The Fuel, Sayyed Nasrallah’s Equation and the Ungrateful, Contingent People

September 16, 2021

The Fuel, Sayyed Nasrallah’s Equation and the Ungrateful, Contingent People

By Charles Abi Nader

Now that the Iranian fuel has arrived to Lebanon via Syria – under the care, sponsorship and protection of Hezbollah – and now that it is available in the Lebanese market at the preferences identified by His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah as free or low-cost and to be distributed according to clear standards, it is the duty of every observer whether concerned or not [the unconcerned is definitely concerned but prefers not show it] to say what should be said neutrally. He should express his opinion objectively, if he could, about this achievement that has neither been fulfilled by Lebanon nor any other state with the challenges it carries. Of course, the challenges are not intended for internal parties who are completely ineffective and their words are nothing more than mere dust. But rather, the challenges confront regional and international parties which have been and still are laying a siege and pressuring major countries, and are somehow succeeding in that.

At first and foremost, the challenge facing the United States – which bet, through unprecedented economic and political pressure – that Lebanon and its entire component would surrender, in such a way that the Lebanese would yell at Hezbollah: “Enough! Yield to what the Americans want and engage in the game of subservience, normalization and surrender. Withdraw from the regional equations that you support or you had shaped, and have mercy on your people who are on the verge of collapse and have entered the tunnel of hunger, thirst and disease”.

The second challenge faced “Israel”, which also bet on Hezbollah’s reluctance to dare to transport the Iranian fuel, not only because that’s against Washington’s will, but also in transporting it via a sensitive sea route fraught with high risks, where “Israel” and its allies militarily control a large section of it to some extent, between the Arabian Sea, Bab al-Mandab, the Red Sea and Mediterranean Sea. “Israel” thought that Hezbollah would be afraid of launching even one ship in this sea route where it has frequently assaulted many Iranian ships. It was surprised by Hezbollah’s boldness, and what shocked it even more was when Hezbollah considered the ship or the ships that will transport Iranian fuel to Lebanon as a “Lebanese Territory” and the rules of engagement will apply to it just as they apply to the Lebanese land and facilities; asserting that any attack on it after it is loaded with fuel even if it is still docked in Iranian ports are tantamount to an attack on Lebanese territory.

The other challenge, despite lacking the importance and influence and does not pose any military danger such as the challenges confronting Washington or “Israel”, is the challenge facing some internal parties who bet – as usual – on the stances of Washington and “Israel”, believing that both would at least impede the transport of the Iranian fuel to Lebanon and ease the siege on the country. These parties remained at ease until they were certain that Iranian fuel had started flowing to Lebanon via the Syrian tankers. As they gasped its sweet scent, they were dumbfounded, silenced and tongue-tied, after being vocal and bold about the impossibility of Iranian fuel arriving.

It’s normal for these tongue-tied parties – after smelling the scent of Iranian fuel and hearing Sayyed Nasrallah’s detailed plan of fuel distribution to all the Lebanese; surely, those who desire and not by force, because oil by force has huge health and psychological repercussions – to keep their mouths shut, not to react positively with the event and never thank Hezbollah for this achievement. It’s typical of them because these people with their masters in the region and in the west attacked and conspired against Hezbollah when the latter was shedding blood in confronting the “Israeli” occupation or Takfiri terrorism in order to defend and protect the sons of these contingent and ungrateful people.

What’s worth noting in the reaction of these ungrateful parties is that their media refrained from reacting and appropriately reporting this event. Rather, they abided by the orders of their masters, benefactors and sponsors and overlooked broadcasting Sayyed Nasrallah’s speech regarding the details of transfer and distribution.

Last but not least, the event of the Iranian fuel will end soon and may stay for a little longer if the new government delays in carrying out its basic duties, but Hezbollah will always remain Lebanon’s safety valve and right hand to its legitimate military forces, if the political authorities fail to carry out their duties in protecting the country and its economic security. Accordingly, part of the contingent and ungrateful Lebanese will remain pawns and mouthpieces of their foreign masters, just the way we are used to them being.

Hezbollah Foes Desperately Tried to Underestimate Its Fuel Import Plan, Propaganda Failed: Video

September 15, 2021

Since Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah announced in his Ashura speech that the first fuel ship set off from Iran, the opponents of the Resistance Party in Lebanon, the region, and the whole world desperately tried to underestimate its fuel import plan.

Anti-Hezbollah forces launched a propaganda that depreciates the Resistance endeavor to confront the US siege by importing the Iranian fuel. That propaganda was based on misleading information about Hezbollah intentions and Iran’s ability to provide Lebanon with diesel and gasoline.

After Sayyed Nasrallah announced the arrival of the first oil ship, all the efforts of Hezbollah foes went in vain.

https://english.almanar.com.lb/ajax/video_check.php?id=106691

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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Sayyed Nasrallah Calls for Avoiding Popular Gatherings during Passage of Fuel Convoy in Baalbek-Hermel Area

September 15, 2021

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah called Wednesday for avoiding popular gatherings in Baalbek-Hermel area during the passage of the fuel cisterns convoy.

In a statement, Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that his eminence checked out the ongoing media and popular preparations in Baalbek-Hermel area to welcome the fuel cisterns convoy on Thursday, appreciating the sincere interaction of the inexorable people with this step.

Sayyed Nasrallah thanked the Baalbek-Hermel locals for this interactions and embrace over decades, urging the residents, especially Hezbollah commanders in the area, to avoid the popular gatherings during the passage of the fuel cisterns convoy to preserve locals’ safety and facilitate its movement.

Upon Sayyed Nasralla’s orders, Hezbollah command in Bekaa canceled all celebrations which had been scheduled to be held.

Sayyed Nasrallah announced on Monday that the first fuel ship, which Hezbollah decided to import from Iran, arrived in Banyas seaport early Sunday finished unloading its cargo, adding that the cisterns transferring the diesel load will enter Lebanon on Thursday.

The diesel will be stored in specific tanks in Baalbeck city before distributing it over the various Lebanese areas, Sayyed Nasralalh said.

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Nasrallah: ‘1st Iran fuel ship has arrived, for all Lebanese’

September 14, 2021

أولى بواخر النفط الإيراني وصلت... والتوزيع بعد الخميس

Description:

Below are breaking news items from a speech delivered by Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on 13-09-2021, in which he provided extensive details about his movement’s ongoing efforts to import much-needed fuel shipments from Iran to Lebanon aimed at breaking what Nasrallah says is a US-led economic siege on Lebanon.

Source: Al-Manar TV (Website)

Date: September 14, 2021

(Note: Please help us keep producing independent translations by contributing a small monthly amount here )

Transcript:

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s Secretary General:

–  So as not to embarrass the Lebanese government (and certain parties), we went for the second option, which is sending the (Iranian fuel) ship to the Syrian Baniyas Port, and Syria (who accepted receiving the ship) has facilitated (the ship’s) movement at the Baniyas Port and secured fuel tanks for the transportation process of the oil derivatives (across the Lebanese-Syrian border).

– Our sincere thanks goes to the Syrian leadership for their support and facilitation (of the process), and their understanding and contribution to the success of this step so far and for the next stages (as well).

– The first ship arrived at the Baniyas Port, Sunday night at 2:30 a.m., and the unloading of its cargo will be finished today (Monday), and the transfer of this material is supposed to begin this Thursday to specific reservoirs in the Baalbek region (in Lebanon), from where it will be distributed to the rest of the regions of Lebanon

– There were some (sides who) considered (i.e. framed) our promise to import oil derivatives from Iran as mere media talk, (which is) an effort that has failed.

– The existing deterrence equation (imposed by Hezbollah that protects) Lebanon, (also protects) the fuel ships and allowed the safe arrival of the first ship and (will ensure) the other ships (arrive safely too God willing).

– The ship that arrived carries diesel oil and the second ship that will arrive in a few days to Baniyas Port will be carrying diesel too.

– All the administrative prerequisites have been completed to begin the transport of the third ship (from Iran), which will be carrying gasoline (petrol).

-The fourth ship, which will be sent later, will carry diesel due to the coming winter seasons

– As for the method of delivery, we have adopted the following mechanism: for one month, starting September 16 till October 16, oil derivatives will be made available as donations to the following entities (in Lebanon): public hospitals, retirement homes (for the elderly), orphanages, special needs facilities, water institutions, and (poor) municipalities (local government councils) that use water wells.

– Civil Defence regiments and the Lebanese Red Cross will be receiving (diesel in the form of) donations too.

– A month after the arrival of the first ship, (the second category to be provided with diesel) will be pharmaceutical factories, serum laboratories, bakeries, (local) markets/shopping centres, as well as private power companies providing people with electricity through (private) power generators.

– In selling oil derivatives for private power companies at a price lower than the cost, we will reach an agreement to (ensure) the lowering of the (currently) exaggerated (artificially inflated) prices that are set for citizens.

– Our (great) concern is that the diesel oil is utilised for the sake of easing the suffering of the Lebanese people and (not to be sold) in the black market.

– We stress that the oil derivatives will be sold at less than the cost price, and we will consider the losses as an aid and gift from the Islamic Republic of Iran and Hezbollah.

– The main focus in terms of distributing (the diesel to Lebanese organisations/entites) will primarily occur via the US-sanctioned Al-Amanah Company (since it is already sanctioned!), while other (distribution) companies will be considered later on.

– My advice to the new government – which would not want (to bear the consequences of) lifting (government) subsidies – is to ensure that subsidised oil derivatives reach the citizens so that traders and monopolists won’t monopolise and sell them at (higher) new prices next month.

– Initially we (Hezbollah) were able to organise a a convoy of ships (from Iran), but we did not want to provoke (and antagonise) anybody because our goal is to alleviate (the Lebanese people’s) suffering, and so we used minimum media coverage in order to allow the process to actualise and achieve its intended purpose.

– We must thank the Islamic Republic of Iran, the leader Imam Khamenei (may his life be prolonged), President Ibrahim Raisi, and the Iranian officials.

– We thank Syria’s leadership and government for the facilitation, understanding, and cooperation it has shown and will show during the next stage.

– One of the blessings of this course (of organising fuel shipments from Iran), was that it opened new doors, especially after the immediate American actions following our move (i.e. suddenly allowing Lebanese officials to meet some of Lebanon’s electricity needs from Egypt & Jordan via Syria)

– We welcomed the visit of the official Lebanese delegation to Syria, and (thank Syria’s government) for handling the situation with openness and love despite the delicacy of the matter. 

– Iraqi fuel is supposed to arrive soon by the end of September (too), which will (contribute to) alleviating (the Lebanese) people’s suffering, and we reiterate our thanks to the Iraqi government for their efforts.

Nasrallah: ‘1st Iran fuel-laden ship to set sail for Lebanon in hours, won’t be last’

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شكراً حسان دياب… شكراً حمد حسن

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المصدر

من الظلم والإجحاف حصر أسباب عدم تمكن حكومة الرئيس حسان دياب من النهوض بأعباء الأزمة بتحميله المسؤولية، والكلّ يعلم أنّ الحصار الخارجي والداخلي قطع على الحكومة أغلب الطرق التي يجب اعتمادها، وان الدفع لتصعيد الأزمة حتى بلوغ الإنهيار كان أكبر من طاقة ايّ حكومة في ظلّ حجم الاستنفار الخارجي والداخلي لأخذ لبنان إلى القعر أملاً بخروج اللبنانيين على المقاومة يحمّلونها مسؤولية الانهيار، وليس خافياً انّ هذا الاستنفار شكّل سبب منع قيام حكومة لأكثر من سنة، ولولا التبدّل الناجم عن قواعد الإشتباك الجديدة التي فرضتها سفن الحرية التي أطلقتها المقاومة لنقل المحروقات من إيران لما تبدّل الموقف وفتح طريق ولادة الحكومة.

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الشكر للرئيس حسان دياب لأنه تجرّأ على قبول تحمّل المسؤولية عندما كان هناك قرار خارجي وداخلي بالحصار وفرض الفراغ، والشكر لأنّ أحداً لا يستطيع وسم مرحلته بأيّ تورّط بتهم الفساد، وأنّ الجريمة التي يلاحقونه بها هي تمرّده على الإملاءات الأميركية والتشوّف الفرنسي وانتفاضته لوطنيته اللبنانية، وانّ الذين يتفلسفون اليوم بنظريات إقتصادية ومالية عن الخطة التي طرحتها حكومته، مجرد أدوات حماية للمصارف التي نهبت الودائع وأساءت الأمانة، ومجرد سماسرة للبنوك الخارجية التي صدمها قرار التوقف عن سداد سندات اليوروبوند.

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الشكر واجب أيضاً للوزير حمد حسن، وقد قدّم مثالاً نموذجياً في الأداء القائم على نخوة البذل والتضحية، وتحلى بالمنهجية العلمية والجدية والحرفية في مواجهة جائحة فشلت أمامها وزارات الصحة في دول عظمى تتمتع بإمكانات هائلة ولا  تواجه أزمات انهيار كالتي يواجهها لبنان، خصوصاً في فترة تصريف الأعمال عندما بقي شبه وحيد يتحمّل المسؤولية في وزارته مع عدد محدود من الوزراء لا يتجاوزن عدد أصابع اليد الواحدة، وكل ما يمكن ان يؤخذ عليه ويسجل من ملاحظات يتصل بعفويته في التعبير، عن أداء يتسم بالجرأة والتواضع والصدقية.

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Sayyed Nasrallah: Diesel to Arrive in Lebanon Thursday… The American Conspiracies Will Fail as They Always Did

September 13, 2021

Sayyed Nasrallah: Diesel to Arrive in Lebanon Thursday… The American Conspiracies Will Fail as They Always Did

By Al-Ahed News

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered a televised speech on Monday evening in which he tackled the latest political developments in Lebanon and the region.

At the beginning of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah mourned the demise of prominent cleric Sayyed Mohammad Said al-Hakim in Iraq and the Head of the Supreme Shia Council in Lebanon Sheikh Abdul Amir Qabalan.

Moving to politics, Sayyed Nasrallah welcomed the formation of the Lebanese government that was announced on Friday and thanked all those who contributed to this achievement. His eminence didn’t forget to thank the caretaker prime minister Hassan Diab for his patience and patriotism and shouldering the responsibility over the period of caretaking the responsibilities of the already resigned government.

Highlighting that the current government’s priorities must be to save the nation from the heart of the downfall, carry out reforms, and take care of people’s livelihood, the resistance leader also voiced support for getting prepared to hold the municipal elections in the due time, and insisted on this issue.

Also on the governmental level, Sayyed Nasrallah called for finishing the ministerial statement as soon as possible for the government to gain confidence and drive the country out of the crises, urging everybody to stand in solidarity to grant the government the sufficient time before judging it.

Fuel bound to Lebanon

In key notes that were the reason for delivering Monday’s speech, Sayyed Nasrallah commented on the fuel shipments heading for Lebanon, explaining that Hezbollah had two choices regarding the destination where the ship docks, one was Lebanon and the other was Syria.

