Broken alliances and competing political factions are emperiling America’s goals
Long before the Trump administration launched missiles at an Assad regime air base in Syria and dropped the world’s most lethal nonnuclear bomb in Afghanistan, it undertook its first military offensive in Yemen. In late January, just two weeks into his term, President Trump ordered a military raid on suspected Al Qaeda targets in that country.
That operation then became infamous for the death of a Navy SEAL, but it has been followed more recently by increased U.S. military attacks on terrorists holed up in Yemen. But whether or not Washington’s military involvement is part of a larger policy in Yemen, America needs to deal with an increasingly difficult conflict of interests in that country, which threatens to make the war against terrorist groups far harder.
But Hadi’s stronghold on the country was short-lived. In September 2014, the new resident was forced to flee to the south, after his presidential palace and the capital city of Sanaa were captured by Shiite rebels called the Houthis. Hadi attempted to move his capital city to the southern port city of Aden, but in early 2015, he fled to Riyadh in exile, where he still resides despite the odd flying visit to Aden.
Meanwhile, Saleh has begun to exert increased influence over the Houthi establishment in Sanaa, leaving his imprints on its leadership and filling in positions in its rebel government with his own people. Yet, today, Yemen still lacks an effective centralised authority. Neither the rebels in Sanaa, nor Hadi’s government in Aden, seems to have the capacity to control the entire country.
When Saleh was deposed in 2012, the national dialogue process that followed had promised to heal these old wounds. Hadi was himself from the South, and therefore raised hopes among fellow southerners. Yet, despite protracted negotiations, the talks could not produce an agreement on the political status of the South: several popular southern leaders boycotted the negotiations and campaigned for secession, and while the dialogue finally agreed on a federal structure with greater autonomy for the South, it was unable to work out the details of the devolution of power.
The breakdown of the transition government—and the takeover of Sanaa by rebels, increasingly controlled by Saleh—only tested the South’s patience further. Now, with Hadi away in Riyadh, reports suggest that secessionist leaders have once again come to dominate the South’s political landscape, with no compromise in sight. Even in Aden today, the transition agreement seems all but dead, with the local governor and police chief calling the shots, as the Houthis make inroads. As one southerner was quoted as saying, “Hadi has already brought the Houthis to Aden, and then brought al-Qaeda, so we are not stupid to trust him anymore.”
In the midst of all this, the international community is struggling to salvage the irreparably crippled Hadi government—despite most public opinion across the country now seeming to be against him. Saudi forces have been bombing rebel holdings in the North, causing widespread collateral damage but doing nothing to strengthen the transitional government. United Nations resolutions have placed embargoes on the Houthi rebels, and repeatedly called for the complete implementation of the transition agreement that put Hadi in charge.
But the Iranians also seem determined not to let the Saudi-sponsored agreement see the light of day. In recent months, they have stepped up weapons support to the Houthi rebels, turning the Yemeni battlefield into the latest theater in the Middle East’s own Cold War. With Hadi away in exile and his government being overwhelmed by secessionists in Aden, it seems inconceivable at this point that the Iranians would lose this battle to the Saudis.
With all this chaos in the background, America’s war against Al Qaeda and ISIS is under threat. On the one hand, Washington wants to preserve its alliance with the Gulf states, who are fighting to save their irretrievably lost transition agreement. As a former U.S. Defense Department official pointed out in the Atlantic recently, when Saudi Arabia’s Prince Mohammed visited the United States last month, the red carpet was well and truly rolled out.
Yet, on the other hand, Washington can’t afford to let Yemen’s chaos prolong indefinitely, lest ISIS militants cash in on the instability and lawlessness, just as they lose territory in Syria. In August of last year, a UN report said that both Al Qaeda and ISIS have already begun to gain a foothold in the southern and eastern parts of the country.
The challenge for Trump would be in reconciling his Saudi alliance with the fact that the Saudi-backed Hadi government is no longer in a position to rule. Backing the aimless Saudi operation—whether verbally or militarily—will only make Iranian interests in the country more deeply entrenched, and the conflict unending. If Trump wants to get rid of militants in Yemen, he’s going to have to find a way to bring the Middle East’s Cold War rivals to agree on a government.
Mohamed Zeeshan is a scholar of international affairs at Columbia University and online editor of the Columbia Journal of International Affairs. He has written for The Diplomat, India Today and HuffPost India.
