Palestinian Political Prisoner Dies of Medical Negligence at ‘Israeli’ Prison

Palestinian Political Prisoner Dies of Medical Negligence at ‘Israeli’ Prison

By Staff, Agencies

An ailing Palestinian political inmate passed away in an ‘Israeli’ medical center after prison authorities denied him proper medical aid, the Palestinian Information Center has reported.

The deceased prisoner, identified as 47-year-old Bassam al-Sayeh, died on Sunday in the ‘Israeli’ Assaf Harofeh medical center.

Despite his deteriorating health condition, the Zionist prison authorities had rejected numerous calls for the release of Sayeh, who was suffering from bone and blood cancer.

Sayeh had been receiving chemotherapy by incompetent physicians and lost his life due to pulmonary edema, cirrhosis and cardiac failure.

A resident of the occupied West Bank city of Nablus, Sayeh was arrested by ‘Israeli’ forces in October 2015.

Palestinian prisoners had threatened to cause chaos in the prison in case of Sayeh’s death.

A Palestinian official said in May 2018 that at least seven Palestinians had lost their lives in ‘Israeli’ prisons and detention centers since 2017, noting that the jails had turned into a place where the inmates were doomed to death and faced arbitrary and repressive measures.

The head of the Palestinian Authority’s Committee for Prisoners’ Affairs, Issa Qaraqe, said in a statement that Palestinian prisoners need international protection, demanding concrete measures to bring the Tel Aviv regime before the International Criminal Court.

His statement came after a Palestinian prisoner died of health complications he developed in ‘Israeli’ jails in January 2018.

The Palestinian Prisoners’ Club reported that 57-year-old Hussain Hassani Ataollah died in the West Bank city of Nablus.

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Netanyahu Fooled his People to Get Re-Elected Using the Remnants of the IDF Terrorist Retrieved from Syria

 

Netanyahu lied- only half of the body of the IDF terrorist Baumel retrieved from Syria through Russia

When the news of Russian help extended to Netanyahu to win the elections went as far as extracting the remains of an IDF terrorist killed in Lebanon and buried in Yarmouk Camp graveyard south of Damascus back in April earlier this year, many Syrians, Palestinians, and other Arabs felt heart-broken and disappointed; it was more like a backstab to the Syrians and Palestinians by their Russian ally and a betray of trust, usually this would include releasing numerous Palestinians, Lebanese, and Syrian women, men, and most importantly children held in Israeli prisons.

Netanyahu needed any help to win the elections back in May to remain out of prison on charges of fraud, like all other Israeli officials, usual exchanges would include at least releasing a number of the children and women, and even men kidnapped by Israel and held in detention centers across occupied Palestine. But there was no exchange.

Liar Netanyahu shows fake emotions to family of IDF terrorist Baumel

At a later stage Netanyahu, possibly under pressure from Putin, released two prisoners, one of who is a Palestinian who didn’t want to go to Syria in the first place, whose his family are in the occupied Palestinian city of Al-Khalil (Zionists call it Hebron), and a drug dealer who has already spent his 11 years sentence in the Israeli prisons and was set to be released in a couple of months completing his sentence without any deal!

Thousands of children, women, and innocent men held with no justification by an occupation force and under the heinous silence of the United Nations and its many organs which are more focused to investigate bogus and fake news against Syria instead of focusing on real people held in miserable situations under the whole world’s watchful eyes.

That’s for the background of this story; what was revealed today should deliver a blow to the already embattled Netanyahu in regards with the snatching of the body of the IDF terrorist from Syria by Russia. Khalid Jibril, head of security and military in the PFLP-GC (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command), in an interview with Lebanese Al-Mayadeen news channel, revealed that what the Russians managed to extract was only the upper half of the remains of the body of the Israeli IDF terrorist and even that was missing its jaw.

In other words, not only did Netanyahu falsely claim he got the remains of the terrorist, he only got less than half after desecrating the remnants and fooling his family, and the public, just to get reelected.

Khalid Ahmad Jibril head of military and security PFLP-GC

Khalid Ahmad Jibril head of military and security PFLP-GC

Mr. Jibril challenged the Israeli leadership to deny this information, he added: ‘When they need to have these bodies back they need to pay the price for that which is releasing those in the (Israeli) occupation prisons, Syrians, Palestinians, or Arabs.’