“Not to embarrass certain parties inside Lebanon, we decided to send the ship to Syria, which agreed on the matter of receiving the ship at one of its ports,” His Eminence stated, adding that Syria facilitated the movement in Baniyas Port for the storage and transferring the oil via the borders, and it also provided the cisterns in which the oil will be transferred.

Sayyed Nasrallah announced that the first ship carrying oil derivatives docked at the Syrian Port of Baniyas on Sunday evening, and today [Monday] unloading its cargo will be finished.

His Eminence further declared that transferring the oil derivatives to Beqaa area will start on Thursday and will be stored in certain reservoirs in Baalbek.

Lashing out at some bets that considered the promise to send the ships is just for media consumption, the resistance leader said the matter is left behind as the ship already arrived.

“The ‘Israeli’ was in trouble as the equation of deterrence was set, and it is the one that protected and allowed the arrival of the first ship,” Sayyed Nasrallah underlined, slamming those who betted on the Americans who failed to prevent the arrival of the ships despite the pressures and threats.

Additionally, His Eminence noted that betting on causing a trouble between Hezbollah and the Lebanese state has also collapsed thanks to the cooperation of the Syrian state: “All bets have collapsed and serious work has started although we expected setting new gamblings.”

The Hezbollah leader elaborated that the ship that has already arrived was carrying diesel oil, and the second ship will arrive at the Baniyas Port within a few days. Meanwhile, all administrative measures to send the third ship have been finished, and it will carry gas oil from Iran.

The fourth ship will later be carrying diesel oil to be used for heating as winter approaches, Sayyed Nasrallah made clear.

Elsewhere in comments on the same issue, the Hezbollah leader mentioned that based on the new government’s track and the given data, the destination of other ships would be decided.

Ruling out any intention of making profits, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah doesn’t seek trade or benefits from such ships, and it only aims at easing the suffering of the people. “The cargo that will arrive will be handed to all classes in Lebanon and is not limited to certain people,” His Eminence assured.

“We prepared a specific mechanism to deliver the oil derivatives, and we don’t aim at competing with others,” Sayyed Nasrallah said. “As per distribution, we adopted several divisions; the first of which is a donation that will be sent for a one-month supply for several sides.”

Those sides are public hospitals, nursing homes, orphanages, and centers that take care of people with special needs, Sayyed Nasrallah said. Additionally, water facilities and poor municipalities that has water wells, the civil firefighting centers, and the Lebanese Red Cross will be considered in this donation.

According to Sayyed Nasrallah, the second section that will receive those derivatives with appropriate prices – and there are priorities in this regard – are the private hospitals, serology laboratories, bakeries, and supermarkets, the food industry, and the agricultural equipment.

“We will sell the oil derivatives to the second section with prices that are lower than the costs at the market and there will be no oil that will be sold to individuals,” the resistance leader underscored.

In the phase of distribution, Hezbollah will depend in the first place on the Al-Amana company that is already blacklisted by the US and will deal with other companies later. The quantities will be distributed gradually to increase the amount of the beneficiaries and Hezbollah will focus mainly on the municipal unions, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

His Eminence underscored that the important point for Hezbollah is that the material reaches the due recipients and not the black market. “We will shoulder a big amount of the costs against the greed and monopoly found in Lebanon.”

The resistance group will sell the material in prices that are less than their expenses as it doesn’t seek profits and will consider the losses as an aid from Hezbollah and Iran, its leader added.

The official price for selling the diesel oil will be either announced on Wednesday or on Thursday, and it will be less than the expenses. The material will be sold in exchange for the Lebanese pound and Hezbollah will not cost the country’s treasury anything, Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized.

“We aim at breaking the black market and the greed of the monopolists,” His Eminence reiterated.

Sayyed Nasrallah called on the new government to have the Lebanese Army as the guarantor in the process of delivering subsidies to the people.

In clear remarks highlighting Hezbollah’s capabilities, Sayyed Nasrallah said the party was able to get a convoy of ships at once with a media coverage, but it didn’t do so because it didn’t want to incite anybody and it is why Hezbollah achieved the matter with the minimum of media coverage.

“We don’t aim at any political employment of what happened,” His Eminence noted, affirming that among the blessings of what happened is that it opened new doors to Lebanon, especially after the direct US move to bring Egyptian gas through Jordan and Syria.

On the same level, Sayyed Nasrallah welcomed the official visit of the Lebanese delegation to Syria that was open and loving despite the critical situation.

Regarding the agreement of exchanging Iraqi fuel, Sayyed Nasrallah said it is supposed to arrive in Lebanon and thanked the Iraqi government for its efforts in this respect.

Also on the local level, Sayyed Nasrallah warned that the ration card might open another door to stealing, corruption, and politicization and called on the Lebanese to adhere to the law related to the ration card without any fraud: “Those who don’t meet the restrictions should leave the money offered by this card to other people in need.”

Gilboa Heroic Op

Hailing the operation of Gilboa Prison break, Sayyed Nasrallah described the “Tunnel of Freedom” Operation that was carried out by Palestinian heroes and resistance men as an event with major and very important significances.

“The “Tunnel of Freedom” Operation expresses the creativity of those heroes and it is a source of pride for every honorable man, it also expresses the Palestinian insistence on freedom,” Sayyed Nasrallah said.

Additionally, His Eminence ruled out that detaining four of the six escapees would undermine the success of the operation and underscored that the responsibility of protecting the two remaining escapees should be shouldered by all Palestinians.

July 13 Events: Gaza Liberation, Airport Massacre, Jabal al-Rafei Confrontation

As today marks the 16th anniversary of liberating the Gaza Strip, Sayyed Nasrallah commented on this “major victory the resistance has scored and it emphasized the benefit of the choice of resistance”, noting that liberating the Gaza Strip led to turning it into a main base for resistance and a source of hope for all the people of Palestine.

July 13 also marks the day when the Lebanese Army opened fire at the heads of people protesting against the Oslo Agreement, in comments on the tragic massacre, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that “We were very patient on this calamity to ward off sedition some sides wanted to create against the Lebanese Army.”

“Nobody in Dahiyeh has opened fire against the security forces although they were killing their sons and daughters. Our people blocked the road in front of the sedition that was desired and later, the blood of our martyrs blended with that of the army’s martyrs,” Sayyed Nasrallah underlined, in reference to the martyrdom of a group of resistance men, including his own son, martyr Hadi Hassan Nasrallah, and a group of Lebanese Army soldiers on July 13, 1997 while combatting an ‘Israeli’ commando unit in Jabal al-Rafei, south Lebanon.

“The blood of our resistance men blended with the blood of the Lebanese Army officers, which led to victory,” the Hezbollah leader.

US will always fail

Sayyed Nasrallah concluded his speech by assuring the Americans that they will fail in every conspiracy they hatch against Lebanon: “Just as your hopes and conspiracies failed, you will fail once again and the golden equation [of Army, People, and Resistance in Lebanon] will persist.

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الأسد الاستراتيجي.. هابوك.. فحاربوك..

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الاثنين 13 أيلول 2021

سماهر الخطيب

منذ أن تسلّم الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد مقاليد الحكم في تموز من عام 2000، بدأت معظم مراكز الدراسات العربية والغربية والأميركية عبر أبحاثها ودراساتها حول شخصية الرئيس الجديد لسورية وطريقة حكمه طرح العديد من السيناريوات التي حاول معدّوها في الغرف السوداء عرض أفكارهم وآرائهم حول شخصية الرئيس الأسد وكيفية السيطرة على سورية من خلال تفنيد سياساته وقراراته والبحث في تطلعاته.

شكل مجيء الرئيس بشار الأسد إلى سدة الحكم، مع ما يحمله من أفكار، استمرارية لمسار والده الرئيس الراحل حافظ الأسد وتطويراً لمدرسة الأب بما يحمله الإبن من أفكار استراتيجية عصرية، الأمر الذي شكل هاجساً لدى صناع السياسة وأصحاب القرار في المجتمع الدولي، خاصة أنه عبّر، مع أول خطاب له، عن رغبته في تحرير النظام السياسي والاقتصادي وتعزيز الديمقراطية في الداخل السوري، معلناً نيّته إطلاق عمليات لبرلة اجتماعية واقتصادية وقد أعطى الأولوية للإصلاحات الاقتصادية بهدف خلق الشروط الملائمة للدمقرطة السياسية اللاحقة، فعُرفت بداية عهده بـ(ربيع دمشق)، وباتت سياساته هدفاً للسياسة الأميركية التي لم تُرِد سورية قوية كعهدها.

لم يحدّد الرئيس الأسد فقط نهج سورية في المجالين الاقتصادي والتقني بل حدّد مسارها الديمقراطي؛  مسارٌ لم يكن مستنسخاً عن الغرب، بل هو خاص بسورية تستمده من تاريخها وتحترم عبره مجتمعها. وقال في موضوع الديمقراطية: «لايمكننا أن نطبّق ديمقراطية الآخرين على أنفسنا، فالديمقراطية الغربية على سبيل المثال، هي نتاج تاريخ طويل أثمر عادات وتقاليد تميّز الثقافة الحالية في المجتمعات الغربية. ولتطبيق ما لديهم علينا أن نعيش تاريخهم مع كل أهميته الاجتماعية، كما أنّ من الواضح أن هذا مستحيل، ينبغي أن نمتلك تجربتنا الديمقراطية التي هي خاصة لنا وهي استجابة لحاجات مجتمعنا ومتطلبات واقعنا».

كما انتقد الرئيس بشار الأسد منذ استلامه مقاليد الحكم «بيروقراطية الدولة» معتبراً أنها «عقدة رئيسية أمام التطور»، قائلاً: «لا تعتمدوا على الدولة ليس لديها عصا سحرية وعملية التغيير تتطلب عناصر لا يملكها شخص واحد.. السلطة بلا مسؤولية هي السبب في الفوضى» وتابع: «يجب أن نحرر أنفسنا من تلك الأفكار القديمة التي غدت عقبات، ولننجح نحتاج إلى تفكير حديث.. قد يعتقد بعضهم أنّ العقول المبدعة ترتبط بالعمر وأنها يمكن أن توجد مع العمر غير أنّ هذا ليس دقيقاً تماماً فلدى بعض الشباب عقول قوية حية وخلاقة».

خارجياً، بدأت القيادة السورية تعمل جدياً على وضع استراتيجية سياسية خارجية للبلاد، فأولت اهتماماً لروسيا والصين دولياً، ولإيران وتركيا إقليمياً، مع الحفاظ على مكانة سورية في التعاون العربي – العربي وتعزيزه، بهدف تشكيل ائتلاف لاحق يمنع الانتشار الأميركي وتمركزه في المنطقة ويحول دون إعادة توزيع القوى في الشرق الأوسط لصالح هذا التمركّز.

حينها، تخطّت سورية العديد من الصعوبات التي واجهتها منذ 2001، فعززت دعمها للمقاومة في لبنان وفلسطين واستقرّ وضعها الداخلي وحافظت على علاقاتها مع الداخل العراقي وتعاونت مع طهران وتركيا لبناء شبكة إقليميّة. وطيلة الفترة الممتدّة بين 2001-2006، واجهت سورية زلازل إقليمية عديدة كانت تنذر بالسوء والأخطار الكبيرة عند كل منعطف.

ثم بدأ الوضع بالتحسن منذ خريف 2006 وخرجت سورية من دوامة الأزمات والعقوبات التي فرضت عليها، وأخذت تتعافى تدريجياً وتستعيد حيويتها الإقليمية في الأعوام 2007 و2010 وتجدّدت علاقاتها العربية، خاصة مع لبنان والعراق، ومدّت جسوراً مع أوروبا والولايات المتحدة وتعمّقت تحالفاتها، وفي الوقت عينه، واصلت دعمها للمقاومة في العراق ولبنان وفلسطين. كما بدأت رؤية سورية الاستراتيجية لربط البحار الخمسة، المتوسط والأحمر والخليج والأسود وقزوين، بشبكة تعاون إقليمية، من خلال إقامة شبكات ربط للنقل البحري بين المرافئ السورية ونظيراتها في كل من رومانيا وأوكرانيا، أو من حيث ربط شبكات إمداد الطاقة الكهربائية أو الغاز العربية مع منظومة الطاقة الأوروبية عبر تركيا، كخطّ الغاز العربي الذي يتم العمل على ربطه بمنظومة الغاز التركية عبر سورية، وبالتالي بمنظومة الغاز الأوروبية، ليس هذا فحسب، بل إن هذه الرؤية تلقى دعماً من قادة الدول الإقليمية التي تشكل عناصر أساسية في هذا الفضاء الاقتصادي وينظر إلى توسيعه لربطه مع الدول المطلة على بحر البلطيق الأمر الذي يقع في صلب الرؤية الاستراتيجية لسوري، ومن ينظر إلى المشروع الصيني يدرك أنه استكمال لتلك الاستراتيجية.

تبيّن للرئيس بشار الأسد حال الفراغ الاستراتيجي الناجم عن الأزمات التي لحقت بالدور والوجود الأميركيين في المنطقة، قارئاً وجود تحوّل كبير في معادلات الجغرافيا السياسية وعلومها، مستنتجاً سقوط مفهوم الشرق الأوسط، مورداً البديل لمفهوم الأقاليم الجديدة، مقدّماً صياغته لمنطقة إقليمية تحلّ مكان مفهوم الشرق الأوسط هي منطقة البحار الخمسة، وفيها تصير روسيا وإيران وتركيا ودول أوروبا المتوسطية شركاء في إقليم جغرافي واحد، مخاطره واحدة ومصالحه متقاربة، داعياً إلى منظومة تعاون إقليمية بين القوى الكبرى لحفظ الأمن وقيام التعاون الاقتصادي.

في سبيل ذلك، أجرى الرئيس الأسد في 2 كانون الأول 2010 مباحثات في القصر الرئاسي في كييف مع الرئيس الأوكراني فيكتور يانوكوفيتش في سبيل تفعيل تلك الاستراتيجية عبر توقيع اتفاقية التجارة الحرة بين البلدين، ما أثار الغضب الغربي والأميركي الذي كانت له رؤيته الخاصة للشكل الذي ينبغي أن تتطور الأمور عليه. فكان هدف واشنطن فرض رقابة لصيقة على العمليات الجارية في الشرق الأوسط وكان أحد شروطها المركزية إضعاف إيران، إنما سارت الخطوات السورية الموجهة نحو توحيد قدرات الدول الإقليمية الكبرى بالتعارض مع المخططات الأميركية، فوقفت دمشق «عثرة» أمام تحقيق الاستراتيجية الأميركية في المنطقة.

تمّ التأكيد على التحالف الاستراتيجي بين إيران وسورية في نهاية شباط 2010، وقام الرئيس الإيراني حينها محمود أحمدي نجاد بزيارة هامة إلى دمشق التقى فيها الرئيس بشار الأسد والأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصر الله، كما التقى رئيس المكتب السياسي لحركة حماس خالد مشعل والأمين العام لحركة الجهاد الإسلامي رمضان شلح، وأعلن الرئيسان الإيراني والسوري عن «التوحد أمام التحديات والتهديدات، وأنّ أيّ حركة يمكن أن ترفع التوقعات في الدراما الدولية في ما يتعلق بأيّ من الدولتين».