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On April 2nd, The Yemen News Agency (SABA) reported that US-Saudi war planes struck several targets including private and public properties across several provinces in Yemen:
The US-Saudi aggression war planes continued heinous strikes against citizens, causing heavy damage to private and public properties in several provinces over the past hours, a military official told Saba on Sunday. The warplanes waged 12 strikes on Haradh district of Hajja province and three other strikes on Serwah district of Mareb province, as well waged six raids on Kamaran island in Hodeida province
Saudi Arabia’s war on Yemen has created a humanitarian crisis within the poorest country in the Middle East. However, Trump is seeking an even closer relationship with the Saudi Monarchy. The Saudi Monarchy is an important part of Washington’s goal of dominating the Middle East for its natural resources, one that benefits its corporations that range from arms manufacturers to big oil companies. One other important factor to consider is Israel’s security which plays an important part of U.S. foreign policy in the region. Saudi Arabia is a vassal state, one that has a long history of supporting terrorists such as the Islamic state, al-Qaeda and others who have wretched havoc across the Arab world killing innocent men, women and children. Saudi Arabia is also one of the worst human rights violators in the world especially against women.
They are agents of chaos, or one might call “useful idiots” to counter Arab governments and resistance movements (Yemen, Syria, Iran, the Palestinians and Hezbollah) not aligned with U.S. and Israeli interests. So, as expected, US President Donald Trump hosted Saudi Arabia’s Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman last month at the White House to discuss economics and Iran’s influence in the Middle East. According to Reuters:
Saudi Arabia hailed a “historical turning point” in U.S.-Saudi relations after a meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman highlighted the two leaders’ shared view that Iran posed a regional security threat
During a speech at the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in 2016, Trump mentioned that Iran is a major problem for U.S. allies including Saudi Arabia,
“Iran is a problem in Iraq, a problem in Syria, a problem in Lebanon, a problem in Yemen and will be a very, very major problem for Saudi Arabia.”
A senior advisor to Prince Mohammed said that
“This meeting is considered a historical turning point in relations between both countries and which had passed through a period of divergence of views on many issues.”
A historical turning point according to Mohammed’s advisor is to “form a big change in relations between both countries in political, military, security and economic issues,” What is troublesome about the meeting is that Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States see Trump as a strong leader who will contain Iran’s influence in the region.
Both the Trump administration and the Saudi Monarchy find common ground on Iran’s Nuclear Deal which they both view as dangerous. Both also share the same concerns on “the danger of Iran’s regional expansionist activities.” Although the Obama administration sold arms to Saudi Arabia in the past, Obama suspended the sale of arms including U.S.-made precision-guidance munitions to the Saudi Monarchy last December due to “concerns over widespread civilian casualties” according to a Reuter’s article published in 2016. The Trump administration is considering an arms deal to the Saudis that the State Department has already approved, but the White House has not yet confirmed the deal.
Targeting Yemen to Fight “Iranian Influence”?
The Agence France-Presse (AFP) headlined ‘Trump meets top Saudi prince as Yemen war rages’ said
“Saudi Arabia is likely to welcome Trump’s harder line on its arch-rival Iran and there is likely to be less friction over Riyadh’s war against Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen.”
However, The Huffington Post reported in 2015 that Obama admitted that Iran “tried to stop” the Houthi rebels from advancing on Sanaa in a report titled ‘Iran Tried To Stop Houthi Rebels In Yemen, Obama Says’:
Iran tried to hold back Shia rebels who were intent on taking the Yemeni capital of Sanaa at the height of the uprising in 2014, President Barack Obama told a group of reporters Wednesday afternoon. The Houthi rebels, however, ignored the advice and marched on, precipitating a much wider war in Yemen. Obama’s observation confirms an earlier Huffington Post report that, contrary to widespread assumptions in the United States, Iran was not the driving force of the crisis in Yemen
In Obama’s own words according to The Huffington Post report:
“We watched as this proceeded. There were moments where Iran was actually urging potential restraint,” he said. ”Now, once the Houthis march in and there’s no there there” — in other words, the government completely collapsed and Houthis expecting resistance found none at all —“are they interested in getting arms to the Houthis and causing problems for the Saudis? Yes. But they weren’t proceeding on the basis of, come hell or high water, we’re moving on a holy war here.”
