Hassan Nasrallah on Israeli Warmongering & US Sanctions: Hezbollah Stronger than Ever, Resistance Not For Sale

June 10, 2018

Speech of Hezbollah Secretary General Sayed Hassan Nasrallah on May 25, 2018, on the occasion of the commemoration of the 18th anniversary of the Liberation of Lebanon.
Translation: unz.com/sayedhasan
Videos here
Transcript:
In Any Upcoming War, Hezbollah will Surely Defeat Israel […] Despite all the intimidation, all the threats, all the blockades, (despite the inscriptions on the) lists of terrorist organizations, the (campaigns of) defamation, all these efforts (to weaken Hezbollah and diminish its popularity in Lebanon) have been in vain. Therefore, we have a community, a people who, prior to 2000, were worthy of victory, and that is why God granted us victory (on May 25, 2000), and He gave us the victory of 2006, and we remain, by the grace of God, the strongest and the most glorious, because we are worthy of it.

Myself, personally, when I talk about the future … Of course, we always say that we do not rush to war, but we do not fear it. The (Israeli) enemy is always threatening, promising, erupting, (trying to) terrorize us, but when we talk about the possibility of a war (against Israel) – may God take this perspective away from this country and this region –, whether during internal meetings or other, I speak of our victory with certainty, because God, with whom we were and with whom we still are, stands by our side. He never left us nor abandoned us, because our people, our community, our Resistance, are there and are worthy to be granted victory by God, the Most High and the Exalted. This is the fundamental point of strength on which we base ourselves and rely. […]

Resistance in Lebanon and Palestine Not For Sale

(First, the US are exerting) pressure on our popular base to punish it (for its support for Hezbollah), psychological, moral, financial, economic pressures, meant to dislocate, reduce and weaken it.

Second, (there is pressure on) our friends and allies to scare them and induce them to distance themselves (from us), because of fears (of sanctions).Third, and this is the fundamental and most important goal, (these sanctions are intended to) cut our funding sources, what they refer to as the drying up of the funding sources of Hezbollah, of the Resistance in Lebanon and of the Resistance movements in the region. But this is not something new, they work at it since 1990. We are on the list of terrorist organizations since the 1990s. It is in order to dry our funding sources that continuous pressure is exerted against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is our main support. And that is a mark of honor for the Islamic Republic of Iran, this gives it a high rank and status.

Today, what is the US problem with Iran? You’ve seen the 12 demands of the US Secretary of State (Mike Pompeo) for them to reconsider their relations with Iran. Among the 12 demands… What do they really want from Iran? That it becomes a weak country, without missiles, without civil nuclear power, excluded of the Middle East’s (issues), that takes no responsibilities and has no involvment nor influence at the regional level, that it becomes, like many countries, an enslaved country. That if (Washington) requires (Iran) 100 billion, they would pay it cash. If (Washington) wants to appoint or depose a President, a King or a Prince, (Iran) would comply at once. That’s what they want from Iran. That’s what they did in Iran at the time of the Shah.

Anyway, among the US demands, there is cessation of support to Resistance movements that (Washington) characterizes as terrorist. And (Pompeo) mentioned Hezbollah and Palestinian Resistance movements. Thus, one reason of these pressures against Iran is that it assumes (the responsibility of Resistance to Israel).

Likewise, (the sanctions) are pressuring any contributor or benefactor who can bring money or donations to this Resistance, its organizations, its (families of) martyrs, its wounded, its orphans, its Resistants, its infrastructure, its capacity… This is their goal (to dry any financial support for Hezbollah).

This is part of the struggle. I do not mean just to describe its aspects, but also to determine our responsibility (against these measures). They are part of the confrontation, of the current battle. And we, psychologically, have to understand (the goals of) our enemy and realize that this is part of the current struggle.

It goes without saying that when the Resistance in Lebanon stood since 1982 and proclaimed its rejection of continued Israeli occupation of Lebanon –which is also a US occupation–, its rejection of the American-Zionist project in Lebanon, either as an occupation, or the imposition of political control, policy management or peace agreements with the enemy… (When) we reject this and struggle, fight and sacrifice, and inflict a defeat on this enemy… When Israel is the primary project for the United States and its military forward base in the region, and that you cross their path, confront them and defeat the army (reputed) invincible, when you humble and expel it from your territory, humiliated, defeated, running (for their lives)… When you cause a strategic turning point in the Arab-Israeli struggle because of what happened in 2000, with its repercussions inside occupied Palestine and the launch of the Intifada… When you are responsible for a huge cultural transformation in the region… When you face the American project, as happened again in 2006, the new Middle East project which, according to Condoleeza Rice, was being born before our eyes… When you raise against the US-Israeli projects and contribute to their collapse –I do not pretend that we have ruined them alone, but we helped to make them fall to some extent, according to places, battlefields and countries… When you are a force that denies US and Israeli hegemony over Palestine, in Lebanon and the countries of the region… When you are a force demanding your rights to sovereignty, authentic sovereignty, not sovereignty as a slogan (devoid of reality)… Every day, the Israeli enemy violates our airspace. Yesterday, it hit Syria from Lebanese skies. Where are the (pseudo) sovereignists? (I mean genuine) sovereignty! When you are a force that demands and truly work for the sovereignty, freedom, liberation (of your territory), for its independent decision, not submitting to the United States or anyone else in this world, (when you claim) that the people of each country is sovereign at home, and must take decisions by its own in his country… When you do not allow neither the US nor Israel to put their hands over a (single) inch of your territory at the border, or one (single) cubic meter of your (territorial) waters, or a (single) drop of your oil, it is natural that this enemy will see the threat (you represent for him), for its projects, for its hegemony, for its interests, (because you are) a force that defends your people, your nation and your Community and it will not sit idle in front of you. It will (try to) fight you, kill you, launch wars against you, it will plot against you, etc., etc., etc. Then from there, it will submit you to an economic and financial blockade, (put you on) the list of terrorist organizations, dry your funding sources, etc. So that’s (a full) part of the struggle.
And those of our brothers, among our noble families, merchants, businesses, organizations, associations, affected by (the sanctions), they must consider the damage as part of the struggle. This is exactly the same as for the family that offers a martyr, who has an injured or a partial or total paralysis, who sees their house bombed during the war and who ends up in a camp. In the same way, this is part of the sacrifices required by this battle, and those affected and disabled (by sanctions and inscription on the list of terrorist organizations) must consider this damage, firstly at the personal and psychological level, as part of the sacrifices (required), we have to consider this as part of the sacrifices on the path (of Resistance) that we took, we must consider that this is part of the battle and face it.How to cope with it? In order to face (these measures), the essential point, as we have said in some (previous) battles, is to defeat the purpose (of sanctions). We cannot respond to these inscriptions on the list of terrorist organizations (and the resulting sanctions) by similar measures, because we have neither banks nor US currency, nor do we exchange dollar, euro or any such thing. But we have to frustrate their purpose. What is it? Their goal is to shake our resolve, the determination of our people and our popular base. They want to engage our will, our determination and our resolve, our perseverance and persistence on this path, on this line and on this position. As long as we remain resolute, determined and steadfast, (their sanctions) have no weight. And may God make the best out of it.

True, there will be damage, we will suffer losses, but this is part of the required sacrifices, like the martyrs, the wounded, demolished homes and factories that were destroyed during the war. After that, God the Almighty and the Exalted compensated, international assistance helped rebuild, the State assumed its share of responsibility, we took our responsibility, but it’s part of the path (of Resistance we chose).

So far, the experience showed (our enemies) that death, murder, wars, massacres, destruction, refugees, and all that was inflicted on us, to us and to our people in Lebanon, in no way diminished our commitment, our resolve and our determination. And therefore, now, I say that these measures will lead to no result. They do not delay nor accelerate anything. They cause damage, this is natural. As I said, it’s like all the other sacrifices: when a martyr falls, the father, mother and wife are grieving, the woman becomes a widow, the mother becomes *** (word untranslatable designating the mother who lost her child), children become orphans. We are human beings, we have feelings, but it’s part of the struggle. We endure, we rely on it to go ahead, and we shape victories over these losses. We do not stop, we are not scared, we are not afraid.

Now I want to return to the point that I mentioned at the beginning, I said I would come back to it. Before 2000, the capacities of the Resistance were very modest. And now it is true that the capacities of the Resistance are very large, and it needs money, no doubt. But in the worst case, in the worst case, say this inscription on the list of terrorist organizations and financial and economic siege manage to cut a large portion of that money, or even all of the money. I declare to the US, its allies in the region and the Israeli enemy: you are very wrong in understanding the Resistance and the people.

Wherein lies this error? It stems from their culture. It is that they see their friends (allies) and the people in general as mercenaries. Every man, every individual, for the United States and its allies or instruments, is not considered a man. They consider them, as we joked before, like an S with two bars (dollar sign). Money. How much are you worth? How much do we have to pay to buy your voice (in elections)? $ 100? $ 1,000? $ 3,000? Or is it that (on the contrary), your voice is not for sale? Can your position be reversed with money, with suitcases (full of banknotes)? If one brings you suitcases, will you move from one position to another? Or is it that (on the contrary), your position cannot be bought, it’s not for sale? They see the world only through the prism of money. They do not believe in principles. If they are told that such people are people of principle, patriots, they will ask you to explain the meaning of “principle”, “patriot”, “humanity”. (They are unaware of and unable to understand) these concepts, they have no existence for them. What matters for them is the work, money, weapons trade, how much money you have, how many yachts, how many banks, how much is your oil, how much credit you have in the banks, etc. This is your value. Your value is not your good deeds, as the prophetic tradition says: “The value of a man lies in his good deeds.” Your value is the balance of your bank account.

