إلى بلادهم، وما من أمر يعيق عودتهم إلى بلادهم سوى إدخالهم في حروب مع الشعوب المضيفة التي من المفترض أن تخوض إلى جانبهم معركة العودة والتحرير…

فإسقاط التوطين، الذي نص الدستور اللبناني في مقدّمته على رفضه، معركة مشتركة بين اللبناني الذي لا يتحمّل وجود هذا العدد البشري على أرضه المحدودة المساحة، والمحكومة بجملة اعتبارات معقدة، والفلسطيني الذي يؤكد، ولو كان يقيم في أغنى بلدان العالم، أن لا أرض عنده أغلى من أرض فلسطين، ولا وطن أعز من الوطن الفلسطيني.. ولا كرامة له إلا في وطنه الأمّ…

فهل التحريض بين يوم وآخر ضد الفلسطيني يؤدي إلى مقاومة التوطين، أم أنه يسهل من خلال الفتنة تحقيق مشروع التوطين نفسه، وقد قلت في بداية التسعينيات من القرن الماضي في ندوة عقدها المنتدى القومي العربي في دار الندوة إنّ “فتنة التوطين تؤدي إلى توطين الفتنة”، ولعل ما شهدناه في لبنان من حرب فتنويّة امتدت أكثر من 15 عاماً هو أكبر دليل على عبثية هذا التحريض وخطورته التفجيرية..

ولن ندخل هنا في تعداد إسهامات الأخوة الفلسطينيين “اللبنانية”، على صعيد العلم والثقافة والإبداع والاقتصاد والأعمال، ومساهمتهم عبر العاملين من أبنائهم في الخارج بإرسال تحويلات مالية كبيرة كانت أحد موارد لبنان من العملة الصعبة، فلقد كانت مقالة الأستاذ طلال سلمان “الفلسطينيون جوهرة الشرق الأوسط” رائعة في إبراز دور الفلسطينيين في النهضة اللبنانية العامة خير معبّر عن هذه الحقائق.

أما الأخوة السوريون، فهم أيضاً ضحايا حرب كونية لعينة استهدفت بلدهم، ودمّرت دولتهم، وحاصرت دور وطنهم وموقعه التاريخي والجغرافي معاً، وهم كانوا دائما شركاء مع اللبنانيين في مراحل نهوضهم، سواء كعمال كادحين أو كمتمولين كبار، كما أنّ سورية كانت تفتح ذراعيها لكل لبناني، وإلى أيّ جماعة انتمى، ممن كانت ظروف صعبة تدفعه إلى مغادرة بيته لأشهر أو سنوات.

وبدلاً من أن نكتفي بالحديث عن العبء الذي يشكله وجودهم في لبنان، وهو بالتأكيد عبء حقيقي رغم المليارات من الدولارات التي دخلت إلى الخزينة من الخارج لإغاثتهم، يجب أن نسعى لوضع اليد مع الحكومة السورية لتأمين العودة الآمنة والكريمة لهم، خاصة أنّ بلادهم الحمدلله قد نجحت في إعادة الأمن إلى الجزء الأكبر من ربوعها، وأن نضغط بكلّ الوسائل على القوى الخارجية، وهي معروفة للجميع، وفي مقدمها الولايات المتحدة وأدواتها، والتي تحول دون عودتهم إلى بلادهم في محاولة منها لاستخدامهم في أجندات “مواصلة الحرب” على سورية بأشكال جديدة، وزعزعة الاستقرار فيها، وهناك أكثر من سيناريو يجري تداوله بهذا الصدد..

ثم ألا يدرك أصحاب الخطاب التحريضي، على اختلاف مواقعهم، أنهم يزرعون أحقاداً بين شعوب تربطها عبر القرون وشائج قربى وروابط أخوة، ومصالح مشتركة، فتعيش المنطقة بأسرها أجواء توتر دائم وتفجر مستمر، يكون لبنان ضحيتها الأولى، لا سيما أنّ بوابته إلى العمق العربي والإقليمي هي البوابة السورية. وانّ مطامع العدو الصهيوني في أرضه وكيانه ونفطه ليست خافية على أحد.

إلا ان أخطر ما في الخطاب التحريضي، المنتشر هنا وهناك، هو حين يساوي أصحابه بين الوجود المدني الفلسطيني والسوري، وهو وجود اضطراري كما يعرف الجميع، وبين الاحتلال الإسرائيلي والمشروع الإرهابي التدميري، وكلاهما ثمرة مشروع أكبر يستهدف وحدة مجتمعنا، واستقرار بلادنا، وتدمير مقومات نهوضنا.

وهذا الخطاب الذي لا يميّز بين الجلاد والضحية هو كما يعرف الجميع، خطاب غير أخلاقي وغير إنساني، وغير عادل في الوقت نفسه.

أما الذين يعتقدون أنّ الخطاب التحريضي، طائفياً كان أم مذهبياً أم عنصرياً، قد يحقق لهم مكاسب سياسية أو انتخابية، مشابهة لما كان يحصل في السابق، فهم مخطئون جداً، لأنّ ظروف اليوم هي غير ظروف الأمس، علماً أنّ نتائج خطاب الأمس التحريضيّ لم تأتِ سوى بالوبال على لبنان وعلى أصحاب هذا الخطاب نفسه.. وإلى الجماعات التي يدّعون حمايتها.

من المعروف أنّ “أول الحرب كلام” وأنّ من يطلق كلامه على عواهنه إرضاء لعصبية أو غريزة أو جماعة، إنما يسيء إلى نفسه أولا وإلى الجماعة التي ينتمي إليها ثانياً، وإلى وطننا الغالي لبنان دائماً…

قليلاً من التبصّر يا أولي الألباب، فالتبصّر وحده طريقنا لمنع التفجر.

الأمين العام السابق للمؤتمر القومي العربي

Forging Greater Israel: Annexation by Any Other Name

Source

by JENNIFER LOEWENSTEIN

JULY 15, 2020

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Photograph Source: Ralf Roletschek – GFDL 1.2

July 1st came and went and Netanyahu made no formal statement regarding annexation. That left many journalists, politicians, activists, and others feeling abandoned to speculation. Declarations of support or opposition went forward accompanied by an air of uncertainty and the frustration of trying to second guess the objectives of those whose actions would determine the coming months.

Palestinians living in the occupied territories slated for absorption would have scoffed cynically at those seeking to imagine how this might affect their daily routines as well as the dynamics of regional politics. Israel’s purported intention is to annex 30% of the West Bank where Jewish population density and “security” considerations make this a “natural” consequence of the decades’ long illegal settlement strategy and a “necessity” for the “survival” of the geographically “besieged” Jewish State.

Muhammad, a young man from Hebron who gives virtual tours of Palestine, showed his viewers a debris-strewn street where hostilities had broken out a day earlier over the proposed annexation. His explanation for the urgency of these protests adds a layer of irony to the grim reality of occupied life. Israel retains ultimate control over the land and lives of the Palestinians living here after all. The Palestinian Authority (PA) is its willing subcontractor. It serves primarily as a buffer between the commands of its overlord and the will of its people. “We have to make it clear that annexation is illegal,” Muhammad says in earnest, though he understands – and his work underscores this – the critical value of US public opinion.