Despite its malevolent intentions and motivation, displays such this one suggested to him that, in the end, Iran is rational and can be dealt with, Obama said. “It’s on that basis that we entered into the interim agreement,” he said
Wikileaks obtained documents (https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09SANAA2186_a.html) that was published on December 9th, 2009 titled ‘Who Are The Houthis, Part Two: How Are They Fighting?’ detailed where the Houthi rebels obtained their weapons according to various political analysts, a British diplomat and NSB Director Ali Mohammed al-Ansi:
12. (S/NF) contrary to ROYG claims that Iran is arming the Houthis, most local political analysts report that the Houthis obtain their weapons from the Yemeni black market and even from the ROYG military itself. According to a British diplomat, there are numerous credible reports that ROYG military commanders were selling weapons to the Houthis in the run-up to the Sixth War. An ICG report on the Sa’ada conflict from May 2009 quoted NSB director Ali Mohammed al-Ansi saying, “Iranians are not arming the Houthis. The weapons they use are Yemeni. Most actually come from fighters who fought against the socialists during the 1994 war and then sold them.” Mohammed Azzan, presidential advisor for Sa’ada affairs, told PolOff on August 16 that the Houthis easily obtain weapons inside Yemen, either from battlefield captures or by buying them from corrupt military commanders and soldiers. Azzan said that the military “covers up its failure” by saying the weapons come from Iran. According to Jamal Abdullah al-Shami of the Democracy School, there is little external oversight of the military’s large and increasing budget, so it is easy for members of the military to illegally sell weapons.
13. (S/NF) ROYG officials assert that the Houthis’ possession and use of Katyusha rockets is evidence of support from Iran and Hizballah, arguing that these rockets are not available in Yemeni arms markets nor ROYG stockpiles. (Comment: Given Yemen’s robust arms markets, especially in Sa’ada, it is possible that Katyushas are available on the black market even if they are not in ROYG stockpiles. According to sensitive reporting, there is at least one instance of Somali extremists purchasing Katyusha rockets in Yemen in 2007. End Comment.) However, according to sensitive reporting, it may have been the ROYG military who aided the Houthis in obtaining a shipment of 200 Katyusha rockets in late November 2009
Trump’s accusations that Iran is supporting the Houthi rebellion are baseless. An important note to consider is that Iran is mentioned in the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) report which was produced in 2000 by the Neoconservatives during the George W. Bush Administration. The PNAC report said that “retaining forward-based forces in the region” is essential for U.S. security interests concerning Iran:
Over the long term, Iran may well prove as large a threat to U.S. interests in the Gulf as Iraq has. And even should U.S.-Iranian relations improve, retaining forward-based forces in the region would still be an essential element in U.S. security strategy given the longstanding American interests in the region
Iran’s threat to Washington is that it has an enormous amount of oil and other natural resources. Iran is a sovereign nation that is aligned with the Axis of Resistance within the Middle East namely Syria, Lebanon, Hezbollah and the Palestinians. Iran is also aligned with Washington’s long-time adversaries, Russia and China. The PNAC report specifically states Washington’s long-term goal and that is to dominate the Middle East by isolating Iran with U.S. military bases close to their borders ready to attack on a moment’s notice.
Trump is doing what every administration has done in the past whether Democrat or Republican and that is to support Iran’s long-time adversaries, Saudi Arabia and Israel and isolate Iran that will allow the U.S. to dominate the resource-rich region. The U.S. and its allies have been preparing for a possible war against Iran since the 1979 Iranian revolution that overthrew the U.S. puppet government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi also known as the Shah of Iran. However, a war scenario is unlikely to play out any time soon since it would lead to a wider war in the Middle East with the Axis of Resistance including Russia and China, a costly war one might add.