The timing of this exposure is essential as the Israelis are preparing for the second round of elections and Netanyahu’s chances should grow slimmer with this news especially when used by his opponents.

In Case you missed it

The War on Innocence: Palestinian Children in Israeli Military Court

Palestin Children feature photo

Since the start of the Second Intifada, the popular uprising of 2000, some 12,000 Palestinian children have been detained and interrogated by the Israeli army.

On July 29, 4-year-old Muhammad Rabi’ Elayyan was reportedly summoned for interrogation by the Israeli police in occupied Jerusalem.

The news, originally reported by the Palestinian News Agency (WAFA), was later denied by the Israeli police, likely to lessen the impact of the PR disaster that followed.

The Israelis are not denying the story in its entirety, but are rather arguing that it was not the boy, Muhammad, who was summoned, but his father, Rabi’, who was called into the Israeli police station in Salah Eddin Street in Jerusalem, to be questioned regarding his son’s actions.




The child was accused of hurling a stone at Israeli occupation soldiers in the Issawiyeh neighborhood, a constant target for Israeli violence. The neighborhood has also been the tragic site for house demolition under the pretext that Palestinians there are building without permits. Of course, the vast majority of Palestinian applications to build in Issawiyeh, or anywhere in Jerusalem, are denied, while Jewish settlers are allowed to build on Palestinian land, unhindered.

With this in mind, Issawiyeh is no stranger to the ridiculous and unlawful behavior of the Israeli army. On July 6, a mother from the beleaguered neighborhood was arrested as a means to put pressure on her teenage son, Mahmoud Ebeid, to turn himself in. The mother “was taken by Israeli police as a bargaining chip,” Mondoweiss reported, quoting the Jerusalem-based Wadi Hileh Information Center.

Israeli authorities are justified in feeling embarrassed by the whole episode concerning the 4-year-old boy, thus the attempt at poking holes in the story. The fact is WAFA’s correspondent in Jerusalem had, indeed, verified that the warrant was in Muhammad’s, not Rabi’s, name.

While some news sources bought into the Israeli ‘hasbara’, readily conveying the Israeli cries of ‘fake news’, one must bear in mind that this event is hardly a one-off incident. For Palestinians, such news of detaining, beating and killing children is one of the most consistent features of the Israeli occupation since 1967.

Just one day after the summoning of Muhammad, Israeli authorities also interrogated the father of a 6-year-old child, Qais Firas Obaid, from the same neighborhood of Issawiyeh, after accusing the boy of throwing a juice carton at Israeli soldiers.

“According to local sources in Issawiyeh the (Israeli) military sent Qais’ family an official summons to come to the interrogation center in Jerusalem on Wednesday (July 31) at 8 am,” reported the International Middle East Media Center (IMEMC). In one photo, the little boy is pictured while holding up to a camera the Israeli military order written in Hebrew.

The stories of Muhammad and Qais are the norm, not the exception. According to the prisoners’ advocacy group, Addameer, there are currently 250 children in Israeli prisons, with approximately 700 Palestinian children going through the Israeli military court system every single year. “The most common charge levied against children is throwing stones, a crime that is punishable under military law by up to 20 years,” Addameer reports.

Indeed, Israel has so much to be embarrassed about. Since the start of the Second Intifada, the popular uprising of 2000, some 12,000 Palestinian children have been detained and interrogated by the Israeli army.

But it is not only children and their families that are targeted by the Israeli military but also those who advocate on their behalf. On July 30, Palestinian lawyer, Tariq Barghouth, was sentenced to 13 years in prison by an Israeli military court for “firing at Israeli buses and at security forces on a number of occasions.”

As flimsy as the accusation of a well-known lawyer firing at ‘buses’ may sound, it is important to note that Barghouth is well-regarded for his defense of many Palestinian children in court. Barghouth was a constant source of headache for the Israeli military court system for his strong defense of the child, Ahmad Manasra.

Manasra, then 13-years of age, was tried and indicted in Israeli military court for allegedly stabbing and wounding two Israelis near the illegal Jewish settlement of Pisgat Ze’ev in Occupied Jerusalem. Manasra’s cousin, Hassan, 15 was killed on the spot, while wounded Ahmad was tried in court as an adult.

It was the lawyer, Barghouth, who challenged and denounced the Israeli court for the harsh interrogation and for secretly filming the wounded child as he was tied to his hospital bed.