The Master’s voice will become louder and clearer with official annexation. Most Palestinians recognize this instinctively. Those who will be living peacefully within the latest official state boundaries will awaken to find the question of their residency looming ever nearer, a matter of whim; a gamble the state might act upon with relatively little risk based on the world’s record of indifference.

With or without a declaration of intent, annexation creeps over the lives of these people hour by hour. Across 43 villages, approximately 107,000 people – who will, in all likelihood, still be nominal subjects of the PA—will conceivably face another Nakba, this one orchestrated in silence and with discretion, aimed at fulfilling the Zionist myth of a “land without a people.”

A rise in the rate of Israeli abuses has already signaled the changes to come. In the Jordan Valley, for example, more land has been expropriated, more homes have been destroyed, more property damaged, and more olive trees uprooted, than has happened for some time. On June 8, a report noted that Israel has started implementing annexation plans by “sending electricity bills directly to municipal councils…and removing signs” that designated certain areas as Palestinian. A violent military campaign launched on June 1st “targeted water networks, confiscated equipment and destroyed and confiscated 15 vegetable stalls in Bardala in the northern Jordan Valley. It also destroyed 800 meters of water lines that supply water to citizens.”

…[P]olice notified several Bardala and Ain al-Baida inhabitants in the Jordan Valley on June 2nd to settle their legal situation as they would soon be under Israeli laws. Israeli authorities also removed banners they had set up at the entrances of some villages… or at the military Tayasir checkpoint that warned settlers not to enter because they were Palestinian areas. In a first of its kind incident, the Israeli Civil Administration delivered to some village councils in the Jordan Valley direct financial requests to increase the electric current feeding the village. [Ahmad Melhem; June 8, 2020]

Israeli journalist Gideon Levy documented the expulsion of a Bedouin family from its home behind the Greek Orthodox Monastery of Saint Gerasimos in the Jordan Valley. Abu Dahuq’s is not the first or only Bedouin family to suffer this fate. Residents of the now infamous Khan al-Ahmar community “have been living with the pervasive fear of demolition and expulsion for several years.” Its fate won enough media attention to become an issue in recent Israeli elections.

Abu Dahuq’s family lived relatively undisturbed for 17 years, Levy tells us. Then, at the beginning of June, Israeli troops demolished and confiscated all of Abu Dahuq’s possessions. “They took the water containers, his six coolers, the solar panels and the canvas that had covered the shacks. The rest was bulldozed. The heaps of ruins tell the whole story: Tin walls with insulation material in them, a crushed children’s bike, a torn painting, pipes rolling about, and so on.” Abu Dahuq was told to move to (Palestinian controlled) Area A from (Israeli controlled) Area C, but he claims there is no space there for him to live. His saga of arbitrary expulsion from territory Israel intends formally to annex would almost certainly have gone unnoticed without Levy’s article.

Why provoke a media and political relations’ storm by making public the controversial West Bank annexation plan when that process can be carried forward in a gradual, step by step manner, ‘in the dark’, far from the damning eye of international condemnation? Netanyahu could still, for whatever reasons, decide it is in his interest to create another political firestorm. It might, however, be more politically expedient to keep his audience guessing as facts on the ground roll forward like tank treads. Greater Israel has come a long way over the decades using this very technique. Like the proverbial frog in its pot on the stove, by the time the water is boiling it’ll be too late to hop out.

When God forges the destiny of a devout people, it is carried forth with zeal. Whether that god is a secular or religious deity, fervent believers will remove the obstacles impeding their progress even if they are people. They will be conveniently demoted from “human” to something like “merciless Indian savages” (US Declaration of Independence) those relics of the unsaved world who threatened to block the advance of civilization across the North American continent.

Palestinians may yet prove fortunate that their history is unfolding on such a public stage and under the often unblinking eyes of media and video surveillance. Native Americans had no such luck, a fact that cost them approximately one hundred million lives over a period of 400 years. The United States bloomed out of the bloody ground of genocide. Greater Israel has had to find more creative ways to eliminate a people without their collective physical death.

In 1845, calling for the annexation of Texas, a little known American columnist –John O’Sullivan—coined the phrase, “manifest destiny” giving voice to the subconscious shared belief that the white pioneers of America had a divine mission to colonize, civilize, and create a new world, “…to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us.”

Israel’s manifest destiny derives both from a biblical and modern belief that the land of Zion belongs to the Jews. In its current incarnation, such a destiny contains within itself the insidious notion of organic and exclusive nationhood; the idea that only those bound by blood and a historic, quasi-religious bond to the land of their alleged origin can ever be a part of this whole. Contemporary Zionism absorbed the toxic nationalist beliefs of 19th and 20th century Europe and has applied them mercilessly in its quest for political and territorial supremacy.

This has not stopped people such as outgoing Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, from resorting to the Bible alone to justify Israel’s actions. According to him, “You cannot annex something that belongs to you” referring to the West Bank – or Judea and Samaria – bequeathed in the Bible by God to the Jewish People.

When Israel passed the Nation State Law of July 2018 it reinforced the defining principles of modern Zionism. These were not novel ideas; they were the codification of the national chauvinist beliefs at the core of its existence. Jews alone have the right to self-determination within the deliberately unspecified boundaries of the state, one of whose primary objectives is Jewish settlement of the land. Hebrew alone must be the official language. ‘Natural’, ‘religious’, and ‘historic’ qualifications promote Jewish status only and make expansion a national value.

The slated annexation of 30% of the West Bank will take place whether or not it is formally announced. It is taking place as I write. Equally so, it is neither the final nor the most serious step in the process of expansion that has defined Israel’s behavior since its creation.

On a sultry midsummer evening in August 1968 then Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan told a group of kibbutzniks gathered around him that it was Israel’s fate “to live in a permanent state of fighting against the Arabs.” His words reflected the times he was living in, the post-1967 euphoria and confidence of the young Jewish State that had, in six days, crushed the combined forces of Arab nationalism as they attacked from Syria, Jordan, and Egypt. The 3-year-old Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) had barely begun its struggle to liberate Palestine; the nascent Palestinian National Movement scarcely underway.

Israel’s advance across the region, territorially and politically, represents an extension of American manifest destiny and its complement within Zionism. Dayan outlined Israel’s path to his listeners in his famous speech, “We Are Fated”:

For the hundred years of the Return to Zion we are working for two things: the building of the land and the building of the people. That is a process of expansion, of more Jews and more settlement. That is a process that has not reached the end. …It is not your duty to reach the end. Your duty is to add your layer to expand the settlement to the best of your ability, during your lifetime… [and] not to say: this is the end, up to here, we have finished. (Uri Avnery)

The process of settling the land and creating a Jewish nation is one that must never cease. To determine the final borders of the state would be sacrilegious; a sin against Israel’s destiny; its will to expand. “Before [the Palestinians’] very eyes we are possessing the land and the villages where they and their ancestors have lived,” Dayan explained. “We are a generation of settlers, and without the settle helmet and the gun barrel, we shall not be able to plant a tree or build a house.”