Trump wants to Fight ISIS with one of the Main Sponsors of Terror, Saudi Arabia
Regardless of their human rights abuses and their spread of Wahhabi terrorism, the Trump administration will seek closer ties with Saudi Arabia. The Trump Administration is expected to approve the new arms deal to Saudi Arabia to continue its bombardment of Yemen. The Independent, an online news source based in London reported that the State department will continue selling arms to the Saudis. The report ‘Donald Trump’s State Department approves Saudi Arabia weapons sales blocked by Barack Obama’ said the following:
The State Department has approved resuming arms sales to Saudi Arabia previously blocked by Barack Obama. A multi-million dollar technology for Riyadh was blocked by the former President during the final months of his administration over human rights concerns
For Trump, Iran is a major threat in the Middle East, not the dictatorship of the Saudi monarchy that has continuously bombed Yemen causing a humanitarian crisis with more 10,000 civilian casualties and counting. Trump’s policy towards “Islamic militants” in the Middle East is “aggressive” according to an article by http://www.stripes.com, an online U.S. military news site titled ‘Trump’s ramped up bombing in Yemen signals more aggressive use of military’:
More broadly, the expanded bombing in Yemen signals a more aggressive use of military force by the Trump administration against Islamist militants, from Syria to Afghanistan. The White House already has approved the deployment of Marines and special operations forces to Syria and a large-scale commando raid in Yemen, and on Thursday a top commander suggested more troops are headed to Afghanistan.
President Trump’s readiness to order military action stands in contrast to the previous administration. When Obama’s national security advisor Susan Rice ran the policy making process, “stuff moved like molasses through the National Security Council,” much to the frustration of military planners at U.S. Central Command, a former senior defense official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told FP. The inter-agency discussions allowed plans to languish for weeks while debates swirled over when and how to act.
Throughout 2016, the Pentagon continually briefed the White House on ways to get more aggressive with al Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP, as they watched the group gain strength in their Yemeni strongholds. Those strikes didn’t happen, “but just because the clock ran out,” the official said.
The Obama administration handed over plans for a stepped-up campaign to the incoming Trump team in January, and there has been an immediate change in the tempo of operations, reflecting the new administration’s apparent preference for prompt military action over policy deliberations, and a more dominant role for the military in decision-making
The Yemeni Civil War that began in 2015 between the Houthi forces who are loyal supporters of Ali Abdullah Saleh and government forces allied with the Washington-backed Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi who was based in the Aden and is aligned with Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State terrorists. On February 21st, 2012, Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi who was the Vice-President under Saleh held a presidential election. The problem was that Hadi was the only candidate in the elections who became Yemen’s president for two years. Washington and Saudi Arabia saw Hadi as the legitimate leader of Yemen despite the fact that he was the only candidate. As for the Houthi forces (who are Shia-led movement from Sa’dah, northern Yemen) began an insurgency against the Hadi government. By January of 2015 Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia and asked the Saudi Monarchy to help counter the Houthi insurgency. On March 26th 2015, the Saudi Kingdom launched operation ‘al-Hazm Storm’ with mainly U.S. puppet states of Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Morocco, Pakistan, Qatar, Sudan and the UAE and collaborating with Somalia that allowed the coalition to use its military bases to invade Yemen. The cause of the Houthi led insurgency was the fact that the Hadi government did not follow-up on their power-sharing proposals that turned Yemen into a dictatorship backed by Washington. Since the war began, the United Nations says that 17 million people in Yemen are facing food shortages and close to 7 million people will become victims of a famine crisis.
Washington and its Close Ties to Saudi Oil
Washington has a long history with Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia was founded in 1901 by King Abdulaziz Al Saud, Bin Saud had a close relationship with the United Kingdom who was the first nation in the world to recognize Saudi Arabia as an independent nation. The British defended Saudi Arabia from the Turkish Empire who sought to expand its territories. Bin Saud also developed a close relationship with the United States. By May 1931, Washington recognized Saudi Arabia by granting it “diplomatic recognition.” During that time, Standard Oil based in California was granted concessions for oil exploration in the Eastern Province area called al-Hasa. By November 1931, a treaty was signed by both the US and Saudi Arabia that included a “favored nation status” within the treaty. By 1933, the California Arabian Oil Company (CASOC) which later became the Arab American Company (ARAMCO) began oil exploration throughout the Saudi kingdom until they got to Dhahran which produced a small amount of oil at the time (42.5 million barrels) between 1941 and 1945. Today, Saudi Arabia is one of the top oil exporters in the world with the U.S. being a major beneficiary.
Trump will build a closer relationship with Saudi Arabia despite the fact that is committing war crimes against Yemen and has supported terrorist organizations committed to overthrowing the Syrian government. Trump has repeatedly claimed that he wants to defeat the Islamic State, but Saudi Arabia is not a good partner to take on the terrorists because historically speaking, they have armed and supported terrorist organizations for a long time.