Their mistake is to consider the Resistance as mercenaries of Iran, for example. Since Iran gives money (to Hezbollah), just like Syria, they believe that we are mercenaries, that we are fighting as mercenaries, and that if they deprive us of our money, we will stop fighting and change our position. This is their fundamental error.
This Resistance in Lebanon, Palestine and the region, those people who demonstrate every Friday in Gaza are not mercenaries. They are defenders of a cause. These Resistants, and their people, their fellow countrymen, their families, their popular base and all who are with them, (Washington and its allies) must know that they are people of principle, patriots, humanists, defenders of a cause in which they believe (fervently), and for which they fight and are willing to sacrifice, and sacrifice their dearest ones and their children. They are ready to live their entire lives in the worst conditions for their cause to triumph. Such people cannot be defeated neither by lists of terrorist organizations, nor by sanctions, nor by a financial siege or by drying up their sources of money.When you fight, in Lebanon and Palestine, those opposed to the Israeli enemy, a popular will, a popular Resistance and a popular culture, you are unable to inflict a defeat on them, regardless of any measure you can implement. That is why their (economic) battle (against us) is lost in advance.

But the condition for that, like in the military war, as in all previous challenges, is that we become aware of the essence of this (economic) war, that we understand their motive and goals, that we endure and that we make its objectives fail. And this is easy. Because if we maintain our determination, our resolve and our will, they will not be able to do anything.

Denunciation of Morocco and tribute to Algeria & SoudanEven (the US attempt) to isolate (Hezbollah) in the region (will be in vain). The fact that such country has no links with us, that another breaks relations with us, than another yet (accuses us) under a thousand false pretexts, as did Morocco just a few weeks ago without any basis of truth.

(Morocco) said that the Moroccan Minister of Foreign Affairs visited Iran, and submitted a folder to the Foreign Minister of Iran about the involvement of Hezbollah with the Polisario Front. The Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs promised to keep me informed, and he did. I asked where is the folder, but there is no folder! The Moroccan Minister of Foreign Affairs did not even provide a single file or piece of paper, although they claimed to have provided evidence and documents, but they refused to give even the sheet that… He had a sheet in his hand, from which he was reading (to the Iranian minister) the names (of Hezbollah members allegedly involved with the Polisario): so and so, so and so, so and so, so and so. (The Iranian minister) asked for the sheet, but (the Moroccan Minister) refused. Even this piece of paper (he read), he refused to give it!

Well, where is the evidence, where are the facts? Do you have videos, recordings, witnesses? Who are your witnesses? But there is absolutely nothing. (Morocco) said that so and so, so and so, so and so, so and so from Hezbollah… Moreover, some of these (Hezbollah members) have no involvement in the security and military operations, and these brothers mentioned work in very remote locations from each other, so it is clear that it is the Israeli intelligence that provided the names to Morocco, but there is no link between these (Hezbollah) brothers. (Morocco is merely asserting emphatically that) Hezbollah supports the Polisario, and it breaks its ties with Iran, (just like that).

While we have no relationship with the Polisario, not even political relations. I do not even take a position on this issue, that we have not studied, and on which we have no position, neither negative nor positive. In truth, there is no relationship between us, not even political, we have no contact, but we will see Morocco accuse us of having received the Polisario in Lebanon, of having visited them in their town –I do not even remember its name, it was the first time I was hearing of it–, of having provided them with support, training, training camps, weapons, etc.

Anyway, these accusations and actions are futile, they will have no result in terms of resolution and determination of the Resistance. Before 2000, when the Resistance has triumphed and achieved this feat of which we celebrate the 18th anniversary today (Lebanon’s Liberation), it had no regional relations. There was Iran and Syria, nothing else. We could have friendly relations with the Embassy of Algeria, the Sudanese Embassy, ​​such or such country, but we did not have regional relations. Rather, many did not even dare to open links or contacts with us, because since 1992, we are on the list of terrorist organizations.

Therefore, all these measures of political, diplomatic and financial siege, these intimidations, I say to our enemies that they will not change anything. The Resistance that has shaped the victory of 2000, this glorious and resounding victory that imposed on the (Israeli) enemy to get out humiliated and crushed, with no clause, without any conditions, without any concession whatsoever (only by the force of arms, as Hezbollah refused any negotiations with Israel), the Resistance is stronger today, more powerful, more robust, even regarding the determination, faith, principles, soul, mind, until the new generations that you think (corrupted by materialism).
It is this new generation that fought in 2006, and much of our martyrs are part of the generation born in the 1990s. And today, it is also the case for the great battle that was conducted in the region (Syria). When you participate in the fight against the American project in the region, in Syria… We are proudly and publicly involved in this crucial battle. And it is during such a commemoration (on May 25) that I announced our entry into this battle several years ago (in 2013). And we said then that the US and its allies have gathered the takfiris from all around the world to bring down Damascus and the Syrian State, and I said in a speech like this, without vis-a-vis, that the Syrian leadership, the Syrian people and the Syrian army and its allies would never allow Damascus to fall, whatever sacrifices were required.Today, on the occasion of the holiday of the Resistance and Liberation, which we celebrate to commemorate the South(-Lebanon) Liberation, today also, we address Syria, the Syrian leadership, the Syrian Arab Army, the Syrian people and all their loyal allies, and we congratulate them for the liberation of Damascus, the Damascus suburbs and the whole Damascus area in its entirety, freed from any danger and any (terrorist armed) organization, especially during this last battle against ISIS and the glorious victory that took place there, and now that all Syria goes from success to success, successes that set up the next stage (of reconstruction). Those who (like Hezbollah) take such positions must bear the consequences, and I declare that we are stronger, more determined and more present, and with God’s grace, these (diplomatic sanctions) will have absolutely no effect. […]

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لن ينالوا من بندقية شعبنا ولا إسفين بينها وبين الشعب

مايو 31, 2018

صابرين دياب

ودائماً، كلّ شيء مُسخَّر لاجتثاث المقاومة المسلحة وبعديد الأساليب، بالسلاح، بالثقافة، بالسياسة، بالحرب النفسية، بالاختراق المخابراتي، بالصهاينة العرب، بالتطبيع الفلسطيني، بالأنجزة ، بالمقاومة «السلمية السلبية»، قل ما شئت، اطلب ما تشاء، وما نريده فقط هو… لا مقاومة! هذا هدف الأعداء أو إنْ شئتَ، «الثورة المضادة.»

لن نعود طويلاً ولا تفصيلاً إلى الوراء، يكفي فقط أن نعيد للذاكرة بعض المحطات من جانب العدو:

«مبادرة» بيريس عام 1976 لإقامة كيان سياسي في الضفة وغزة، وقد تمّ رفضه.

بعد خروج قيادة م.ت.ف. من لبنان 1982 باستثناء بعضها، قال «جورج شولتس»، وزير خارجية العدو الأميركي وقتذاك: حان الوقت لـ «تحسين شروط معيشة الفلسطينيين»، أيّ أنّ القضية مجرد مسألة إنسانية، وليست قضية وطنية قومية سياسية، لكن أتت لاحقاً الانتفاضة، لتنسف كلّ هذا اللغو والتشفي.

ما كتبه نائب رئيس بلدية القدس المحتلة «ميرون بنفنستي» قبل اشتعال الانتفاضة الأولى عام 1987 : «إننا في ربع الساعة الأخير من انتهاء المقاومة، وعلى إسرائيل ان تعمل على هذا الأساس تجاه الضفة وغزة»، أيّ الابتلاع، واندلعت الانتفاضة الأولى بعد أيام، إذ قلبت المعادلة تماماً، ولم تكن الانتفاضة نضالاً سلمياً على نهج الأنجزة التي تباركها وتدعمها «السلطة الفلسطينية»، لا سيما في ريف رام الله وبيت لحم، وتصنيع رموز لها، بل النضال الجماهيري الحقيقي لا الشكلاني، الذي حلّ مؤقتاً محلّ نضال النخبة المسلحة، ولعب دور رافعة للكفاح المسلح.

Image result for ‫سلام الشجعان عرفات‬‎

كانت اتفاقات أوسلو تحت تسمية سلام الشجعان! وإنما هي «سلام المستجدّين»، ولكن الشعب ابتكر أساليب كفاحية عدة، سواء العمليات الاستشهادية، أو العمليات المسلحة الفنية الفردية الموجعة، أو الإضرابات المديدة عن الطعام في باستيلات الاحتلال، وجميعها كانت روافع للكفاح المسلح، إنه جدل الموقف الجمعي الشعبي مع نضال المفارز المسلحة، كطليعة.

ثم كانت الانتفاضة الثانية، والتي كُتب الكثير من الإدانة لممارستها الكفاح المسلح! وتمّت تسمية ذلك بـ «عسكرة الانتفاضة»، بغرض تقزيم النضال المسلح من قبل مثقفي الطابور السادس، وتنفير الناس منه وتكفيرهم به، لأنّ المطلوب دوماً، الذراع التي تطلق النار!

