SYRIAN ARMY LIBERATED 8 VILLAGES FROM ISIS IN EASTERN HOMS (MAPS)

South Front
26.09.2017

On Tuesday, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA), the National Defense Forces (NDF) and the Qalamoun Shield Forces (QSF) liberated 8 villages from ISIS in the eastern Homs countryside, inside the ISIS-held pocket north of the Homs-Palmyra highway.

Government troops liberated Rasm Naqa, Rasm Arnab, Jafiah, Rasm Rik, Ghuzaylah, Haba, Um Sous and Um Huwaysh.

Earlier the SAA, the NDF and the QSF took control of al-Safuaniah, al-Makrumiah, Rasm Swied, Tal Rajm al-Shara, Jurat NazalMasadah, Um Al-Rish and Rasm Al-Naqah.

This series of advances once again confirmed that government troops were adamant in their plan to liberate the entire area from ISIS despite a stiff resistance of the terrorist group.

SYRIAN GOVERNMENT FORCES EXPAND CONTROL OVER EASTERN BANK OF EUPHRATES (MAP)

Syrian government forces, assisted by the Russian military, have been expanding control over the eastern bank of the Euphrates River in the area of Deir Ezzor city.

The Syrian Arab Army (SAA) and the National Defense Forces (NDF) liberated Nashad village located north of Mazlum, on the road heading towards the border with Iraq. However, ISIS terrorists continued attacks against the SAA and the NDF in the area. The most fiercest clashes  were reported near Khusham.

Meanwhile, the Russian military established a 200-m long temprary bridge through the Euphrates River. The bridge allows to transfer cars, armoured vehicles and battle tanks from the western to the eastern bank and will play an important role in further government operations against ISIS east of Deir Ezzor.

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تركيا والخيارات الكبرى

تركيا والخيارات الكبرى

سبتمبر 26, 2017

ناصر قنديل

– إنْ كان يصحّ القول لأحد إنّ طابخ السمّ آكله، في ضوء ما جرى من مياه في طاحونة حروب المنطقة، فهذا الأحد هو القيادة التركية، التي لولاها بما تمتلك من مقدرات وما تحتلّ من جغرافيا وما ركب رأسها من أوهام وأحلام، لما كانت الحرب التي دارت في فلكها كلّ حروب المنطقة، وهي الحرب التي شنّت لإسقاط سورية وكان نظام أنقرة حجر الرحى في تمكينها من التحوّل من خطة إلى واقع. وها هو المسار الذي كانت فاتحته تعريض استقرار سورية ووحدتها وتماسكها للخطر، تبدو خاتمته بتعريض استقرار تركيا ووحدتها وتماسكها للخطر.

– لم يكن في حساب القيادة التركية، وعلى رأسها الرئيس التركي رجب أردوغان، أنّ الفشل سيكون من نصيب الحرب على سورية، ولا أنّ إيران وروسيا ستحاصرانه حتى التراجع والفشل، ولا أنّ واشنطن عندما تفشل ستنتقل لخطة بديلة عنوانها خصوصية كردية على حساب تركيا، ولا أنّ الحرب على داعش والنصرة ستفرض عليه الشراكة فيهما، بعدما شارك بالرعاية والعناية والوصاية، لكن الأخطر الذي لم يخطر على بال أردوغان وقيادته السياسية والأمنية أنّ مَنْ ترعرع بسرقة مال النفط العراقي ونهبه بالتعاون مع مافيات حاكمة في تركيا سينقلب للانفصال فاتحاً طريق تفكك تركيا، بدعم أميركي «إسرائيلي»، مراهناً أنّ الرشى المالية التي ينالها المقرّبون من عائدات النفط المنهوب ستحمي قرار الانفصال. لكن كلّ ذلك حصل وها هي تركيا تحصد ناتج العبث بمستقبل سورية، ووحدتها واستقرارها، تهديداً لمستقبل تركيا ووحدتها واستقرارها.

– خلال سنوات مضت تصرّفت أنقرة على قاعدة أنّ أربيل أقرب لها من بغداد، وأنّ أربيل حليف موثوق وطهران خصم موصوف. وها هي تكتشف أنّ هذه القواعد تسقط دفعة واحدة، وشاركت أنقرة باللعب على أوتار الفتنة المذهبية مع السعودية وقطر، أملاً بأن تكون زعامة العالم الإسلامي من باب هذه اللعبة. وها هي تجد نفسها شريكاً في صناعة مناخ عراقي وإقليمي يتوحّد فيه الشيعة والسنة. فمن جهة عرب العراق في ضفة واحدة فوق التقسيمات المذهبية والسياسية وكلّ الاشتغال على قسمتهم يسقط بسبب اللعبة الجديدة واستشعار الخطر. وإقليمياً يبدو الأتراك والإيرانيون بما يمثلان مذهبياً كقطبين، في مركب واحد، وتوحيد المناخ العربي الشعبي والمناخ الإسلامي الشعبي ما كان ليكون لولا هذه المخاطرة التي انتدب الأميركيون و«الإسرائيليون» مسعود البرزاني وقيادته للقيام بها بوهم المكاسب وانتهاز اللحظة. وهذا إنْ دلّ على شيء فعلى حجم المأزق الأميركي، حيث كلّ خطوة تبدو دفعاً إلى الأمام تظهر كلفتها أعلى من عائداتها المتوقعة.