The military conquest, piecemeal annexation, killing with impunity, dispossession by decree and expulsion under Israeli law that has been underway for nearly a century, is continuing before our eyes today. There is no end in sight.Join the debate on FacebookMore articles by:JENNIFER LOEWENSTEIN

Jennifer Loewenstein is a human rights activist and member of Amnesty International’s Young Leadership Group, The Arms Control Association, the Arizona Palestine Solidarity Alliance, the Tucson Samaritans, & Palestine Chronicle. She is an independent researcher and freelance journalist who has lived and worked in cities across the Middle East. She is the former Associate Director of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Associate Lecturer in Middle Eastern and Native American Studies. Jennifer currently lives and works in Tucson, AZ & can be reached at sarinj111@gmail.com.

إسرائيل في «اللايقين»

«رشوة» نتنياهو لا تثمر: إسرائيل في «اللايقين»

الأخبار

يحيى دبوق السبت 18 تموز 2020

تتجاذب إسرائيل جملةُ ملفات مشبعة بالتحديات في مرحلة لايقين على أكثر من صعيد، وهي تتنازع في ما بينها على سلّم أولوياتها: محاولة مواجهة التهديد الأمني المتعاظم من حولها، وتحدّي «كورونا» الذي بات يضغط بقوة على الاقتصاد والأمن الاجتماعي، إضافة إلى خطة الضمّ التي باتت موضع شك، فيما التجاذب بين أقطاب المؤسسة السياسية على خلفية المصالح الشخصية الضيّقة، وتحديداً رئيس الحكومة بنيامين نتنياهو، يلقي بتبعات سلبية على مختلف الملفات بلا استثناءات.

التحدّي الأمني

في التحدّي الأمني، وهو الذي بات يُعرف بتهديد الجبهة الشمالية الأوسع الممتدّة من بيروت مروراً بدمشق فبغداد وصولاً إلى طهران، واضح أن تل أبيب تسعى، بمعية الولايات المتحدة، في تحقيق جملة إنجازات تحدّ وتُضعف مركبات محور أعدائها، وإن كانت حتى الآن في مرحلة المساعي التي لا تعرف إن كانت ستحقق النتائج المأمولة منها. وهذه الحقيقة تدركها وإن كان يتراءى لها إلى الآن أنها تحقق «مكاسب» على المدى القريب، فيما الهدف الذي تسعى إليه فعلياً بعيد جداً عن التحقق: صدّ تشكّل التهديدات وتناميها وأيضاً تعاظمها في ساحات أعدائها، التي لم تعد مركّزة في ساحة واحدة، ومنها أيضاً ما بات في حكم تعذّر مواجهته.

في مساعي الصد تتحرّك تل أبيب على حدّ السيف، وإن كانت تسعى جاهدة في الموازاة إلى تحقيق أقصى نتيجة ممكنة، مع كثير من الحذر أن لا تتسبب بمواجهات واسعة تدرك أن تحمّل تبعاتها متعذّر عليها، وإن كانت، في المقابل، قادرة على إلحاق الأذى الواسع في صفوف أعدائها. لكن القدر المتيقن بالأذى الذي تتوقعه لنفسها كافٍ كي يردعها ويدفعها إلى توخي أقصى درجات الحذر.

المعركة ضمن هذه الحدود تدور منذ سنوات، وتحقق إسرائيل بمعية الولايات المتحدة إنجازات في جولاتها التي تبدو أنها لا تنتهي، لكن دون أن تنهي التهديدات التي وجدت المعركة لصدها، بل يثبت يوماً بعد يوم تراكم التهديد وتعاظمه، ما يدفع تل أبيب إلى الاستعانة بالولايات المتحدة، عرّابتها، التي بات عليها هي حماية الكيان الإسرائيلي وحفظه والعمل بنفسها على منع التهديدات الإقليمية ضده، بدل أن يكون الكيان نفسه الوسيلة القتالية التي تحقق الإرادة الأميركية في المنطقة، من دون قدرة على مواجهتها.

المعركة مستمرة بلا توقف، لكن يتداخل فيها أكثر من عامل متناقض بين الكبح والدفع والتحفيز والردع وموازنة الثمن الحالي للأفعال الاعتدائية مقابل أثمان لاحقة أكبر وأوسع وأكثر إيلاماً. الحديث هنا يتعلق بمعركة ضد المقاومة في لبنان ومنع تعاظم قدراتها نوعياً، وتقصد إسرائيل بذلك منع حزب الله من امتلاك الصواريخ الدقيقة. إلى الآن، تصمد قواعد الاشتباك وتمتنع إسرائيل قسراً عن كسرها، إذ إن من شأن محاولة الكسر التسبب بردّ وردّ على الرد، وسلسلة ردود متبادلة… ومن ثم التدحرج إلى مواجهة عسكرية من الصعب تقدير المدى الذي يمكن أن تبلغه.
كذلك الأمر في ما يتعلق بالوجود الإيراني في سوريا، وهو ما تطلق عليه إسرائيل «التمركز الإيراني»، الذي صدرت إزاءه وعود كثيرة منذ سنوات ولا تزال، بل وكانت بالأمس القريب أعلنت أنه كاد ينتهي وبات الإيرانيون في مرحلة الرحيل النهائي عن سوريا. ولا يبدو أن الضربات الإسرائيلية، المدروسة جيّداً والحذرة جيّداً، في الساحة السورية من شأنها إنهاء «التمركز»، بل في المقابل بدأ يترسخ أكثر فأكثر، وخاصة أنه مبني على إرادة سورية – إيرانية مشتركة، كان آخر تعبير عنها اتفاقات أمنية وعسكرية ثنائية أثارت حفيظة إسرائيل. في هذه الساحة تحديداً، التحدّي كبير جداً وتأثيراته قاسية على تل أبيب، وبشكل أكثر تأثيراً على المدَيين المتوسط والبعيد، وإن بإمكانها حالياً التعايش النسبي مع مرحلة «التشكّل والتمركز».

تخشى حكومة نتنياهو مزيداً من التداعيات الاقتصادية التي تزيد من حدة التأزّم لدى الإسرائيليين


واحد من جملة قيود تل أبيب في هذه الساحة هو أنها شبه مكبلة عن المبادرة وفقاً لاستراتيجيتها المعتمدة في ضرب أعدائها والتأثير في قراراتهم وتوجهاتهم، ذلك أنها مضطرة إلى الابتعاد وعدم المسّ بـ«مركز الثقل» الفعلي في سوريا، الذي يمكنها الرهان عليه كي يتسبب بالتشويش على «التمركز الإيراني». هذه ربما من الأمور التي يغفل البعض عن تظهيرها، وإن كثرت الأحاديث عن اعتداءات إسرائيلية هنا وهناك.