On August 2, 2016, Israel passed a law that allows authorities to “imprison a minor convicted of serious crimes such as murder, attempted murder or manslaughter even if he or she is under the age of 14.” The law was conveniently crafted to deal with cases like that of Ahmad Manasra, who was sentenced on November 7, 2016 (three months after the law was approved) to 12 years in prison.

Manasra’s case, the leaked videos of his abuse by Israeli interrogators and his harsh sentence placed more international focus on the plight of Palestinian children in the Israeli military court system.

“Israeli interrogators are seen relying on verbal abuse, intimidation and threats to apparently inflict mental suffering for the purpose of obtaining a confession,” Brad Parker, attorney and international advocacy officer at Defense for Children- Palestine, said at the time.

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, of which Israel, as of 1991, is a signatory, “prohibits torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” Yet, according to Parker, “ill-treatment and torture of Palestinian children arrested by Israeli military and police is widespread and systematic.”

So systematic, in fact, that videos and reports of arresting very young Palestinian children are almost a staple on social media platforms concerned with Palestine and Palestinian rights.

The sad reality is that Muhammad Elayyan, 4, and Qais Obaid, 6, and many children like them, have become a target of Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

This horrendous reality must not be tolerated by the international community. Israeli crimes against Palestinian children must be effectively confronted as Israel, its inhumane laws and iniquitous military courts must not be allowed to continue their uncontested brutalization of Palestinian children.

Feature photo | Israeli police detain a Palestinian boy during the demolition of a Palestinian home in East Jerusalem, May 29, 2013. Mahmoud Illean | AP

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a widely published and translated author, an internationally syndicated columnist and editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is The Last Earth: A Palestinian Story (Pluto Press, 2018). He earned a Ph.D. in Palestine Studies from the University of Exeter (2015), and was a Non-Resident Scholar at Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies, UCSB. Visit his website at  www.ramzybaroud.net.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

Weekly report on israel’s terrorism on Palestinians (11 July – 17 July 2019)

Israeli violations of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory for the week of 11- 17 July, 2019.

74 Palestinian civilians injured; 24 of them were children, a woman, 2 journalists including a female, and a paramedic at the Great March of Return in the Gaza Strip.

5 civilians, including a child, injured in the West Bank.

  1. Shootings, i.e. killings and injuries
  • At approximately 02:30 on Thursday, 11 July 2019, officers from the Israeli “Mista’arvim”undercover unit dressed like Palestinian civilians sneaked to al-Duheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, driving 2 civilian vehicles with Palestinian registration plate. They raided and searched a house belonging to Sami Ismail al-Ja’fari (33) and then arrested him. Meanwhile, dozens of Palestinian children and youngsters gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli soldiers while the soldiers fired live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, 2 civilians were shot with live bullets to the lower extremities. They were taken to Al-Hussein Hospital in Beit Jala for treatment.

 

 

  • At approximately 22:00 on the same Thursday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence with Israel, northern Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, opened fire and arrested at Majed Mohammed Husein al-Shafei (44) after crossing the village. As a result, he sustained a live bullet to his lower extremities. According to field investigations, al-Shafei left his house in Jabalia approximately 21:30 on the same day and then disappeared. At approximately 11:00 on Friday, 12 July 2019, his brother Mazen received a phone call informing him that his brother is injured and detained by Israeli forces.

 

  • At approximately 10:30 on Friday 12 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip in the vicinity of a Palestinian border control point. The shooting continued for few minutes, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • At approximately 06:30 on Saturday, 13 July 2019, Israeli gunboats stationed off Rafah Shore opened fire at Palestinian Fishing boats sailing within 6 nautical miles. The Israeli gunboats then surrounded one of the boats manned by Mohammed Isma’el Isma’el al-Bardawil (40) and his nephew, Ahmed Wael Isma’el al-Bardawil (16); both from al-Mawasi neighborhood, west of Rafah. The Israeli naval soldiers then ordered the fishermen to take off their clothes, jump into the water and swim towards the gunboat. They were arrested and their boat was confiscated. At approximately 18:00, Ahmed was released through Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing while Mohammed al-Bardawil is still under arrest and their fishing boat is still confiscated.