– في الواقع إيران وسورية والمقاومة بمنأى عن الحاجة للخوض مباشرة في ملف انفصال كردستان العراق، وقرار منع أيّ صيغة انفصالية لأكراد سورية سابق لخطوة البرزاني، وما ترتّب على هذه الخطوة منح المشروعية الإضافية لكلّ ردع لمشاريع انفصال كردية هجينة بلا أفق قد تشهدها سورية، وسيكون كافياً ما ستجده تركيا قدراً ينتظرها ومعها الحكومة العراقية، وكلتاهما في خانة حلفاء بدرجة أو بأخرى لواشنطن، كما البرزاني، ولو كانت الحكومتان على صلة تزيد وتنقص بمحور المقاومة، فالمعركة الفعلية ستبقى في بيت متعب للأميركيين يصعب فيه الخيار الواضح والمعلن، حيث الخسائر أيضاً والأكلاف، أكبر من الأرباح المتوقعة، بينما سيكون سهلاً على محور المقاومة المجاهرة بخياراته من جهة، وتبريد جبهاته من جهة أخرى، لأنّ هناك مَن سيتولاها مضطراً بقوة الضرورة والقدر، ولن يكون لـ»إسرائيل» أن تفرح بجذب مصادر القوة إلى جبهة أخرى بعيداً عنها لترتاح ويهدأ قلقها من الغد المرعب.

– سياق التطورات المتراكم منذ معركة حلب، كما سياق السلوك الأميركي الأرعن والسطحي والمتسرّع، يقولان إنّ تركيا تجد نفسها شيئاً فشيئاً في حضن روسي إيراني، وإنّ عليها التموضع بوضوح متزايد ضمن هذا الثنائي، وإنّ الخطوة الأولى الحاسمة هي بما تجده أنقرة قدرها بالخصومة مع أربيل والتعاون مع بغداد، عكس ما كان طوال سنوات، وما سيليه سيكون موضوعه سورية بالتراجع الذي يتفاداه أردوغان منذ زمن والإقرار أنّ الأمن القومي التركي يبدأ بالاعتراف بأن لا شرعية لدور في سورية بلا رضا الحكومة السورية والرئيس السوري والجيش السوري، وأنّ اطمئنان تركيا لحدودها الجنوبية لن يحققه العبث التركي في الجغرافيا السورية، بل الاستثمار على مشروع الدولة السورية، وبدايته الإقرار بأنّ الانسحاب العسكري من الأراضي السورية لحساب الجيش السوري أولى علامات التعاون في ضمان الأمن المتبادل عبر الحدود، وأنّ شرعية الدور تمنحها شرعية الدولة المعنية المقابلة وشرعية رئيسها. وكلّ كلام آخر هراء.

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كردستان مستقلة فلماذا الاستفتاء؟

كردستان مستقلة فلماذا الاستفتاء؟

سبتمبر 25, 2017

ناصر قنديل

– يكفي مجرد التدقيق بالمفردات الواقعية لحياة إقليم كردستان لاكتشاف أنّ الاستقلال الذي يعيش الإقليم في ظله هو سقف ما تعنيه كلمة استقلال، كموضوع مطروح على الاستفتاء. والباقي من مفردات الاستقلال والقصد فك التشابك مع الحكومة المركزية في العراق، يشبه ما يطال انفصال بريطانيا عن الاتحاد الأوروبي، ولا يمكن حلّه بغير التراضي. وبالتأكيد بريطانيا لم تستفت شعبها على الاستقلال بل على فكّ التشابك مع الاتحاد الأوروبي والخروج من الصيغة الاتحادية، وكان أوْلى بقيادة كردستان أن تكون صادقة وواضحة بما تعنيه بالاستفتاء، لهذه الناحية، وتضع أمام شعبها بشفافية ميزان الأرباح والخسائر، وأن لا تقدّم إلا بالتوافق على الاستفتاء طلباً لتفويضها التفاوض لفكّ التشابك بعدها، وأن يكون ضمن التوافق حكماً حلّ رضائي لوضع المناطق المتنازع عليها، لا بلطجة كما يحدث الآن.

– كردستان مستقلة، هذه حقيقة ساطعة، فلها برلمانها وحكومتها وجيشها، ودبلوماسيتها، وأمنها، وتسيطر على موارد النفط في مناطق سيطرتها كاملة من دون أن تمنح الحكومة المركزية شيئاً منها، وتستولي على عائدات الجمارك على الحدود الخاصة بالعراق الواقعة تحت سيطرتها، ولا يدخل الجيش العراقي مناطق سيطرتها، وإنْ احتاج لضرورات القتال ضدّ داعش ينال إذناً محدوداً بالزمان والمكان، فعلى أيّ استقلال يستفتون، وعلاقة كردستان بالعراق كعلاقة أيّ دولة أوروربية بالاتحاد الأوروبي؟ فهل فرنسا واسبانيا تطلبان الاستقلال، أما التشبيه بنماذج كاتالونيا مع اسبانيا وسكوتلندا مع بريطانيا تزوير للتاريخ والجغرافيا والقانون والسياسة؟