هذا إلى أن كان الخروج النسبي الصهيوني من قطاع غزة تحت ضغط المقاومة، او إعادة الانتشار الصهيوني على حواف القطاع، الأمر الذي حوّل غزة إلى بُندُقة يصعب كسر بندقيتها.

وأما التالي، فأطروحات متضادّة… بالضرورة :

منذ اتفاقات اوسلو على الأقلّ، والتي هي بمثابة ضمّ الضفة الغربية بالتدريج، مقابل رشى مالية ريعية، لشريحة من الفلسطينيين، أيّ ريع مالي مقابل مساومات سياسية. وهذا أحد المشروعات التصفوية، ثم تبع ذلك الضخ الإيديولوجي الهائل، في مديح «السلام العادل»! ولم تتورّط في هذا، قيادة م.ت.ف. وحدها، بل الكثير من المثقفين الفلسطينيين او الطابور السادس الثقافي، من ليبراليين وما بعد حداثيين ومتغربنين ومتخارجين، ناهيك عن كثير من المثقفين العرب وكثير من الحكام طبعاً، وتواصل تسويق الفلسطيني «كمؤدّب، ناعم، حضاري إلخ…»، وجرى ضخّ أموال كثيرة في الضفة الغربية، كي تُطفئ الشحنة الوطنية في الجماهير، لدفع المجتمع نحو الشره الاستهلاكي، ولو حتى بالوقوع تحت عبء القروض وفوائدها، وخاصة قروض الرفاه والاستعراض الاستهلاكي، وعامل تقليد الفقير للغني، والعالمثالثي للغربي!

زُرعت في رحم الوطن مئات منظمات الأنجزة، وتمتعت بإمكانيات هائلة، وامتصّت العديد من اليساريين الجذريين ليصبحوا دُعاة سلام! وينضمّوا إلى شريحة تعتمد على الريع الأجنبي كتحويلات من الخارج، لتصبح شريحة العائدات غير منظورة، وجرى تسويق أطروحة الحزب الشيوعي الإسرائيلي والجبهة الديمقراطية للسلام والمساواة المنبثقة عنه، عن «السلام العادل»، وحل الدولتين، واحدة سيدة استعمارية وأخرى مسودة وتابعة، وأطروحات لآخرين مثل «دولة لكلّ مواطنيها» لصاحبها عزمي بشارة وحزبه،

ووصل الأمر إلى طرح مشروع الدولة الواحدة بين المستعمِر والمستعمَر، وهي ليست سوى دولة لكلّ مستوطنيها! وترافق مع كلّ هذا الضخ الإعلامي لصالح ما تسمّى «المقاومة السلمية».

لكن المقاومة السلمية، لها مضمونان:

الاول.. المضمون الاستسلامي، الذي يرفض ويعاقب ويقمع أية مقاومة مسلحة، والذي يمكن تلخيصه في ما كتبه د. صائب عريقات «الحياة مفاوضات»،

Image result for ‫«الحياة مفاوضات»، صائب عريقات‬‎

وردّ عليه أحد العروبيين «الحياة مقاومة»، ولا يُخفى، انّ المفاوضات لم تصل فقط إلى طريق مسدود، بل تمّ انتزاعها من أيدي الفلسطينيين لصالح الأنظمة العربية المعترفة بالكيان الصهيوني، بل بعضها متآمر على القضية. بإيجاز، وقف هذا النهج ضدّ أيّ كفاح مسلح فلسطيني في أيّ مكان كان، والتوجه حتى الآن، إلى أمم العالم للتضامن مع هذا النمط الاستسلامي من المقاومة! في محاولة للتبرّؤ، بل ونفي، الكفاح المسلح ليبدو كما لو كان إرهاباً!!

والثاني.. المضمون المقاوم، الذي يرفض المفاوضات، ويرفد الكفاح المسلح، ويضاد الأنجزة، ويتبادل الأدوار، طبقاً للتكتيك مع الكفاح المسلح، ويعتبر نفسه جزءاً من محور المقاومة، ويعمل على شق مسارات جديدة، سواء في تحشيد الشارع العربي أو التضامن الأممي، لتكريس حقيقة، أنّ التحرير هو الطريق للمقاومتين الرديفتين، الشعبية السلمية والكفاح المسلح.

يمكننا اعتبار معركة خلع البوابات الإلكترونية في القدس، التي هدفت الى أسر المسجد الأقصى، مثالاً على المقاومة الشعبية السلمية، ذات الطابع التضحوي والصدامي. وقد أخذت هذه المقاومة تجلّيها الأوضح والأوسع، في الحراك الشعبي السلمي في قطاع غزة منذ شهر ونصف الشهر، ولم تتوقف الا بتحقيق مطالبه، ولكن، بينما المقاومة الشعبية السلمية تبتكر أنماطاً جديدة لمواجهة العدو، يقوم دُعاة المقاومة السلمية السلبية، بتلغيم هذه المقاومة بشعاراتهم التصفوية مثل «السلام العادل»، و»حلّ الدولة الواحدة»، و»حلّ الدولتين» ويتظاهرون إعلامياً انتصاراً لغزة !!..

وعليه، فإنّ اللحظة الراهنة الساخنة، تشترط الوقوف في وجه تمييع المقاومة الشعبية السلمية الحقيقية والجذرية، ومحاولات امتطائها وتطويعها لصالح الاستسلام، وخاصة حيث أخذت تنجز هذه المقاومة الحقيقية تضامناً في العديد من بلدان العالم على المستوى الشعبي خاصة.

لقد أعاد حراك غزة، مسألة التحرير إلى الأجندة الكفاحية بعد أن تمّ خصي النضال الفلسطيني، في استعادة المحتلّ 1967، وتبني الاستدوال بدل التحرير، وفي تبني شعار العودة فقط تحت راية الكيان الصهيوني، وهي الخديعة التي تورط فيها الكثير منذ عام 1948.

وعود على بدء، فإن إطراء المستوى السلبي من المقاومة السلمية مقصود به، التكفير بالمنظمات المسلحة والتطاول عليها، ونفي اية إيجابية للكفاح المسلح، وإطراء المقاومة الناعمة ضد العدو، وهي جوهرياً، استجدائية إحباطية لا تخرج عن إيديولوجيا استدخال الهزيمة.

ما من شك، في أنّ ثمة شهوة وغاية للمحتلّ، بتشويه صورة الكفاح السلمي الحقيقي الذي يمقته ويبغضه هو وكثير من العرب وبعض الفلسطينيين للأسف، لأنه ظهر الكفاح المسلح القوي، ولعل ما اقترفه الاحتلال بحق سفينة الحرية امس الاول، يؤكد مدى خشيته من مسألة التضامن العالمي مع الشعب الفلسطيني، ومن ناحية أخرى، تجري محاولات لسرقة حراك غزة على أيدي الاستسلاميين والأنجزة، وتوجيه النقد للمنظمات المسلحة المقاومة، بيد أن ما حدث في اليومين الأخيرين، قد أكد أنّ الحراك السلمي في غزة وهو شعبي لا شك، في أنه رديف بل من اشتقاقات الكفاح المسلح، ولا سيما بعد رشقات الصواريخ ضد الجزء الجنوبي المحتل من فلسطين، وصولاً إلى عسقلان.

حتى كتابة هذه المقالة، راجت أخبار عن دور رسمي مصري «لإطفاء النار»! ليس هذا موضوع نقاشنا، ولكن هذا الدور، هو الشرح البليغ للحال الرسمي العربي، وهو ما يجدر أن يحفزنا لاستعادة الشارع العربي، الذي حُرم من التقاط واحتضان الانتفاضة الأولى، حيث تمّ الغدر بها قبل أن تكون بداية ربيع عربي حقيقي، فهل سينجحون في اغتيال حراك غزة؟ يجب أن تُفشِل غزة ذلك.

بقي أن نشير إلى أنّ المقاومة الشعبية السلمية الحقيقية، اللاشكلانية واللاتمييعية للنضال الوطني، هي رافد المقاومة المسلحة، وهما معاً جناحا حرب الشعب، ضمن محور المقاومة، وهكذا، لن يتمكنوا من كسر فوهة البندقية.

مناضلة وكاتبة فلسطينية في الأراضي المحتلة

الأنجزة – ngo مصدر الاشتقاق اللغوي – وهي منظمات مموَّلة من الغرب «أوروبا وأميركا»، باسم خبيث – منظمات غير حكومية – كي تخفي علاقتها بالغرب، وتدّعي التنمية كذباً وتبتلع الثوريين بالمال. وتسميتها الكاملة بالانجليزية:

non govermental organizaition

» The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

 

The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day

مايو 27, 2018

 

Written by Nasser Kandil,

Some Lebanese may live on the Resistance and Liberation Day as an additional ordinary holiday because the country of sects and regions has lost many of the elements of the national sense. The occupation during two decades of the age of Lebanon was an issue that belongs to its people who suffered from it and its humiliation and who sacrificed their sons and daughters. Many Lebanese were among spectators, neutral, or complainers from the exaggeration of refusing compromises that must be accepted in balances of what is so-called the political realism. Despite the failure of the compromises in ensuring the Israeli withdrawal and the winning of the resistance which bet on the blood of its martyrs there were those who said before the liberation that the presence of the resistance complicates this withdrawal. The state seemed conspired with the occupation until the fall of the seventeenth of May and it became neutral until the arrival of the General Emile Lahoud to presidency. At his era the state accompanied the resistance, this means that the consensus on the resistance was not a condition for the completion rather its acceptance was the end of the ability to complete. Furthermore, the subjection of the resistance to the logic of a state means its end and the fall of all its achievements, since every time has its equations. The only acceptable consensus is the consensus on the future of the resistance after the liberation, where no decision is taken without its acceptance. The relationship between the resistance and the state is a friendly accommodation between two necessities for the survival of the homeland and its strength.

