New Caabu report highlights extensive abuse of Palestinian detainees


Posted by on 11 Oct 2012

With roughly three-quarters of a million Palestinians imprisoned since Israel’s occupation began, there are few Palestinian families who have not had a member in an Israeli jail.

Caabu’s latest report, Palestinian detainees: no security in injustice, provides an in-depth examination of the issue of prisoners in both Israeli and Palestinian jails.

The report emphasises the seriousness of the prisoner issue, and how the widespread use of detention without trial, rampant ill-treatment and ethnically-segregated systems of law entrench mistrust, increase tensions and ultimately exacerbate the conflict. 
 
Caabu’s Director, Chris Doyle, said of the report:
“How can it be right that a Jewish settler child must see a civilian judge within 12 hours, when a Palestinian child can wait four days to be seen by a military judge? The settler child must see a lawyer within two days, a Palestinian can wait 90. These are just two examples of the embedded and deliberate discrimination of Israel’s justice system which must be challenged if we are to foster any semblance of peace in the region.”

Caabu has demanded action on this important issue by calling on the government to:

  • Pressure Israel to end all discriminatory practices;
  • Demand that administrative detention only be used as a matter of last resort and for limited periods;
  • Act on the recommendations of the June 2012 Foreign Office-backed report on child detainees, including full implementation of international and humanitarian law;
  • Demand that prisoners and detainees be afforded their full rights under international law; and
  • Ensure that no British company is party to violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention, such as G4S’ reported transfer of Palestinian prisoners across the border into Israel.
For further comment contact: Chris Doyle
07968040281 . doylec@caabu.org

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

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The Free Palestinian Prisoners And The Search For Freedom

The Palestinian prisoners are the pillars of the Palestinian cause , they exert a great pressure over the Palestinian authority or over the Palestinian leadership because they are the heart of the Palestinian people . They are at the core of the Palestinian cause . Their problem is crucial due to their great number and the conditions of their incarceration and the reasons for which they are incarcerated . They are not outlaws as prisoners in other countries are , but are the straight and legal path and connection to their country Palestine . These prisoners are the ones who are sacrificing for the cause . Their condition cannot be taken lightly . Due to this importance we see many NGOs rushing to cater to the prisoners’ cause , focusing now on one prisoner or few prisoners that are dealt with separately , and even at the expense of the general problem of the prisoners while the Palestinian cause is not even mentioned .

Previously the detainees were released by deals of exchange; . the Palestinian authority or HAMAS or Hizbullah would engage in indirect talks with the enemy to decide for the terms of the exchange . Now the Prisoners cause has gone out of the hands of Palestinians or Arabs- in general- to be deposited in the hands of NGOs who will deal with the cause according to the Western policies and agendas and this is not something positive .

If asked in what way would they like to be released the prisoners would answer the same way as we were arrested . One would wonder whether it is the prisoners that should evacuate the place or the Israelis . The prisoners did not commit any infraction to ask for their freedom , they initially were imprisoned by the usurpers of their country who never had the right to be there in the first place let alone the right to imprison anyone . The NGOs fall short of achieving the real purpose of any promotion of the prisoners’ cause that is their immediate release . Finally the Palestinian prisoners cannot be released before knowing where they will be heading after their release , whether they will be heading to Jordan or somewhere else and the question- finally- is whether the whole cause will be slipping out of Palestinians’ hands and what is the future of Palestinians and that of Palestine ?

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

PHM Condemns Israeli Actions against Palestinian Hunger Strikers

Local Editor
 

People’s Health Movement condemned the Zionist entity’s retention of the remaining three Palestinian hunger strikers, without medical assistance or family visitation rights.
People's Health Movement
Noting that the three hunger strikers, Samer Al-Barq, Hassan Safadi and Ayman Sharawna, face critical and life threatening health problems, the movement said in a statement that the prisoners were refused family visits.

The three hunger strikers are administrative detainees (where a military court can order a person be held without charge for renewable periods of six months – Samer Al-Barq has been held without trial since July 2010) a practice that is in violation of the 4th Geneva convention regulations, in contradiction with international humanitarian law and widely condemned by human rights organizations around the globe.