Washington and Saudi Arabia is a strategic alliance. Besides, Washington does like a good dictatorship that follows its marching orders, after all, the Saudis do have an abundance of oil that feeds the Military-Industrial Complex and provides enormous profits for U.S. oil companies. The Saudis long-time support of terrorism also advances Washington’s agenda to create wars and regime change in the Middle East. Washington has a vested interest in Saudi Arabia and that is why Trump will keep the alliance between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia intact, a move that advances Washington’s agenda and that is something that the establishment (or the swamp) would not disagree with.
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The US administration is on the way to escalate its involvement in Yemen – a drastic change of its Middle East policy in an attempt to roll back Iran’s influence in the region.
It wants Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and local Yemeni forces to jointly defeat the Houthis, a militarized Shiite group strong in northern Yemen fighting side by side with the Yemeni army loyal to former President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to Foreign Policy, the Saudis came away extremely pleased after a series of meetings in Washington in mid-March when Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman visited the White House. Saudi officials celebrated the meeting as a milestone in resetting a relationship that had frayed under the Obama administration. Saudi Gen. Ahmed Asiri, spokesperson for the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen, said that teams from the two countries are already engaged in talks, and the stepped-up cooperation would likely involve «intelligence sharing, equipment, and training», for Saudi pilots and troops. «We had a commitment that they will increase cooperation», Asiri said.
US State Secretary Rex Tillerson established good, business-like relations with Saudi Arabia in the days he headed ExxonMobil.
The civil war in Yemen has created a humanitarian disaster. According to United Nations estimates, two-thirds of Yemen’s entire population needs some kind of assistance. Seven million people are hungry, 10,000 have been killed in the war. UN-brokered peace talks have so far led nowhere, with all parties seeking a battlefield victory. On March 13, the Russian Foreign Ministry expressed concern over the situation in Yemen in a statement.«It is our firm belief that the Yemeni conflict cannot be resolved by military means», it reads. Russia calls for an immediate cessation of all hostilities.
Defense Secretary James Mattis is pushing for the president to remove all restrictions on US military support for the Saudi invasion of Yemen, which would enable the military to support Emirati operations against the Houthis with surveillance and intelligence, refueling, and operational planning assistance, without asking for case-by-case White House approval. He seeks support of National Security Adviser Herbert McMaster for Yemen operations being conducted by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The plans reportedly also include using drones to help gather intelligence for strikes on Houthi targets and assistance in planning the recapture of the critical Red Sea port city Hodeidah from Houthi forces. According to him, a planned Emirati offensive to retake the port would be a contribution into combatting a common threat.
The Washington Post reports that a plan developed by the US Central Command to assist the operation includes other elements that are not part of Mattis’s request. While Marine Corps ships have been off the coast of Yemen for about a year, it was not clear what support role they might play.
If approved, the policy would mark a significant shift from counterterrorism operations against al-Qaida‘s affiliate in Yemen and limited indirect backing for Saudi and the UAE war efforts to direct «limited» involvement. As history shows, «limited involvements» often lead to participation in large-scale conflicts of great duration. It’s enough to remember how the Vietnam war started. It would also indicate that the administration has taken a more aggressive stand on Iran, the country Washington and Riyadh would like to squeeze out of the Middle East.
The US State Department has given permission for a resumption of the supply of precision guided weapons to Saudi Arabia. It signed off on a $350 million package of smart bombs. The deliveries were suspended last year after Saudi aviation killed 100 civilians by mistake. The US has been refuelling Saudi aircraft and has advisors in the Saudi operational headquarters since the kingdom started its military involvement in March 2015. Billions of dollars in tanks, munitions and spare parts were sold to Saudi Arabia as a profitable way to demonstrate to the Saudis that the United States supported their efforts.
The more intensive involvement into Yemen’s crisis should be seen in a broader context of the US policy change in the Middle East. The administration is considering delegating more authority to the Defense Department to conduct anti-terrorist operations overseas, which at the moment require the White House approval. If approved, the authority would give military commanders the same latitude to launch strikes, raids and campaigns against enemy forces for up to six months that they possess in Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria. They will have more freedom of action in Yemen and Somalia, where military involvement is also to be intensified. The US Defense Department’s tentative plan (strategy review) on the anti-Islamic State strategy calls for the military operations abroad to be expanded.