– حتى الصيغة الاتحادية القائمة هي كذبة كاملة، فكردستان تنال ميزات الصيغة الاتحادية وميزات الاستقلال معاً، تمنح الحكومة العراقية فرصة ادّعاء عراق موحّد، مقابل التنازل واقعياً عن حقوق الدولة الاتحادية، من التنازل عن نشر الجيش على الحدود إلى التنازل عن استيفاء عائدات النفط أو نسبة منها، ومعها التنازل عن كلّ صلاحيات البرلمان العراقي والحكومة العراقية لحساب الحكومة الإقليمية والبرلمان الإقليمي للتشريع وممارسة السلطة بكلّ أبعادها وعائداتها، فبغداد شريك الغرم وأربيل شريك الغُنم بضمّ الـ غ .

– السؤال عن سبب السير بالاستفتاء ضروري هنا، والجواب هو بالخدعة التي يريد مسعود البرزاني تمريرها عبر فرض أمر واقع بحسم مصير المناطق المتنازع عليها، خصوصاً كركوك بضمّها للاستفتاء وهي مصادر الثروة. وهذه هي الفرصة المناسبة في ذروة الانشغال العراقي بالحرب على داعش، مستغلاً سيطرة البشمركة عليها عملياً، ومع كلّ ذلك طيّ صفحة مئتي مليار دولار هي فوائض عائدات بيع النفط طوال سنوات تزيد عن العشر تقاضاها البرزاني، لم تدخل لا في موازنة العراق ولا في موازنة إقليم كردستان، وفي المقابل يمنح البرزاني في توقيت حرج، الأميركيين و«الإسرائيليين» منصة سياسية لابتزاز قوى المنطقة، والدخول على خط رسم خرائط جديدة. بقوة هذا الابتزاز يكون أمن «إسرائيل» في رأس جدول الأعمال، بعدما فقدت ورقة داعش فعاليتها، والصفقة ثلاثية للبرزاني المال وللأميركي الابتزاز التفاوضي ولـ«الإسرائيلي» الإشغال والاستنزاف لمحور المقاومة، ولكن لشعب كردستان الكارثة.

– لم تُصَب ولن تُصاب قوى المقاومة بالذعر، ولو أنها تصرّ على التحدّث بعقلانية مع أكراد المنطقة كجزء من مكوّناتها، من موقع الحرص على عدم منح الأميركيين و«الإسرائيليين» فرص العبث بنسيج شعوب المنطقة، لكن التحسّب كان دائماً للعب هذه الورقة. وهذا ما يفسّر التعامل مع الأتراك بطريقة فيها الشدّ والجذب والمرونة والفرص، فتركيا تواجه خطراً وجودياً عبر قيام دولة كردية، وستكون عنوان المواجهة مع الانفصال الكردي، وستلجأ إلى حلف الأطلسي طلباً لموقف من تهديد يطال أحد أعضاء الحلف، وستتخذ الإجراءات التي تسبّب حصاراً اقتصادياً يُنهي ظاهرة صعود أربيل وازدهارها، ويتوقف تدفق النفط، ويشحّ المال، وتقفل الأجواء بوجه الطائرات، وتُغلق الحدود وتتوقف المتاجرة، وإنْ تمّت مناوشة تكون تركية كردية، ويكتشف الأميركي أنه أراد حلّ مأزق فصنع مأزقاً أكبر بين حليفين، وأنّ قوى المقاومة الحية والفاعلة لم ولن يصرفها شيء عن التحدي «الإسرائيلي». لكن ما سيكتشفه قادة كردستان بعد مقامرتهم الفاشلة، أنّ العودة للصيغة الاتحادية قد لا تكون متاحة بعد الفشل. وإنْ بقيت متاحة فسيكون تطبيقها صارماً بلا دلال ولا دلع وحساب بمفعول رجعي عن أموال النفط التي نُهبت.

– أما في سورية فلا تهاون مع أيّ محاولة انفصال، هذا ما تقوله الأيام القريبة المقبلة بالحديد والنار، وسيقرأه الأميركيون بالوقائع ويقفون مذهولين يبتلعون لعاب عجزهم.

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The Kurds that have signed up to Daesh

The Kurds that have signed up to Daesh

The Western Press is presenting Daesh as a racist organization that would be fighting Kurds simply because they are Kurds. Baloney: there are Kurdish units within Daesh.

Abu al-Hadi al-Iraqi was the Kurdish leader in Al-Qaeda. During the CIA’s Operation Cyclone against the Soviets, he led Al-Quaeda’s “Kurdish camp”. After the US invasion, he managed the Ashara guest house in Kabul, as al Quaeda’s number three man. Now he is being detained in Guantanamo.

In November 2016, the Islamic Emirate in Iraq (from which would germinate Daesh) released a video entitled “Message to Kurds and the Martyr Operation”. The organization was calling Kurds to join it.