 

  • At approximately 13:35 on Sunday, 14 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of Khan Youni in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands in eastern ‘Abasan village, west of the border fence. The shooting continued for few minutes, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • At approximately 16:30 on Monday, 15 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of Kahn Younis, in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at eastern Khuza’ah village. The shooting continued for few minutes, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • Also on Monday evening, Israeli forces opened fire at Fares Ahmed Mahmoud ‘Azem (34), when he was between Ramina and Bazaria villages, east of Tulkarm. As a result, he sustained a live bullet wound to the back, causing him internal bleeding in the lungs. ‘Azem was taken to Dr. Thabet Thabet Hospital in Tulkarm. Due to the serious injury, ‘Azem was transferred to Beilinson Hospital in Israel. An eyewitness stated that:

“At approximately 22:00 on Monday, 15 July 2019, I received a call telling me that a person from my village was wounded and screaming of pain and that the caller is trying to rescure him. I immediately headed to the site and knew that the victim is from Thanabeh village, carries an Israeli ID card and drives a vehicle with an Israeli registration plate. He was taken via an ambulance to Dr. Thabet Thabet hospital in Tulkarm and then transferred to Beilinson Hospital in Israel due to his serious injury.”

 

‘Azem’s father said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“I received the news of my son’s injury and then headed to Israel to follow-up on his health condition. Doctors only informed me that his injury was serious and he suffers from bleeding in the lungs as the bullet penetrated his back to the lungs. We do not know how this happened to our son; he was probably visiting his in-laws in Ramin village. We are waiting until he wakes up to find out what happened with him.”

 

  • At approximately 17:35 on Tuesday, 16 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of Kahn Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at ‘Abasan al-Kabirah. The shooting continued for few minutes, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • At approximately 08:10 on Wednesday, 17 July 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of Kahn Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Khuza’ah village. The shooting continued for few minutes, but no casualties were reported.
    • Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank including occupied East Jerusalem

 

  1. Demolitions and attacks on civilian property for settlement expansion

 