كما أعلن الرئيس الإيراني أنّ «على العالم أن يعرف أنّ إيران ستقف خلف الشعب السوري إلى النهاية، وأن الروابط  الإقليمية قوية للغاية». وأشارت أحداث اللقاء إلى أنّ حلفاً استراتيجياً يتكون ويتأكد، ويشكل جبهة جديدة في مواجهة التحالف الأميركي – «الإسرائيلي» ومن يسانده من العرب والقوى الأخرى.

أدرك الأميركيون حينها، أنهم إن لم يوقفوا عمليات توزع القوى الجديد في المنطقة فإنهم مضطرون للتعامل مع إقليم جديد تماماً وعلى درجة عالية من التضامن ومن المستبعد أن يكون مستعداً للخضوع لإدارتها بلا قيد أو شرط.

ويمكن لمتتبع السياسة الأميركية تجاه سورية أن يعلم مسبقاً أنها لطالما دأبت على محاولات «إخضاع» الدولة السورية والتغيير «القسري» للنظام، واهتم المحافظون الجدد بإمكانية السعي إلى فرض تغيير قسري للنظام في سورية. ففي عام 1996 نشرت مجموعة من المحافظين الجدد الأميركيين، بينهم دوغلاس فيث وريتشارد بيرل، تقريراً قدّمت فيه توصيات لرئيس الوزراء الصهيوني المقبل آنذاك بنيامين نتنياهو في ما يتعلق بسياسة الأمن القومي «الإسرائيلي» وهي تتضمن «استخدام القوة لتحقيق أهداف إضعاف واحتواء بل وحتى صدّ سورية».

كان على سورية أن تجري حسابات إقليمية استراتيجية لا تتخلى عن مواصلة السعي إلى توازن عسكري تكنولوجي مع «إسرائيل» ومواجهة حروب وأزمات أخرى اشتعلت في الوقت ذاته تقريباً. حيث استندت في مواجهة تلك التحديات الأقليمية إلى استراتيجية واضحة كرّسها وعدّلها الرئيس حافظ الأسد منذ 1975. بدأ الرئيس بشار الأسد استلهام دروس استراتيجية والده وفي أساس تلك الاستراتيجية كان بناء الجبهة المشرقية (جبهة لبنان وسورية والأردن والفلسطينيين تمتد من رأس الناقورة في جنوب لبنان إلى مدينة العقبة جنوب الأردن)، فعمّق علاقات سورية بلبنان والأردن والمقاومة الفلسطينية خلال السبعينات، وبات الدعم الذي تحصل عليه سورية من روسيا وإيران يوازي الدعم الأميركي لـ»إسرائيل»، معتمداً على ما قاله الرئيس الراحل حافظ الأسد في كلمته بمناسبة عيد الثورة في آذار 1992: «التحالفات الجديدة القادمة لن تكون كالتي كانت. التحالفات الجديدة ستبحث في مجالات حيوية.. إن العرب كمجموعة لم يفعلوا شيئاً لمواجهة المستقبل ولم يقدموا جديداً للتعامل مع العالم الجديد، وإلى أن يتكوّن وعي عربي أفضل يفهم أبعاد ما يحدث فإنّ سورية في سياستها وفي أفعالها تأخذ بالاعتبار هذه الأبعاد كما تراها واثقة أنها ستظل القلعة الوطنية القومية. فسورية لن تجامل ولن تساوم أحداً على المبادئ، خاصة عندما يتعلق الأمر بالأبعاد القومية هكذا نحن وهكذا سنبقى وهذا هو دور سورية القومي النقي ماضياً وحاضراً ومستقبلاً، مهما ضخمت مصاعبنا فالتسليم ليس خيارنا.. السلام الذي نقبله هو الذي يعيد الأرض ويعيد الحقوق وينشر الأمن في المنطقة وأقل من ذلك هو استسلام.. إذا كان أحد يظن أن المتغيرات الدولية ترضخ الشعوب فبئس هذا الأحد لأنه لم يستعد السيرة البشرية ولم يستوعب مدلولاتها وعبرها ولم يدرك أن النسيج النفسي والاجتماعي للشعوب يجعلها تنتزع من كل ظرف جديد خلاصة العناصر والإمكانات التي تجعلها قادرة على التكيف ومواجهة التحديات الجديدة».

بالتالي، فإنّ استراتيجية الرئيس بشار الأسد لم تكن جامدة، بل تعامل مع استراتيجيته كخياط ماهر يتعاطى مع رقعة قماش على طاولة يجري فيها تعديلاً وتفصيلاً لتتلاءم مع متطلبات المرحلة. فعكف على تثبيت استراتيجية سورية جديدة تأخذ بالاعتبار كافة المتغيرات. ومن جملة الدروس المستوحاة أنّ سورية لم تغيّر خطابها القومي، ورغم تواضع ثروات سورية الاقتصادية أصبحت دولة مركزية في المشرق العربي شديدة الاستقلال في قراراتها وخياراتها وهو استقلال أصبح نادراً بين الدول في العقد الأول من القرن الحادي والعشرين وأشار إليه كبار الباحثين الأوروبيين.

اليوم تواجه سورية تحدياً اقتصادياً يعود تفاقمه إلى أسباب عديدة أبرزها القانون الأميركي (قيصر)، وعُقوباته التي تريد عرقلة عملية التطوير، لكنّ من صمد وتصدّى لمختلف أساليب الحرب ببشاعتها فإنه سيدير هذه الأزمة بضراوتها.

هو الأسد الذي قاد سورية نحو العز والنصر…

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Interview with A.B. Abrams about his latest book and the war in Syria

September 12, 2021

Interview with A.B. Abrams about his latest book and the war in Syria

by Andrei for the Saker blog

A.B. Abrams has just released a new book entitled World War in Syria – Global Conflict on the Middle Eastern Battlefields.  Here are two locations were you can order this most interesting volume:

For those who don’t remember who Abrams is, here are two of his previous contributions to the Saker blog:

The book got A LOT of praise already, so I posted a few endorsements at the end of this interview (see at the bottom)

Rather than offer my own endorsement or write a full review, I decided to interview Abrams about both his book and his views on the international aggression against Syria.  I hope you enjoy it and, yes, get the book!

Andrei


1)–Please introduce us to your new book!  Tell us what was your main purpose in writing it and whom, what audience, did you want to reach?

I wrote this book to provide one of the first comprehensive histories of the Syrian War published to mark ten years after it began in 2011. The book places the war in the context of both the history of Syria’s decades long conflict with Western interests which began in the late 1940s, as well as broader Western geopolitical goals in the region and beyond. The title ‘World War in Syria’ reflects an assessment of the conflict primarily not through the paradigm of a civil war, as is more common in the West, but rather as a global conflict which has pitted the Western Bloc and its regional partners against Damascus and its allies – namely Russia, Iran, North Korea and Hezbollah. The war has seen special forces and other assets from all these parties deployed to Syrian soil, with the West, Turkey, the Gulf States and Israel undertaking considerable military, economic and information warfare efforts to bring about the Syrian government’s overthrow.

The book shows the Syrian War as part of a broader trend towards countries outside the Western sphere of influence, namely the minority of countries without Western military presences on their soil, being targeted for destabilisation and overthrow. For targeting countries with significant Muslim populations, Western cooperation with radical Islamist elements to support such objectives has been common, as seen in Indonesia (1950s and early 60s), Chechnya, Afghanistan (1979-92), and Yugoslavia among others. These precedents are explored at the beginning of the book to provide context to Western efforts to employ similar means against Syria.

The book is not aimed at any specific audience, but at anyone with a general interest in the Syrian War, Western, Russian, Iranian or Turkish foreign policy, Middle Eastern politics, contemporary military affairs, insurgency or terrorism. It follows a previous book published in 2020 on the history of North Korea’s 70 year war with the United States, which similarly sought to provide a comprehensive analysis of a major conflict between the U.S.-led Western Bloc and a targeted country including the Western way of war and the use of both economic and information warfare.

2)–Do you believe that Putin is “allowing” (or even helping!) Israel to bomb Syria? Or maybe the Russian and Syrian air defenses are totally ineffective?  How do you explain all the Israeli strikes?

Russia’s position on Israeli strikes has been interesting and caused a great deal of debate and in some cases controversy. I assess that Russian military intervention in Syria in 2015 had the limited goals of supporting counterinsurgency efforts and limiting Western and Turkish efforts to illegally occupy Syrian territory through the imposition of safe zones and no fly. The Russian presence has also served to deter Western and Turkish attacks, as evidenced by the vast discrepancy between the massive strikes planned under Obama to topple the government in 2013, and the very limited attacks carried out under Trump in 2017 and 2018. A longer term goal has more recently materialised with the entrenching of the Russian military presence in Latakia on Syria’s western coast, with Russia’s sole airbase in the region expanded and increasingly oriented away from counterinsurgency operations and towards providing a strategically located asset against NATO.

The expectation among many that Russia ought to prevent Israeli strikes on Syria may well be a result of the Soviet position in the 1980s, when the USSR threatened to intervene if Israel attacked Syria. This resulted in the confinement of Israeli-Syrian clashes that decade to within neighbouring Lebanon’s borders. A number of factors, however, mean that this is no longer feasible. Unlike in the 1980s, Israel is today far from the most pressing threat to Syrian security, while the discrepancy in military capabilities favours Israel much more strongly. Under the Netanyahu government, Russia also cultivated close ties with Israel as a valuable partner with a degree of policy independence from the Western world which could, for example, sell on sensitive Western technologies as it did with the Forpost drone to Russia or with American air defence technologies to China. Israel’s ability to act independently of Western hegemonic interests to some degree has been an asset to Moscow as well as Beijing to strengthen themselves against the West through cooperation. Thus the relationship between Moscow and Tel Aviv is very different from what it was in the 1980s, as is Moscow’s relationship with Damascus, meaning that Russia will be less inclined to take a hard line against Israeli strikes.

Perhaps most importantly, the fact that Russia has not taken a harder line in protecting Syria from Israeli attacks reflects Russia’s much diminished power to influence events beyond its borders compared to the Soviet era. The Russian military intervention in Syria was its first major military action outside the former USSR since the 1980s, and was a major feat considering the poor state of the military just seven years prior in its war with Georgia. The Russian military is nevertheless already stretched protecting its own forces in Syria and deterring Western or Turkish escalation, which is far from easy considering how far these operations are from Russian soil. Unlike in the late Soviet era, Russia no longer has the world’s second largest economy, a large sphere of influence of developed allied economies for support, a blue water navy, 55,000 tanks or 7000 fighters/interceptors. Its military is capable, but if it took on Israel directly as well as Turkey, the West, and the jihadist insurgency at the same time for all attacking Syria, the risk of escalation would be significant and would force it to divert considerable resources away from its own defence – resources which are far more scarce than those the USSR had 40 years ago.

Russia has nevertheless deployed its top fighters the Su-35s, and on at least one occasion Su-34s, to intercept Israeli F-16s before they could attack Syria, which alongside the strengthening of Syrian air defences has made it more difficult for Israel to strike. Russia does not condone Israeli strikes, but they have not been an immediate priority. Although they are damaging particularly to Iranian interests, such strikes do not seriously threaten Syria’s stability and have generally pursued limited goals. While Israel has called for greater Western intervention against Syria in the past, Tel Aviv’s own limitations mean it is not looking to overthrow the Syrian government singlehandedly. This contrasts to Turkey, whose president has stated multiple times and recently in 2020 that the intention is to maintain an occupation and hostile relations until the Damascus government is overthrown. This also remains a long term objective for the West currently through economic warfare, theft of Syrian oil and targeting of crops.

Israeli aircraft have since February 2018 relied in the large majority of attacks on launching standoff weapons from a safe distance outside Syrian airspace, meaning for Syrian ground based air defences to engage them and they must instead intercept the missiles as they approach and cannot target the aircraft themselves. Syria is itself aware of its limitations, and against both Israeli and Turkish strikes it has refrained from escalating by deploying its own fighters/interceptors to attack the enemy aircraft. Syrian aircraft optimised for air to air combat have instead been held in reserve to respond to more serious full scale attacks like the kind the U.S. and is allies were planning in September 2013. As Syrian defences improve with the delivery of the first new fighters as aid from Russia in 2020, the refocusing of resources away from counterinsurgency, and the possible placing of new S-300 systems under Syrian control, the country’s airspace may again begin to be respected as it largely was before the war began. If Syria does begin to deploy fighter units for air defence duties it will reflect a renewed sense of faith in the country’s security, although Turkey rather than Israel is likely to be the first target due to the heated nature of conflict over the Turkish occupation of Idlib and the much weaker state of Turkey’s air force.

3)–I have always suspected that the former Syrian regime (of Assad Sr.) was full of Israeli agents.  My evidence?  The impossible to organize without top complicity murder of Imad Mughniyeh (his widows also believes that, by the way, she is in Iran now) or the huge list of defectors/traitors and other officials/officers who quickly took their money and joined the international war in Syria.  Has that now changed, do you feel that the government is stable and in control?

Based on my knowledge of Syria and Arab nationalist republics more generally, while strong fifth columns have almost certainly been prevalent they are unlikely to be predominantly pro-Israeli and much more likely pro-Western. Although Syria’s Ba’athist government aligned itself very closely with the USSR particularly from 1982, much of the elite and the population maintained strongly pro-Western sentiments. This included the current president in his initial years who, according to Western sources cited in the book, was looking to pivot the country towards closer alignment with the West while sidelining Russia, Iran and the Ba’ath Party. Many in the Arab world even in states which are formally aligned against Western interests aspire to integration and a degree of Westernisation, which has long been a leading weakness in Arab nationalist states’ efforts to establish themselves as independent powers.

The West’s colonial legacy provided a strong basis since the middle of the last century to cultivate considerable soft power in the Arab World. This was perhaps most clearly alluded to by Mohamed Heikal, a leading intellectual of the non-aligned movement and Minister of Information for the United Arab Republic, who noted regarding the political and military elites of Arab republics in the 1950s, 60s and 70s: “All the formative influences in the new leaders’ lives- the books they had read, the history they had learned, the films they had seen- had come from the West. The languages they knew in addition to their own were English or French – Russian was, and remained, a mystery to them. It was impossible for them to remain unaffected by all that they had heard about the communist world- the closed society, the suppression of thought, the ‘Stalinist terror’… they wanted to keep their distance.” Heikal stressed that many of these leaders would turn to the West for assistance “almost automatically,” as the psychology of colonialism persisted. Many of those who turned to a partnership with the Soviets did so only because they were given no other choice, having been refused by the West.