The most famous Kurdish member of Daesh is Mullah Krekar (photo). He is the Emir of the Salafist group, Ansar al-Islam fi Kurdistan. He is a political refugee in Norway. He was imprisoned there on two occasions for praising terrorism. However, in the period that he was officially imprisoned, he climbed on board a special Nato plane to participate in a meeting on 1 June 2014, in Amman. The agenda for this meeting: planning Daesh’s invasion of Iraq [1]. When he returned to his prison life in Norway, he announced his allegiance to the Islamic State. Now he lives in Oslo, a free man.

Translation
Anoosha Boralessa

Kurdish PKK and YPG’s Hidden Notorious Crimes

Kurdish PKK and YPG’s Hidden Notorious Crimes

By Sarah Abed | American Herald Tribune | September 25, 2107

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, and its Syrian spinoff, the YPG, are cult-like radical movements that intertwine Marxism, feminism, Leninism and Kurdish nationalism into a hodge-podge of ideology, drawing members through the extensive use of propaganda that appeals to these modes of thought.

*(PKK Propaganda. Image Credit)

Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the PKK, took inspiration from American anarchist Murray Bookchin in creating his philosophy, which he calls “Democratic Confederalism.”

The PKK spin-off group YPG represents most of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Syria. With Western political support, they have gained popularity and garnered an impressive amount of support from anarchists and military veterans in the West, some of whom have left the comfort of their home countries to fight with the group.

One of their most productive marketing tools has been to use young, attractive female fighters as the face of the guerrillas. During their fight against Daesh, the PKK has saturated the media with images of these young female “freedom fighters,” using them as a marketing tool to take their cause from obscurity to fame. These female fighters in the YPJ are fighting alongside their male counterparts under the direction of the U.S in the SDF.

Stephen Gowans writes more about this topic in his superb article titled: The Myth of the Kurdish YPG’s Moral Excellence.  Here is an excerpt:

In Syria, the PKK’s goal “is to establish a self-ruled region in northern Syria,” [8] an area with a significant Arab population.

When PKK fighters cross the border into Turkey, they become ‘terrorists’, according to the United States and European Union, but when they cross back into Syria they are miraculously transformed into ‘guerrilla” fighters waging a war for democracy as the principal component of the Syrian Democratic Force. The reality is, however, that whether on the Turkish or Syrian side of the border, the PKK uses the same methods, pursues the same goals, and relies largely on the same personnel. The YPG is the PKK.

Child Soldiers forced recruitment, kidnapping, and murder by the PKK and YPG

*(Young YPJ Kurdish fighter. Image Credit)

Within the past few years Kurds have gone from almost total obscurity to front page news. What doesn’t get reported however is how these terrorist groups under the guise of being a revolutionary movement for independence have carried out numerous atrocities including kidnappings and murder – not to mention their involvement in trafficking narcotics.

Kurdish families are demanding that the PKK stop kidnapping minors. It started on April 23, the day Turkey marked its 91st National Sovereignty and Children’s Day. While children celebrated the holiday in western Turkey, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) kidnapped 25 students between the ages of 14 and 16 on the east side of the country, in the Lice district of Diyarbakir.

Although the PKK has kidnapped more than 330 minors in the last six months, the Bockum family was the first in the region who put up a tent near their home to start a sit-in protest, challenging the PKK and demanding that it return their son. Sinan was returned to the family on May 4. Al-Monitor reported this incident from the beginning in great detail.

As Bebyin Somuk reported in her article, the PKK and PYD still kidnap children in Turkey and Syria. She states: “As I previously wrote for Kebab and Camel, the PKK commits war crimes by recruiting children as soldiers. Some of the PKK militants that surrendered yesterday were also the PKK’s child soldiers. The photos clearly show that these children are not more than sixteen years old. The Turkish army released video of the 25 PKK militants surrendering in Nusaybin.”

Thousands of children are serving as soldiers in armed conflicts around the world. In 1989, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38, proclaimed: “State parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that persons who have not attained the age of 15 years do not take a direct part in hostilities.” Since then, UNICEF and the UN Security Council took steps to end the recruitment of children in conflict and war.

(Young Kurdish fighters. Image Credit)

The PKK, recognized as a terrorist organization by the U.S. , E.U. , and Turkey

The PKK often recruits children. In the past, the PKK even recruited children as young as 7-12 years. In 2010, a Danish national daily newspaper, Berlingske Tidende, published a story about the PKK’s child soldiers. According to that report, there were around 3,000 young militants in the PKK’s training camps. The youngest child at the PKK training camps was eight or nine years old. They were taught Abdullah Öcalan’s life story (the jailed leader of the PKK) and how to use weapons and explosives.

*(Martyrdom notice for a PYD/YPG child soldier Image Credit)

Despite the Deed of Commitment, the PKK continues to recruit minors. 

After that story was published, the PKK encountered strong reactions from human rights organizations worldwide. The same year, UNICEF released a statement voicing its “profound concern” about the PKK’s recruitment of child soldiers. In October 2013, the PKK, represented by HPG (the PKK’s military wing) commander Ms. Delal Amed, signed the Deed of Commitment protecting children in armed conflict. This document, drawn up by the Geneva Call NGO, is dedicated to promoting respect by armed non-state actors for international humanitarian norms in armed conflict. Despite this commitment, the PKK continued to recruit minors.