  • At approximately 10:00 on Thursday, 11 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Beit Ummer village in northern Hebron. They then stationed in Wadi al-Shaiekh neighborhood, where the Israeli Civil Administration officers handed Mohamed ‘Ali al-‘Alami a 96-hour demolition notice, under the pretext of non-licensing.  Mohamed’s house was under-construction and built on an area of 150 square meters. On 17 April 2018, the Coordinator of Government Activities in the occupied Territory (COGAT), under the direct control of the Former Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, issued a military order that makes it possible for Israeli forces to demolish Palestinian homes in Area C within 96 hours after delivering demolition orders. Under the order, COGAT excuses itself from informing Palestinian homeowners directly that their homes are slated for demolition and only requires demolition orders be placed “next to” targeted structures 96 hours before Israeli forces arrive to execute demolitions.
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbit Shabouqa in western Hebron, where they handed Amjad Nofal Sulimah a notice to demolish his 150-sqaure-meter barn under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C, and gave him until 24 July 2019 to challenge.
  • At approximately 12:30 on Thursday, 11 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles moved into ‘Izbit Salman in southern Qalqiliyia, and demolished an agricultural barrack belonging to Dawoud Mahmoud Yousef Ahmed under the pretext of non-licensing. Dawoud said to PCHR’s fieldworker: “I returned from France 3 months ago and my family told me that they found a notice in my land written on it “this is the second notice to demolish the agricultural barrack”. My family, who live in Qalqiliyia, told me that they did not see the first notice as they usually go there for picnic. On Thursday evening, 11 July 2019, our neighbors phoned and informed us that Israeli forces are demolishing the barrack in our land, so they went there and found the barrack was already demolished. We told both the Israeli and Palestinian Liaisons and they informed us that we could challenge the demolition.”
  • At approximately 14:00 on Thursday, Israeli forces dismantled a sit-in tent established by the Wall and Settlement Resistance Committee in Wadi al-Humis neighborhood in Surbaher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem, protesting at the Israeli decision to demolish 12 residential buildings under the pretext of being near the annexation wall. Eyewitnesses said that Israeli forces attacked civilians staying in the tent and fired tear gas canisters at them. As a result, dozens of them suffocated due to tear gas inhalation, and agricultural crops were burned. It should be noted that the Israeli Supreme Court issued a decision to demolish 16 residential buildings, comprising of 100 apartments, few weeks ago under the pretext of being close to the annexation wall and pose a security threat. This gives the green light to the Israeli forces to demolish all buildings near the annexation wall in the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem. In 2003, the residents of Surbaher village submitted a petition against the annexation wall route, which passes in the center of their village, so the route was changed and the neighborhood was annexed within the wall.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 16 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Wadi al-Ghrouz area in eastern Hebron. Israeli soldiers were deployed in the area and the construction vehicles demolished a concrete pool used for irrigating plants under the pretext of non-licensing. The pool belongs to Zayid Nimer Mohamed al-Ja’bari (65), whose family attempted to stop the demolition, but Israeli border guard officers attacked and beat them. The Israeli border guard officers also attacked two photographers identified as ‘Abed al-Hafeez Daib ‘Abed al-Hafeez al-Hashlamoun (55), who sustained minor wounds in his hands and legs; and Mashhour Hasan Mahmoud al-Wahwah (34), who sustained minor bruises in his hand. Zayid al-Ja’bari said the Israeli authorities handed him a notice to stop construction works 3 months ago and handed him a demolition notice on 14 July 2019. Zayid was intending to file documents to the Israeli court for challenging the demolition.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Tuesday, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet al-Foron area in eastern Hebron. The construction vehicles demolished a water well used for irrigating plants. The well belongs to Nayif No’man Shokri Da’nah, who was handed a demolition notice on 10 July 2019. It should be noted that the well was partially funded by the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture.
  • At approximately 17:00 on Tuesday, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Ghoween al-Foqah area in southern Hebron. The construction vehicles demolished a 100-sqaure-meter barrack built of concrete and tin plates and used for breeding livestock, under the pretext of non-licensing. The barrack belongs to Ahmed Mohamed Mousa Hawamdah (44), who was handed a 96-hour demolition notice on 03 July 2019, so there was no enough time to challenge the demolition.
  • At approximately 04:00 on Wednesday, 17 July 2019, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Khalilah neighborhood in al-Jeep village, northwest of occupied East Jerusalem. The construction vehicles demolished a 80-sqaure-meter garage and store belonging to Waddah Wasfi Abu Dayyiah, under the pretext of non-licensing. It should be noted that the garage and store were demolished for the 3rd time.
  • In the same context, Israeli construction vehicles demolished a 900-sqaure-meter commercial barrack and a concrete floor belonging to al-Natshah family in Beit Haninah village, north of occupied East Jerusalem. The construction vehicles also demolished a 400-sqaure-meter car wash belonging to ‘Atiyah and Bakirat families in Surbaher vilolage, south of occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 13:00 on Wednesday, 17 July 2019, Israeli construction vehicles demolished 5 shops built 4 years ago on an area of 250 square meters in Abu Tayieh neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Eyewitnesses said that a large force of Israeli police officers and Special Forces accompanied with bulldozers moved into Abu Tayieh neighborhood, where they surrounded 5 shops belonging to Mohamed Hamdan al-‘Abasi. The shops were demolished after the Israeli Supreme Court refused a petition submitted by Mohamed’s lawyer. The eyewitnesses also said that the Israeli forces forcibly disperse the neighborhood’s residents from the area and beat them up. Meanwhile, the Israeli forces arrested Mahdi Hamdan al-‘Abasi after beating him. It should be noted that al-‘Abasi family headed to the Israeli Supreme Court in order to freeze the demolition order and license the shops, but it refused.
  1. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods

Gaza Strip

As the Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip enters its 14th consecutive year this July, severe restrictions on the freedom of movement of persons and goods enhance the de facto separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

The most significant implications of the continued Israeli closure of the Gaza Strip are:

  • Movement of goods and persons to and from the Gaza Strip is restricted on all three functioning crossings: Rafah border crossing, under Egyptian control; Beit Hanoun “Erez” checkpoint and Karm Abu-Salem Commercial Crossing, under Israeli control.

 

  • The Rafah Border Crossing operates only 5 days a week with severe limitation on travel of persons (300 travelers/day).

 

  • Beit Hanoun checkpoint, designated for the movement of persons, is under severe restrictions for exit and entry of the Gaza Strip. Only limited categories are issued Israeli permits to cross the checkpoint after an exhausting and lengthy security process that may subject civilians to the threat of arrest and often blackmail by Israeli forces.[1]

 

  • Karm Abu-Salem crossing, designated for the movement of goods, bans the export of Gaza Strip products, except for agricultural goods. Also, Israeli forces continue the 12-year ban on the import of 118 goods considered as “dual-use items.” [2] While Israeli authorities announced on Friday, 05 July 2019, that 18 of the banned dual-use items would be allowed into the Gaza Strip; the operating officers at Karm Abu-Salem crossing denied receiving new instructions in this regard.