مركز الثقل الذي يمكن لتل أبيب أن «تحشر في الزاوية» عبر استهدافه أو التهديد الجدي باستهدافه، هو مركبات ومقدرات النظام السوري نفسه، إلا أن مركز الثقل هذا خارج القدرة الإسرائيلية الفعلية على الاستهداف المفضي إلى التأثير على إرادة دمشق أو إرادة طهران، مجتمعتين أو متفرقتين، نظراً إلى معادلات الساحة السورية وموازين القوى فيها وتشعبات وتضارب المصالح فيها لأكثر من لاعب، ومن بينها ما لا يمكن لتل أبيب أن تتجاوزه.
أي مسّ جدي بنظام الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد، سوف يؤدي في نهاية المطاف إلى مواجهة عسكرية واسعة، تحرص إسرائيل حتى الآن على تجنبها لأنها تتخوف من أثمانها وتخشى تداعياتها الإقليمية، وربما تؤدي إلى كف يد إسرائيل مطلقاً عن المس بسوريا. أمّا الاعتداءات التي تُعد «طَرقاً على الأطراف» البعيدة عن مراكز ثقل المحور ومركباته، فلا تجلب فائدة كبيرة إلا بما يتعلق بالعامل النفسي، مع قليل من الإنجاز المادي في السياق.



أزمة «كورونا»

تضغط جائحة «كورونا» على إسرائيل في أكثر من اتجاه ومستوى، ولا تقتصر تداعياتها السلبية على الوضع الصحي للإسرائيليين. الموجة الثانية من الفيروس تضرب بقوة، ووصلت إلى حد احتلال إسرائيل المرتبة الثالثة، بعد الولايات المتحدة وتشيلي، بعدد الإصابات نسبة إلى عدد السكان. وزير الصحة الإسرائيلي يولي أدلشتاين حذّر من التداعيات المرتقبة للفيروس بعد تجدد انتشاره وانفلاشه، لافتاً إلى أن معجزة فقط هي التي يمكن لها أن تنجي إسرائيل من الكارثة. والحديث يتعلّق بأضعاف مضاعفة في عدد الإصابات عما كان عليه في الموجة الأولى للفيروس.
واضح لدى متابعي الشأن الإسرائيلي التخبّط في معالجة تداعيات «كورونا» وانتشاره السريع. ففيما تركّز الأجهزة المختصة على ضرورات الإغلاق الكامل، تواجه حكومة نتنياهو الإغلاق عبر التسويف والإغلاقات الجزئية الموضعية، إذ تخشى مزيداً من التداعيات الاقتصادية التي تزيد من حدة التأزم لدى الإسرائيليين وتزيد من نسبة البطالة التي زادت نتيحة الموجة الأولى من الفيروس عن نسبة 21 في المئة وهي مقدّرة أن تزيد. وبحسب البيانات، فإن عدد العاطلين عن العمل يقارب الـ 800 ألف، بينهم 575 ألفاً أُخرجوا في إجازة غير مدفوعة الأجر، علماً بأن قطاعات كاملة باتت بحكم الإفلاس والتوقف النهائي، من دون أفق فعلي للخروج من الأزمة.

في الوقت عينه، باتت جائحة «كورونا» وتداعياتها مركباً رئيساً في التجاذبات السياسية بين النخبة الحاكمة، بل امتدت لتكون مادة تجاذب بين المؤسستين السياسية والعسكرية، فيما الأفق مسدود عن المعالجة. المعجزة التي تحدث عنها وزير الصحة لا يبدو أنها مقبلة، وهو عملياً يقر ضمناً بأن المؤسسات الصحية باتت عاجزة عن مواجهة الفيروس، وإن كان يصر على مواصلة توليه مع أجهزة وزارية أخرى التصدي لتبعات الفيروس. مقابل وزارة الصحة، التي يسيطر عليها حزب «الليكود»، يضغط وزير الأمن بني غانتس، أي حزب «أزرق أبيض»، كي تتولى وزارته مع الجيش الإسرائيلي مواجهة «كورونا»، الأمر الذي يرفضه نتنياهو ويجهد كي يحول دونه، فمعالجة «كورونا» من قبل خصومه السياسيين الذين يسيطرون على وزارة الأمن تبعد الأضواء عنه مع التركيز على نجاحاتهم، وخاصة إن استطاع الجيش الحد من انتشار الفيروس حيث عديده ومؤسساته يسمحون له بذلك. ويخشى نتنياهو نتيجة كهذه في مرحلة حساسة جداً من ناحية سياسية، قد تشهد انفراط عقد الحكومة والتوجه إلى انتخابات مبكرة رابعة، ما يعني إعطاء رصيد بالمجان للخصوم، في انتخابات قد تكون مرجّحة، ولكن السؤال متى وتحت أي شعار؟

ويلقي الفيروس بظلال ثقيلة على الجيش الإسرائيلي، دفعه إلى إلغاء تدريباته ومناوراته المقرّرة ضمن برنامج تأهيل مكثف يهدف إلى تحقيق جهوزية في مواجهة إمكانات تصعيد على أكثر من جبهة. وإذا ما استمرت الإصابات بالزيادة وبالوتيرة التي هي عليه الآن، فلا يبعد أن يؤثّر الفيروس أيضاً على نشاطات الجيش وإجراءاته. ويكفي للدلالة الإشارة إلى مئات الإصابات في الوحدات العسكرية، وما يزيد إلى الآن عن 11.500 عسكري باتوا في الحجر، ما يُخرج من النشاط الجاري والاستعداد للسيناريوات المختلفة عديداً يوازي فرقة عسكرية كاملة في الخدمة الدائمة، ومن بينها قطاعات من وحدات استخبارية هي عماد قدرة إسرائيل ومنعتها الأمنية.

يرد في صحيفة «هآرتس» وصفٌ لتداعيات «كورونا» على خطة جهوزية الجيش، في تقرير تحت عنوان «كان لدى كوخافي خطط فجاء الواقع وصفعه على وجهه». حسب الصحيفة، أصيب كوخافي بضرر في أنه لم يعد قادراً على تحقيق رؤيته الاستراتيجية (خطة) «تنوفا»، التي كان يأمل من خلالها تحسين قدرات الجيش لضمان الحسم في الحروب المقبلة. اتضح له أن ما كان يطالب به لن يتحقق نتيجة الخلافات بين رئيس الحكومة ووزير الأمن، الأمر الذي يتسبب بلايقين سياسياً مع ضغط إضافي لـ«كورونا» الذي أدى إلى تدهور خطير في الاقتصاد وأعاق وفاقم بشدة عجز الموازنة.

شكوك حول الضمّ

خسرت خطة الضم واحداً من أهم مقوّماتها، وهو الزخم الأميركي الذي ميّز موقف الإدارة الأميركية عندما حدَّد نتنياهو موعد تنفيذها كاملة في الأوّل من الشهر الجاري. العامل الأميركي، وإن لم يكن وحيداً في منع خروج خطة الضم إلى حيز التنفيذ، إلا أنه أهم العوامل، ويوصف إسرائيلياً بأنه كاف في ذاته لمنع الخطة. وفقاً لمسؤول أمني إسرائيلي رفيع المستوى، في حديث إلى نشرة «المونيتور» بنسختها العبرية: «باتت فرصة تنفيذ خطة الضم، حتى لأجزاء من الضفة، في مستوى أرجحية منخفضة جداً إلى معدومة»، لافتاً إلى أن «هناك كثيراً من الشروط والظروف التي يجب أن تتحقق قبل ذلك».