The People’s Defence Forces is the military wing of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. Image Credit

The PKK abducted children while the peace process was continuing

On March 21, 2013, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan called for a cease-fire that included the PKK’s withdrawal from Turkish soil and an eventual end to armed struggle. The PKK announced that they would obey, stating that 2013 would be the year of conclusion, either through war or through peace. But that did not happen. Instead, the PKK abducted 2,052 children aged between 12 and 17 while the peace process was still going on, according to Turkish security records. The PKK took these children and trained them. After that, because those childrenwere not involved in any criminal activities, when they were captured by, or surrendered to, Turkish security forces, Turkish courts did not prosecute them, so most of them were released. It was the Turkish state’s goodwill gesture for the sake of the peace process.

However, once released, most of these children joined the YDG-H, the PKK’s new youth wing, and began to perpetrate illegal and/or violent events in Kurdish populated cities and towns. The YDG-H began to emerge in early 2013 and spread rapidly after the peace process’ beginning. Then, after the 7 June 2015 election, the YDG-H began to attack security forces and civilians in cities and towns such as Cizre, or in Diyarbakır’s Sur neighborhood, with heavy weapons, and to dig trenches and erect barricades in side streets.

*(YDG H. Image Credit)

A growing number of Kurdish families in Turkey are calling for the return of their children, who they say have been abducted by the Kurdish rebel group, the PKK. The PKK denies the claim, but with the Turkish prime minister stepping in, the issue is putting pressure on an already stalled peace process. Dorian Jones reports from Diyarbakir, the main city in Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish southeast.

The HDP assaulted the mothers demanding their children

In May 2014, mothers from across Turkey whose children had been recruited by the PKK held a sit-in protest in front of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality building and called on the PKK to release their children. Their children were mostly 14-15 years old at that time. Some families claimed that their sons and daughters were kidnapped by the PKK against their will. The Diyarbakır Municipality, administered by the HDP, used water cannon to disperse the mothers. HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş even claimed that these mothers were hired by the Turkish National Intelligence Organization. Despite the resistance coming from the PKK and the HDP, the families continued their protest, and some families’ children were released by the PKK.

The PKK established a child-wing called YPS-Zarok

Another photo from the Yüksekova district shows the child-wing recently established by the PKK called YPS-Zarok (Child) with the headline “YPS-Zarok announcement from the children of the resistance.” The PYD, the PKK’s Syria branch, is also known for its recruitment of child soldiers.

*(YPS. Image Credit)

U.S.’s “reliable partner” the YPG also recruits children

A Human Rights Watch report, “Syria: Kurdish Forces Violating Child Soldier Ban” provides a list of 59 children, ten of them under the age of fifteen, recruited for YPG or YPJ forces since July 2014. International humanitarian law and the Rome Statute that set up the International Criminal Court classify the recruitment of under-15-year-olds as a war crime. While the Obama Administration does not recognize the YPG as a terrorist organization, and supports them as a local partner in the region, the YPG continues to recruit child soldiers.

It’s clear that the U.S. sees the PYD as a “reliable partner” in the fight against ISIS. However, the Obama Administration should notice the fact that the PYD is not an independent organization. It is linked to the PKK and recruiting minors under 18. The decision to found the PYD was made in 2002 during a PKK congress in Qandil. The PYD also has a bylaw stating that “Abdullah Öcalan is the leader of the PYD.”US Special Forces Delta Force, training PYD (Image Credit)

In summary, the YPG is the Syrian wing of the PKK, and recruits children just like the PKK. Regardless of what acronym they go by, whether it be the YPG, PKK, PYD, YPJ or any of the other alphabet soup combinations, they commit crimes against civilians in both Syria and Turkey all with the arms, funds, and training received from the United States.

Female PKK Killing Turkish Soldiers

SouthFront reported on female PKK fighters who have killed Turkish soldiers. “The women fighters command of the Kurdistan Worker Party (PKK) have released a statement, claiming PKK female fighters killed 160 Turkish military servicemen in 2016. According to the statement, the women fighters command of the PKK carried out 115 operations against Turkish government forces in 2016. The group also vowed to ‘proceed the struggle during the new year for a life of freedom and until victory is achieved.’”

*(Hundreds of people protest against the PKK in Istanbul on 7 September after the PKK killed 16 soldiers and wounded six others in Daglica, Turkey. Image Credit)

The PKK is also killing Kurds under the guise of protecting their rights

“Senior PKK leader Cemil Bayık, in an interview with the Fırat News Agency (ANF) on Aug. 8, said, ‘Our war will not be confined to the mountains like it was before. It will be spread everywhere without making a distinction between mountains, plains or cities. It will spread to the metropolises.’ Terrorist Bayık’s statement signaled that the PKK would take increasing aim against civilians, targeting civilian areas more than ever. And it is happening.

 Since July 15, the day when the Gülenist terror cult, FETÖ, launched its failed military coup attempt to topple the democratically-elected government, the PKK perpetrated dozens of terrorist attacks, killing 21 civilians and injuring 319 others – most of them Kurdish citizens.”