 

  • Electricity crisis: with power cuts of at least 12 hours a day, the electricity crisis continues to haunt the Gaza Strip and paralyze all sectors of life, including health, education, the economy and the environment.

 

  • Naval blockade: Israel continues to restrict movement within the Gaza Sea, primarily on fishing. Despite imposing a 15-nautical-mile restricted fishing area, Israeli forces launch daily attacks on fishermen while at sea even within 1 – 6 nautical miles, including shootings, arrests and confiscation of fishing boats and equipment. It also restricts the import of necessary fishing equipment.

West Bank

Israeli forces continue to strangle West Bankers with continued restrictions on their freedom of movement, especially with frequent checkpoints between governorates. Currently, 92 permanent military checkpoints exist along the connecting roads between West Bank governorates, some of which have permanent military presence and others are staffed irregularly. Some of these checkpoints act as a terminal into Israel, even though they are located within Palestinian territory.

It should be highlighted that Israel continues to corporatize and privatize its occupation of the Palestinian territory by contracting military security corporations who operate checkpoints with fully armed civilian guards; yet, they act under the umbrella of the Ministry of Defense.

Israeli occupation’s presence in the West Bank is not limited to permanent checkpoints, as temporary checkpoints are haphazardly erected across the territory on a daily basis. These temporary checkpoints impede traffic between Palestinian cities, with illegal searches of civilian vehicles and long wait times. These temporary checkpoints are used to ambush civilians as hundreds of arrests are reported at these checkpoints annually.

This week, Israeli forces established 110 temporary checkpoint across the West Bank and arrested four Palestinian civilians. A civilian was arrested while returning via King Hussein Bridge.

Additionally, with the ongoing closure of 30 key roads in the West Bank, Palestinian’s’ freedom of movement is heavily restricted especially in areas adjacent to the illegal Israeli settlements.

Israel allows holders of West Bank IDs (men over 55 and women over 50) to access East Jerusalem without a pre-issued permit; nonetheless, they have to undergo security checks.

In terms of the movement of Palestinians to and from the occupied territory via King Hussein Bridge, Israeli forces continue to impose security measures that threaten the well being of civilians by forcing them to go through a body-search machine that subjects them to harmful radiations. It is also a common practice to arrest civilians at the crossing or deny them travel.

A 6-month research conducted by the Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ), stated that Palestinians lose about 60 million hours of work per year, due to the checkpoints and restrictions imposed by the Israeli forces on Palestinian movement between the towns and villages of the West Bank. ARIJ estimated the loss at about $ 270 million per year, according to the wage of workers per hour, in addition to extra fuel consumption at about 80 million liters per year, estimated at $ 135 million. The consumption of this amount of fuel leads to an increase in carbon dioxide emissions, by about 196 thousand tons per year.

Full document available at the official website for the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR).

التدخل الروسيّ للإفراج عن أسرى سوريين

أبريل 30, 2019

ناصر قنديل

– لسنا بصدد النقاش حول حدود القدرة التفاوضية الروسية مع كيان الاحتلال في الضغط للإفراج عن أسرى سوريّين وفلسطينيين، طالما قاموا بتسليم بقايا جندي السلطان يعقوب. فقد قلنا ما يجب قوله في العملية في حينها، وما نحن بصدده هو مناقشة العلاقات الروسية السورية التي وجد البعض في عملية تسليم بقايا جندي السلطان يعقوب فرصة للانقضاض عليها ونعيها، وتوزيع مواعظ النصح حول عقم الرهان على صواب هذه العلاقة، وصولاً للقول إن روسيا تبيع حلفاءها من العرب كرمى لعيون نتنياهو، وأنها خاضعة للوبيات الصهيونية ولا تستطيع رد طلباتها.