This remains largely true until today at many levels of Syrian society. Perhaps one of the most striking examples was documented by a journalist accompanying the Syrian Arab Army to the frontlines engaging Western-backed insurgents. While the West made war on Syria, it was clear that strongly Western supremacist sentiments persisted throughout the population as a result of Western soft power, with Syrian soldiers on the frontlines reported to exclaim regarding their country: “Look how beautiful this land is! It is almost as beautiful as Europe!” Such sentiments were common even in wartime. The idea of Western primacy and supremacy, long engrained across much of the world through colonial rule, remained a key weakness which made it far from difficult for the Western world to cultivate westphilian fifth columns. According to multiple sources, including British journalist Patrick Seale, this included the President Hafez Al Assad’s brother who had a love for all things American and for parties with Western belly dancers. In this way Syria and Arab nationalist states bear a strong contrast to Western adversaries such as North Korea, which placed a strong emphasis on political education and on ensuring new generations did not grow up seeing the world through paradigms that promote Western supremacy (see Chapters 18 and 19 of my prior book that cover that topic.)

Regarding Israel, while there are strongly pro-Western sentiments within Syria and the Arab world, there are also strong anti-Israeli sentiments which, combined with Israel’s lack of any comparable soft power, makes pro-Israeli fifth columns much more difficult to cultivate. It is highly possible, however, that pro-Western elements in Syria could be led to pursue actions which, while furthering Western interests, also benefit Israel as you mentioned.

4)— How did the war in Syria really start?  Can you give us a summary of the true story (the full story is in your book) of how what began with some local protests (almost) ended with the Takfiris in control of Damascus?

It is difficult to do this question justice with a summary answer as there are so many factors at play. One could trace the origin back to 2007, when following Hezbollah’s unexpected military successes against Israel the previous year the Bush administration began to perceive Iran, Syria and Hezbollah, rather than Al Qaeda, as its primary adversaries. This also led to the first mentions of the possibility of manipulating Al Qaeda-type jihadist groups with the help of regional allies (Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia in particular) to focus on attacking Syria and other Iranian partners. By 2009 militants were receiving Western training for operations in Syria. Pro-Western activists in Syria and other Arab countries were also receiving training in the U.S. supported by the State Department, Google, Facebook and others on how to stir unrest using tools such as social media. Media networks and most notably Al Jazeera, which had a long history of being heavily influenced by Western intelligence, began in 2011 to be put to use to vilify the Syrian government, and the Qatari monarchy soon after would lead calls for a Libya-style Western assault.

On the ground in the war’s initial weeks the Syrian government faced large scale incursions by well armed and trained militants from across the Turkish and Jordanian borders, and simultaneously a number of largely peaceful protests against living conditions in some cities. Confusion was sown and the situation quickly escalated out of control. Mass privatisation of public property, years of crop failures, and disparity between the conservative Muslim rural population and the much more liberal lifestyle in major cities, were among a multitude of factors detailed which fuelled unrest and provided foreign powers with an opening to destabilise the country. These details are all fully referenced in the book itself as well as a much more elaborate explanation of the multitude of preparations and incidents which paved the way to war.

5)–Could you please compare and contrast, HOW the Russian and Iranian interventions happened, WHAT these forces did to turn the tide and then tell us WHAT the Russian and Iranian PLANS were and are for Syria – do these two actors more or less agree, or do they have different visions for the future of Syria?

The Russian and Iranian stances towards Syria have contrasted from the war’s outset, with Russia’s Dmitry Medvedev administration in particular being openly resigned to seeing the Syrian state toppled and offering Damascus little in the way of support in the conflict’s critical early stages. Although Russian support increased from 2012 almost as soon as a new administration came to power, namely with arms sales and a blocking of Western efforts to target Syria through the United Nations, it would be three more years before Russia felt the need to deploy its forces. Iranian efforts to make a case for Russian intervention to Moscow, namely through Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani who met with President Putin in 2015, was an important factor.

Iran by contrast, alongside Hezbollah and North Korea, had boots on the ground from 2012-13 and were all committed to supporting counterinsurgency efforts and preserving the Syrian state. For Iran the fall of Syria to Western-backed jihadists as Afghanistan had fallen in 1992 was seen as unacceptable. As senior Iranian cleric Mehdi Taeb famously said: “If the enemy attacks us and wants to take either Syria or [the outlying Iranian province of] Khuzestan, the priority is to keep Syria… If we keep Syria, we can get Khuzestan back too, but if we lose Syria, we cannot keep Tehran.” Iran has thus been much more heavily invested in supporting Damascus throughout the war than Russia has.

There have been similarities between Russian and Iranian support for Syria. Both have sought to support the Syrian economy with Iran emerging as the country’s largest trading partner shortly after the war began, although it has since been displaced by China, while Russia has shown a strong interest in post war investment. Both sought to avoid relying too heavily on deployment of their own manpower on the frontlines as the Soviets had in Afghanistan, and instead focused on arming and training auxiliary forces. Russia, for example, oversaw the creation and arming of the Syrian 5th Corps and provided T-62M and T-72B3 tanks from its own reserves, while Iran facilitated the deployment of allied paramilitaries such as the Afghan Hazara Fatemiyoun. Russia’s military intervention was aimed largely at demonstrating new capabilities to NATO, with many of its strikes meant more than anything as shows of force. An example was in November 2015 when its air force flew Tu-160 supersonic bombers from the Arctic around Ireland and through the Straits of Gibraltar to fire cruise missiles over the Mediterranean at insurgents in Syria before returning to Russia – which was initially widely dismissed by Western officials as phantastic before being confirmed several hours later. Iran’s intervention was significantly quieter and received less fanfare in local media, but was more persistent and tenacious due to the much higher stakes the conflict represented for Tehran. The Iranian and Hezbollah campaigns have also involved much more significant clashes with Israel, as well as with Turkey in Hezbollah’s case, while Russian units have seldom fired on or been fired on by forces from state actors. A significant number of other major contrasts between Iranian and Russian interventions exist, but for the sake of brevity I will restrict the examples to those above.

Although both share the goal of restoring Syrian territorial integrity and bolstering Damascus, Russia and Iran certainly have different visions in accordance with their very different ideological positions, which themselves contrast with Syria’s Ba’athist socialist party-state that is much closer to the USSR, China or North Korea than to either of them. Iran’s influence has led to the growth of Shiite paramilitary groups in Syria which have been major supporters of the Syrian Arab Army on the ground, but their presence contrasts with Syria’s long history of secularism and separation of religion from the state and the security apparatus. This influence may well have an impact on Syrian political culture and policies as it did in neighbouring Iraq. Russia under the current liberal democratic capitalist system, or ‘Western liberalism with Russian characteristics’ as some have referred to it, also has a much greater ideological gap with Damascus than it did in the Soviet era. Russia has been known to try to influence states to move in this direction with reform, most notably Belarus, and could well seek to have a similar influence in Syria. Syria’s ruling party, for its part, is likely to resist both influences but accommodate Russian and Iranian interests on its soil in exchange for their continued economic and military support.

6)–How do you see the future of Syria, Israel and the future of the Middle East?  What has that war changed?

The Syrian War, and the NATO assault on Libya which began almost simultaneously in March 2011, have reshaped the Arab world and Middle East profoundly by in one case removing, and in the other seriously weakening the two Arab states which had longest and most persistently opposed Western hegemony. From the late 1970s and early 1980s, as Iraq and Egypt pivoted to align themselves with the West, Syria and Libya alongside South Yemen and Algeria remained the only countries which had not been absorbed into the Western sphere of influence.

The Syrian conflict marked a turning point in several trends in regional affairs. The U.S.’ refusal to invest heavily in the conflict, particularly in 2013 when a full scale assault had been expected, marked an important step in the Obama administration’s Pivot to Asia initiative. This has since been carried forward by Trump and Biden to focus resources on countering China and North Korea specifically and reduce commitments in the Middle East. The Syrian War set an important precedent for how the Western Bloc could seriously erode an adversary at a very low cost. The campaign avoided the need for tens of thousands of Western boots on the ground as in Iraq and instead relied on jihadist militant groups, with much of the funding to support them coming from the Gulf States and Turkey. While the CIA was responsible for organisation and logistics and for coordinating between the insurgency’s Western-aligned sponsors, the Pentagon budget was not seriously affected by the war. A similar mode of attack was seen in Libya, although jihadists there were less effective and had a much smaller support base and Western air power was applied much more to compensate. Attempts to replicate this low cost means of neutralising Western adversaries are likely.

Other major turning points were seen in Turkey, where its attempt to play a leading role in forcing the overthrow of the Syrian government marked the beginning of a more assertive and interventionist foreign policy stance which recently materialised in its intervention against Armenia in 2020. In Egypt Western support for jihadists in Libya and Syria, and ties between these jihadists and the Muslim Brotherhood domestically, contributed to alienating the Egyptian Military from the West after it took power in 2013. The region also saw Russia remerge as a major player with its first significant combat operations since the early 1970s. Moscow sought to use the strong impression its intervention had made to capitalise on discontent among traditional Western clients such as the Gulf States and Egypt and form new partnerships of its own.

For Syria itself, as the war largely comes to an end, the world in the 2020s is one very different from when the war begun with China having since emerged as the world’s leading economy and Russia having seemingly abandoned its hopes for integration into the West to pursue a more independent foreign policy. This shift has seriously dampened the impacts of Western sanctions on Damascus, with Huawei rebuilding its telecoms networks and China providing everything from busses to power generators as aid which make it far easier Syria and other Western targets in similar positions to survive. Nevertheless, the continued occupation in the north by Western powers led by the U.S., and in Idlib by Turkey, will continue to pose a serious threat until restored to Syrian government control. Occupied areas reportedly hold 90% of Syria’s oil output, which will continue to be illegally expropriated to undermine Damascus’ reconstruction efforts. Idlib meanwhile, as the largest Al Qaeda safe haven the world has seen since September 2001, continues to be a launching pad for jihadist attacks into Syria. Both Idlib and the northern regions could form the bases for Kosovo-style partitioning of Syria enforced by NATO, and for Damascus it will thus be a leading priority to prevent this and impose continued costs on Western and Turkish forces. An example of how this could be done was the Syrian government ballistic missile strike on an oil facility run by militants under Turkish protection in March 2021.

7)– Last, but not least, what is, in your opinion, the US end goal for Syria (and Lebanon)?

The primary goal is the removal of the Ba’ath Party and Syrian military establishment as organisations which can arrange their domestic and foreign policies and their security with a great deal of independence from the West, and are thus able to oppose Western hegemony in the region. Their continued existence has for decades been a thorn in the side of Western efforts to shape the Middle East in line with its interests. In Lebanon the same applies for Hezbollah. This is hardly a U.S. goal exclusively, but is shared by the major NATO members such as Britain, Germany, France and Turkey and is in the common interests of furthering Western global hegemony.

Should the West achieve its objective, what follows could be a civil war as seen in Libya after Gaddafi’s death, in which NATO powers support both sides to ensure any outcome is favourable to Western interests, or the establishment of a client government as the West recently achieved in Sudan with a coup April 2019. While five major motivations for making war on Syria are explored in detail in the book, at the heart of all of them is that the Syrian government was not part of the Western-led order, did not align itself with Western policy objectives against Iran, China and others, and did not house Western soldiers on its soil. This made the state’s existence unacceptable to the West, as did its close security cooperation with Iran, North Korea and Hezbollah. Whether the outcome of Western intervention is a partitioning, a unified Syria remade as a client state, or an indefinite civil war, the primary goal of neutralising Syria as an independent actor would be achieved. Once the goal of destroying the party, state and military was thwarted, and it became clear from 2016 that the Syrian government would retain power, the Western and Turkish goal changed to prolonging the conflict, creating Kosovo-type enclaves under NATO control, and placing downward pressure on Syrian living standards and the economy. They could thereby impede post-war recovery and a return to normality and ensure that Syria would remain weakened and a burden to its allies.

–Thank you!!

PRAISE FOR WORLD WAR IN SYRIA

“Impressive in its scholarship, pondered in its judgements, above all
searing in its dissection of Western powers’ war on Syria waged over

many decades, the book is a must-have on the bookshelves of any seri-
ous fair-minded student of Syria.”

– Peter Ford, British Ambassador to Syria from 2003–2006.
“The most detailed history of the war in Syria so far, providing a richness

of highly interesting details, as well as a critical analysis of its com-
plex international and domestic dimensions, rarely encountered in other

Western publications.”
– Nikolaos van Dam, former Special Envoy for Syria, 2015–16.
Ambassador of the Netherlands to Iraq, Egypt, Turkey, Germany and
Indonesia, 1988–2010. Author of Destroying a Nation: The Civil War
in Syria.
“A. B. Abrams explores the widening scope of the Syrian conflict in his
important book. Solving Syria’s civil war will require a regional approach
engaging stakeholders whose interests are fundamentally opposed.”
– David L. Phillips, Senior Adviser in the Clinton, Bush, and Obama State
Departments. Former Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council. Director of
the Program on Peace-Building and Human Rights, Columbia University
ISHR.

“Abrams is a meticulous guide to the labyrinth of Syria’s modern polit-
ical history.”

– Richard W. Murphy. U.S. Ambassador to Syria, 1974 to 1978. Consul in
Aleppo, Syria, 1960–63.
“A. B. Abrams has written an extremely informative and illuminating

account on the international dimension of the origins, outbreak and evo-
lution of the Syrian conflict. His empirically rich analysis in this nuanced

and comprehensive study make it one of the best books, if not the best
book, written about the Syrian crisis. This book is a MUST read for
anyone who wants to understand the Syrian conflict, the Middle East,
and the role of the great powers in the region.”
– Jubin Goodarzi, Professor and Deputy Head of International Relations,
Webster University, Geneva. Former consultant and political adviser
on Middle Eastern affairs for the UNHCR. He formerly held posts at
Chatham House, CSIS and the Ford Foundation.
PRAISE FOR WORLD WAR IN SYRIA

“An insightful and dispassionate record of the Syrian Maelstrom and the
West’s role as the Sorcerer’s Apprentice.”
– John Holmes, Major General and Director Special Forces (ret.), British
Army.
“This is a sad tale of betrayal and conspiracy. Not just theory but facts
meticulously uncovered by Abrams. The conspiracy was part of broader
trends in the United States and Europe towards the non-Western World.

Since its fight for independence from French rule in 1946, Syria’s strug-
gles to remain free of Western hegemonic ambitions have continued to

play out for decades culminating in the crisis which emerged in 2011 and
became a proxy war of international proportions.”
– Dawn Chatty, Emeritus Professor of Anthropology and Forced Migration
at the University of Oxford. Fellow at the British Academy. Author of
Syria: The Making and Unmaking of a Refuge State.
“Abrams’ book provides essential historical and geopolitical context to
Syria’s ten-year war, reflecting a particularly deep and comprehensive
understanding of the conflict and of the country’s strategic importance.”
– Military Watch Magazine.
“Supported by a weight of evidence, this book sets out the context and
details of the Syrian conflict and effectively helps the reader to chart a
course between the overwhelming complexity of the crisis and Western
efforts to tell a simplified story of events on the ground. It will be of
interest to researchers, students and those interested in the messy reality
of one of the past decade’s foremost crises.”
– Jack Holland, Associate Professor in International Security at the
University of Leeds. Author of Selling War and Peace: Syria and the
Anglosphere.