The generation which accompanied the course of the resistance since the occupation in 1983 and shared its sacrifices and its achievements is a generation that is must be integrated not competed. That generation recognizes that the youth of the Islamic resistance were the most efficient to carry the banner until victory. Hezbollah’s leaders do not deny that they established and accumulated on what they inherited of those who preceded them from the Mujahideen of Amal Movement and the resistance fighters of the Lebanese national resistance in its national and leftist wings. Both of them have unforgettable heroisms and undeniable contributions. The resistance became the collective movement of those who were truly distinguished by the honesty of their choice and the greatness of their sacrifices; they have martyrs and many honorable symbols. For those without exception we owed the celebration, the happiness, and the feeling of pride and dignity.

We remember on the first days of the birth of the resistant action, many figures who do not fear dangers; they put in front of their eyes the humiliation of the occupier without any considerations, some of them became martyrs and some of them are still continuing without arrogance their roles as resistance fighters, strugglers, politicians, writers, or contributors in the public affair. Damascus was bringing us together, we who are observed and eavesdropped or sometimes planned to be killed. Damascus at that time was not mere a safe place for meeting, rather it was our operations room, a training center, and a source of weapons, it remained like that despite all the structural changes in its institutions and the structural changes of forces concerned with the resistance. Damascus which a Lebanese-Syrian corruption front which stemmed from the convergence of two resistance fronts wanted to distort its role and to mix between its honest partners in losses and its opportunists and beneficiaries of gains away from the source of the gains. Damascus, which it is fair to recognize that without it the resistance would not be as it is now.

As in Damascus in Tehran the resistance fighters meet, they get the support and the auspices to support the course of this resistance and to make its victory imminent. Many fighters were boasting of their identity and their cause away from their country in which they fear and feel afraid to disclose their identity and their cause. Even in the era of the rising force of the resistance, the resistance fighters in Damascus and Tehran were called in their names as resistant while in their country their names became symbols of guardianship or the group of Syria and Iran. As the liberation was a festival for all Lebanon, as the victory in July 2006 and the victory in May 2000. Some Lebanese remained refusing the partnership in victory and refusing considering it a victory; their eyes are as Israel on the resistance weapon asking the same questions about its fate.

On the Liberation and Resistance Day, a call to think quietly and to contemplate; will we have a homeland before we reconcile on right and wrong in our modern history? Was Israel indeed an occupation? Was the resistance the right national expression to confront that occupation, or was our history related under the name of the civil wars or the wars of others on our land?  Was the division on the occupation between the dealing and the resistance a kind of a civil war or a kind of the manipulation of others?

The painful fact which some find it difficult to accept is that the real civil war is being formed by changing the concepts of patriotism, occupation and resistance in order not to embarrass each other. Therefore the history becomes courtesy and hypocrisy and the national hypocrisy becomes the shortest way to the civil war, while the national agreement begins from the acknowledgement of the facts of history.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

مايو 25, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– قد يعيش بعض اللبنانيين عيد التحرير والمقاومة كعطلة إضافية عادية، لأنّ بلد الطوائف والمناطق ضرب الكثير من مقوّمات الحسّ الوطني، حتى كان الاحتلال خلال عقدين من عمر لبنان قضية تخصّ أهله الذين ذاقوا مرارته وذله وصنعوا من أبنائهم وبناتهم مقاومته، وكان الكثير من باقي اللبنانيين بين متفرّج ومحايد أو متبرّم مما يسمّيه المبالغة في رفض تسويات لا بدّ من قبولها في موازين ما يسمّيه الواقعية السياسية. ورغم فشل وَصْفَات التسويات في تأمين الانسحاب الإسرائيلي، وفوز المقاومة برهانها المعقود على دماء شهدائها، بقي مَن يقول قبيل التحرير إنّ وجود المقاومة يعقّد هذا الانسحاب، أما على مستوى الدولة فقد بدأت متآمرة مع الاحتلال حتى إسقاط اتفاق السابع عشر من أيار، وصارت محايدة حتى وصول العماد إميل لحود إلى رئاسة الجمهورية، فرافقت المقاومة لسنتين من عهده. وهذا يعني أنّ الإجماع على المقاومة ما كان يوماً شرطاً للإنجاز، بل كان القبول به نهاية لقدرة الإنجاز، كما يعني أنّ إخضاع المقاومة لمنطق الدولة بالمطلق يعني موتها وسقوط كلّ إنجازها. فالمعادلات التي تصحّ بتطبيق منطقها بمفعول زمن مضى لا تصحّ لزمن آتٍ، والإجماع الوحيد المقبول هو الإجماع على مستقبل المقاومة بعد التحرير، أيّ اشتراط قبول أهلها بكلّ ما يخصّها، حيث لا قرار بدون رضاها، والعلاقة بينها وبين الدولة هي مساكنة ودية بين ضرورتين لبقاء الوطن وقوّته ومنعته على السياسيين اكتشاف معادلاته وصناعتها.

– الجيل الذي رافق مسيرة المقاومة منذ الاحتلال عام 1982، وتشارك تضحياتها وصناعة إنجازاتها، وتناوب على ريادة ساحاتها، هو جيل يتكامل ولا يتنافس، ويقرّ كلّ أبنائه بأنّ شباب المقاومة الإسلامية كانوا الأكفأ بحمل الراية حتى النصر، بينما لا يغفل قادة حزب الله أنهم أسّسوا وراكموا على ما ورثوه ممن سبقوا، من مجاهدي حركة أمل ومناضلي المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية بجناحيها القومي واليساري، وقد كان لكلّ منهما بطولات لا تُنسى وإسهامات لا تُنكر، فصارت المقاومة هي التيار الجامع لكلّ هؤلاء الذين تميّزوا بصدق خيارهم وعظيم تضحياتهم، ولهم شهداء وأحياء ترفع القبعة لهم، وقد صار بعض تضحياتهم منسياً، وبعض عائلاتهم ومنها أسر لشهداء كبار، تعيش الحسرة والقهر والفقر، فلهؤلاء بلا استثناء ندين بالعيد والفرحة وشعور العزة والكرامة.

– نستذكر في تلك الأيام الأولى لولادة العمل المقاوم قامات شامخة بالعنفوان، لا تأبه المخاطر، وضعت نصب أعينها إذلال المحتلّ وقهره بلا حساب، بعضهم صار شهيداً وبعضهم لا يزال يواصل بتواضع النأي عن التباهي دوره مقاوماً أو مناضلاً أو سياسياً أو كاتباً أو مساهماً عن بُعد في الشأن العام، والذي يجب أن تتضمّنه كلّ شهادة للتاريخ هو أنّ الشام وحدها كانت تجمعنا نحن الذين كان كلّ لقاء يضمّ منا إثنين تراقبه العيون، وتترصّده آلات التنصّت والقتل أحياناً. ودمشق يومها لم تكن مجرد مكان آمن للقاء، بل كانت غرفة عملياتنا، ومركز التدريب ومصدر السلاح، وبقيت كذلك مع كلّ التغيّرات في هيكيلية مؤسسات الدولة فيها، وتغييرات هيكيلية القوى المعنية بالمقاومة. دمشق التي أراد تلازم فساد لبناني سوري نشأ على ضفاف تلازم مسارين مقاومين أن يشوّه دورها ويخلط بين شركائها الصادقين في خيارات الغرم، وبين المتنفعين الوصوليين ناقلي البنادق من كتف إلى كتف من أهل الغنم، بمعزل عن مصدر الغنم وعنوانه، هي دمشق التي يقتضي الإنصاف بالإعتراف أنه لولاها لما كان للمقاومة كثير مما كان.

– كما في دمشق في طهران، وكما من دمشق من طهران، يلتقي المقاومون دون أن يسألهم أحد عن غير حال المقاومة، ويتلقون الرعاية والمؤازرة، في ما يدعم مسيرة هذه المقاومة ويجعل نصرها قريباً. وبحسرة يذكر كثير من المقاومين أنهم كانوا يفاخرون بالمجاهرة بهويتهم وقضيتهم في غير بلدهم، الذي كانوا فيه يخشون ويحسبون ألف حساب لانكشاف هويتهم واكتشاف قضيتهم، وحتى في زمن قوة المقاومة وانتصاراتها بقي المقاومون يُعرَفون في دمشق وطهران وتجري مناداتهم بصفاتهم كمقاومين، بينما في بلدهم صار اسمهم رموز الوصاية أو جماعة سورية وإيران. وكما كان التحرير عيداً يهديه المقاومون لكلّ لبنان كان النصر في تموز 2006، ومثلما كان في أيار 2000، بقي بعض اللبنانيين يرفض الشراكة في النصر، ويرفض بالأصل اعتباره نصراً، وعينه كما عين «إسرائيل» على سلاح المقاومة، ويطرح أسئلتها ذاتها عن مصيره.