وتضغط على خطة الضم مخاوف أمنية يُقدّر أن تُفعّل فور صدور قرار الضم، وهو ما أكد عليه في «الغرف المغلقة مع نتنياهو»، وفقاً لمصادر إسرائيلية مختلفة، كل من رئيس الأركان أفيف كوخافي، والمدير للأمن العام الداخلي (الشاباك) نداف أرغمان: «سيؤدي الضم إلى انتفاضة فلسطينية ثالثة ضد إسرائيل، مع احتمال بمستوى مرتفع، أن يتسبب كذلك بتصعيد أمني مع جبهة غزة». إلا أن ذلك لا يعني انتفاء الخطة وترحيلها إلى «أجل غير مسمى». نعم بإمكان نتنياهو تجاوز تقديرات الجيش، والتي تبدو مبنية على الخشية من انشغاله في ملفات تحرف تركيزه عن مواجهة الجبهة الشمالية بمركباتها المختلفة، وهي التي تشهد سخونة واحتمالات لسيناريوات متطرفة، إلا أنه غير قادر على تجاوز ما يسمّيه الإسرائيليون التنسيق المسبق مع الإدارة الأميركية في قرار الضم، ومعناه تلقي موافقة مسبقة من دونالد ترامب، المشغول بجملة ملفات داخلية تتعلق بسباقه الرئاسي وتراجع حظوظه في التجديد لولاية ثانية.
لكن هل قرار ترامب نهائي؟ يمكن التأكيد على ذلك ضمن المدى المنظور والقريب جداً، لكن من الآن وحتى موعد الانتخابات في تشرين الثاني المقبل، مدة زمنية طويلة جداً، وقد تشهد تغييراً في الموقف إن وجد ترامب أن ذلك يخدمه انتخابياً، وخاصة مع موقف مطالب وملح من قبل ناخبيه الإنجيليين الذين يعوّل عليهم كثيراً في صناديق الاقتراع.

Nasrallah: ‘Israel is not a Jewish State and will be destroyed, the settlers will be expelled or decimated’