“A well-researched and well-written book. Abrams provides the his-
torical context of post-independence Syria within which one can find

the reasons why the war became such a nodal point for regional and
international intrigue. While doing so, he also hones in as no one else
previously has – on some critical turning points during the civil war that
determined the direction of the conflict.”
– David Lesch, Leader of the Harvard-NUPI-Trinity Syria Research
Project. Ewing Halsell Distinguished Professor of Middle East History
at Trinity University. Author of Syria: A Modern History and Syria: The
Fall of the House of Assad.

“The countries intervening in Syria without approval of the Security
Council under Chapter VII were consciously violating international
law. Abrams’ intensive, highly-documented work provides an excellent
resource for understanding the historical and present dimensions of the
conflict.”
– Alfred De Zayas, Professor, Geneva School of Diplomacy. Former UN
Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable
International Order.
“A. B. Abrams has written a timely, balanced and insightful account
of the Syrian war. The book is well-researched and provides both the

necessary historic context but reveals also present-day drivers that re-
sulted in Syria becoming a theater for regional and global competition

for influence.”
– Alex Vatanka, senior fellow in Middle East Studies at the U.S. Air Force

Special Operations School. Senior fellow and director of the Iran pro-
gram at the Middle East Institute, Washington D.C. Adjunct professor at

Wright-Patterson Air Force Base.
“An impressive and comprehensive feat of in-depth research, most
notably concerning developments in political and military strategy of
international actors in the Syrian war. The author provides a unique and
sophisticated chronological overview of pre-war socio-political and
economic realities in Syria, a detailed description of the conflict over its

entire duration, and an outline of possible post-war scenarios. An excep-
tional feature of the book lies in the author’s profound understanding of

how supplies of specific armaments on both sides influenced the course
of the war. World War in Syria is an excellent work, highly beneficial for

war and security studies professionals and students, as well as for histo-
rians, international relations scholars and the general public wishing to

better understand the effects of external involvement on the development
and outcome of the Syrian conflict.”
– Daria Vorobyeva, Centre for Syrian Studies, University of St. Andrews.
Co-Author of The War for Syria: Regional and International Dimensions
of the Syrian Uprising.

“A superb narrative dealing with tactical, operational and strategic mat-
ters of that war, in as fine military history writing as any by the first rate

military historian, and also shows a horrendous toll this war exerted on
the people of Syria. It is a superb book which makes a great contribution
to the field of study of the Middle East and of global politics and balance
of forces.”
– Andrei Martyanov, former naval officer. Frequent contributor to the U.S.
Naval Institute Blog. Author of The (Real) Revolution in Military Affairs.

Hezbollah Deputy SG: Iranian Fuel Shipments to Lebanon A Political Achievement against US Injustice

September 11, 2021

Hezbollah Deputy SG: Iranian Fuel Shipments to Lebanon A Political Achievement against US Injustice

By Staff, Agencies

The fact that Iranian ships transport fuel for Lebanon is a political, social and moral achievement in the face of the US oppression and its crimes against humanity, Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General His Eminence Sheikh Naim Qassem said.

Addressing the Arab Forum, United for Lebanon Resisting Siege, Monopoly, and Corruption on Friday, Sheikh Qassem said the developments in the country are in stark contrast to the US-‘Israeli’ project.

He said the Americans were surprised to see that the fuel-laden ships – coming from Iran – have broken the siege of Lebanon and provided the Lebanese with the vital product.

Hezbollah has confronted the ‘Israeli’ occupiers and would be able to counter the US siege in appropriate ways, the deputy secretary general emphasized.

Sheikh Qassem also called for cooperation and solidarity among Arab countries, particularly among Lebanon’s neighbors, saying Beirut welcomes any unconditional support.

The first ship carrying Iranian fuel reportedly entered Syria’s territorial waters on September 2 to unload its cargo, which will be then transferred to Lebanon via tankers. Informed sources said that two other Iranian ships will also deliver their cargo to Lebanon through the same mechanism.

Fuel shortages in Lebanon have forced businesses and government offices to close, threatening to cause blackouts at hospitals and halt transportation and other vital sectors in the Arab country.

The plan to buy Iranian fuel, announced by Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in August, is seen as a watershed in the US sanctions, which have severely affected Lebanon and Iran alike.

Hezbollah Continues to Dismay the US By Changing Every Threat into An Opportunity

September 10, 2021

Hezbollah Continues to Dismay the US By Changing Every Threat into An Opportunity

By Mohammad Youssef

Hezbollah’s initiative to bring ships of Iranian fuel to Lebanon has prompted Washington and its allies to kick start actions to sabotage the step or to lessen its positive effects on Lebanon and the Lebanese.

The US administration is heavily involved in the Lebanese affairs and following up attentively daily politics in the country, yet all this to no avail.

The US Congress delegation to Lebanon last week expressed dismay over the Iranian fuel supplies saying that Lebanon is not in need for Iranian petroleum and provoking Saudi Arabia to play a role in blocking Tehran’s help and replacing it by a Saudi one.

In another position, the delegation described Hezbollah as a cancer that should be eradicated. This reflects Washington rage and frustration from the resistance group…

The ship that will change the face of Lebanon

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s decision to import petroleum from Iran has prompted a series of reactions that positively impacted the critical situation in Lebanon.

In an effort to break the US blockade and sanctions against Lebanon and alleviate the suffering of the Lebanese people came the party’s initiative, yet it is to be considered a step in the course of events that will follow later.

The decision is not an isolated step, nor it is an emotional reaction to the miserable situation; it rather reflects a sober policy, a deeply pondered decision to change the course of events and begin to break this chain of US sanctions.

Lebanon has been suffering for centuries from the continuous aggressions of Washington allies and tools, namely the ‘Israeli’ enemy occupation and recently the takfiri groups; to this effect Hezbollah has dearly sacrificed thousands of his leaders and fighters protecting Lebanon and liberating its territories. Thus, logically speaking, it would be easier for a party that sacrificed blood and lives which are the most precious to spend things of less importance and value to help people.

When our resistance against the ‘Israeli’ occupation started back in 1982, few people believed in it, fewer believed it can make real achievements against one of the mightiest armies in the world; but nowadays, after all the military achievements and victories against the ‘Israeli’ occupation, whether they like it or not, many admit the balance equation that the resistance has been able to build.

The Axis of Resistance is a real strong force that has its say in determining the course of events in the region. A real trustworthy force that our enemy has to make consideration before it dares to attack or carry on with its malicious plans and conspiracies.

Now the resistance in Lebanon kick-starts a new bold initiative which will definitely face skepticism and doubts about its effectiveness. The party has been prudent from the beginning as not to boast, but in reality this is a course of events that will bring lots of positive developments where by the Lebanese depend on themselves and start to build a real productive economy that can endure and stand the sanctions and siege and surmount their negative impact.

One of the most important things that the ship has brought to Lebanon was the newly formed government yesterday and not the petroleum oil.

The ship, upon its arrival, has sent a strong alarm to the American and their Western allies that they better handle the situation as the game they have started is backfiring on them and taking a course of action beneficial to Hezbollah. The party has successfully been able to reverse the tide, to contain its consequences and to start a counter initiative that made the US plea to devoid of its content. Again and again, to Washington’s dismal, Hezbollah changes the threat into an opportunity.

There will pass not a long time before Washington realizes again how mistaken it was to impose siege and sanctions against Lebanon, as this is going to usher in a new era of changes that will bring Lebanon closer to its economic independence, to a new equation where Lebanon is of more control and Washington of less influence.

A new promising hope is looming, thanks to the US arrogance and shortsightedness.

جلسة مع أجيال “حزب الله” الأربعة

See the source image


الخميس 9 أيلول 2021

المصدر: الميادين نت

إذا كان ابن خلدون يخشى من مخالفة الجيل الرابع لنهج أسلافه فإنَّ جيل الحزب الجديد يستفيد من وجود الأجيال الثلاثة السابقة، ويعمل معهم جنباً إلى جنب.

تجاوز “حزب الله” معضلة الأجيال الأربعة التي تحدَّث عنها ابن خلدون في الفصل الخامس عشر من الباب الثاني في مقدّمته الشهيرة؛ فإذا كان الجيل المؤسّس الأول يفاخر بانطلاقه في العمل بإمكانيات محدودة، مقارناً بين قدرات الحزب اليوم، إذ يتوفر كلّ ما يمكن أن تطلبه، وقدراته في تلك الأيام، حين كانت تنقل عدة العمل المتواضعة نفسها من عملية إلى أخرى، فإن الجيل الرابع يُذهل اليوم من سبقه بما يظهره من اندفاع وإبداع في التخطيط. 

Visual search query image
هذه الأجيال الأربعة تظهر تفاؤلاً كبيراً في الانتقال الواضح في المواجهة المباشرة من الوكيل إلى الأصيل.

وإذا كان ابن خلدون يخشى من مخالفة الجيل الرابع لنهج أسلافه وقلبه رأساً على عقب، فإنَّ جيل الحزب الجديد يستفيد من وجود الأجيال الثلاثة السابقة، ويعمل معهم جنباً إلى جنب. وإذا كانت المعاناة هي محرّك الجيل الأول، فإنّ الانتصارات تحرّك جيل اليوم. وللمقاتل في “حزب الله” سنوات خدمة محددة (تتراوح غالباً بين 8 و12)، تسبقها وتتبعها من دون شك مهام حزبية أخرى، وهو ما يبقي التداخل كبيراً بين الأجيال الأربعة.

وقد بنى الحزب مؤسَّسة ضخمة جداً: دينية أولاً، ثم عسكرية وأمنية، ثم اجتماعية، ثم سياسية وإعلامية، وأخيراً اقتصادية، مع إدارة مالية منضبطة جداً. وخلال 15 عاماً، تطوّر الشّكل من حزب لبناني مع ذراع عسكريّة إلى حزب إقليمي يتقدم بأشواط جميع المتساوين في لبنان، وله تأثيره الكبير، سواء لدى مجموعات المقاومة داخل فلسطين المحتلة أو في دوائر صناعة القرار في كل من غزة وسوريا والعراق واليمن. 

في لحظة الهجوم الأميركي والأوروبي والخليجي المكثّف والمتكرر لتغيير الأنظمة في المنطقة، فوجِئ هؤلاء بحزب لم يحسبوا له الحساب الجديّ، يضع العصي في دواليب الآلة الأميركية المدنية والعسكرية والتكفيرية والسياسية والإعلامية. ومن لبنان، إلى العراق، إلى سوريا، إلى اليمن، فـ”صفقة القرن”، وما تستوجبه من تكريس لمشاعر التطبيع، كان الحزب حجر الزاوية في بعثرة الطّموحات وتثبيت المعادلات السياسيّة في 5 دول على الأقل.

ولا بدَّ في هذا السياق من تخيّل 5 رسوم بيانية تظهر تطور الحزب منذ استنفار واشنطن في العام 2005 عسكرياً وأمنياً وإعلامياً ومالياً لتحجيمه، وصولاً إلى اليوم، وذلك على 5 مستويات: (1) جغرافيا انتشاره، (2) تأثيره، (3) قدراته البشرية، (4) معنوياته القتالية، (5) تجهيزاته اللوجستية. 

على المستوى الجغرافي، كان الحزب يتحرك في رقعة محدودة جداً (نحو 2500 كلم مربع). أما اليوم، فهو يتحرك في مساحة هائلة (أكثر من 500 ألف كلم مربع). بوضوح أكثر، كانت مشكلة “إسرائيل” محصورة في 2500 كلم مربع، فيما هي اليوم موزعة على مساحة 500 ألف كلم مربع. كانت طائرات الاستطلاع تعجز عن ضبط مخيمات التدريب ومخازن الصواريخ والمصانع وغيره في مساحة 2500 كلم مربع، فيما يتوزع هذا كله في محيط من اليابسة تبلغ مساحته أكثر من 500 ألف كلم مربع، بعضه صحارى، وبعضه الآخر غابات وسهول ووديان ومدن مأهولة.

على المستوى البشري، كان عديد مقاتلي الحزب قبل الحرب السورية محدوداً. أما اليوم، فتضخ المدارس التدريبية الموزعة على الحدود السورية- العراقية آلاف المقاتلين الشباب سنوياً، والذين يمكن أن يكونوا بكبسة زر في بغداد أو الشام أو الجولان أو صنعاء أو مارون الراس أو الجليل. كان الحزب يتكل في تطويع المقاتلين على نحو نصف أبناء الطائفة الشيعية في لبنان أو كلها في أفضل الأحوال. أما اليوم، فيفتح الباب لمن يشاء من شباب العراق وسوريا واليمن… 

على المستوى اللوجستي، كان التحدّي في العام 2008 يتعلَّق بشبكة اتصالات خاصة بـ”حزب الله”، فيما نتحدث اليوم عن شبكة رؤوس ذكية وشبكة مسيرات وشبكة تشويش واختراق وشبكة صواريخ مخصصة لإسقاط الطائرات وشبكة دبابات وسلاح ثقيل يمكن لمح بعضه في وثائقي “أسرار التحرير الثاني” الذي أعدته قناة “المنار”، مع الأخذ بالاعتبار أن مشروع الدخول إلى الجليل في العام 2006 كان مجرد احتمال يطمح إلى خطف بعض المستوطنين لإنضاج تسوية في حال كان “حزب الله” مأزوماً في الحرب. أما اليوم، فدخول الجليل هو مشروع كامل متكامل يفترض أن يلاقيه الفلسطينيون في مناطقهم المختلفة في ثلثي الطريق. 

أما على المستوى العسكريّ، فقد تحول ما كان يوصف بالذراع العسكرية لـ”حزب الله” إلى جيش نظامي يضم قيادة، ووحدات خاصة (أكثر من خمسة)، وقوات جوية (مسيرات وغيره)، ومديرية شؤون جغرافية، ومديرية إعلام حربي، ومديرية تدريس عسكري وتدريب وتوجيه، وقوات بحرية، وأكثر من 4 ألوية، وفوج هندسة، وفوجاً لوجستياً، وفوج تدخل، وفوج مدرعات، وفوج إشارة، إضافةً إلى جهاز استخباراتي ضخم، وجهاز دفاع مدني، وجهاز طوارئ صحية، وجهاز طوارئ غذائية، وجهاز دفاع مدنيّ. 

وإذا كان هذا الجهاز العسكريّ ضخماً، فإنَّ الأضخم هو الجهاز التربوي الذي يعرف بـ”التعبئة التربوية”، وهي من حيث الحجم أكبر عددياً من كل الأحزاب اللبنانية مجتمعة، من دون الحديث عن القطاعات المناطقية والكشافة والمؤسسة الدينية والماكينة الانتخابية وغيره، مع العلم أنّ كلّ من يملك المال بوسعه بناء كلّ ما سبق، لكنَّ الفارق الرئيسي يكمن أولاً في الروحية القتالية التي أثبت الحزب أن ليس بين جيوش العالم من يضاهيه فيها، والانضباط الذي كان له الفضل الأكبر في الإنجاز السوريّ.