According to The Washington Institute:

On November 18, FBI Director Robert Mueller met with senior Turkish officials to address U.S.-Turkish efforts targeting the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), also known as Kongra-Gel. A press release from the U.S. embassy in Ankara following the meeting stressed that U.S. officials ‘strongly support Turkey’s efforts against the PKK terrorist organization’ and highlighted the two countries’ long history of working together in the fight against terrorism and transnational organized crime.

The PKK: Terrorist Organization and Foreign Narcotics Trafficker 

These discussions are timely. Despite Ankara’s recent bid to alleviate the Kurdish issue — a bid referred to as the ‘democratic opening’ — the PKK is one of a growing number of terrorist organizations with significant stakes in the international drug trade.

In October, the U.S. Treasury Department added three PKK/Kongra-Gel senior leaders to its list of foreign narcotics traffickers. The PKK, along with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), is one of only a few organizations worldwide designated by the U.S. government as both a terrorist organization and a significant foreign narcotics trafficker.” Drug smuggling is reported to be the main financial source of PKK terrorism, according to the organization International Strategic Research, whose detailed report can be seen here.

Western Veterans Blindly Supporting Kurdish Independence 

Their exaggerated triumphs against Daesh have helped them evolve from a radical militia to an alleged regional power player. Have they been successful in fighting against Daesh in Syria? Yes – but while the Syrian Arab Army has been more effective, it does not receive a fraction of the praise or recognition that the PKK does.

Pato Rincon, a U.S. military veteran, recently wrote about his experience training with the YPG in Syria.

Although initially interested in their desire for autonomy, he soon got to know a different side of the group.

An Exclusive Eyewitness Account of an American who Trained with the Kurdish Syrian Rebels

Getting retired from the United States Marine Corps at age 23 with zero deployments under my belt was a huge blow to what I figured to be my destiny on this planet. That “retirement” came in 2010 after three years on convalescent leave, recovering from a traumatic brain injury sustained stateside. I got my chance to vindicate myself in 2015 by volunteering to fight in Syria with the Kurdish Yeni Parastina Gel (YPG), or the “People’s Protection Units” in Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish language).

The YPG is the military apparatus of the Partiya Yekitiya Democrat (PYD), the Democratic Union Party, and one of the main forces of the Syrian Democratic Forces fighting ISIS and Bashar al-Assad’s regime. While they are a direct ideological descendant of the Soviet Union, their take on Marxism has a much more nationalistic bent than that of their internationalist forebears. At their training camp that I attended, they constantly spoke of their right to a free and autonomous homeland–which I could support. On the other hand, they ludicrously claimed that all surrounding cultures from Arab to Turk to Persian descended from Kurdish culture. One should find this odd, considering that the Kurds have never had such autonomy as that which they struggle for. All of this puffed up nationalism masquerading as internationalism was easy to see through.

The Westerners were treated with respect by the “commanders” (they eschewed proper rank and billet, how bourgeoise!), but the rank and file YPGniks were more interested in what we could do for them and what they could steal from us (luckily, my luggage was still in storage at the Sulaymaniyah International Airport in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq). By “steal from us,” I mean they would walk up to a Westerner/American and grab their cap, glasses, scarf and whatever else they wanted and ask “Hevalti?” which is Kurmanji for “Comraderie?” and if you “agreed” or stalled (a non-verbal agreement) then they would take your gear and clothing. “Do not get your shit hevalti-ed,” the saying went.

Not only was their idea of Marxism fatuous, their version of feminism was even worse. We had to take mandatory “Female World History” classes in which some putrid fourth or even fifth wave feminist propaganda was espoused. Early on in my brief stay with this “military unit”, I was told not to ever brush my teeth in front of a woman as that might “sexualize” her… … something to do with preparing one’s self for sex or something.

They insisted that we chicken-wing our elbows while sighting in on targets–the same targets that were fired on by everybody in the class, thus making an assessment of individual strengths and weaknesses rather impossible. This was on the ONE day that we went to the range–one day with the AK-47 out of about a month of training. Another day was Some of these guys were straight from civilian life, with only their blood composition to act as a reason for them to be there. Little boys and little girls as young as 13 or 14 were there–reason enough for me to leave.

During one long “Female World History” class, we were taught that if a man had a Dragonov (sniper rifle) and he was elevated from his female comrade’s position and she had a Bixie, they the male in the scenario should not cover his female comrade, but instead should find something else to do lest she lose self esteem, not feeling capable of carrying out the task by herself.

When a student from Kentucky asked, “What if the situation is reversed–can a woman cover a man?” the female instructor smiled and said, “Yes, that’s okay.” I didn’t end up firing a shot in combat for the YPG. After seeing their half-baked ideology, poor level of training, and the child soldiers, I had had enough. They were nice enough to arrange for me to go back to Iraq where I could catch a ride to Turkey.

*(Pat Rincon with YPG fighters in Syria. Image Credit)

Accounts such as this will certainly not make it to mainstream media, as they do not fit the narrative that the Kurds and their sponsors promote.