Source


Date: 13 July 2020

Author: lecridespeuples


Extract from an interview with Hezbollah Secretary General Sayed Hassan Nasrallah on May 26, 2020, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Liberation of southern Lebanon. The interview lasted almost 3 hours.
Will Al-Quds (Jerusalem) be ‘liberated’ like the Crusaders in 1099, who put to the swords all the Muslims & Jews, including women and children, or like Saladin in 1187, who allowed the Christian occupiers to leave safe and sound? For its part, in 1948, Israel largely resorted to massacres in order to terrorize and expell the Palestinian population. Nasrallah clearly marks his preference, but as he explains, it will not be up to him, and once the Great War of Liberation has started, “there may be no more time for [the Jews] to leave Palestine, and there might be no safe place for them in occupied Palestine. […] And the scale of the massacres committed by Israel against the Palestinian people and the peoples of the region, its partnership with Daesh and its open complicity in the project of partition of our region […], all this will push the people of the region to issue a capital verdict against them.”
Translation : resistancenews.org
Transcript:
Journalist: […] Eminent Sayed (descendant of the Prophet), we started (this interview) by tackling (recent statements by Ehud Barak affirming that as early as 1985, he had foreseen the Israeli debacle which occurred in 2000), and you declared that as early as 1982, the Resistance envisaged victory as a certain horizon. Now, I look to the future and ask you: in the eyes of Hezbollah and the Resistance, how do you envisage the year 2035 (regarding the existence of Israel)?
Hassan Nasrallah : 2035? You are therefore asking me about the 25 years (of maximum existence) predicted by His Eminence the Supreme Guide (Sayed Khamenei in 2015). His Eminence the Guide, may God preserve him, did not declare that Israel would disappear in 2035, but said that he was not even sure (and that it was even unlikely) that it would survive until then.
This is an intimate conviction, an absolute certainty in our eyes. This entity —we no longer speak only of (the occupation) of southern Lebanon, but of (the very existence of) the Israeli entity— is, firstly, an artificial entity, fabricated from scratch and (a body) foreign to this region, it is a foreign body (implanted by force) in the Middle East.
Second, there is a very important point, that it is a racist entity. His Eminence the Imam Musa al-Sadr, may God bring him back safe and sound among us, insisted a lot on a very important point, namely that Israel is not a Jewish State. They claim it is a Jewish state, but it is (by no means) a religious State. Why, is Netanyahu someone pious? If we consider his government, there are a few ministers of religious parties, but the Israeli right and left (who are the majority) are not pious or religious. It cannot be said that it is a religious State governed by the Torah. Why is it a racist state? Because they consider themselves to be the descendants of the children of Israel (another name for Prophet Jacob), they consider this land to be their (exclusive and eternal) property, that they are God’s chosen people, that it is their right, (that the Goyim are inferior creatures vowed to serve them), etc., etc., etc. And it behaves racistly.
On the one hand, it is therefore a racist, artificial state, foreign to the region and its texture. On the other hand, fundamentally, it is based on terrorism, murder, rape, and has no legality, no legitimacy, no moral or ethical foundation, no humanitarian foundation. And it relies partly on its limited intrinsic force, which is not an absolute force, partly on the passive environment (of the Arab regimes subservient to Washington), and on its main support force, namely the United States of America and the West. All of this is not going to last (forever).
The pre-2000 Israel —and they themselves recognize it today— is no longer the post-2000 Israel. The allegedly invincible army has become a defeated army, not only in southern Lebanon, but even in Gaza. And it will be defeated in any new confrontation, with the grace of God. The situation of our region must not deceive them because of the complacency of some regimes (Arab-Muslim vassals of the United States). For the peoples (of the region), the faith in the (armed) Resistance and the credibility of this choice in the eyes of the Arab-Muslim peoples are stronger than ever, despite the lies of the electronic armies.
And the foundation on which Israel fundamentally rests, their true pillar, namely the United States, is not meant to always remain so powerful, so imposing and so arrogant, capable of threatening the whole region, all the Arab regimes, and constituting an unwavering and eternal support for the Israeli entity. Recently, one of the great intellectuals of our time, Chomsky, said that the United States is headed for disaster. Whoever looks at this President (Trump), this administration, his behavior, it is clear that they are heading (straight ahead) towards a disaster, a disaster in every sense of the word.
A State whose very existence relies on a foreign element is bound to collapse when the foreign element weakens. This is why we consider that it is only a matter of time (before Israel disappears). The future we are looking at (with certainty) is not only that of the year 2000 (an Israeli withdrawal from this or that area); it is that of a region in which it is absolutely impossible —this is how I see it— it is absolutely impossible for this cancerous tumor to remain, this germ of corruption, this absolute evil, this artificial entity devoid of any legitimacy, any ethical foundation, based on racism and terrorism, and which only endures thanks to foreign support. When the equations are changed, (the Zionist settlers) will have no choice but to pack up and leave.
As far as I am concerned, the spectacle of the Zionist settlers packing their bags and boarding planes or boats to return to where they come from is an absolute certainty, an inevitable necessity. It’s just a matter of time. And that day, I hope that the Resistance movements in the region will allow them to pack up and flee (safe and sound), just like they fled (from southern Lebanon) in 2000 and like they fled from the Gaza Strip (in 2005).
Journalist: “We will be praying at al-Quds soon”, (you said). This certainty that you have…
Hassan Nasrallah : I cannot say exactly what length of time we should put behind the word “soon”, but it is only a matter of time. I see it as a spectacle that will inevitably happen. It is above all a divine promise, and a well-rooted historical tradition. The whole story (shows that the Empires collapsed and that the colonists and invaders ended up packing up). We are not talking about something that would be unprecedented or contravene historical experience. It is history itself and its laws that predict such an outcome.
Journalist : Eminent Sayed Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary General of Hezbollah, what you are saying is a strong, existing and present opinion. But on the other hand, there are people who consider that Israel has succeeded in creating changes (in its favor) in the strategic environment. We know that Israel often holds conferences and likes to talk about its “strategic environment” (in the Middle East). Some believe that Israel has succeeded in bringing about (profound) upheavals which will enable it to restore its capacity for initiative. They maintain that in 2000, the strategic environment was much more favorable to Hezbollah than today: you had the upper hand, there was an Intifada in occupied Palestine (from 2000 to 2005), there were armed operations (of the Palestinian Resistance) in the heart of Tel Aviv, there was universal and massive Arab popular support (for the Palestinian cause), there were Arab regimes embarrassed (by their inaction & alliance to the West), stability reigned in Syria, and even Turkey then approached the Resistance Axis and distanced itself from Israel. But today, the United States has been present in our region for 20 years (since the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and then Iraq in 2003), Syria has withdrawn from Lebanon, the Arab Spring led to the targeting of Arab armies (destruction of major Arab countries like Syria and Libya), Arab countries normalize their relations (with Israel), and even in Lebanon, there is no internal stability. Is all this true? And my second question is this: to whom does the strategic environment give the capacity for initiative today?
Hassan Nasrallah : These are very broad questions… Even in the clues you mentioned… There are things that have not changed, at least not in favor of Israel, and may have improved (in our favor) in some way.
For example, in 1982, in Lebanon, there was a civil war. There were fundamental divisions, frontlines (in Beirut itself), battles, Lebanese (movements) who fought alongside the Israelis against other Lebanese (like the militias of Samir Geagea, Bachir Gemayel, etc.). Today, there is no more civil war. There are no more frontlines, are there? There are certainly…
Journalist : But I asked you about the situation in 2000. It was in 2000 that the strategic environment was particularly favorable to the Resistance, and (obviously) not in 1982.
Hassan Nasrallah : All right, let’s not talk about 1982. But even in 2000, I don’t consider that the interior atmosphere in Lebanon was much better than that of today, if we want to speak of the interior atmosphere. Some of the fundamental divisions persist internally (between the pro-Westerners of the so-called March 14 alliance and the pro-Iran sovereignists of the March 8 alliance).
And there is something I want to focus on: when we talk about near or distant history, we should not embellish reality. You have to describe the history as it is. In 2000, there was no unanimity on the principle of Resistance (to the Israeli occupation). There was no union of the Lebanese (besides Hezbollah). It’s a fiction. On the contrary, there were severe differences on the question of the Resistance, and some Lebanese forces considered that Hezbollah was not even a patriotic movement or linked to Lebanon, and was only fighting in the interest of Syria and Iran. (Resistance) operations in the south were mentioned as (reprehensible) violence, and some Lebanese media did not designate our martyrs as martyrs, but simply as “killed”: the young resistance fighters were “killed”, and the Israeli soldiers were “killed” (they made no difference between the two). I don’t want to reopen this page of history. But I emphasize that there was no unanimity. Contrary to all those who claim that Hezbollah would have lost the unanimity it enjoyed before, I maintain that since 1982 to this day, the Resistance has lost nothing, for there was NEVER unanimity on the question of the Resistance. This has always been a point of disagreement.
Regarding the points you raised about the strategic environment, we interpret the arrival of the Americans in the region (in 2001) differently. In our eyes, this is proof of the advance of the Axis of Resistance: when the United States realized that Israel alone was unable to protect the interests of Washington, which is its fundamental role, because this entity is an instrument (of British and then American imperialism); when the United States became convinced that the regimes in the region it supports (Saudi Arabia, Gulf countries, Egypt, etc.) became incapable of protecting the interests of Washington, when they started to be afraid of certain States in the region (Syria, Iran) and of the peoples of the region, who risked transforming the Middle East in a direction contrary to Washington’s interests, this forced them to be present directly with their fleet, their military bases, their armed forces, etc. It is a sign of the strength of the strategic environment in our favor, not in favor of the enemy. So much for the first point.
Second, so as not to tackle all the points you mentioned one by one, let’s look at the other side. Where was the Resistance? Today, when we ask to Israel if the Hezbollah of 2000 is the same as that of today, Israel answers: “Of course not ! It has grown and strengthened, and it is dozens of times more powerful than before!” We went from the status of a (guerrilla) Resistance, a small group of young people, people with faith but with (very) limited capacities, to that of a “terrorist army”, in the words of the Israeli chief of staff, but I underline the word “army”. And he adds that Israel must work to widen the gap between the Resistance and the Israeli army again, which indicates that Hezbollah is on the rise.
If we consider the Palestinian people, there were a lot of people within Palestine who were counting on negotiations (to achieve a peace agreement and a Palestinian State), but today negotiations have reached an dead end. Today, the level of support of the Palestinian people for the choice of the Armed Resistance is higher than ever. So we are talking about an upheaval in the strategic environment (but it is certainly not in favor of Israel). Because the Palestinian people are the key. The main element that will decide the future of the (Zionist) entity is the state of mind, the point of view and the convictions of the Palestinian people, as well as their will and determination.
And with regard to Gaza, which was occupied in 2000, to speak of the year 2000, today, Gaza is in the hands of the Resistants. After 2000, all that the Israelis feared from the Palestinians was an ambush, an explosive charge, or a martyrdom (operation) here or there. But today, the leaders of the factions of the Resistance in Gaza (Hamas and Islamic Jihad) claim that their ballistic capacity allows them to strike all the cities of occupied Palestine. Who is this development favouring? And this is happening in the very heart of Israel, in its security and existential depth!
In our view, the transformations in the region are in our favor, not in favor of the enemy. We are not saying that the strategic environment is entirely in our favor, but it is not entirely in favor of the enemy. There are strengths on both sides…
Journalist: Is there a balance?
Hassan Nasrallah : Yes, there is a high level of balance. Without this balance, Israel would have waged a war against Lebanon now (taking advantage of the war in Syria and the economic and health crisis in Iran).
Journalist: Does the current strategic environment give Hezbollah the initiative, the capacity for initiative?
Hassan Nasrallah : Hezbollah has the capacity for initiative, and the enemy also has the capacity for initiative. But because of the balance (mutuel deterrence) between the two, each one thinks twice (before attacking the other). Everyone thinks twice. […]
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“Any amount counts, because a little money here and there, it’s like drops of water that can become rivers, seas or oceans…” Hassan Nasrallah

Google & Apple Remove Palestine from World Maps, Netizens Outraged

Google & Apple Remove Palestine from World Maps, Netizens Outraged

By Staff, Agencies

Type Palestine on Google Maps and to your shock, you will not see it instead the users are being directed to “Israel”. American tech giants Google and Apple removed Palestine from world maps amid uproar from social media users.