حزب كهذا الحزب يفترض البعض أنّه قادر على هزمه بهاشتاغ من ذبابه الإلكترونيّ (بحسابات وهمية بغالبيتها)، أو بمجموعة “أن جي أوز” تعزف على الطناجر وتعانق بعضها البعض لترفع معنوياتها، أو بمجموعة شتامين في وسائلهم الإعلامية ومواقع التواصل، أو بشعلة سمير جعجع وتغريدات فارس سعيد ونظريات نجل نهاد المشنوق.

ولا شكَّ في هذا السياق في أنَّ من يجالس نفسه فقط أو يستمع إلى جهابذة السفارات فقط يمكن أن يُغش. أما من يستمع إلى الفريقين ويلتقيهما ويرافق أجيال “حزب الله” بكل ما خبروه في العقدين الماضيين، فلا يمكن أن يُغش أبداً. هناك من خسر كل معاركه من دون استثناء، وهناك من ربح كل المعارك من دون استثناء. هناك من يتحدث عن وقائع ويستعرض الحقائق، وهناك من يراكم الأوهام فوق الشعارات فوق الأحلام.

مع بدء الأحداث في سوريا، كانت هناك وجهة نظر تقول إنها تشهد نمواً اقتصادياً متواصلاً منذ بضع سنوات. ولأول مرة منذ نشأة الدولة، تتأمن غالبية الأساسيات على صعيد الدواء والغذاء والكهرباء والمواصلات، ويصعب بالتالي تأمين وقود اجتماعي- اقتصادي للثورة، فيما لا يوجد بديل سياسيّ. 

ومع ذلك، فإنّ المنظّرين للثورة كانوا يُستفزون جداً من هذا المنطق، معتبرين أنَّ الأساس عند الإنسان هو كرامته والحرية، لا رغيف الخبز، لكن هؤلاء أنفسهم يقولون اليوم للبنانيين إن الرغيف والكهرباء والمازوت والمواصلات أهم من الحرية والسلاح الذي يحميها، فيدعون هم أنفسهم – باستهزاء طبعاً – من يتحدّث عن الكرامة إلى أن يطعم أولاده عزّة، وهو ما يقود بيئة “حزب الله” إلى التأكيد أنَّ “معركة الخبز” مفتعلة جملةً وتفصيلاً، وما المشاكل المعيشية اليومية سوى أدوات ضغط في معارك جانبية كان يفترض أن تستنزفه، لكنها لم تفعل، تماماً كما كان يفترض بجموع التكفيريين الذين شحنوا إلى سوريا من كلّ أصقاع العالم أن يفعلوا، لكنهم لم ينجحوا، مع التأكيد أن من يربح هذه الحروب الاستنزافية الصغيرة لا يربح الحرب. أما الأساس الذي يسمح بربح الحرب، فهو السلاح والتمدد الجغرافي وتطوير القدرات. 

وهنا، يبدو الحزب مرتاحاً جداً، فهو لم يعرف منذ نشأته سنوات أفضل من هذه السنوات الأربعة على صعيد تطوير قدراته وتأمين التجهيزات البشرية واللوجستية لقضيته الأساسية المرتبطة بالصراع مع “إسرائيل”، من دون أية متاعب تُذكر. وتكفي في هذا السياق الملاحظة أنَّ الجميع اليوم يتحدث عن البنزين والمازوت والمياه والكهرباء والغلاء المعيشي، لكن لا يأتي أحد على ذكر سلاح “حزب الله”، بعدما كان هذا السلاح قبل 4 أعوام الشغل الشاغل للجميع في الداخل والخارج، مع العلم أنَّ طرق الإمداد الخاصة بهذا السلاح (الذي يمثل الهدف الرئيسي لكلِّ ما تفعله الولايات المتحدة في المنطقة) لا تتأثر بانقطاع الكهرباء أو شحّ المحروقات أو تدمير العملة الوطنية. 

عودٌ على بدء، حين يتعلّق الأمر بـ”حزب الله”، فإنَّ اللقاء مع البيئة الحزبيّة غالباً ما يشمل 4 أجيال. مجرّد رؤية هذه الأجيال الأربعة تتآزر في التفكير لمواصلة التقدّم هو أمر استثنائي لا يمكن رؤيته في أيِّ مكان آخر، إذ تطغى غالباً تناقضات الأجيال على كلِّ شيء آخر. 

هذه الأجيال الأربعة تظهر تفاؤلاً كبيراً في الانتقال الواضح في المواجهة المباشرة من الوكيل إلى الأصيل. الحرب ليست مع “إسرائيل” أو مع رياض سلامة أو مع منظمات المجتمع المدني أو سائر الأدوات، إنما مع من يمول كلّ هؤلاء ويحرّضهم و”ينفخ الخسّ في رؤوسهم”. 

وإذا كان الحزب حريصاً جداً على عدم تبني أي عملية من العمليات الموجهة ضد القوات الأميركية في العراق وسوريا أخيراً، فإن الولايات المتحدة تعرف جيداً أن حجر الزاوية في صمود كل هذه المنطقة وإسقاط كل ما كان مرسوماً لها هو “حزب الله”، تماماً كما تعرف أن ما حققه الحزب تعجز عن تحقيقه ألف قنبلة نووية إيرانية. تعرف الولايات المتحدة جيداً كل ما سبق، وتعرف أنَّ “حزب الله” يعرفه أيضاً، وكذلك إيران وروسيا والصين.

ملعقة غور بيسان تحفر في قبر بن غوريون

محمد صادق الحسيني

قد لا نضيف جديداً، في كلامنا التالي، في خضمّ هذا البحر من التحليلات والتوقعات والقراءات، المتعلقة بالعملية الفدائية الفلسطينية الأسطورية، التي اخترق بها ستة فدائيين فلسطينيين قلب بن غوريون في قبره، إضافة إلى قلوب كافة قادة أجهزة الأمن «الإسرائيلية»، العسكرية منها والأمنية الاستخباراتية.

لذا فإننا سنقتصر على الإضاءة على بعض الحقائق وتوجيه بعض الأسئلة لقادة العدو الأمنيين والعسكريين والسياسيين.

ولنبدأ بالإضاءات:

الأمر الأول: هو أن هذه العملية المحكمة التخطيط والتنفيذ، تتفوق بآلاف المرات، على كلّ العمليات الإجرامية التي نفذها جهازي الموساد والشاباك «الإسرائيليين»، منذ إعلان قيام الكيان وحتى الآن. بخاصة أن إمكانيات هؤلاء الشباب الستة اقتصرت على ملعقة طعام فارغة تم تهريبها لهم إلى داخل السجن، بينما تبلغ موازنة تشغيل العملاء، في جهاز الموساد وحده 15 مليار دولار سنوياً.

الأمر الثاني: هو أن عملية تحرر الفدائيين الفلسطينيين الستة هذه أكثر تعقيداً بما لا يقاس من عملية الموساد «الإسرائيلي»، التي نفذت لاغتيال العالم النووي الإيراني المدني، فخري زاده. إذ إن فخري زاده كان يستخدم سيارة عادية جداً، غير مصفحة، ولا تخضع لأي إجراءات أمنية عسكرية خاصة. بالتالي فإنّ استهداف مثل هكذا سيارة مدنية واغتيال من بداخلها لم يكن لا بالعمل الخارق ولا البطولي.

الأمر الثالث: إن عملية الفدائيين الفلسطينيين، الذين حرروا أنفسهم من سجن أو حصن جلبوع المدرع، كانت عملية فائقة الدقة في التخطيط والتنفيذ وفي حصن عسكري أمني «إسرائيلي» أرضيته مصفحة بصفائح الميركافا، شارك في بنائه «أشهر» المهندسين الأوروبيين المتخصصين في بناء السجون الحصينة. وكانوا للأسف إيرلنديين، من أذناب الاستعمار البريطاني.

فهل يستويان..!؟

الأمر الرابع: هل أنتم متأكدون أنّ المجندة «الإسرائيلية» العشرينية، روتَم روزين هيك، كانت نائمة أثناء نوبة حراستها، كما اتهمها مسؤولون «إسرائيليون» بالمسؤولية عن نجاح الفدائيين في تحرير أنفسهم، أو أنها كانت تعيش لحظات أونلاين، وهي تغازل عشيقها «آڤي بوحطوط»، الموجود في مدينة راس العين الفلسطينية المحتلة عام 1948.

وهذا يعني أنها كانت في عالم غير عالم السجن، الذي يُفترض فيها أن تحرسه، وهو سجن جلبوع القريب من مدينة بيسان الفلسطينية المحتله عام 1948 (في الغور الشمالي) حيث تصل درجات الحرارة هناك إلى أكثر من 40 درجة مئوية في مثل هذا الوقت من العام.

وعليه فإنّ ما كانت تقوم به تلك المجندة أخطر بكثير من النوم خلال مناوبة الحراسة الليلية…!

 إنها حقيقة تظهر انعدام أي دافع، لدى عناصر العدو العسكرية والأمنية، للقيام بواجباتهم المكلفين بها. وهو ما يعبّر عن حالة عدم اكتراث لا بالدولة ولا بأمنها، وعن حالة انهيار شامل في الروح المعنوية لجيش الاحتلال ومنتسبي أجهزته الأمنية. وهذا ما أكده مفتش الجيش «الإسرائيلي» السابق، الجنرال إسحق بريك، في حديث له مع موقع ميدا «الإسرائيلي» قبل يومين فقط.

أما الأسئلة الموجهة، إلى قادة العدو العسكريين والأمنيين، فهي كثيرة جداً نختصرها بالأسئلة التالية:

أولاً: بعد مرور 48 ساعة على نجاح الفدائيين الفلسطينيين في تحرير أنفسهم، من سجن جلبوع الإسرائيلي، هل تعرفون ما إذا كانت عملية التخطيط والتنفيذ هي عملية اقتصرت على جهود الأسرى الستة فقط أم أن جهات «عليا» قد ساعدتهم في التخطيط والتنفيذ (أونلاين) من الخارج؟

ثانياً: بعد مرور كلّ هذا الوقت هل تعرفون كيف تمكن هؤلاء الفدائيين من استخدام الهاتف النقال، الذي تم تهريبه لهم إلى داخل السجن؟

أليس لديكم أجهزة تشويش إلكتروني، لمنع استخدام الهواتف المهرّبة إلى داخل السجن، تلك الأجهزة التي تم تركيبها حول سجنَي جلبوع وشطة المتلاصقين، قبل أكثر من عام، فلماذا لم تتمكن هذه الأجهزة من تعطيل استخدام الهاتف الفدائي النقال؟

ثالثاً: هل أنتم متأكدون من أنّ «إسرائيل» هي دولة رائدة في الصناعات الهندسية الدقيقة (هاي تيك)؟ وهل تذكرون أن حزب الله، وقبل 24 عاماً، قد تمكن من قرصنة مسيّرة القيادة التي كنتم تستخدمونها لتحضير عملية الإغارة البحرية على موقع في أنصارية/ جنوب لبنان؟ اعتقدتم خطأً أنه موقع لحزب الله؟

وهل تذكرون ما الذي حصل للقوة التابعة لوحدة ميثكال (قوات خاصة تابعة لهيئة الأركان الإسرائيلية)؟ كان مقاتلو حزب الله بانتظارهم وأبادوا القوة كاملة في ما عدا فرداً واحداً ترك على قيد الحياة ليخبرهم بتفاصيل ما حصل مع تلك القوة.

رابعاً: كان ذلك قبل ربع قرن… فكيف هو الوضع الآن؟ وهل من فارق بين إمكانيات حزب الله وإيران وسورية وحركة حماس والجهاد، في ذلك الزمن، وإمكانياتهم اليوم؟

خامساً: هل سمعتم عن الأسلحة الكهرومغناطيسية، يا أرباب الهاي تيك وأجهزة التجسس، وهل سمع قادتكم بهذه الأسلحة؟ وهل تعرفون شيئاً عنها وعمَّن يملكها؟ هل تعرفون أن النسخة المتنقلة منها (الموبايل) تحمل في حقيبة مدرسية صغيرة؟ وأنها قادرة على إرسال موجات كهرومغناطيسية، عالية الدقة؛ أيّ نقطية؛ قادرة على تدمير قاعدة جوية كاملة أو قطعة بحرية كبيرة أو موقع قيادة وسيطرة أو مركز عمليات واتصالات وما إلى ذلك…

فهل يا ترى كانت هي السلاح الذي قام بتعطيل أجهزة التشويش الإلكتروني المزروعة حول سجن جلبوع؟

سادساً: وهل أنتم غافلون عن قدرة المقاومة، من خلال امتلاكها وسائل قتالية جديدة، قد لا تكون تملكها أجهزتكم العسكرية والأمنية، يا أرباب الهاي تيك وأجهزة التجسس البائسة؛ كونها كشفت في كل أنحاء العالم؛ نقول: هل أنتم غافلون عن قدرة المقاومة على حماية أسراها المحررين؟

وهل تعتقدون أنكم ستحققون نصراً في ما لو نجحتم في اغتيالهم أو أسرهم مجدداً؟

اعترفوا من الآن… لقد خسرتم المعركة والبقية تفاصيل.

ولكن السؤال الأهمّ هو:

سابعاً: هل أنتم جاهزون لتلقي مفاجأة من العيار الثقيل، في القريب العاجل، على الأرجح؟

يوم تشهدون ما لا عين رأت ولا أذن سمعت؟

بانتظار المزيد من المفاجآت من جغرافيا آخر الزمان!

نترككم في خيبتكم تعمهون.

بعدنا طيبين قولوا الله…

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صفي الدين: بضربة واحدة كسرنا حصار 3 دول

أيلول 6 2021

أكد رئيس المجلس التنفيذي في حزب الله، السيد هاشم صفي الدين، أن «إنجازات المقاومة أكبر من لبنان بكثير، ولكن البعض لا يستوعب هذا الأمر رغم اعتراف الأميركي والإسرائيلي».

وقال خلال حفل تأبيني في بلدة قعقعية الجسر الجنوبية «إذا كان هدف الأميركي الضغط على المقاومة في لبنان لنخلي الساحة، فنقول للأميركي إننا سنكون حاضرين بشكل  أكبر وأقوى».

ورأى أن «المشكلة الأساسية في لبنان هي النظام، يُضاف إليها الضغط الأميركي لتتخلى المقاومة عن سلاحها»، مشيراً إلى أن «غباء السفيرة الأميركية كان في مسارعتها لردة الفعل التي فضحت النيّات الأميركية». وتابع «بضربة واحدة كسرنا حصار ثلاث دول، حيث اشترينا المازوت من إيران، وعبرنا به من سورية واستفاد منه لبنان المحاصر وهذه خطوة أولى وسنستكملها بخطوات».

وفي الشأن الحكومي، قال «طالبنا بتشكيل سريع للحكومة وأن يتخلى المسؤولون عن بعض الخصوصيات كي لا نقول  أنانية ويعتب البعض، لمصلحة لبنان»، قائلاً «إن شاء الله لا يأتي اليوم الذي سنقول فيه للذين خربوا وعرقلوا ودمروا لبنان أنكم أدوات أميركية سواء كنتم تعلمون أو لا تعلمون».