In another example of Western support for the YPG, Joe Robinson, an ex-soldier and UK national, recently returned to the UK after spending five months in Syria fighting with the group. He was detained and arrested by Greater Manchester Police officers on suspicion of terrorism offenses as soon as he returned. He joined the British military when he was 18 and toured Afghanistan with the Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment in 2012.

*(Joseph A. R. (right) in a military outfit with flag patches of Kurdistan and the UK, while men who appear to be Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga forces are seen in the background in this undated social media picture. Picture Credit).

He left the UK when an arrest warrant was issued after he failed to appear in court. Robinson is pictured here in Syria with YPG fighters.

Robinson, at left, holding his weapon while fellow YPG comrades hold Daesh flag.  The writing on the wall speaks volumes about the relationship between Israel, the Kurds and the US.

During a trip to Turkey Joe Robinson was arrested for having been part of the YPG.

*(Turkish police arrested Joesph A.R. (center) along with two Bulgarian women in the city of Aydin, July 28, 2017. Photo Credit)

“I received arms training from the YPG [People’s Protection Units] for three months but never engaged in combat,” said the foreign fighter during an interrogation.

The information contained in this article serves the purpose of balancing all of the propaganda and romanticization that these Kurdish terrorist groups have received in mainstream media. The bottom line is they are armed, dangerous, and committing crimes with international support.  Support for these terrorist groups needs to end immediately before further division, chaos and death spreads in the region

SYRIAN WAR REPORT – SEPTEMBER 25, 2017: US-RUSSIAN TENSIONS GROW IN DEIR EZZOR PROVINCE

South Front

An ISIS shelling has killed Russia’s Lieutenant general Valery Asapov near Deir Ezzor city, the Russian Defense Ministry said on Sunday. The general died after sustaining a “fatal injury” in the shelling. The incident took place when Asapov was at a command outpost manned by Syrian troops, assisting commanders in the liberation of Deir Ezzor.

According to the Russian media, Asapov was a commander of Russian task forces in Deir Ezzor and Raqqah provinces.

At the same day, CNN announced citing a US official that US forces in Syria have increased surveillance of Russian troop locations. The report boosted the rumors that ISIS could receive a location of the Russian-Syrian command post from the US-led coalition.

The Russian Defense Ministry also released photos showing US Special Operations Forces deployed in stronghold in the ISIS-held area near Dier Ezzor with no screening patrols.

“The shots clearly show the US SOF units located at strongholds that had been equipped by the ISIS terrorists. Though there is no evidence of assault, struggle or any US-led coalition airstrikes to drive out the militants.

Despite that the US strongholds being located in the ISIS areas, no screening patrol has been organized at them. This suggests that the US troops feel safe in terrorist controlled regions,” the statement said.

Russia will likely react to the recent developments in Deir Ezzor with increased bombing campaign with possible usage of Kalibr cruise missiles against ISIS targets.

Photos and videos appearing online show increased deployment of government troops as well as equipment, including battle tanks, PMM-2M self-propelled ferries and BMK-MO boats, to Deir Ezzor ahead of further operations.

Last weekend, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) and its allies made a large progress northwest of Deir Ezzor, retaking the key town of Maadan and the nearby areas from ISIS. At the same, time, government troops were not able to develop momentum on the east bank of the Euphrates because of a fierce ISIS resistance there.

In turn, the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) consolidated their gains over Ibsah and Taibah fields and pushed towards Jafra fields. The SDF also launched a storm of the al-Suwar town.

 

US Double-Dealing Policy Is To Blame For Death Of Russia’s General In Syria – Russian Foreign Ministry

US Double-Dealing Policy Is To Blame For Death Of Russia's General In Syria - Russian Foreign Ministry

Lieutenant General Valery Asapov

The death of Russia’s Lieutenant General Valery Asapov is a direct result of the US two-faced policy in Syria, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said on Monday.

“The tragedy that we witnessed, the death of a Russian commander, is the price paid in blood for this double-dealing in the US’ policy [in the war on terror],” Ryabkov said according to the Russian state-run news agency TASS.

Asapov was killed in an ISIS mortar shelling near the city of Deir Ezzor on Sunday. He reportedly was a commander of Russian special task forces in the provinces of Deir Ezzor and Raqqah.

At the same day, the Russian Defense Ministry released a series of photos showing US Special Operations Forces strong points located in the ISIS-held area.

“The shots clearly show the US SOF units located at strongholds that had been equipped by the ISIS terrorists. Though there is no evidence of assault, struggle or any US-led coalition airstrikes to drive out the militants,” the minsitry said commenting the released photos.

On Monday, the ministry added that no fighting was observed between US-backed forces and ISIS north of Deir Ezzor city. Meanwhile, the US-backed Syrian Demorcatic Forces (SDF) accused Russia of striking its positions in this area. Russia rejected these claims.