– في عيد التحرير والمقاومة دعوة لتفكير هادئ وتأمّل، ليقف الجميع أمام حقيقة، هل يكون لنا وطن قبل أن نتصالح على حقيقة الصواب والخطأ في تاريخنا الحديث، وليس القديم، هل كانت «إسرائيل» احتلالاً بالفعل؟ وهل كانت المقاومة هي التعبير الوطني الصحيح عن التصدي لهذا الاحتلال، أم انّ كلّ تاريخنا موصول باسم حروب أهلية، أو حروب الآخرين على أرضنا، وفي قلبه يصير الانقسام حول الاحتلال بين التعامل والمقاومة بعضاً من الحرب الأهلية، أو بعضاً من تلاعب الآخرين بنا؟

– الحقيقة الجارحة التي يصعب ربما على البعض قبولها، هي أنّ الحرب الأهلية الحقيقية يجري التأسيس لها بتمييع مفهوم الوطنية، والاحتلال، والمقاومة، فقط كي لا يُحرج بعضنا بعضاً، فيصير التاريخ فعل مجاملات ونفاقاً، والنفاق الوطني أقصر طرق الحروب الأهلية، بينما الوفاق الوطني يبدأ من الإقرار مرةً بحقائق التاريخ.

 

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President Lahoud to Al-Ahed: Liberation One of the Most Beautiful Days in My Life

Fatima Salameh

25-05-2018 | 08:49

It would not be a “Resistance and Liberation” holiday without hearing from him. He holds the title of the pro-resistance president and the “man” – described as such by the master of victory.

Emile Lahoud

His national and historic positions, which never abandoned the resistance, testify to that. The path of President Emile Lahoud, the nationalist, is full of honorable stances that carried Lebanon from the age of dependency to liberation. He defended the resistance before he knew them. It is enough that he is one of those who sought to liberate the land. The historic victory of 2000 was the pride of his reign and the result of his courageous positions that supported the path of Jihad at a time when the entire world stood against him. He was offered a lot in exchange for abandoning this path. He chose to work with conscience and in accordance with his convictions, which are not bought and sold.

In an interview with al-Ahed, President Lahoud recalls many stages, from his time as commander of the Lebanese army to the time he took over the presidency. His does not conceal his “joy” with the liberation of the land during his reign. He describes this event with pride. He tells how he learned about Hezbollah and its leader for the first time and how very proud he was of meeting him [the leader]. He often expresses his happiness that he is living in the time of the resistance fighters, who have returned Lebanon’s stolen dignity.

Emile Lahoud

Below is the script of the interview:

Eighteen years after liberation, what does President Emile Lahoud remember from that era?

It is the most beautiful day of my life. Before that date, there was no hope that we would be able to regain our dignity. Our land has been occupied for 22 years. All the officials who inherited the government were accustomed to this issue until it became obvious. Truthfully, I never heard of Hezbollah. When I took over as army commander, I was living in Rayak. The atmosphere was charged against Hezbollah. When I wanted to visit my family in the north, they used to send me telegrams asking me to be careful and watch out for Hezbollah members who intended to kill me. However, the teaching inside the house, which does not know a path of sectarianism, made me not interested in the matter, even though the picture in my mind drawn about Hezbollah is that it was a Takfiri group. When did I learn of Hezbollah? It was in 1991, when I took over the army command. A decision was issued by the Lebanese state to position the army in the South. I went to Tyre. One of the officers told me: “For 22 years, I was deployed here. I was a company commander and we received instructions that ‘if a militant is caught, we must hand him over to the intelligence services, who in turn will imprison him.’ You are a new army commander, what are your instructions for me in such a case?”

I asked him, what is their nationality, are they Palestinians? He said no, they are Lebanese who want to return to their villages, which are occupied by the “Israelis”, and they carry out operations against them. Sometimes we catch them before they arrive as they are on their way to the valleys. What do you want us to do in such a situation? I told him: “Lebanese who want to return to their villages that are occupied by the Zionists are resistance fighters. You have to support them.” He told me, “appreciated” and he rejoiced. It was the first time an officer thought in this way. ” To me, as Emile Lahoud, any nationalist army commander should not ask permission from anyone to issue such an order. Should I stand in the face of those who seek to liberate the land! On the contrary, I should be an absolute support for them.

Then I returned to Beirut and the President of the Republic, Elias Hrawi, told me:

“Emile are you crazy? You are supporting people who are causing trouble at the border. Tomorrow an “Israeli” soldier will be killed and [“Israel”] will attack all of Lebanon.” Do you want to ‘destroy’ Lebanon?

I told him:

“Have you ever heard of an army commander whose land is being occupied and he gives an order to his officers that whoever liberates the land should be imprisoned? We must support them. He told me: I give you an order to confront them. I told him: I will not obey.

In 1993, the resistance became stronger than before. The Zionists were annoyed and exerted pressure on the Americans, who in turn pressured the Lebanese state and the Security Council. The latter took a decision to get rid of Hezbollah. The Lebanese state at the time issued a decision. I remember an incident that took place at the time. Members of the army spoke to me. They told me that a Zionist tank bombed a Lebanese area and killed a woman. What do you want us to do? It was the first experience with “Israel”. I asked them: is there a Lebanese tank in range? They said yes. I said, what are you waiting for? Respond. At this point, the President of the Republic summoned me and told me: “Emile, what is happening? How could you do that and give an order to respond? I told him this is what I must do. He asked me more than once to eliminate Hezbollah with the support of the UNIFIL forces. I told him: You are not understanding me, I will not do it. He told me: ‘Tomorrow is the meeting of the Supreme Council of Defense and you have to attend.’ I said, ‘I will not attend.’ He replied, ‘then we will take the decision without you. Someone else will be the army commander.’ I told him: let him come. I am doing my duty and what my conscience tells me. The next day I came late to the meeting. I found them meeting with the UNIFIL commander. They designed a map for the elimination of Hezbollah. I told them: what are you doing? Fold this map. The commander of the UNIFIL forces replied: ‘they have taken the decision in the Security Council.’ I told him: let them take whatever they want. I will not comply. Let them bring another army commander to carry out what they want. What right does the Lebanese state have to order a national army to strike its people because the “Israelis” are annoyed?

Emile Lahoud

All this and you had no interaction with Hezbollah. When was your first direct contact with them?

After all these years, there was no contact between us. But there was absolute support on my part.

The first contact in which I got to know Hezbollah was in 1997 when I got a call saying that Hadi, the son of the Secretary General of the party, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, was martyred. I told them, this is the first time that an Arab leader presents his son as a martyr. I want to get to know him. Indeed, the measures were taken. I found him relaxed although the news of his son’s martyrdom was announced an hour before my visit. We spoke for about ten minutes as I consoled him. I felt that we would win and triumph with this leader. Days passed, and we did not meet. In 2000, at the time of the liberation, Sayyed Nasrallah asked me to meet him. So we met and he presented me with an “Israeli” rifle. After that, I never saw him until I left the presidency. At the time, we sat for about three hours and talked about everything. He told me, ‘I do not know you.’ I told him, ‘We met in good conscience.’

What does to Emile Lahoud that the land was liberated during his reign as you have always described this event with pride?

It means my dignity. I take pride in this event very much. I am glad that the dignity of the Lebanese had been restored during my days. Is it possible that the “Israelis” occupy our land for 22 years and no one is shaken. Only a handful of resistance fighters met and liberated the land and defended us. Without them, “Israel” would have been among us.

How did the liberation of the land contribute to your military experience?

We can achieve the impossible. Many asked me what I was doing. No one can resist “Israel”. I told them, you will see. The resistance is the immunity of Lebanon. I am surprised how some people speak after the conclusion of the elections on the need to disarm the resistance, after all that it has done! They certainly get money from their masters who incite them to do so.

How do you perceive the golden equation, which you supported early on?

Without the golden equation, Lebanon would no longer exist, especially after the events that took place in Syria and Iraq, which made Lebanon strong and able to stand up to “Israel”. Unfortunately, we did not learn that we must preserve it through national action and not through sectarianism.

Today, the Palestinians are doing all they can to liberate their land. What is your advice for them given the experiences with the liberation of Lebanese lands?
There is no talk with “Israel” except in the language of force. I do not want to criticize, but when I hear some Palestinian officials talking about the need for a settlement, this does not return the land. The solution is only by force, just as we did in Lebanon. Here, I recall an incident. At one of the closed summits of the Arab heads of state in Khartoum, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said ‘how can I possibly pay for the salaries for the ‘Strip’ when the Zionists are not allowing the funds to arrive. I ask you Arabs to mediate with the concerned parties to put pressure on “Israel” so that the money can reach us. I told him, ‘Abu Mazen, behave like we did in Lebanon. It is shameful to beg for our salaries. We have to attack them by force. If you acted like Lebanon, you will not be here right now.’