President Trump has said many times the main enemy is the Islamic State (IS). The involvement in Yemen will divert forces from this mission. The Iraq and Afghanistan wars have cost the US about $1.6 trillion from 2001 to 2014. Can America afford to fight two wars – against the IS and Iran – with the national debt equal to $20 trillion? Does it have to confront Iran after the nuclear deal was reached and complied with? Does the US have vital interests in Yemen? The president has talked about his intention to adopt the policy of making good deals. He can make good by joining an international effort to bring peace to the war-torn country instead of getting America plunged into a new conflict with no end in sight.
Moscow has never taken sides in Yemen. It has maintained good working relationship with Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. Unlike practically all other pertinent actors, except Oman, Moscow has maintained the relationship of trust with ex-President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was ousted from the presidency in 2012, and the Houthis, the movement the ex-president is allied to, which currently controls the Yemeni capital and large parts of the country, especially in the north. Last year, Ali Abdullah Saleh even asked Russia for a military intervention, talking of reactivating old Yemeni agreements with the Soviet Union and offering «all the facilities» of Yemen’s bases, ports and airports to Russia.
Even after President Hadi moved to Saudi Arabia and the hot phase of the conflict started, Russia maintained its diplomatic presence in Sana. Representatives of various Yemeni political forces: Ansar Allah, the General People’s Congress, the Southern Movement, the Yemeni Socialist Party and many others have visited Moscow since the crisis erupted. Moscow is a participant in the activities of the Group of 18 Ambassadors to Yemen.
Russia has excellent relations with Iran. This fact was confirmed during President Rouhani’s visit to Moscow on March 27-28.
All in all, Russia is perfectly fit to play the role of mediator between the warring sides and other pertinent actors. Russia and the US could launch a diplomatic initiative to end the conflict – the same thing they should do in Syria.
The war in Yemen is unwinnable; the complicated conflict is caused by many reasons, some of which go back to the ancient history. Suffice it to remember the conflicts and tensions between the nation’s South and North. The war in Yemen can last for many years with devastating results. Sending military to fight in Yemen would amount to a unilateral declaration of war on a new enemy that poses no whatsoever threat to the national security of the United States. The move has not been authorized by Congress. Meanwhile, the opportunities for mediation and peaceful solution are far from being exhausted. As influential actors, Russia and America could join together in an effort to find a peaceful settlement to the conflict. Instead, the US gives priority to the use of force stepping on the same rake again.
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The leader of Yemen’s Ansarullah revolutionary movement, Sayyed Abdul-Malik Badreddin al-Houthi, stressed on Saturday that Saudi Arabia has not reached any of its goals despite its relentless attacks against its impoverished neighbor.
Speaking during a speech marking the second year anniversary of the brutal aggression by Riyadh, Sayyed Houthi assured that targeting Yemenis is a part of a scheme aimed at targeting the Muslim Ummah (nation).
He stressed that the Saudi aggression on Yemen serves the Israeli enemy’s interests because Tel Aviv looks to the Yemeni people as an obstacle in face of its schemes.
“Yemeni people reject US hegemony as they show hositility to the Zionist entity and voice support to the Palestinian cause,” Sayyed Houthi said in a televised speech.
Meanwhile, Ansarullah leader stressed that the kingdom’s almost daily airstrikes against civilians in Yemen are nothing short of war crimes.
He noted that the Saudis, backed by several regional and international countries, were using some of the most lethal armaments against the people in Yemen.
Sayyed Houthi also slammed Saudi Arabia’s constant destruction of Yemeni infrastructures such as schools and hospitals.
He praised the people of Yemen for their resilience and for safeguarding the country’s dignity.
Yemen has been under an aggression by Saudi-led coalition since March 2015. The brutal aggression has killed and injured tens of thousands of Yemenis, the vast majority of them were civilians.
Yemen ports and airports have been also under a blockade imposed by the Saudi-led coalition, which also includes UAE, Kuwait, Qatar and Bahrain.
Yemen’s Legal Center of Rights and Development announced on Saturday that the Saudi campaign has claimed the lives of over 12,040 Yemenis and left more than 20,000 others wounded.
The center added that there were a total of 2,568 children and 1,870 women among the fatalities, noting that the atrocious onslaught had also destroyed 757 schools and institutes, 111 university facilities, 271 factories besides 1,520 bridges and roads.
Source: Al-Massirah net
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مارس 25, 2017
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