“As reported by doctors from physicians from human rights, who visited the detainees, as well as independent tests done when admitted to hospital for examination, the three hunger strikers all face critical and life threatening health problems,” the statement said

“In addition they have been refused family visits despite their poor health conditions and possible impending death. It is also alleged that the hunger strikers have endured physical brutality and psychological torture by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS), in an attempt to get them to break their hunger strike. It also needs to be stressed that these prisoners have not had the opportunity of a fair trial,” it added

The movement, which is a global network bringing together grassroots activists, civil society organizations and academics from around the world, demanded the release of the three hunger striker, the transfer of all hunger strikers to public hospitals and global condemnation of the ongoing violation of human rights of Palestinians by the Zionist entity.

It also demanded that the Israeli government and ministry of defense adhere to the agreements reached on 14 and 15 May, including improving conditions of prisoners, family visitation rights and ending of solitary confinement.
 

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The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Palestinian Prisoners in Israel’s Gulags

Palestinian Prisoners in Israeli Jails: The Case of Ahmad Saadat

15 Jan 2002 Sa’adat is arrested by Arafat’s special forces after being lured to a meeting in a Ramallah hotel with PA Intelligence chief Tawfiq Tirawi.

By: Linah Alsaafin

Published Sunday, September 9, 2012
 
The last time that 26 year old Sumoud Saadat saw her father, the Secretary-General for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) Ahmad Saadat, was during a court session in 2008.
Sumoud and two of her three siblings are banned from visiting their father as they constitute, according to the Israeli Prison Service (IPS), a “security threat.” Her mother Abla and oldest brother Ghassan are able to visit Saadat as they are both holders of the blue Jerusalem ID card, which grants them more privileges and enables relative freedom of movement within the West Bank and the 1948 occupied territories.
The agreement, signed on 14 May 2012 between the IPS and the Higher Committee of Prisoners which signaled the end of the 28 day mass hunger strike of approximately 2,500 Palestinian prisoners, contained five provisions that Israel has systematically violated.
One of the conditions, according to prisoner rights group Addameer’s Quarterly Update, is the reinstatement of family visits for first degree relatives of prisoners from the Gaza Strip (who have been banned from visitation rights for five years) and for families from the West Bank who have been denied visits based on vague “security” reasons.
 
“There are 700 families from the West Bank who, prior to the agreement, were prevented from visiting their loved ones in Israeli jails based on security reasons, as well as the accusation of having no familial ties to the prisoner,” said Saadat’s lawyer, Mahmoud Hassan.
The families who are still banned from visiting their relatives behind bars have directed their anger at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the body responsible for facilitating the family visits to prisoners inside Israeli prisons. However, director of the ICRC branch in Ramallah Suha Musleh criticized the agreement for not taking into consideration the role of the ICRC in its conditions.
During the hunger strike in Israeli prisons, or the Battle of Empty Stomachs as it is popularly referred to, the Red Cross’ team of doctors would visit the hunger strikers whenever the IPS allowed them to do so.
“Every day, permits are issued by Israel to family members to visit the prisoners,” Musleh commented. “Yet, we were not a part of or even asked to be a part of the agreement. As far as I know, no one has a copy of the agreement,” she added.
“The fault is on the Palestinian side for not taking concrete guarantees for ensuring the conditions of the agreement to be upheld,” Hassan emphasized, “and on the Egyptian mediator for not taking any official guarantees and instead relied on the good intentions of Israel. The supposition that Israel has good intentions is completely flawed, because it bases its decisions purely on politics, not security.”
Tawfiq Tirawi, head PA Special forces 
In 2002, Ahmad Saadat was arrested by Palestinian Authority (PA) Special Forces, after the PA succumbed to pressure from Israel who accused Saadat of organizing the assassination of the far-right Israeli Minister of Tourism, Rehavam Zeevi in October 2001.
 
Zeevi was a known proponent of targeted assassinations of Palestinians and forced expulsion, and his murder was seen as a response to the targeted killing of Abu Ali Mustafa, the previous secretary-general of the PFLP, in his office in Ramallah.
A month later, four members from the PFLP’s armed wing, the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigade were arrested in Nablus by the PA’s General Intelligence Services and together with Saadat, were held in the Muqata compound in Ramallah.
 
The PA, contrary to the popular reaction from Palestinians, condemned the assassination and Jamil Rjoub, the former head of the West Bank Preventative Security Forces was the one who issued an ultimatum against Saadat to turn himself in or face arrest.
 
On 1 May 2002, Saadat and five other PFLP members were moved from Muqata to Jericho prison in a deal between Israel and the late president of the PA Yasser Arafat that ended the 33 day siege on Muqata.