You have always said that the the crisis in Syria will conclude with a victory. How do you describe the situation seven years after the crisis started?

Syria triumphed. The losers including the Zionists and the Arabs are coveting a winning card. That is why they are pressing in the last quarter. But they will not triumph. The crisis will soon be over and with it the conspiring mentality in Lebanon will end.

A final word

How lucky we are that we have lived in the time of the resistance and the men who sacrificed themselves for the homeland.

Source: Al-Ahed

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فلسطين ونصرالله

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مايو 15, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– تبدو التوأمة بين فلسطين والسيد حسن نصرالله قضية وجودية لكليهما، فليس في حياة هذا السيّد من قضية تحتلّ وجدانه وتشكّل بوصلة يوميّاته كمثل فلسطين، تلازم وضوءه وصلاته والدعاء، يتشكل حولها محور التحالفات والخلافات، ولها مكانة البوصلة في كل ما يُعرَف بمصطلحات اليوم بالسياسة، ولولاها لترك هذه السياسة لسواه وليس فيها ما يستهويه، وهو لأجلها فقط يتحمّل الكثير مما يراه ويعرفه ويسمعه، وممن يلتقيهم ويبذل جهوداً لتحشيدهم وإقناعهم، وتثبيت مواقفهم في مواقع يراها ولو لم يصارحْهم بذلك، سنداً لمعركته من أجلها، ولولا هذا السيّد ما كانت فلسطين التي يئست من حكومات العرب، تحضَر عرس شهادتها اليوم، وقد سبق أن أخذها بعض قادتها باسم اليأس إلى سوق النخاسة في أوسلو، وتحمّلت المهانة ضناً بدماء أبنائها كي لا يسقطوا وتذهب دماؤهم هدراً. فكل تجاربها خيبات، تثق وتختزن الآمال وتسقط ضحية خيبة جديدة،

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إما لأن التآمر خطف منها فرصة ذهبية كجمال عبد الناصر، أو لأن الخيانة أخذت منها مصر مع أنور السادات، وها هي تعود تبذل أبناءَها وبناتها قرابين على مذبح حريّتها، وعيونها لا تشخص إلى سواه، تُعلن جاهزيّتها للمزيد وهي تثق أنه يقبض على اللحظة وسيكون حيث يجب أن يكون.

– يجتمع كل شيء اليوم للقول إنها المعركة الفاصلة، فلا مزيد من المعارك الحقيقية في سورية، إلا لأن سورية بقيادة رئيسها ترفض منح الضمانات لأمن «إسرائيل»، ولا مزيد من الضغوط على لبنان والعراق واليمن يُجدي في تغيير التوازنات بحسابات المصالح إلا لأن أمن «إسرائيل» في الميزان. وفي الملف النووي الإيراني كانت ولا تزال القطبة المخفية أن إيران تدعم قوى المقاومة وتتسبّب بزعزعة أمن «إسرائيل»، وتأتي أميركا وتجلب معها عربانها لتدعيم مكانة «إسرائيل» بكل ما تملك ويملكون، وتشريع الاغتصاب بعض هذا الذي يراهنون أنه يُجدي في لحظة المواجهة الوجودية، والبوابة من القدس.

– يتصدّر السيد ساحة الحلفاء معلناً رسم المعادلات، من ميزان الردع في لبنان إلى ميزان الردع المتنامي في سورية، إلى ثبات إيران، والثقة بالحشد في العراق وبالصمود في اليمن، والعين والقلب إلى فلسطين، والساحات تمتلئ بالحشود والشهداء، والمعركة في البدايات، والقضية معقّدة الحسابات، لكن الجولة حاسمة، فأن تنتهي بإخماد جذوة المقاومة والانتفاضة يعني انتقال «إسرائيل» مجدداً ومعها أميركا وعربانها لتدمير معادلات القوة الراسخة بتوازناتها اليوم في ساحات الصراع كلها، وأن تنجح فلسطين في مواصلة المواجهة والمقاومة، يعني أن تتثبت معادلات القوة في الساحات كلها.

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– ما من ضمانة بعيون الفلسطينيين لتتواصل التضحيات بلا حساب لولا الثقة بأن الأمين هو المؤتمن على الدماء، وبعد الخيبات في ساحات المواجهة من كثير من القيادات الفلسطينية لا ثقة في هذه الساحات إلا بأن السيّد هو الضمانة. فله وحده وبوجوده سيطوي السوريون ومثلهم كثيرون صفحات خيباتهم مع فصائل فلسطينية وقيادات فلسطينية، وعنده وحده تنعقد الثقة من كل صوب.

– السيد وفلسطين يتقدّمان الخطوة ما قبل الأخيرة للقاء التاريخي الموعود، وليس مهماً بعدها كم يدوم الصراع، ولا كم تكون التكلفة أو كيف تتبلور الاحتمالات.

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The ’Sayyed’ Who Never Left the Bekaa «السيد» الذي لم يغادر البقاع يوماً

Abbas Fneish

04-05-2018 | 08:10

In his last electoral speech addressing the people of the Bekaa [a few days ago], Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was eager to inject political momentum into the electoral battle, focusing on what awaits Lebanon and the region on May 6th. He thanked everyone who contributed to his detracting from the risk of appearing personally at the Bekaa to urge people to vote and participate. It is the Bekaa where Sayyed spent a great deal of his life.

Sayyed Nasrallah

The young man who studied in a Hawza [seminary] and who was running away from the regime of Saddam Hussein did not feel estranged in that city. He did not sense any difference between his family home in the Southern village of Bazuria, which he left at the age of fifteen, and his new residence in the Sheikh Habib neighborhood in the city of Baalbek. With his thick glasses, heavy beard and slim figure he snuck into people’s hearts here. Soon whispers of the “Sayyed Hassan”, the political leader of the Amal Movement in the Bekaa, will spread throughout the city of the sun. This was at the end of the 1970s.

Because he was the Imam of communal prayers in the Imam Ali Mosque in the neighborhood of Sheikh Habib, his knowledge of Bekaa and its people expanded. The close proximity of the mosque to the Imam al-Montathar Hawza, founded by his mentor Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, as well as the latter’s care for him made Sayyed Hassan more connected to the people. He transformed from being a preacher introducing people to the revolutionary Islamic movement to being one of them. He shared their concerns, rooted in their habits, and roamed through their markets. There, he was blessed with his two children Jawad and Zainab.

With the “Israeli” invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the arrival of elements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps in coordination with Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, the first features of what will later become known as Hezbollah was formed. In this context, Sayyed Hasan was able to attract people and mobilize them. He was the first to call [for resistance]. He would stand in the first row at times. At other times he would be standing on the “pick up” truck. He moved from town to town. He got to know them as they got to know him. He knew the tribes and families as they knew him. He moved from Hawsh al-Sayyed Ali to al-Karak and from Shmustra to Younine until his dialect became mixed with words from Baalbek because it was affected by his mingling with the people of that region.

From Beirut to the Bekaa

His goal was to encourage people to participate in military courses to learn how to bear arms to resist “Israel”. However, he did not forget his role as a preacher whether in Imam al-Montathar Hawza or among the people. During the month of Ramadan, the young Sayyed gave up all his work and headed towards the areas of the al-Jaafar clan in Faysan, Joura Qaddur, Ruwaymah and others. These were remote areas and very difficult to reach. Sayyed used to free himself to teach them the provisions of religion. The people around him sensed two aspects of his personality that will accompany him along his path: his astounding patience and his anticipation of the future. He used to say those would one day become the backbone of the rising resistance.

Hezbollah’s formations went public. Sayyed became responsible for the Bekaa region and, in parallel, the Friday Prayers Imam in the town of al-Nabi Sheeth. His work began to take an organizational direction. He followed-up, examined the details, especially the ones related to the military courses and those enrolling from the first day until graduation. He put himself at their disposal as a permanent instructor giving political and doctrinal lessons at the Janta camp. At the same time, he was not disconnected from Beirut or the South. He was a member of the party’s Shura Council before moving to Beirut in 1985 to become the head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council and then the top official in Southern Lebanon. Despite all this, he always remained present in the Bekaa. His home remained open, and he maintained a direct presence, especially at major events such as al-Quds International Day.

With the martyrdom of Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi and his assumption of the General Secretariat, the Islamic Resistance moved to another pattern. He remained present in the field in the Bekaa during graduations following the completion of military courses or in gathering the cadres and emphasizing the importance of the role of the region in resisting the occupation. The occupied Western Bekaa axis belonged to the Bekaa region. Therefore, he was deliberately present at every qualitative or sensitive operation and would delve into the most precise details.

The martyrs in the Bekaa and their families had the largest share of his interest. He took part in funeral processions. He was a speaker at the wakes. He was a celebrant of one of the sons and daughters [of the martyrs’ families]. If the circumstances demanded a postponement of the visit, the visit was never left uncompleted. Most houses in the Bekaa keep commemorative photos taken in person with “His Eminence Sayyed”.

From the liberation war to July 2006

In 1997, during the so-called “Revolution of the Hungry”, Sayyed’s recommendations to the people were to endure, assimilate and not to be drawn into any friction. When asked why, he used put the interest of the Bekaa, its people and its tribes before the organizational interest. People were always the key. They met Sayyed in the middle of the road. They invited him to their villages and homes to renew their allegiance. So, he went to Hermel, Shmustar, Tarayah, Bednayel, Shaath and other areas.