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ماكرون وترامب: تقاسم أدوار أم بدء استقلال؟

ماكرون وترامب: تقاسم أدوار أم بدء استقلال؟

سبتمبر 21, 2017

ناصر قنديل

– تسنّى لمن تابع كلمات الرؤساء والقادة الذين تناوبوا على منبر نيويورك، التمييز بقوة بين خطاب كلّ من الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب وخطاب الرئيس الفرنسي إيمانويل ماكرون، فيما تمايزت التصريحات اللاحقة للرئيسين لتناولها ملفات لم تتضمّنها كلمتاهما. وفي الخلاصة بدا للكثيرين ترامب بشخصية رجل الكراهية والتصعيد والتلويح بالحروب والخروج من التفاهمات، حتى لو أدّى التدقيق بكلامه أنه فاقد الحيلة لترجمة هذه التهديدات فبقيت كلاماً تهجمياً عدائياً دون تذييلها بتهديد واضح إلا مشفوعاً بمعادلة في حال تعرّضنا للخطر، بينما برز ماكرون كرجل تسويات، يدعو لحوار سياسي حول الأزمة الكورية ويحذّر من العبث بالتفاهم حول الملف النووي مع إيران، بصورة تخطّت التمايز عن ترامب إلى حدّ تولي الردّ عليه عملياً، حتى بدا أنّ خطاب ماكرون مخصّص للردّ على ترامب.

– تقدّم ماكرون خطوة ثانية في سياق صناعة التسويات بحديثه عن الدعوة والعمل لمجموعة اتصال حول سورية، وبتركيزه على الحاجة للتعاون مع روسيا في حلّ الأزمات كلّها، ولم يخف لا الحرص على تقدّم العلاقات مع إيران، ولا التشارك مع تركيا في مواجهة الاستفتاء على الانفصال الذي دعت إليه رئاسة إقليم كردستان في العراق، ما وضع كلام ماكرون في دائرة بلورة استراتيجية دبلوماسية فرنسية متكاملة، لم تتجاهل القضية الفلسطينية ومساعي الحلّ على أساس الدولتين، كما فعل ترامب، ولم تقف عند حدود الخطاب التقليدي لفرنسا وأميركا من سورية ورئيسها، بل أضافت، بالنهاية مستقبل الرئاسة السورية يقرّره السوريون، والرئيس السوري يقاتل الإرهابيين وليس الفرنسيين.

– بالنسبة لبعض المراقبين للسياسة الفرنسية ثمة استحالة لانفراد فرنسا عن أميركا في السياسة الخارجية، بالتالي يمكن تفسير التمايز والتباين بتفاوت الظروف والخصوصيات، تحت سقف واحد، فلغة ترامب التصعيدية تخدمه في وضعه الداخلي الحرج بتقديم صورة الرئيس القوي التي يحرص عليها، لكنه لا يملك أيّ خريطة طريق للسير بالتصعيد. وهذا واضح من مضمون خطابه، ويعلم كما تعلم إدارته أنّ التسويات قدر لا مفرّ منه، لذلك لا شيء يمنع أن تتولى فرنسا التي تستفيد من خطاب التسويات، وترتبط مصالحها بصورة عضوية بمنطقة النزاعات القريبة منها، وأن تكون جسر التفاهمات حتى مع روسيا، وقضية أوكرانيا همّ فرنسي ألماني أميركي مشترك، وهذا الدور الفرنسي يمنح واشنطن فرص تفاوضية أفضل بصفتها طرفاً لا وسيطاً، سواء مع روسيا أو إيران أو كوريا، ولا مانع من دخول فرنسا على خط تحسين العلاقة بتركيا ورسم المشتركات معها ولو تحت سقف تعاون تركي مع روسيا وإيران، طالما أن لا تسويات في نهاية المطاف بدون أميركا.

– مقاربة أخرى تطرح نفسها بقوة، وقوامها أنّ الأمور لا تسير بهذه الطريقة بين الدول، مهما بلغ التحالف بينها من مرتبة، ففرنسا تعبّر عن مصالحها وخطابها، وواشنطن تائهة بلا خيارات، وأسيرة خطاب خشبي عاجز عن تقديم بدائل. وهذا يعني أنّ باريس رسمت سياستها وهي تأخذ بالاعتبار أهمية أميركا، لكنها تنتبه لضياعها السياسي، وتراهن على جذبها إلى المسارات التسووية التي تقترحها،

وتستثمر على فعل المتغيّرات في تقريب واشنطن من هذه المسارات، لتجد في موقفها حاجة ومخرجاً مناسباً، يعرض على واشنطن بتوقيت مناسب، فتستطيع قبوله، لكنها لا تملك لا مشروعية ولا قدرة التقدّم به. وهذا أقرب إلى الواقع من فرضية تقاسم الأدوار، لكنه يعكس في النهاية حجم الفراغ الذي يتركه تراجع مكانة أميركا السياسية بمثل الفراغ الذي تركه تراجع مكانتها العسكرية، وهو تراجع ملأته روسيا حتى الآن وتطمح فرنسا مقاسمتها المهمة، برضا أميركي من موقع الحاجة والضرورة، وليس بالتالي تقاسماً وظيفياً للأدوار. وربما يكون التراجع الأميركي مصدراً لهوامش جديدة للاستقلال في معسكر الحلفاء يطال فرنسا، كالذي نشهده في الحركة التركية نحو روسيا وإيران، خصوصاً عندما يصير صعباً التمييز بين خطاب دونالد ترامب وبنيامين نتنياهو، كما يصعب التمييز بين عجزهما.

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