Palestinians security forces, after being forced
to strip down to their underwear
by Israeli troops, sit captive in front of an army vehicle (AP).

Four years later, on 3 March 2006, the Israeli occupation army raided Jericho Prison, which under the façade of PA control was actually guarded by US and UK observers.
 
The time between Israel’s arrest and sentencing of Saadat, a total of two years, involved more than 30 court sessions, mostly held in Ofer prison on the outskirts of Ramallah.
These sessions allowed for only two members of the Saadat family to attend at a time, and Sumoud had to alternate with her two brothers, sister and mother to ensure that everyone got to see him. Sumoud got to visit her father four times.
“Inside the court room,” Sumoud recalls, “we weren’t allowed to speak to my father. We weren’t allowed to physically touch him, even for a handshake. We tried to communicate with facial expressions, that was it.”
Defining herself as the closest to her father, Sumoud attributes that to the fact that her father was missing from her life for her first two years, as he was behind bars. “He made an extra effort to get closer to me, since I kept rejecting him and referred to my uncle as my father.”
Saadat was sentenced on Christmas Day in 2008 to a life sentence of 30 years in prison. A few months later, there was an order of six months of solitary confinement against Saadat that was renewed every six months for three years before the May 14 agreement was signed.
Saadat refused to recognize the military court, which couldn’t charge him with anything concrete and relied only on circumstantial evidence. He was charged with being the head of the party that carried out the assassination of Zeevi as well as being responsible for actions that were carried out by various members of the PFLP, dating back to the 1980s.
Sumoud affirmed that her father would refuse to be released based on the “good intentions” of Israel, a provision that Israel uses to reward the PA for resuming negotiations, a term that has been synonymous with PA concessions. Saadat is adamant that the only way he will be released is through a prisoner exchange or an end to the occupation.
 
On 23 September 2011, Saadat went on a hunger strike for 23 days to protest against his solitary confinement. The hunger strike ended as a result of the brokered deal between Hamas and Israel that saw captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit of five years exchanged for 1027 Palestinian prisoners. Saadat remained in solitary confinement.
 
Since the capture of Shalit, Saadat’s name was among those put forward. As news of a possible prisoner exchange began to leak out, high profile members of Hamas, including Aziz Duweik and politburo Khaled Meshaal, personally assured the Saadat family that he was without a doubt among the prisoners returning home and not one of those sent to exile.
Rumors oscillated between the release of Saadat along with popular Fatah man Marwan Barghouti to their continued imprisonment. Nevertheless, when final confirmation of the list of prisoners due to be released in October was out, Sumoud and her siblings were shocked that their father’s name was not one of them.
“My father always told us to never get our hopes up so high, since the Israeli Prison Service are so unpredictable,” Sumoud said. “But it was still a huge shock for the family, especially after Hamas guaranteed us that he would be released.”
On April 17 this year, Saadat joined a mass hunger strike, which grew to involve approximately 2,500 prisoners out of the total 5,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. His health deteriorated rapidly, and he was transferred to the Ramleh prison hospital, where he was still kept in total isolation.
Former hunger striker Thaer Halahleh, who went 77 days without food and was also in the Ramleh prison hospital, relayed to Sumoud how even on the brink of death, Saadat was kept in a small cell all by himself, padded with some sort of nylon sheets that prevented him from catching any snippets of conversations from the other prisoners. The only time he saw the prisoners was during the night the agreement was signed on May 14, where he was brought out in a wheelchair.
After three years in isolation, Sadaat secured a major triumph and is now in Shatta prison, sharing a cell with other prisoners. Although his wife Abla and oldest son Ghassan were able to visit him after the hunger strike ended, his other children are still banned from doing so, on the pretext of being considered as “security threats” by the IPS.
 
Saleh Hammouri, the French Palestinian former prisoner who spent seven years in jail before being released in the second half of the deal’s implementation in December 2011, was in Hadarim prison with Saadat back in 2007.
 
“Once, the prison warden, who used to show up barely once a month, came in the morning and informed Saadat that he had a private visit from someone,” Hammouri recalls. “A private visit is a big deal, because it means that the visit is conducted without any physical barrier, and usually they are granted only in the most urgent cases or after dozens and dozens of applications.”
Saadat had asked the warden if the private visit was for all the prisoners. The warden replied that it was just for him.