The Secret Withdrawal Of The US From Syria

4 SEPTEMBER 2021

By Sonja van den Ende

Source

The Secret Withdrawal Of The US From Syria

Rumors have been going for the last week since the chaotic withdrawal from the US and NATO from Afghanistan, but now it’s confirmed by the Arabic TV station Al-Alam TV. The US and its allies are losing on all fronts and withdrawing from three US bases in Syria, including the oil fields.

Rumors have been circulating since last week, after the not so glorious retreat of the US and its allies NATO, who have been waging a “dirty war” in Afghanistan for twenty years and destroyed the country, bombing them back to middle-ages. On 22 August I wrote an article: “As The US & NATO Flee Afghanistanwhen will they flee from Syria” and this is what is happening now, in secret, because another defeat is the last blow for the US and NATO empire and difficult to communicate to the Western audience.

According to Al-Alam TV, Syrian military sources tolled them that they have observed the withdrawal of US forces from three US military sites: two of the sites are in Al-Hasakah governorate (province), namely Tell Baider and Quasrak, situated close to Quamishli and one in Deir-ez-Zor. The Al-Amr oil field area close to the oil wells was evacuated as well. This is the most important oil field in Deir-ez-Zor. In june 2021, the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) reported:A missile attack was carried out (june 2021) on the US-controlled Al-Amr oil field from Mayadin district in Syria’s Deir-ez-Zor province, which is under the control of the Syrian government and defended by Hezbollah. Al-Amr, Syria’s largest oil field, occupied by the US and the Kurdish YPG/PKK, was attacked with Grad missiles, according to local sources. Also, during that same time the US carried out an airstrike on Hezbollah and the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) in Syria’s al-Bukamal district bordering Iraq.

Parts of Deir ez-Zor to the east of the Euphrates River are under the occupation of the US-backed YPG/PKK terrorist organization, while the city center and east and west of Deir-ez-Zor are under the control of the Syrian government. This also explains the increasing bombing of the Israeli air force last month and yesterday. They randomly attacked Damascus and also al-Qusayr. Al-Qusayr is a strategic town, not far from the Deir Mar-Jacub Monastery situated in Qara, close to the Lebanese border. Hezbollah is present in the region and has many relief projects for the Syrian population, which the US and NATO deny and their excuse for bombing is the aggressive stance of Hezbollah towards the Syrian population. But Hezbollah is seen as liberators, by all religions, especially the Christians, and they are happy they liberated them, especially in al-Quasayr, which is a Christian town.

Furthermore, the military source revealed to Al-Alam TV that the US has or had by now thirteen military bases in Syria and is facing a lot of opposition from the Syrian population, as I wrote before. It’s not about military strength but about the attitude of the people, the resistance and their hatred against the crumbling empire. As I wrote before, US servicemen and women are actually afraid of the resistance and if they don’t withdraw now, they will face attacks like what happened in Iraq or Afghanistan the last twenty years. According to the Syrian military sources, the US is preparing for a total exit from Syria.

President Joe Biden said the following on July 21, 2021, again a lie, it was all planned to exit Syria. The Trump Administration had said so, like they did with Afghanistan, and if the world would have taken notice of this, it would have come to no surprise that they are leaving Afghanistan, Syria and perhaps Iraq:

Roughly 900 U.S. troops, including a number of Green Berets, will remain in Syria to continue supporting and advising the Syrian Democratic Forces fighting the Islamic State. … “In Syria, we’re supporting Syrian Democratic Forces in their fight against ISIS,” the senior administration official said to Joe Biden on July 21, 2021”.

This is what President Trump said in 2018. Trump has been clear about his intentions in Syria:

As he told the world in April 2018, after years of fighting foreign wars, in his view it was time for the United States to withdraw from Syria, passing responsibility for the mission to hold territory taken from the Islamic State to regional states. We will have, as of three months ago, spent $7 trillion in the Middle East the last seven years,” he also said. “We get nothing out of it, nothing.— nothing except death and destruction. It’s a horrible thing.”

Did Joe Biden or his Administration listen to this and saw that waging war on Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq and Libya is useless? They don’t know the mentality of the Middle East. Or was it to please Israel, who still dreams of a ‘greater’ Israel, as has been mentioned in the Yinon plan, or is it their new plans and strategy, the great reset, which means the oil is not very useful anymore, so why bother to occupy the Middle East? Maybe only a few bases to control the people, but that’s a grave mistake. The people of the Middle East have suffered too much to be occupied again. I go for the last option, although Trump spoke wise words in 2018, but I doubt if he was pleased with the “great reset”plans, which was laid out already in 2018 and then practiced in 2019 with Event 201, ofwhich Trump thought in 2020, that is was still an exercise during a conversation with Fauci. Accidentally (or not) the microphone was still on and Fauci replied yes it is and Trump was very annoyed about that. To summarize it all, the world has entered a new PSYOP in 2019, and closed the era of the War on Terror, which was aimed at the destruction of much at the Middle East and to fuel hatred against Muslims. Now we entered the so-called COVID world and a new totalitarian order, which aims to enslave the whole world on Big Pharma and enter the digital information era in a new technocratic totalitarian world order, but I doubt if it will be in the whole world, that will be difficult.

Hezbollah’s Deterrence Equation in Place: US-“Israeli” Maritime Siege Has Been Broken

SEPTEMBER 5, 2021

Hezbollah’s Deterrence Equation in Place: US-“Israeli” Maritime Siege Has Been Broken

By Mohammad Slim

Beirut – On the 16th of February 2018, Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah announced the first direct threat regarding the maritime dispute between Lebanon and “Israel”.

He stated that the conflict concerning Block 9 in the Lebanese maritime borders is the battle of all the Lebanese nation. His Eminence issued a warning on any drilling by the “Israeli” occupation regime concerning the disputed borders.

Since then and on several occasions, Hezbollah emphasized on the importance of the maritime borders dispute, taking in consideration the “Israeli” ambitions concerning oil and gas sources in the disputed waters.

Considering the full support of the United States to “Israel” regarding the maritime dispute, and with the US government vetoing oil and gas extraction from the Lebanese water, the latter faced a heavy siege on several aspects especially on the fuel and gasoline sources, which caused a severe crisis in the power plants and transportation sectors, leading to an immense shortage on both parts.

The US-“Israeli” message has been delivered to all the Lebanese parties and public, as any government backed by Hezbollah and its allies will face sanctions affecting the country’s efficiency and life concerns; in the light of this, the resulting crisis will be attributed to Hezbollah’s policy.

Amid the severe crisis taking place, Hezbollah had to deal with it in a matter of short time, and a very precise act to face the sanctions and the siege imposed on the country.

The Caesar Act imposed lately on Syria by the US government, is an additional method that made a crystal clear image of the American siege, which might put a lot of obstacles and barriers towards any step forward to solve the current social and economic issues resulting from it.

Hezbollah’s political council and Sayyed Nasrallah on different occasions tackled the issue of the US-imposed Caesar Act, accusing it of being the direct cause of the current crisis. They demanded a quick lift of this act and all other sanctions related to Lebanon and Syria together, plus the American prohibition on any international aid to Lebanon, be it financial or social.

To rub salt into the wound, the currency inflammation caused by the governor of Lebanon’s central bank Riad Salameh, a US ally, as he collaborated mostly with the latter government in the severe drop of the dollar exchange rate, made things even worse.

The more tightened the US siege is, the more badly the Lebanese society is affected, especially with the 80% decrease in economic security.

In the light of Hezbollah’s long lasting patience, Sayyed Nasrallah announced the finalized deterrence equation in Lebanon on the 10th of Muharram, through receiving a fuel tanker from Iran, breaking the American siege. Moreover, His Eminence confirmed that the ship will be considered a Lebanese land, in a step forward to deter the “Israeli” occupation from attacking or besieging the ship itself.

Following the Ashura commemoration, Sayyed Nasrallah declared the arrival of 3 other fuel tankers, in addition to several others as long as the current circumstances circle the Lebanese people in a bid to earn financial security – which Hezbollah has successfully earned given all the political reactions to the His Eminence’s announcement – most importantly, the deterrence equation in Lebanon by land, air and sea has been successfully accomplished.

The Dogs Bark But the Flotilla Embarks For Lebanon: US Fails To Harm Hezbollah’s Reputation

SEPTEMBER 5, 2021

The Dogs Bark But the Flotilla Embarks For Lebanon: US Fails To Harm Hezbollah’s Reputation

By Mohammad Youssef

Hezbollah’s initiative to bring ships of Iranian fuel to Lebanon has prompted Washington and its allies to kick start actions to sabotage the step or to lessen its positive effects on Lebanon and the Lebanese.

The US administration is heavily involved in the Lebanese affairs and following up attentively daily politics in the country, yet all this to no avail.

The US Congress delegation to Lebanon last week expressed dismay over the Iranian fuel supplies saying that Lebanon is not in need for Iranian petroleum and provoking Saudi Arabia to play a role in blocking Tehran’s help and replacing it by a Saudi one.

In another position, the delegation described Hezbollah as a cancer that should be eradicated. This reflects Washington’s rage and frustration from the influential role the party is playing in Lebanon as well as in the region.

First, the US ambassador to Lebanon Dorothy Shea has mocked the step and did not take it seriously when Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah announced it. The head of American diplomacy made consultations and wrongly concluded this is not serious enough, but when Sayyed Nasrallah announced the shipment was on its way she was heavily shocked about her hasty calculations.

Second, the American delegation in an arrogant blackmail threatened there will be sanctions against those who deal with Iran to import oil, and some Lebanese parties mistakenly, or with bad intentions, started to talk about international sanctions though they know for a fact it is only Washington, due to its animosity to the Resistance, and complete bias to ‘Israel’, may impose such sanctions.

Third, the American embassy in Lebanon has become a kind of oil agency that dictates on the distributors the directives on when, where and what quantities of gasoline they would distribute to the stations. According to reports, lists of distributors and distribution places would first arrive to and be approved by the embassy before the process of distribution takes place.

Fourth, the American embassy has recently and repeatedly scorned many of the pro US NGO’S for their failure to confront Hezbollah or to gain influence in the party’s areas. Dorothy Shea expressed her resentment and frustration that not much has been done so far, and it is not enough at all to influence the party followers or supporters.

Fifth, the black propaganda that is being orchestrated and designed in the embassy to distort the party’s reputation, to tarnish its image, and to demonize it in the eyes of the Lebanese and to hold it responsible for all what Lebanon and the Lebanese are going through has come into a complete failure. New plans and more campaigns are in the making now to make up for previous failures.

Sixth, in the same vein, Washington is urging its gulf allies especially Saudi Arabia and UAE to take the initiative from Hezbollah and send supplies to the tormented country so they would earn good reputation that could be later translated into political influence and thus ballots to be casted during the next parliamentary elections.

Seventh, the pro-US gulf countries that are heavily involved in Lebanon and the Lebanese politics are not encouraged enough to send money and supplies because they are not pretty sure this would reach to their proper receivers. In Lebanon, the pro-West, pro-Gulf camp is very notorious for its corruption, malfunction, and its trust unworthiness.

Meanwhile, Hezbollah continues, as planned, its efforts on many levels to alleviate the suffering of the people. Aside from the fuel shipments coming from Iran, the party has launched a series of many vital and very important projects that make people life easier; this includes electricity, water, health and medical facilities, along with streets repair and educational services.

To sum up, Washington with all its tools in the region and the country are waging a relentless war against all those who oppose its hegemony and its imperialist colonialist policies. Thankfully and hopefully, it is losing, and they are winning.

This is going to show us, sooner or later the writing of a new chapter where the US hegemony loses and our people achieve more independence, prosperity and freedom away from Washington sinister plans and conspiracies.

The Americans Retreat: We Failed to Harm Hezbollah الأميركيون «يتراجعون»: فشِلنا في الإضرار بحزب الله

September 04, 2021

The Americans Retreat: We Failed to Harm Hezbollah

By Hiam al-Qusaify – Al-Akhbar Newspaper

Translated by staff

Following a period of radical American posturing, some signs of change are beginning to appear from Washington as the situation deteriorates and these policies take their toll on Lebanon. Recent American messages seem to be pushing for quick government formation and a move towards elections.

According to reliable American sources, a serious discussion has begun about the feasibility of the pressure exerted by Washington on Hezbollah, its allies, and its sources of funding since 2017 as well as the impact of this pressure on the group and Lebanon as a whole. The discussions concluded that while the financial and economic sanctions affected Hezbollah, the effects weren’t at the level that the Americans had hoped or expected. Rather, it was the other political forces and the Lebanese in general who have been the hardest hit by the unprecedented collapse at all levels.

A reevaluation of the American position is morphing into a new approach, the features of which appeared in the form of direct messages about the formation of a [Lebanese] government. The messages indicate that the Americans are pressing for the formation of a government as soon as possible, in order to avoid further collapse. This collapse is gradually becoming dangerous and severe, to the extent that the Lebanese situation may become a costly bargaining chip for the American side during negotiations with Iran. What Washington wants in Lebanon is for the situation not to collapse completely since it’s still “Israel’s” neighbor, with all that this means. It is also Syria’s neighbor, which Washington still views as an arena of tension. In addition, a complete collapse will only fuel fears in the region that terrorists will infiltrate to the outside world from Syria, in light of the current circumstances in Afghanistan.

According to the latest information, Washington is showing noticeable resentment and despair over the inability of its allies in Beirut to put pressure on Hezbollah and the Covenant [the Lebanese President]. But its allies remained reluctant to engage in an actual confrontation, regardless of their affiliations and positions [except for a very limited number of them], as if they wanted Washington to fight their battles for them.

But Washington isn’t in the process of initiating any such intervention. Instead, it’s opting for a different approach, which involves sending messages of pressure to form the government without any conditions. Washington is no longer concerned with any provisions related to the representation of Hezbollah and its allies, and it’s certainly not concerned with the dispute over the quotas for the representation of Christians or the one-third guarantor. It is concerned about the formation of a government and then holding elections.

Perhaps the second point has become more important for the U.S. because the expected government is a turning point to prevent the collapse. The elections mean more time (because the region’s negotiation stages are long) and the prospects of a new government emerging will help more in the rescue process. From here, the pressure will go towards accepting a government that does not resemble the government of Premiere Hassan Diab. It may not mind a government in which the President has a blocking third, even if it does not publicly give its blessing.

In addition, Washington tried to pressure the Lebanese President to distance himself from Hezbollah to the point of turning against it. But this did not happen, and for various reasons, some of which are about principles and others practical. It’s worth mentioning that at some stages there was noticeable tension in the relationship between the Free Patriotic Movement and Hezbollah – when there was a lot of talk about restoring the relationship and updating the understanding paper, until the issue was finally withdrawn from deliberations by both parties. Note that President Michel Aoun did not go to extremes in this matter.

Hence, Washington’s new roadmap is directed more towards encouraging everyone, including the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister-designate, to expedite the formation of the government at a time when there was fear that Hezbollah and Aoun would seek to take advantage of the new American atmosphere and be strict in forming a government closer to the same color. But judging by Hezbollah’s actions, this seems unlikely as long as the party is represented by someone close to it.