“His Eminence Sayyed’s” influence was above any consideration, blood and revenge. Any friction between any two clans was solved with a visit from a cadre of Hezbollah carrying the following message: “His Eminence, Sayyed, greets you”.

In that year, the martyrdom of Sayyed Hadi Nasrallah brought sadness to every house in the Bekaa. The Husayniyahs and the houses of mourning were opened to accept condolences for the young man who grew up among them. Some of them still remember him today as a child in the company of his father and his brother Jawad in a Mercedes.

The 2000 liberation resonated stronger in the Bekaa than in the South. As usual, Sayyed envisioned the next stage in preparation for a war with the enemy. He intensified his tours with the leader, Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, in the region to view the specialized courses. He opened some of them and graduated others. He was also informed in detail of the military readiness of the different units.

During the July 2006 war, the commander of the resistance was not disconnected from the Bekaa. During the war, he carefully followed-up on the function of the various apparatuses. After it, he followed-up on everything related to the martyrs and reconstruction.

Facing the Takfiris

The year 2011 formed a new and important post in the Bekaa. The movement of militants in Syria would soon become an escalating threat on the eastern border of Lebanon. During the beginning of 2012, the terrorist factions started violations on the other side of the border until the city of Qusayr fell into the hands of the militants. Attacks were unleashed around 30 thousand Lebanese residing in Syrian villages. The Secretary General of Hezbollah sent for the concerned parties and held a detailed meeting to assess the situation. He was as keen on the Bekaa and its people as he was with the national sovereignty of Lebanon, which was being threatened along its eastern frontier. The decision was purely defensive. It was based on the cooperation with the Lebanese people in the threatened villages to arm, train and organize them as needed to defend their land. But his main purpose was to form committees responsible for relations and reconciliations and to avoid friction. He requested that the door be open to humanitarian situations even if it concerned the militants. He asked that aid and medical assistance be presented and deliveries be permitted. He requested that civilians be separated from terrorists. He also recommended activating the presence of Hezbollah and its cadres among the people due to the sensitivity of the matter. He did not want to test their patience towards the violations of Takfiri terrorism. During that period, Sayyed’s follow-up was almost daily. He first asked about the people, families and clans. And then came work.

As the threat escalated in 2013 and the fire extended to more villages in Hermel and other areas, he took the decision to move from defense mode to deterrence mode and clear the villages of West Assi and rural Qusayr. As the battle of Qusayr approached, Sayyed was present in person. He met with the military leadership and Saraya [Lebanese Resistance Brigades] officials. He listened to a detailed explanation of the situation on the ground and gave his remarks. He explained to them the battle with all its dimensions and demonstrated its importance in the protection of the Bekaa, its people and its villages.

After Qusayr, as the Takfiri factions moved to the villages of Qalamoun and its outskirts, they resorted to suicide bombings in the villages and towns of Bekaa. He continued to follow-up with the situation closely “as if he was in the operation room in the Bekaa”, according to those with him, until the first battles of Qalamoun were concluded. Following these battles, the Nusra Front concentrated its terror on the outskirts of the Lebanese villages. It continued sending car bombs and launching rockets towards the villages of Bekaa and attacking Hezbollah positions. The most notable of which was Ein Saah in the outskirts of Britel, where eight fighters were martyred.

Sayyed in the Eastern Chains

A while later, the military leadership in the Bekaa convened to assess the situation and study the options. There was a knock on the door. The Secretary General in person was there in a black military uniform. Everyone was surprised by his presence. He asked them for a detailed explanation of the situation. He then gave his instructions that it was settled: “We must eliminate all terrorist threats on the eastern border.” The surprise was greatest when he asked to inspect the field. Sayyed toured all the points of contact as well as the main axes and observatories. At some positions, the fighters did not expect Sayyed’s visit. As a result, many wondered about the “big resemblance” between Sayyed and this “visiting leader”. At the Ras al-Harf hilltop, he got out of the car and walked towards the first barrier. Those accompanying him feared that the car would be hit by a guided missile. But he insisted on completing the tour. He asked that fortifications be enabled, ambushes be activated, crossings be blocked and the defense plans be secured. This tour, paradoxically, took place in the midst of intense “Israeli” air activity. When he arrived to an area overlooking Ein Saah, he was keen to know the details of “how the brothers were martyred”. At the last position, field officials told him about the rough terrain. Sayyed replied: “I’m comfortable. This is easy for our men.” His phrase reflected the reassurance of victory.

During that tour, Sayyed actually put the finishing touches on the upcoming battles on the outskirts. He did not stop following-up, especially during the snow season. He maintained daily contact during every storm and asked about the situation of the brothers, the supplies and the routes. In some of the communications, he would refer to the positions by their names to be more reassuring. Later, in the spring of 2015, the first stage of liberating the outskirts took place. It was followed by the second phase in the summer of 2017. In August 28, 2017, the Bekaa witnessed the second liberation celebration. Sayyed was unable to attend in person as he wished. He apologized sorrowfully. The same way he wished to attend the Loyalty to Land celebration in Baalbek the day before yesterday.

Source: Al-Akhbar Newspaper, Translated by website team

 

«السيد» الذي لم يغادر البقاع يوماً

في خطابه الانتخابي الأخير الموجّه إلى أبناء البقاع، أول من أمس، بدا الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله حريصاً على إعطاء زخم سياسي كبير للمعركة الانتخابية، ربطاً بما ينتظر لبنان والمنطقة من استحقاقات، غداة السادس من أيار المقبل، وهو شَكَر كل من ساهم في ثنيه عن مخاطرة نزوله شخصياً إلى البقاع لحثّ الناس على التصويت والمشاركة. البقاع الذي قضى «السيد» فيه ردحاً كبيراً من عمره.

لم يشعر الشاب الحوزوي الهارب من نظام صدام حسين بغربته في تلك المدينة. لم يلمس فارقاً بين منزل العائلة في البازورية الجنوبية التي خرج منها في سن الخامسة عشرة ومحل إقامته الجديد في حي الشيخ حبيب في مدينة بعلبك. بنظاراته السميكة ولحيته الكثّة وجسده النحيل سيتسلّل إلى القلوب هنا، وسرعان ما سيبدأ الهمس في مدينة الشمس باسم «السيد حسن»، المسؤول السياسي لحركة أمل في البقاع. كان ذلك في نهاية سبعينيات القرن الماضي.

إماماً للجماعة في مسجد الإمام علي في حي الشيخ حبيب، توسعت معرفته بالبقاع وأهله. التصاق المسجد بحوزة الامام المنتظر التي أسّسها أستاذه السيد عباس الموسوي، ورعاية الأخير له، جعلاه أكثر التصاقاً بالناس. انتقل من حوزوي واعظ يعرّف الناس بالإسلام الحركي الثوري، إلى واحد منهم، يتشارك همومهم، يتأصل في عاداتهم، ويجول في أسواقهم. وهناك، رُزق بولديه جواد وزينب.

مع الاجتياح الإسرائيلي للبنان عام 1982، وقدوم عناصر من الحرس الثوري من الجمهورية الاسلامية في إيران، بالتنسيق مع السيد عباس الموسوي، تشكّلت الملامح الأولى لما سيعرف لاحقاً باسم حزب الله. وفي هذا الاطار، تألّق «السيد حسن» في استقطاب الناس وتحشيدهم في كل المفاصل: أول الهاتفين، والواقف في الصف الأول أمام الجموع تارة أو على « البيك آب» تارة أخرى. تنقل في كل البلدات فعرفها وعرفته، وحفظ العشائر والعائلات وحفظته، من القصر وحوش السيد علي إلى الكرك، ومن شمسطار إلى يونين، حتى داخلت لهجته ألفاظاً بعلبكية تأثراً باختلاطه بناس تلك المنطقة.

من بيروت إلى البقاع

كان هدفه حثّ الناس على المشاركة في الدورات العسكرية للتعلم على حمل السلاح لمقاومة إسرائيل، من دون أن يغفل دوره التبليغي، سواء في حوزة الامام المنتظر أو بين الناس. في شهر رمضان، كان السيد الشاب يتخلّى عن كل مشاغله، وينطلق نحو مناطق عشيرة آل جعفر في فيسان وجورة قدور والرويمة وغيرها، وهي مناطق نائية كان الانتقال اليها شديد الصعوبة، مفرّغاً وقته لتعليمهم أحكام الدين. عكس ذلك لدى المحيطين به بعدين في شخصيته سيرافقانه طيلة مسيرته: صبره المذهل واستشرافه للمستقبل، حين كان يقول إن هؤلاء سيصبحون يوماً سند المقاومة الصاعدة.