“Saadat refused to go unless all the other prisoners got the same privilege,” Hammouri smiles. “The prison warden took that as a personal insult against him, and treated him, let’s say, less favorably from that day on.”

Lawyer Mahmoud Hassan acknowledges that the end of Saadat’s isolation is a victory, and is adamant that the release of all Palestinian prisoners is not an unattainable dream, as it is presented in international law.
The Fourth Geneva Convention forbids the forced transfer of persons from occupied land to the territory of the occupier. Therefore Israel using the excuse that it does not give permits to family members because they do not hold Israeli IDs is fallacious because it is primarily based on violating international law by transferring the prisoners in the first place.
“Israel from the very first day intended to use the prisoners as a pressure card for negotiations,” Hassan stated.
The most recent example is Netanyahu promising to release 125 prisoners incarcerated before the signing of the Oslo Accords and the establishment of the PA in 1993 if Abbas returns to the negotiating table, or conversely vowing not to release prisoners if the PA was to go the UN.

“If there was significant pressure from the Arab countries and the world in general,” Hassan continued, “the prisoners’ cause will end with the release of all prisoners, precisely because it is an international cause, as Israel is contravening the Geneva Conventions.”

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Palestinian Prisoners in Israeli Jails: The Case of Ahmad Saadat

15 Jan 2002 Sa’adat is arrested by Arafat’s special forces after being lured to a meeting in a Ramallah hotel with PA Intelligence chief Tawfiq Tirawi.

By: Linah Alsaafin

Published Sunday, September 9, 2012
 
The last time that 26 year old Sumoud Saadat saw her father, the Secretary-General for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) Ahmad Saadat, was during a court session in 2008.
Sumoud and two of her three siblings are banned from visiting their father as they constitute, according to the Israeli Prison Service (IPS), a “security threat.” Her mother Abla and oldest brother Ghassan are able to visit Saadat as they are both holders of the blue Jerusalem ID card, which grants them more privileges and enables relative freedom of movement within the West Bank and the 1948 occupied territories.
The agreement, signed on 14 May 2012 between the IPS and the Higher Committee of Prisoners which signaled the end of the 28 day mass hunger strike of approximately 2,500 Palestinian prisoners, contained five provisions that Israel has systematically violated.
One of the conditions, according to prisoner rights group Addameer’s Quarterly Update, is the reinstatement of family visits for first degree relatives of prisoners from the Gaza Strip (who have been banned from visitation rights for five years) and for families from the West Bank who have been denied visits based on vague “security” reasons.
 
“There are 700 families from the West Bank who, prior to the agreement, were prevented from visiting their loved ones in Israeli jails based on security reasons, as well as the accusation of having no familial ties to the prisoner,” said Saadat’s lawyer, Mahmoud Hassan.
The families who are still banned from visiting their relatives behind bars have directed their anger at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the body responsible for facilitating the family visits to prisoners inside Israeli prisons. However, director of the ICRC branch in Ramallah Suha Musleh criticized the agreement for not taking into consideration the role of the ICRC in its conditions.
During the hunger strike in Israeli prisons, or the Battle of Empty Stomachs as it is popularly referred to, the Red Cross’ team of doctors would visit the hunger strikers whenever the IPS allowed them to do so.
“Every day, permits are issued by Israel to family members to visit the prisoners,” Musleh commented. “Yet, we were not a part of or even asked to be a part of the agreement. As far as I know, no one has a copy of the agreement,” she added.
“The fault is on the Palestinian side for not taking concrete guarantees for ensuring the conditions of the agreement to be upheld,” Hassan emphasized, “and on the Egyptian mediator for not taking any official guarantees and instead relied on the good intentions of Israel. The supposition that Israel has good intentions is completely flawed, because it bases its decisions purely on politics, not security.”
Tawfiq Tirawi, head PA Special forces 
In 2002, Ahmad Saadat was arrested by Palestinian Authority (PA) Special Forces, after the PA succumbed to pressure from Israel who accused Saadat of organizing the assassination of the far-right Israeli Minister of Tourism, Rehavam Zeevi in October 2001.
 
Zeevi was a known proponent of targeted assassinations of Palestinians and forced expulsion, and his murder was seen as a response to the targeted killing of Abu Ali Mustafa, the previous secretary-general of the PFLP, in his office in Ramallah.
A month later, four members from the PFLP’s armed wing, the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigade were arrested in Nablus by the PA’s General Intelligence Services and together with Saadat, were held in the Muqata compound in Ramallah.
 