– الأكيد أن موسكو التقطت ردود الأفعال التي أعقبت العملية، خصوصاً الموقف الرسمي للدولة السورية الذي قام بمراعاة العلاقة بروسيا، لكنه عبر عن امتعاضه بالإعلان عن عدم وجود أي علاقة له بها أو معرفة بحدوثها قبل تاريخ تنفيذها، كما وصلت إلى موسكو تعبيرات العتب والغضب في الشارع السوري وفي بيئة المقاومة. وهنا يصير السؤال له قيمة عن كيفية التصرف الروسي وفقاً لسلم الأولويات الذي يرسم سياسات موسكو في المنطقة.

– الخطوة الأولى كانت الإعلان القاسي الذي صدر عن موسكو للرد على الإدعاءات الإسرائيلية حول عملية تسليم وشيكة لبقايا العميل الإسرائيلي إيلي كوهين، وتعمّد أن يأتي الرد على لسان وزير الخارجية الروسية سيرغي لافروف، والخطوة الثانية جاءت بإعلان المبعوث الروسي الخاص حول الأزمة السورية ألكسندر لافرنتيف أن روسيا طلبت قيام إسرائيل بالإفراج عن عدد من الأسرى السوريين والفلسطينيين تعبيراً عن الامتنان لقيام روسيا بتسليمها بقايا جندي السلطان يعقوب، وتنفيذاً لطلب الرئيس الروسي.

– قيام كيان الاحتلال بالإفراج عن أسيرين سوريّ وفلسطينيّ من سجونه، لا يعادل بالتأكيد ما كان ممكناً تحصيله لو أدارت موسكو مفاوضات تبادل حول بقايا جندي السلطان يعقوب، لكنها رسالة روسية ذات مغزى تقول إن روسيا تعتذر عن التسرّع وترغب بطي الصفحة بما يضمن سلامة وصحة التحالف الذي يجمعها بسورية وقوى المقاومة. وهذا هو موضوعنا، لأن جوهر ما قاله المتربّصون بهذه العلاقة، هو أن روسيا تعمّدت تنفيذ العملية بالطريقة التي تمّت لأنها تريد أن تقول للعالم وللرأي العام في روسيا، ولـ«إسرائيل»، ولنا، أن روسيا لا تقيم حساباً لمن يسمّيهم الآخرون بحلفاء موسكو في المنطقة عندما يتعلق الأمر باسترضاء «إسرائيل»، وها هي موسكو تقول إنه يعنيها كثيراً ألا يترتب على العملية وما رافقها من نقص أو ضعف، أي تأثير سلبي على نظرة حلفائها وجمهور الحلفاء وبيئتهم الشعبية، وإنها لأجل ذلك مستعدة للقيام بخطوات ترميمية لا تشبه الأصل، لكنها توصل رسالة التمسك وتحدد مكان الأولوية.

– ما جرى يشبه ما كان قد تمّ في منتصف العام 2016 عندما اعتذرت تركيا عن إسقاط الطائرة الروسية ورعت موسكو إطلاق مسار أستانة، واتفاق الهدنة في حلب، وقامت الجماعات المسلحة باستغلال الهدنة لبناء قدراتها والاستعداد للمواجهة، وشعرت سورية وقوى المقاومة بأن السعي الروسي لاكتساب تركيا بات مكلفاً وأن سورية وقوى المقاومة يلحق بهما الأذى من هذه السياسة الروسية، وخرجت حينها الأصوات ذاتها تتحدّث عن روسيا التي باعت حلفاءها لتركيا لأن أولوية روسيا هي تركيا وقد استعملت حلفاءها لتصل للمبتغى وها هي تتركهم، في لغة تشبه ما سمعناه قبل اسابيع قليلة عن الاهتمام الروسي بـ»إسرائيل» واستعمال سورية وقوى المقاومة معبراً نحو هذا الهدف. ويومها مرت شهور قاسية انتهت بتحرير حلب بشراكة روسية ظاهرة، وجهت درساً قاسياً وهزيمة شنعاء لتركيا، مؤكدة مرة جديدة قواعد الأولويات الروسية.

– ستبقى التباينات تطلّ برأسها بين حين وآخر بين سورية وقوى المقاومة من جهة وروسيا من جهة أخرى، وسيبقى المتربّصون من أعداء وأعدقاء، يطلون برؤوسهم مع كل محطة تباين، لكن ستبقى العلاقة الروسية بسورية وقوى المقاومة تثبت أنها الأساس في رسم الأولويات الروسية في المنطقة.