خرجت تشكيلات حزب الله إلى العلن، وبات السيد مسؤولاً لمنطقة البقاع، وبالتزامن، إمام الجمعة في بلدة النبي شيت. بدأ عمله يأخذ منحى تنظيمياً: يتابع، يدقق في التفاصيل، لا سيما المتعلقة بالدورات العسكرية والملتحقين بها منذ أول يوم حتى التخرّج، ووضع نفسه في تصرّفهم كمدرّب دائم يعطي الدروس السياسية والعقائدية في معسكر جنتا. في الآن نفسه، لم ينقطع عن بيروت ولا عن الجنوب، إذ كان عضو شورى قرار في الحزب، قبل أن ينتقل عام 1985 إلى بيروت متولياً منصب المسؤول التنفيذي العام لحزب الله، وبعدها مسؤولاً لمنطقة الجنوب. مع ذلك، بقي حاضراً دائماً في البقاع، وبقي منزله هناك مفتوحاً، واستمر حضوره المباشر، لا سيما في المناسبات الكبرى، كيوم القدس العالمي.

مع استشهاد السيد عباس الموسوي وتوليه الأمانة العامة، انتقلت المقاومة الإسلامية الى نمط آخر واستحقاقات أخرى. بقي حاضراً «ميدانياً» في البقاع، في تخريج الدورات أو في جمع الكوادر والتشديد على محورية دور المنطقة في مقاومة الاحتلال، إذ كان محور البقاع الغربي المحتل تابعاً لمنطقة البقاع. لذلك، كان يتعمّد الحضور عند كل عملية نوعية أو حساسة، ويدخل في أدق جزئياتها.

وكان للشهداء في البقاع وعوائلهم الحصة الأكبر من اهتمامه، مشاركاً في تشييع أو خطيباً في أسبوع أو عاقداً قران أحد الأبناء أو البنات. وإذا ما حتّمت الظروف تأجيل الزيارة، فإنها لم تحل يوماً دون إتمامها، حتى إن معظم البيوت البقاعية تحتفظ بصور تذكارية شخصية مع «سماحة السيد».

من حرب التحرير إلى تموز 2006

عام 1997، إبّان ما سمّي «ثورة الجياع»، كانت توصياته تقضي بالتحمّل والاستيعاب وعدم الانجرار الى أيّ احتكاك. ولدى سؤاله عن السبب، كان يقدّم مصلحة البقاع وناسه وعشائره على المصلحة التنظيمية. الناس كانوا دائماً هم المفتاح. وهم لاقوا السيد في منتصف الطريق، فبادروا بدعوته الى قراهم وبيوتهم لتجديد الولاء، فجال في الهرمل وشمسطار وطاريا وبدنايل وشعث وغيرها.

كان أثر «سماحة السيد» فوق أي اعتبار، وفوق الدم والثأر. فبات أي احتكاك بين عشيرتين يُحل بزيارة من كادر في حزب الله حاملاً الرسالة الآتية: «بسلّم عليكن سماحة السيد».

في ذلك العام، أدخل استشهاد السيد هادي نصرالله الحزن إلى كل دار في البقاع. فتحت الحسينيات والبيوت للعزاء بالشاب الذي ترعرع بينهم، ولا يزال بعضهم الى اليوم يذكره صغيراً مع والده وأخيه جواد في سيارة المرسيدس «اللفّ».

تحرير عام 2000 كان صداه في البقاع أقوى من الجنوب. كعادته، استشرف السيد المرحلة المقبلة، استعداداً لحرب يراها واقعة مع العدو، فكثّف جولاته مع القائد الحاج عماد مغنية في المنطقة للاطلاع على الدورات التخصصية، مفتتحاً بعضها وراعياً تخريج بعضها الآخر، ومطّلعاً اطّلاعاً تفصيلياً على الجاهزية العسكرية للوحدات المختلفة.

في حرب تموز 2006، لم ينقطع قائد المقاومة عن البقاع، سواء خلال الحرب من خلال المتابعة الدقيقة لسير عمل الأجهزة المختلفة، أو بعدها بمتابعة كل ما يتعلق بالشهداء وإعادة الاعمار.

مواجهة التكفيريين

عام 2011 شكّل محطة مفصلية جديدة بقاعاً. الحراك في سوريا سرعان ما سيصبح تهديداً متصاعداً على الحدود الشرقية للبنان. مطلع 2012 بدأت تجاوزات الفصائل الارهابية على الجانب الآخر من الحدود، إلى أن سقطت مدينة القصير في أيدي المسلحين، وبدأت الاعتداءات على نحو 30 ألف لبناني يقيمون في قرى سوريّة. أرسل الأمين العام لحزب الله بطلب المعنيين، وعقد معهم اجتماعاً تفصيلياً لتقييم الوضع. كان حريصاً على البقاع وأهله بنفس درجة الحرص على السيادة الوطنية للبنان المهدد بحدوده الشرقية. كان القرار دفاعياً يقتصر على التعاون مع اللبنانيين في القرى المهددة لتسليحهم وتدريبهم وتشكيلهم بحسب الحاجة للدفاع عن أراضيهم، لكن الأصل لديه كان تشكيل لجان علاقات ومصالحات وتجنّب الاحتكاك، موصياً بفتح الباب امام الحالات الإنسانية حتى للمسلحين، وتقديم المساعدة والطبابة وتسهيل دخول الولادات، والفصل بين المدنيين والإرهابيين. وفي الموازاة، أوصى بتفعيل حضور حزب الله وكوادره بين الناس لحساسية الأمر، فهو لا يريد أن يضعهم في اختبار صبر جراء تجاوزات الإرهاب التكفيري. في تلك الفترة، كانت متابعة السيد شبه يومية، يسأل فيها أولاً عن الناس والعائلات والعشائر، وبعدها يأتي العمل.

مع تصاعد التهديد عام 2013، وتوسيع دائرة النار إلى قرى الهرمل وغيرها، اتخذ القرار بالانتقال من الدفاع الى الردع، وتنظيف قرى غرب العاصي وريف القصير. مع اقتراب معركة القصير، حضر السيد بشخصه. اجتمع بالقيادة العسكرية وبمسؤولي السرايا واستمع الى شرح مفصل عن الوضع الميداني وأبدى ملاحظاته، شارحاً لهم المعركة بأبعادها كافة، ومبيّناً أهميتها في حماية البقاع وأهله وقراه.

بعد القصير لجأت الفصائل التكفيرية، مع انتقالها الى قرى القلمون وجرودها والسلسلة الشرقية، الى التفجيرات الانتحارية في القرى والبلدات البقاعية. بقي متابعاً لصيقاً للوضع و«كأنه كان موجوداً في غرفة العمليات في البقاع»، بحسب المطلعين، حتى حسم معارك القلمون الأولى. إثر تلك المعارك، ركزت «جبهة النصرة» إرهابها على جرود القرى اللبنانية، واستمرت في إرسال السيارات المفخخة وإطلاق الصواريخ في اتجاه قرى البقاع ومهاجمة مواقع حزب الله، وأبرزها موقع عين ساعة في جرد بريتال حيث استشهد ثمانية مقاتلين.

«السيد» في السلسلة الشرقية

بعدها بفترة، التأمت القيادة العسكرية في البقاع لتقييم الأوضاع ودراسة الخيارات. طُرق الباب. كان الأمين العام شخصياً يرتدي بزة عسكرية سوداء ولفحة التعبئة. فوجئ الجميع بحضوره. طلب منهم شرحاً مفصّلاً عن الأوضاع ، وأعطى توجيهاته بأن الأمر بات محسوماً: «لا بد من القضاء على كل التهديد الإرهابي على الحدود الشرقية». المفاجأة كانت أكبر عندما طلب القيام بجولة ميدانية تفقدية. جال السيد على كل نقاط التماس والمحاور والمراصد الأساسية. في بعض النقاط لم يتوقع المرابطون هناك زيارة السيد، لذلك كان كثيرون يسألون عن حجم «الشبه الكبير» بين السيد وهذا «القيادي الزائر»! في مرتفع رأس الحرف، ترجّل من السيارة وسار الى الساتر الأول. كان من معه يخشون تعرّض السيارة لرماية صاروخ موجّه، لكنه أصرّ على إكمال الجولة، وطلب تمكين التحصينات وتفعيل الكمائن وسدّ المعابر وإحكام الخطط الدفاعية. هذه الجولة، للمفارقة، حصلت في ذروة نشاط جوي إسرائيلي. عند وصوله إلى منطقة مشرفة على عين ساعة، حرص على معرفة تفاصيل «كيف استشهد الإخوان». في آخر نقطة، حدّثه المسؤولون الميدانيون عن التضاريس القاسية، فردّ السيد: «أنا مرتاح. هيدي هينة على شبابنا». عكست عبارته اطمئناناً للنصر.

في تلك الجولة، وضع السيد فعلياً آخر اللمسات على معارك الجرود القادمة، ولم يتوقف عن المتابعة، لا سيما في فصل الثلوج، فدأب على الاتصال اليومي عند كل عاصفة والسؤال عن وضع الإخوة والتموين والمسالك. في بعض الاتصالات كان يسمّي النقاط بأسمائها للاطمئنان أكثر. لاحقاً، في ربيع 2015، حصلت المرحلة الأولى من تحرير الجرود، لتتبعها المرحلة الثانية صيف عام 2017، في 28 آب 2017 كان البقاع على موعد مع احتفال التحرير الثاني. لم يتمكّن السيد من الحضور الشخصي، كما كان يرغب، فاعتذر بحسرة، تماماً كما كان يرغب، وبشدّة، في حضور احتفال يوم الوفاء للأرض، في بعلبك أول من أمس.

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