The PA, contrary to the popular reaction from Palestinians, condemned the assassination and Jamil Rjoub, the former head of the West Bank Preventative Security Forces was the one who issued an ultimatum against Saadat to turn himself in or face arrest.
 
On 1 May 2002, Saadat and five other PFLP members were moved from Muqata to Jericho prison in a deal between Israel and the late president of the PA Yasser Arafat that ended the 33 day siege on Muqata.

Palestinians security forces, after being forced
to strip down to their underwear
by Israeli troops, sit captive in front of an army vehicle (AP).

Four years later, on 3 March 2006, the Israeli occupation army raided Jericho Prison, which under the façade of PA control was actually guarded by US and UK observers.
 
The time between Israel’s arrest and sentencing of Saadat, a total of two years, involved more than 30 court sessions, mostly held in Ofer prison on the outskirts of Ramallah.
These sessions allowed for only two members of the Saadat family to attend at a time, and Sumoud had to alternate with her two brothers, sister and mother to ensure that everyone got to see him. Sumoud got to visit her father four times.
“Inside the court room,” Sumoud recalls, “we weren’t allowed to speak to my father. We weren’t allowed to physically touch him, even for a handshake. We tried to communicate with facial expressions, that was it.”
Defining herself as the closest to her father, Sumoud attributes that to the fact that her father was missing from her life for her first two years, as he was behind bars. “He made an extra effort to get closer to me, since I kept rejecting him and referred to my uncle as my father.”
Saadat was sentenced on Christmas Day in 2008 to a life sentence of 30 years in prison. A few months later, there was an order of six months of solitary confinement against Saadat that was renewed every six months for three years before the May 14 agreement was signed.
Saadat refused to recognize the military court, which couldn’t charge him with anything concrete and relied only on circumstantial evidence. He was charged with being the head of the party that carried out the assassination of Zeevi as well as being responsible for actions that were carried out by various members of the PFLP, dating back to the 1980s.
Sumoud affirmed that her father would refuse to be released based on the “good intentions” of Israel, a provision that Israel uses to reward the PA for resuming negotiations, a term that has been synonymous with PA concessions. Saadat is adamant that the only way he will be released is through a prisoner exchange or an end to the occupation.
 
On 23 September 2011, Saadat went on a hunger strike for 23 days to protest against his solitary confinement. The hunger strike ended as a result of the brokered deal between Hamas and Israel that saw captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit of five years exchanged for 1027 Palestinian prisoners. Saadat remained in solitary confinement.
 
Since the capture of Shalit, Saadat’s name was among those put forward. As news of a possible prisoner exchange began to leak out, high profile members of Hamas, including Aziz Duweik and politburo Khaled Meshaal, personally assured the Saadat family that he was without a doubt among the prisoners returning home and not one of those sent to exile.
Rumors oscillated between the release of Saadat along with popular Fatah man Marwan Barghouti to their continued imprisonment. Nevertheless, when final confirmation of the list of prisoners due to be released in October was out, Sumoud and her siblings were shocked that their father’s name was not one of them.
“My father always told us to never get our hopes up so high, since the Israeli Prison Service are so unpredictable,” Sumoud said. “But it was still a huge shock for the family, especially after Hamas guaranteed us that he would be released.”
On April 17 this year, Saadat joined a mass hunger strike, which grew to involve approximately 2,500 prisoners out of the total 5,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. His health deteriorated rapidly, and he was transferred to the Ramleh prison hospital, where he was still kept in total isolation.
Former hunger striker Thaer Halahleh, who went 77 days without food and was also in the Ramleh prison hospital, relayed to Sumoud how even on the brink of death, Saadat was kept in a small cell all by himself, padded with some sort of nylon sheets that prevented him from catching any snippets of conversations from the other prisoners. The only time he saw the prisoners was during the night the agreement was signed on May 14, where he was brought out in a wheelchair.
After three years in isolation, Sadaat secured a major triumph and is now in Shatta prison, sharing a cell with other prisoners. Although his wife Abla and oldest son Ghassan were able to visit him after the hunger strike ended, his other children are still banned from doing so, on the pretext of being considered as “security threats” by the IPS.
 