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A Night of Atrocities at “Israeli” Prison: Bleeding Palestinians Left in Rain with No Food or Toilets

By Staff, Haaretz

Here’s what happened on the night of March 24 in Ketziot Prison in Al-Naqab:

Far from the eyes of the public: 100 Palestinian prisoners, bound hand and foot with plastic handcuffs, were thrown to the ground, beaten with clubs and shot with Tasers. When morning broke, the plastic cuffs were replaced with steel ones, and they were shackled to one another in pairs. They were left like that for a day and a half, under the open sky in the desert cold, without water, without food, without toilets. Most were wounded, some were bleeding. The rain that fell on them mingled with the blood flowing from their injuries.

They were wounded when Special Forces of the “Israel” Prison Service, Border Police and regular police force – a total of about 300 warders and officers – invaded their wing.

The situation had become particularly fraught between the Ketziot warders and the prisoners after the latter’s cellphones were jammed – by means of measures that terrified the prisoners because of their perceived radiation hazard, and infuriated them as well because now they were even more cut off than ever from their families. Afterward came the stabbing and then the brutal acts of punishment and revenge by the IPS and police forces against the inmates in wing A-4. They used Tasers and clubs on nearly every prisoner in the wing. Dozens were wounded, eight were taken to the hospital by helicopter.

Very little about these events was reported in the media. This week, however, an opportunity arose to hear a full report about what actually happened last month, from a prisoner who was released from Ketziot two weeks ago. He, too, was wounded in the furor and needed hospital treatment even after his release.

Mohammed Salaima, his wife, Ruseila, and their two children – 2-year-old Yazar and 8-month-old Mayis, who was born while her father was in Ketziot – live in a small one-room apartment in the neighborhood of Jabel Kurbaj in Al-Khalil [Hebron]. He’s a smiling, stocky baker of 25.

On March 29, five days after the unrest broke out at Ketziot, Salaima finished his jail term and returned home. For three hours, Salaima described the events of the night of March 24, which he referred to as the “night of the crimes” and the “night of the atrocity.”

The trouble began with the announcement of the installation of jamming devices on February 18, in wing A-4 where more than 110 prisoners are housed in six tents. At the time, there were three or four smuggled cell phones in the wing, and the inmates used them in rotation: A prisoner could make one 15-minute call every three days.

The prison warders informed the inmates about the jamming devices, Salaima says, confirming that the decision was made by “Israeli” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan, ahead of the election on April 9, as a show of their toughness with Hamas detainees.

The prison management announced that a search would be carried out in wing A-4 and that the inmates would be moved elsewhere while it was being conducted. There were now about 100 prisoners in the cellblock, some having been released in the meantime. At first, “Israeli” service claimed that the move would only last for two hours. Then they said it was for the night, but ultimately the inmates were ordered to take their gear with them because they were being moved to wing A-3, which had been evacuated, for two weeks. The transfer proceeded quietly at first, with 10 inmates walking over at a time, until only a few detainees remained in A-4.

The whole transfer procedure was accompanied by members of Special Forces from the IPS and the police: Masada, Yamam, Yamar and Keter. Now they burst inside, forcibly. Some 300 of them were arrayed against the inmates, most of them already in A-3, a few still in A-4. Not one prisoner escaped the blows of the clubs or the Taser, says Salaima, adding that the beatings were indiscriminate and that they turned the prison wings into a battlefield. Forty-five inmates were wounded. He tried to hide in a corner but was clubbed; the scars on his forehead and his nose testify to that.

“They broke legs, arms, noses, chins, ribs,” he says, about the Special Forces that had been brought in. “Masada shot, and Yamar, Yamam and Keter did the beating.” About 340 Taser shells were fired at the Palestinian Prisoners, and around 15 to 20 dogs also took part in the operation to suppress the prisoners, and wounded a few of them. The melee lasted for three or four hours, into the night, according to Salaima.

That was followed by the shackling of prisoners’ hands and feet, who were then left outside, under the nighttime sky. For 36 hours the inmates remained like that – bound, hungry, thirsty, bruised, and exposed to the cold, on the ground.

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Palestinians behind «Israeli» Bars

Designed By Abeer Mrad

In the Occupied Palestinian territories, the “Israeli” entity has built 22 prisons in which it unjustly detains approximately 7000 Palestinians among those are men, women and children of all walks of life.

Palestinians behind «Israeli» Bars

 

 

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