Social media users flocked outraged to Twitter on Thursday as it appeared Palestine was removed from both Google and Apple maps. Prominent figures and everyday users alike have taken to the platform voicing their concern the country was being “erased”.

The change comes at the heels of “Israeli” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pledging to establish West Bank annexations. However, they have already triggered global criticism with many countries calling it “human rights violation” but the years-long “Israel”-Palestine conflict has only spiraled. Netanyahu’s coalition government have moved ahead with plans.

The besieged Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank are mentioned and marked on Google maps, but since Tuesday, the US-based multinational technology company has removed the name of Palestine from all of its maps, simply considering the two regions as parts of the “Israeli” entity.

The silent move by the two tech giants has left netizens outraged who expressed the same on Twitter.

While one wrote, “Google and Apple maps have officially removed Palestine from the World Maps. Today Palestine was erased from the maps tomorrow Palestine will be erased from the world. PUT PALESTINE BACK ON THE MAP. #IStandWithPalestine #FreePalestine (sic)”.

Another tweeted, “I love how Western twitter is silent about Palestine being removed from Google and Apple maps and replaced with “Israel”.

Experts say there is evidence emerging that Netanyahu’s desired roadmap for annexing more Palestinian lands is at odds with the plan articulated by Trump.

The “Israeli” entity’s unilateral annexation moves have faced a near unanimous opposition from the international community, including the European Union [EU].

Woodrow Wilson’s Racism And His Support For Zionism

Source

by Lawrence Davidson 

Author - American Herald Tribune

Lawrence Davidson is professor of history emeritus at West Chester University in Pennsylvania.

He has been publishing his analyses of topics in U.S. domestic and foreign policy, international and humanitarian law and Israel/Zionist practices and policies since 2010.

Part I— Woodrow Wilson’s Racism

Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) was born in Staunton, Virginia, to Christian fundamentalist parents—his father was a Presbyterian minister—who supported the Confederacy during the Civil War. Thus, Wilson grew up and was educated in the segregated American South. This upbringing imbued him with both a literal interpretation of the Bible and a lifelong racist outlook which he brought with him to every position, every office he ever held. For instance, while he served as president of Princeton University (1902-1908), he refused to allow the university to admit African Americans. Despite his racist orientation, Princeton subsequently named a School of Public Policy and International Affairs, sub-colleges and buildings for Wilson. Today, in the wake of uprisings against not only police brutality toward African Americans and other minorities, but also America’s racist legacy, Princeton has removed Wilson’s name from these institutions and buildings. 

Wilson went on to become the 28th president of the United States (1913-1921). He led the United States into World War I, was instrumental in the founding of the League of Nations, appointed the first Jewish member of the Supreme Court and, notably, facilitated the eventual establishment of a “Jewish national home” in Palestine through his support for the Balfour Declaration (1917). At the time he remarked, “To think that I, son of the manse [minister’s house], should be able to help restore the Holy Land to its people.” Subsequently, this decision made him as much a hero to Zionists, and American Zionists in particular, as he was a villain to African Americans. 

Part II—The Zionist Dilemma

Given today’s reaction against the country’s historical racism, American Jews’ understanding of Wilson’s legacy is being debated. The challenge for Zionists is to save Wilson’s heroic image without totally disregarding his racist record. An attempt to do just that came in an essay, recently published on 2 July 2020, in the American Jewish newspaper the ForwardThe essay is entitled “Woodrow Wilson was a hero to Jews. What should we do with his racism?” and was written by Jonathan D. Sarna, a Brandeis University professor of American Jewish history.

Sarna notes both facets of Wilson’s career. On the one hand “The Jews of his day considered Wilson a hero and a savior, a man of principle and ethical uprightness.” On the other, African Americans “learn a totally different narrative” wherein “Wilson … staunchly defended segregation and characterized Blacks as an ‘ignorant and inferior race.’” 

Sarna seeks to square this circle by retreating to a frankly banal apologia: ”Many a flawed hero accomplished great deeds and changed the institutions and nations they led for the better. … They remind us that good people can do very bad things — and vice versa.” This is poor consolation for African Americans. It also turns out to be a shaky basis for Jewish admiration of Wilson. This is so because the alleged good Woodrow Wilson did for the Jews—his support for the Balfour Declaration—was based on the same racist foundation shaping his behavior toward African Americans.  

Part III—Wilson Supports the Balfour Declaration

What is the connection between Wilson’s racism and his support for the Balfour Declaration? The president was a European race supremacist, or what today would be called a “white supremacist.” As he saw it, African Americans were not the only “ignorant and inferior race” out there. All the non-European peoples, such as those of the Ottoman Empire, including Palestinians, qualified for this designation.

On 8 January 1918, in the run-up to America’s entrance into World War I, President Wilson announced his “Fourteen Points.” These were the nation’s war aims—notions around which to rally the American people. A major theme that runs throughout these “points” is the promise of self-determination for peoples then under the rule of the enemy Central Powers: Germany, Austria and the Ottoman Empire. Referring specifically to the last-mentioned, point twelve reads, “The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development.”

Such a promise, of course, included the Arabs of the Ottoman province of Greater Syria, which in turn included Palestine and its indigenous population. This pledge might seem to conflict with Wilson’s racist outlook, but one has to keep in mind that point twelve was meant as a propaganda piece in support of the broader claim that America was joining a war to make the world safe for democracy. As a vehicle for arousing the enthusiasm of the American people, it was effective. However, it transformed itself into something problematic as soon as Wilson got to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. U.S. allies Britain and France wanted to incorporate most of the Ottoman lands, which they considered the spoils of war, into their own existing empires, and so objected to point twelve. 

Because of his European supremacist point of view, Wilson really had no deep objections to this expansion. The question was how to go along with his allies’ wishes while still appearing to honor the Fourteen Points. He achieved this goal in a way that also meshed with his racist worldview. He and his allies established the Mandate System. Real self-determination was now to be reserved for the European peoples previously belonging to the German, Austrian and Russian empires. For instance, Poland and Serbia, among others, were to be “accorded the freest opportunity for autonomous development.” Non-European peoples were  viewed as unprepared for this reward. They were to be placed under the tutelage of a “mandatory power,” which in the case of most of the Arab lands meant either Britain or France. Such imperial powers, in turn, were to instruct these inferior peoples in the art of self-government. It should come as no surprise that Palestine was given over to the British as a “mandate territory.” Indeed, the Balfour Declaration was incorporated into the preamble and second article of the mandate document for Palestine.  

Part IV—Back to Sarna’s Suggestion

Woodrow Wilson supported the Balfour Declaration because he was a Christian fundamentalist who believed that God desired the Jews, whom Wilson understood to have been civilized through long residence in the West, to “return to their ancient home.” The instruments for that return were the Balfour Declaration and the British mandate. The Palestinians were not even relevant to the issue for Wilson.