Saleh Hammouri, the French Palestinian former prisoner who spent seven years in jail before being released in the second half of the deal’s implementation in December 2011, was in Hadarim prison with Saadat back in 2007.
 
“Once, the prison warden, who used to show up barely once a month, came in the morning and informed Saadat that he had a private visit from someone,” Hammouri recalls. “A private visit is a big deal, because it means that the visit is conducted without any physical barrier, and usually they are granted only in the most urgent cases or after dozens and dozens of applications.”
Saadat had asked the warden if the private visit was for all the prisoners. The warden replied that it was just for him.

“Saadat refused to go unless all the other prisoners got the same privilege,” Hammouri smiles. “The prison warden took that as a personal insult against him, and treated him, let’s say, less favorably from that day on.”

Lawyer Mahmoud Hassan acknowledges that the end of Saadat’s isolation is a victory, and is adamant that the release of all Palestinian prisoners is not an unattainable dream, as it is presented in international law.
The Fourth Geneva Convention forbids the forced transfer of persons from occupied land to the territory of the occupier. Therefore Israel using the excuse that it does not give permits to family members because they do not hold Israeli IDs is fallacious because it is primarily based on violating international law by transferring the prisoners in the first place.
“Israel from the very first day intended to use the prisoners as a pressure card for negotiations,” Hassan stated.
The most recent example is Netanyahu promising to release 125 prisoners incarcerated before the signing of the Oslo Accords and the establishment of the PA in 1993 if Abbas returns to the negotiating table, or conversely vowing not to release prisoners if the PA was to go the UN.

“If there was significant pressure from the Arab countries and the world in general,” Hassan continued, “the prisoners’ cause will end with the release of all prisoners, precisely because it is an international cause, as Israel is contravening the Geneva Conventions.”

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
 

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

War Memories I: Unreasonable Objectives, Reckless Strikes


Sara Taha Moughnieh
If we don’t want to go very far in history, to the beginning of the 1948 occupation, the transfer of the Palestinians, and the emergence of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the beginning of this millennium could be a good starting point to cover how the conflict unfolded.

The 2000 pullout of Israeli occupation forces from most Lebanese territories has fundamentally changed how the world understands Israel, and how Israel perceives itself; an entity beaten and humiliated by a group of Lebanese fighters. Rebuilding this broken image would, six years later, mean more massacres, more destruction, and ultimately another defeat.

In 2004, the Islamic resistance in Lebanon agreed to complete a prisoner exchange deal with the Israeli entity, through German mediation, on the basis of releasing all the Lebanese detainees in Israeli prisons, including Samir Kuntar, in exchange for an Israeli army colonel, Elhanan Tenenbaum, and the bodies of three Israeli soldiers captured during a bold and very complicated resistance operation.

“Bush Administration also Saw the Attack on Lebanon as a Demo for What It Could Expect to Face in Iran”

When the deal was finalized, Hezbollah announced its commitment to the agreement terms. However, Israel, as it’s always the case, was predetermined not to observe all the terms of the swap deal; they decided to keep senior prisoner Kuntar in Jail.

Israel’s decision gave Hezbollah every moral and legitimate justification it needed to capture more soldiers and exchange them for Kuntar.

Behind the scenes, Israel had other plans for Lebanon: Revenge for the 2000 humiliation.
Reports published in 2006 revealed that Israel had been preparing, with George W. Bush’s administration, a blitzkrieg on Lebanon; Hezbollah’s July 12 surprise operation had thwarted their scheme, deprived Israel of its surprise factor, and hastened the premeditated war, though in a an utterly chaotic manner.

Seymour Hersh reported in the New Yorker magazine in 2006 that “Israeli officials visited the White House earlier this summer to get a green light for an attack on Lebanon.

The Bush administration approved in part to remove Hezbollah as a deterrent to a potential US bombing of Iran. A government consultant said the Bush administration also saw the attack on Lebanon as a demo for what it could expect to face in Iran.”

When the Israeli soldiers were confirmed captured, Israel was compelled to react. However, its reaction was disproportionate. Hours after the capture operation, Israel’s then PM Ehud Olmert announced war on Lebanon and promised it would be very painful and far-reaching.

It waged an all-out offensive on Lebanon that lasted for 33 days. Israeli and Western media reports said that Israel had sought to end the war from the second week; however, it was pressured by Washington, some Lebanese sides, and many Arab rulers to continue until crushing Hezbollah once and for all.

Israel Was Going Crazy!

Olmert had set a list of goals and claimed that he would not end the war before achieving them.

He wanted to destroy Hezbollah’s military arsenal, crush the resistance, forcibly implement UN resolution 1559 (that stipulates disarming the resistance), demilitarize the South Litani River area, and change the political equation inside Lebanon by squashing the internal power of Hezbollah and supporting the position of the March 14 powers.
As days were passing by, Olmert’s list kept shrinking until it vanished. Israel lost the upper hand in the conflict and appealed to the international community to help put an end to the war.

“Israel” used up every kind of missiles it had, its stockpiles and its expired missiles flowed off, and the U.S. supply of arms from its base in Qatar was not enough.

This time war was not outside the boundaries of the Zionist entity; it was within. Galilee, Safad, Haifa, Khodeira, and many other occupied cities were being showered with resistance missiles. Tel Aviv itself was at stake.
The last days of war were the most severe. Israel’s bank of targets had depleted since the beginning of the war.

Washington and its Arab allies wanted Israel to continue; if we can’t crush Hezbollah let’s make the Lebanese themselves turn against it. Houses, schools, hospitals, mosques, churches, roads, bridges and approximately everything came under random fire.

Massacres were committed, and the scenes of dismembered and charred corpses of civilians filled the airwaves and the World Wide Web; babies, children, men and women whose images could never be forgotten.

Israel was going crazy. It goes without saying that this criminal entity was established on blood, corpses, and the sufferings of others. In the year 2000, this expansionist entity fell back and established the fact that the Middle East’s strongest army was not omnipotent. In 2006, Israel was again dealt a severe blow and again failed to protect its so called homeland security. Sometime later – as Zionist rabbis and researchers believe – Israel’s “Third Temple” will fall down and this entity as we know it now, will cease to exist.

Source: Al-Manar Website
13-07-2012 – 09:37 Last updated 13-07-2012 – 09:44

  • Round Up: Six Years on Divine Victory, Resistance Still Ready to Defend Lebanon

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian  
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this Blog!

Palestinian footballer freed after 92-day hunger strike

Palestinian football player Mahmoud Sarsak is greeted by supporters as he arrives in an ambulance at the al-Shifa hospital in Gaza City on 10 July 2012. (Photo: AFP – Mahmud Hams)
Published Tuesday, July 10, 2012

The longest Palestinian hunger striker in history was released from an Israeli jail on Tuesday following 92 days without food in protest at his detention.
Mahmoud Sarsak greeted family and well-wishers in Gaza after three years in Israeli custody without charges or trial.

During his hunger strike, the 25-year-old member of the Palestinian national soccer team shed nearly half his weight. He ended the fast last month as part of a deal for his release.

Sarsak is currently being treated at Shifa Hospital in Gaza, a spokesperson for the Palestinian prisoners’ rights group Addameer confirmed to Al-Akhbar.

Sarsak’s case received international attention with the world football body FIFA throwing its support behind the Palestinian player.

Three other Palestinians remain on hunger strike in Israeli jails, the most severe of whom is Akram Rikhawi, who has been refusing food since April 12

In a joint statement released last Thursday, Addameer and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel (PHR-Israel) warned that Rikhawi’s health was deteriorating rapidly.

The statement said a PHR-Israel doctor had discovered an “alarming deterioration of Akram’s asthma, which continues to be unstable,” adding that he believed “Akram has been given very high doses of
steroids as treatment, which can cause severe long-term and irreversible damage.”

Rikhawi is currently serving a nine-year sentence for supporting suicide bombers, a charge he allegedly confessed to after being tortured.

Addameer said during his interrogation Rikhawi had been stripped naked and put in a room with dogs to scare him into confession.

Over 2,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails went on a mass hunger strike earlier this year to protest Israel’s draconian administrative detention policy, as well as harsh conditions imposed on them during imprisonment.

The policy, dating back to the British mandate era, allows Israel to detain Palestinians indefinitely without charge or trial.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have condemned the policy as a violation of international humanitarian law.

The mass strike ended in May when Israel agreed to stop the practice of indefinite detention without charge.

But Israel breached that agreement the following month by renewing the detention of Hassan Safadi for another six months.

Safadi had previously been on a hunger strike for 71 days before renewing his campaign 20 days ago in protest at his continued detention.
(Al-Akhbar, AP)

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