Given this history, what do we learn when, as Sarna suggests, we “probe more deeply into [our hero’s] flaws”?

—It is now recognized that Wilson’s major flaw was his racist worldview and the behavior that flowed from it.

—This racism was the basis of his mistreatment of African Americans.

—As it turns out, that same racist outlook was part of the basis for his support of the Balfour Declaration—the very act that makes Wilson a hero for both past and present Zionists. 

Now we come to the second part of Sarna’s suggestion, that an examination of the hero’s flaws “invites us to think harder about our own flaws.” What are the resulting implications of such a self-examination for today’s Zionists?

—What sort of flaw in ourselves should an examination of Woodrow Wilson bring Zionist Jews to consider?

—The fact is that contemporary Israeli Jewish and Zionist attitudes toward the Palestinians in many ways mimic those of Woodrow Wilson toward African Americans. 

—If we are to consider Wilson’s racism a flaw from which Jews too can learn, the consequence must be a reconsideration of the inherently racist Zionist attitudes and policies toward the Palestinians.

I do not know if Jonathan Sarna really meant to inspire a serious assessment of Israel’s and Zionism’s flaws through the reexamination of those of their champion, Woodrow Wilson. However, such an assessment would certainly reveal a shared racism. Wilson never ceased to be a racist and, at least since 1917, the Zionists have been following his “heroic” model. How many of them can be counted upon to take up Sarna’s suggestion and look into this shared historical mirror in any honest way?

حزب الله: صفقة القرن ولدت ميتة وسنكون حاضرين لتحقيق إنجازات كبرى وتحوّلات عظيمة في لبنان

الشيخ قاسم لـ"العهد": تجويع لبنان تديره أمريكا من أجل تحقيق أهداف "اسرائيل"

المصدر

أكد حزب الله انّ صفقة القرن ميتة من لحظة الإعلان عنها، لافتاً الى انّ أميركا تملك أن تعلن ما تريد، لكنها لا تستطيع فرض وسلب فلسطين من أهلها. من ناحية اخرى شدّد حزب الله على اننا مقبلون على تنشيط القطاعين الزراعي والصناعي، اللذين يشكلان غنى لكلّ لبنان، وسوف نكون على قدر المسؤولية، وسنكون حاضرين لتحقيق إنجازات كبرى وتحولات عظيمة في هذا البلد، ونمتلك إمكانات هائلة».

وفي هذا السياق أكد نائب الأمين العام لحزب الله الشيخ نعيم قاسم أن «صفقة القرن ميتة من لحظة الإعلان عنها، لأنها من طرف واحد، ولأنها جزء من مسيرة الظلم الدولي، وبسبب إجماع الشعب الفلسطيني على رفضها ومواجهتها والإجماع الدولي تقريبا»، مشددا «علينا أن نتحد حول فلسطين ومن أجلها، ومن أجل كل منطقتنا، ومن أجل العدالة وأحرار العالم».

كلام قاسم جاء في كلمة ألقاها في ملتقى «متحدون ضد صفقة القرن وخطة الضم»، الذي انعقد عبر شبكة التواصل الإلكتروني.

افتتاح ملتقى "متحدون ضد صفقة القرن وخطة الضم" .. دعوات لبناء استراتيجية شاملة لإسقاط الصفقة

وأكد أنّ «المقاومة بأشكالها هي التي تحمي بقاء فلسطين لأهلها ومستقبل أجيالها، والاتحاد حولها ومعها، يسرع معركة التحرير ويعطل شرعنة الاحتلال، فهم ليسوا أقوياء: «لا يقاتلونكم جميعاً، إلا في قرى محصّنة أو من وراء جدر، بأسهم بينهم شديد، تحسبهم جميعاً وقلوبهم شتى، ذلك بأنهم قوم لا يعقلون».

ورأى أنّ «صفقة القرن ميتة من لحظة الإعلان عنها، لأسباب هي:

أولا ـ لأنها من طرف واحد، ولا أحد معها من الطرف الثاني.

ثانيا ـ لأنها جزء من مسيرة الظلم الدولي الذي ينصب «إسرائيل» في أرض الغير، والذي لا يتمكّن من شرعنة الاحتلال.

ثالثا ـ إجماع الشعب الفلسطيني على رفضها ومواجهتها.

رابعا ـ إجماع دولي تقريباً على رفضها وعدم الاعتراف بها.

خامسا ـ أميركا تملك أن تعلن ما تريد، لكنها لا تستطيع فرض وسلب فلسطين من أهلها».

وقال: «علينا أن نتحد حول فلسطين ومن أجلها، ومن أجل كلّ منطقتنا، ومن أجل العدالة وأحرار العالم، فاتحادنا حول فلسطين أعاق خطط إسرائيل والمستكبرين، ودعم المقاومة واستمراريتها، وعزز الأمل بالتحرير واتحادنا عطل ويعطل خيارات المحتل ومعه أميركا».

وإذ حيا «كل أشكال الوحدة الفلسطينية بين فتح وحماس، ومع كل الفصائل الفلسطينية»، أشار إلى أنه «عندما يكون الهدف تحرير فلسطين والسبيل مقاومة الاحتلال، لا تستطيع إسرائيل أن تحقق ما تريد ولو اجتمعت معها الدنيا»، مؤكدا «نعم، نحن متحدون ضد صفقة القرن وخطة الضم الصهيونية، كما أن مقولة الجيش الذي لا يقهر، سقطت بفعل مقاومتنا المتحدة في فلسطين ولبنان، لأننا متحدون بالهدف والسبيل، بالتحرير والمقاومة».

من جهة أخرى أكد عضو «كتلة الوفاء للمقاومة» النائب إيهاب حمادة، في كلمة ألقاها خلال لقاء استضافه مركز «الجواد» للتنمية والإرشاد الزراعي في الهرمل «أننا في معركة مستجدة، وعنوان جديد للمقاومة، ومقبلون على تنشيط القطاعين الزراعي والصناعي، اللذين يشكلان غنى لكل لبنان، وسوف نكون على قدر المسؤولية، وسنكون حاضرين لتحقيق إنجازات كبرى وتحوّلات عظيمة في هذا البلد، ونمتلك إمكانات هائلة».

ورأى أنّ «السلبية الكبرى في ارتفاع سعر الدولار، الوضع الاقتصادي العالمي والمحلي، ويمكن أن تكون حافزاً حقيقياً لإعادة الإنتاج المحلي والاستهلاك، وتغيير البنية الاقتصادية التاريخية الموجودة منذ التسعينيات، إلى بنية حقيقية، تشكل عنواناً للنهضة، من خلال التكامل في القطاعات الإنتاجية».

وختم «الريع الذي كان يشكل عموداً واحداً يقوم عليه الاقتصاد اللبناني، أوصلنا إلى ما نحن عليه، على مستوى الواقع الاقتصادي»، داعياً إلى أن «يكون هناك ريع وسياحة، إضافة إلى الزراعة والصناعة، اللتين تشكلان عمدة الاقتصاد في البلد».

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