In parallel, there are assurances that all this has nothing to do with any Gulf or Saudi position. Saudi Arabia, unlike Washington, maintains a completely negative posture towards Lebanon and is not concerned with any new American position that helps buy time by forming a government and holding elections. Riyadh withdrew from Lebanon and won’t have any role in the near future.

Finally, the paradox lies in the different approaches of Hezbollah and Aoun to what happened in recent months. Aoun burned bridges with all the allied political forces, the opposition, and the Christian forces, and he is likely to invest these in what will happen next to confront them, as he usually does. As for Hezbollah, it did the exact opposite and tried to understand the reactions of others. It did not turn against any party, first of which is the Sunni group, including previous heads of government and individuals, and other political forces. Rather, it was in favor of the entry of the Lebanese Forces into the government in its pursuit of solving the problem of government representation. Therefore, the question remains: How will they act today regarding the repercussions of forming a government, after the emergence of the new American vision in Lebanon?

الأميركيون «يتراجعون»: فشِلنا في الإضرار بحزب الله

أعضاء من لجنة الشؤون الخارجية في مجلس الشيوخ الأميركي قبيل مغادرتهم مطار بيروت أمس (دالاتي ونهرا)
See the source image

الخميس 2 أيلول 2021

هيام القصيفي

بعد تدهور الأوضاع وانعكاس هذا التشدد على حال البلاد. الرسائل الأميركية الأخيرة ضاغطة لجهة أن الوقت قد حان لتأليف حكومة سريعاً والانتقال إلى مرحلة التحضير للانتخاباتفي معلومات مصادر أميركية موثوقة أن نقاشاً جدياً بدأ يأخذ طابعاً متقدماً حول جدوى الضغوط التي مارستها واشنطن منذ عام 2017 على حزب الله وحلفائه ومصادر تمويله وانعكاسها عليه وعلى لبنان ككل. خلاصة النقاش أن الضغوط التي جرت منذ ما قبل العقوبات على بنك «جمّال» والعقوبات والتطويق المالي والاقتصادي، أظهرت حتى الآن أن حزب الله تأثر بطبيعة الحال، بكل ما سبق ذكره، لكن الإصابات لم تكن على المستوى الذي كان يتوقعه الأميركيون. لا بل إن القوى السياسية الأخرى واللبنانيين عموماً هم الذين تأثروا وأصيبوا إصابات فادحة ومباشرة في ظل انهيار غير مسبوق على كافة المستويات الحياتية.

إعادة قراءة الموقف الأميركي، بدأت تأخذ شكلاً مغايراً ظهرت معالمه في رسائل مباشرة حول تشكيل الحكومة. تفيد الرسائل بأن الأميركيين يضغطون لتأليف الحكومة في أسرع وقت ممكن، تفادياً لمزيد من الانهيار. هذا الانهيار يتحول، تدريجاً، خطِراً وقاسياً، إلى الحد الذي قد يصبح فيه الوضع اللبناني ورقة مكلفة في الحوار التفاوضي مع إيران وتضطر معه واشنطن إلى دفع أثمان باهظة في لبنان. وما يعني واشنطن من لبنان عدم ذهاب الوضع إلى الانهيار التام، فهو لا يزال بالنسبة إليها «جار إسرائيل»، مع كل ما يعني ذلك، وهو جار سوريا التي لا تزال تنظر واشنطن إليها كساحة توتر قائمة، إضافة إلى أن أي انهيار تام يعيد في ظل الظروف الحالية من أفغانستان إلى المنطقة، حالة خوف من تسرب إرهابيين عبره إلى الخارج.

واشنطن تبدي استياء ملحوظاً ويأساً من حلفائها في بيروت، لعدم قيامهم بما يواكب ضغوطها على حزب الله وعون


وبحسب المعلومات فإن واشنطن تبدي استياء ملحوظاً ويأساً من حلفائها في بيروت، لعدم قيامهم بما يتقاطع مع ما فعلته منذ سنوات طويلة للضغط على حزب الله والعهد. لكن حلفاءها ظلوا متقاعسين عن المواجهة الفعلية، على كافة انتماءاتهم ومواقعهم، (ما عدا قلة محدودة جداً منهم)، وكأنهم يريدون أن تقوم واشنطن بمعاركهم بدلاً عنهم. وواشنطن «ليست في وارد أي تدخل من هذا النوع». لذا كان الانتقال إلى مقاربة مختلفة، وهي توجيه رسائل ضغط لتشكيل الحكومة من دون أي شروط. فواشنطن لم تعد معنية بأي بنود تتعلق بتمثيل حزب الله وحلفائه، ولا قطعاً بالخلاف حول حصص تمثيل المسيحيين أو الثلث الضامن. ما يعنيها تشكيل الحكومة، ومن ثم إجراء الانتخابات. ولعل النقطة الثانية بالنسبة إليها أصبحت أكثر أهمية، لأن الحكومة المتوقعة هي المعبر لوقف الانهيار، والانتخابات تعني مزيداً من كسب الوقت (لأن مراحل مفاوضات المنطقة طويلة) واحتمال إعادة إنتاج سلطة وحكومة جديدة منبثقة منها تساعد أكثر في عملية الإنقاذ. من هنا سيذهب الضغط نحو القبول بحكومة لا تشبه حكومة الرئيس حسان دياب، وقد لا تمانع بحكومة فيها ثلث معطل لرئيس الجمهورية، ولو لم تباركها علناً.

النقطة الثانية هي أن واشنطن بحسب المعلومات حاولت الضغط على رئيس الجمهورية لدفعه نحو الابتعاد عن حزب الله، إلى حد الانقلاب عليه، لكن هذا الأمر لم يحصل، ولأسباب متنوعة بعضها مبدئي وبعضها عملي. علماً أنه كان لافتاً في بعض المراحل وجود توتر في العلاقة بين التيار الوطني الحر كحزب وقيادة وحزب الله، حين كثر الحديث عن ترميم العلاقة وتحديث ورقة التفاهم، إلى أن سُحب الموضوع نهائياً من التداول من جانب الطرفين. علماً أن عون لم يذهب في هذا الموضوع إلى الحد الأقصى.

فشلت الضغوط الأميركية على رئيس الجمهورية بدفعه نحو الابتعاد عن حزب الله، إلى حد الانقلاب عليه


من هنا فإن خريطة عمل واشنطن الجديدة تتجه أكثر نحو تشجيع الجميع بمن فيهم رئيس الجمهورية والرئيس المكلف على الإسراع في تشكيل الحكومة. في وقت كان ثمة تخوف من أن يسعى حزب الله وعون إلى الاستفادة من الجو الأميركي المستجد، فيتشددان في تشكيل حكومة أقرب إلى اللون الواحد، لكن هذا الأمر يبدو مستبعداً كما يظهر من أداء حزب الله، ما دام تمثيل الأحزاب بشخصيات قريبة لم يعد محرماً ولا الثلث المعطل الضمني.

في موازاة ذلك ثمة تأكيدات أن كل هذه الإحاطة لا علاقة لها بأي موقف خليجي ولا سعودي. السعودية وبخلاف واشنطن، لا تزال على موقفها السلبي تماماً تجاه لبنان، ولا يعنيها أي موقف أميركي مستجد يساعد على كسب الوقت من خلال تشكيل حكومة وإجراء الانتخابات. الرياض ستظل معتكفة عن لبنان، وعن أي دور لها في المستقبل القريب.
يبقى أخيراً أن المفارقة تكمن في اختلاف مقاربة حزب الله وعون لما جرى في الأشهر الأخيرة. فعون كسر الجرة مع جميع القوى السياسية الحليفة والمعارضة والقوى المسيحية قاطبة، ومن المرجّح أن يستثمر في ما سيجري لاحقاً لمواجهتهم، كما هي عادته. أما حزب الله ففعل العكس تماماً، وحاول استيعاب ردود الفعل، ولم ينقلب على أي طرف وأولهم الفريق السني بكل ما يمثله رؤساء الحكومات السابقين مجتمعين أو فرادى، ولا مع القوى السياسية الأخرى، لا بل كان مؤيداً لدخول القوات اللبنانية إلى الحكومة في إطار السعي لحل مشكلة التمثيل الحكومي. لذا سيكون السؤال كيف سيتصرفان اليوم، كل من موقعه، إزاء انعكاسات تشكيل حكومة، بعد ظهور «الرؤية الأميركية» الجديدة للواقع في لبنان.

Video translation: ‘Will you stop me from filling up Iranian petrol?!’: Beirut Sunni Imam

Video translation: ‘Will you stop me from filling up Iranian petrol?!’: Beirut Sunni Imam

September 03, 2021

Sheikh Hamade, who is the Imam of the Hamzah Mosque in Beirut, blasted pro-US forces in Lebanon and called on anyone opposed to the move to ‘quit trying to fool the Lebanese people’ and ‘get oil yourselves!’

Original link: http://middleeastobserver.net/will-you-stop-me-from-filling-up-iranian-petrol-beirut-sunni-imam/

Description:

Lebanese Sunni Sheikh Mustafa Hamade scolds local pro-US parties and media for their opposition to Hezbollah’s recently announced move to import Iranian fuel to Lebanon, a country facing a crippling energy and economic crisis.

Sheikh Hamade, who is the Imam of the Hamzah Mosque in Beirut, blasted pro-US forces in Lebanon and called on anyone opposed to the move to ‘quit trying to fool the Lebanese people’ and ‘get oil yourselves!’

The clip of the Sheikh’s comments has been spreading widely within Lebanese social media circles in recent days.

Source: Social networking sites

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Transcript:

Sheikh Mustafa Hamade, Imam of the Hamzah Mosque in Beirut, Lebanon:

(Certain) media outlets don’t want Iranian oil, nor oil from God knows where. We, as a people, demand that you bring oil from wherever you want, and we’ll buy it from you and not from them (Iran).

Just get oil, if anyone wants to talk, then they better step up. They (Hezbollah) are importing oil because they’re true to their people.

(Regardless of) halal (permissible) or haram (forbidden), right or wrong, sanctions and what not. Are there sanctions more devastating than the ones we’re under (today)?

Are you going to tell me that when and if the oil comes from Iran, that you’re going to prevent me from getting Iranian petrol and diesel? We’re already dead!

If any of our leaders don’t like this, then get oil (yourselves)! You have friends all over the world. Aren’t you going to import electricity and gas? Get some oil while you’re at it. Get some diesel while you’re at it. Stop fueling sectarian tensions. People are tired! People are exhausted!

Go see Dahieh (Southern Suburbs of Beirut), and all Shia regions, and go see Beirut and all Sunni regions in Lebanon. Go see Akkar, Dinniyeh and Tripoli. Go see Baalbeck and Hermel, Central and Northern Beqaa. Go see the South, all of it, starting from Sidon and up to the Naqoura and see the hunger. Head to the mountains, to Baabda and all of Mt. Lebanon. People care little for where the oil will come from. When the oil’s here people will pay out of their own pockets for it, and they don’t need any of you officials. They’ll pay from their own money and bring in oil from wherever, because you do not feel the exhaustion we feel. Because you do not feel the humiliation we’ve endured.

You are still conspiring against us, and making fools of us. Because you’re Sunni, you still want me to hate the Shia, and because you’re Shia you want him to hate the Sunni.

People won’t fall for this anymore, they want to live, they’re tired, they’re exhausted.

I pray that God Almighty save us from this trial. May God grant us forgiveness.

مخاطر الإرهاب الاقتصادي الأميركي ضدّ لبنان ووجوب المواجهة؟


أيلول 4 2021

 العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط _

بعد أن تيقنت أميركا مع ما تجرّه من أذيال إقليمية ودولية تسمّيهم حلفاء أو شركاء لها، طبعاً شركاء في العدوان والتآمر على الشعوب، بعد ان تيقنت من فشل عدوانها على سورية وتالياً على محور المقاومة ومع إرساء معالم هزيمتها الاستراتيجية المدوية في أفغانستان باتت تركز على الحرب الاقتصادية والإرهاب الاقتصادي الذي تعوّل عليه ليعوّض فشلها في ميادين المواجهة النارية والعملانية وكان لبنان مستهدفا مع سورية بهذه الحرب الوحشية التي طالت المواطن اللبناني في أهمّ حاجاته الحياتية كالدواء والغذاء والطاقة على أنواعها.

اعتقدت أميركا انّ هذه الوحشية التي تمارسها خنقاً وحصاراً ضدّ لبنان ومع وجود عملاء لها فيه خانوا بلادهم وخانوا شعبهم وانصاعوا لها في تحقيق ما تريد ارتكابه من جرائم بحق لبنان والمواطن اللبناني، اعتقدت أميركا أنها ستثير الشعب على المقاومة وتجعل الأخيرة تنكفئ عن مشروعها الاستراتيجي للتحرّر الوطني والقومي والإقليمي وتستسلم لها تحت ضغط المعاناة الشعبية وتقدّم رأسها منصاعة وتتنازل عن مكتسباتها التي حققتها خلال العقدين الماضيين.

اعتقدت أميركا أنّ حرمان الطفل في لبنان من الحليب وحرمان المريض من الدواء وحرمان المودع المصرفي من أمواله، وحرمان المواطن من الكهرباء والماء والبنزين والمازوت والغاز المنزلي، هذا الحرمان الموجع والمتعدد العناوين والأشكال سيتسبّب كما ظنّت بكسر إرادة لبنان ومقاومته وحمله على التراجع عن حماية الوطن والدفاع عن حقوقه والسكوت عن احتمال استجابة هذا او ذاك من المسؤولين في لبنان للإملاءات الأميركية والقبول برسم حدود برية جديدة مع فلسطين المحتلة طالما روّج لها لتعطي “إسرائيل” أكثر من ٢٠ مليون متر مربع من الأرض اللبنانية والقبول بترسيم حدود بحرية تعطي “إسرائيل” أكثر من ١٤٥٠ كلم٢ من المنطقة الاقتصادية البحرية الخالصة للبنان دون ان ننسى السعي الأميركي “الإسرائيلي” الدائم لتوطين الفلسطينيين في لبنان.

لقد منعت أميركا وبكلّ صلافة وفجور ووقاحة، منعت الاستثمار الأجنبي في لبنان خاصة الصيني والروسي والايراني وتسبّبت عبر عملائها في القطاع المصرفي في انهيار هذا القطاع، ما جعل الأموال بعيدة عن متناول يد أصحابها، وقادت لبنان الى الفراغ السياسي والانهيار النقدي والاقتصادي ووضعت لبنان على شفير المجاعة ما حمل الكثير من أبنائه على السفر الى الخارج هرباً من الجحيم المخطط أميركياً والمنفذ بأيدٍ لبنانية، وقد يكون إفراغ لبنان من شبابه أيضاً هدفاً من اهداف السياسة العدوانية الأميركية أيضاً.

لقد تسبّب الحصار الأميركي والاحتكار والوكالات الحصرية والجشع لدى التجار وممارسة النهب والفساد الميليشيوي في تداول المحروقات والدواء وبعض حاجات صناعة الرغيف، تسبّب في نشوء ظاهرة التجارة غير المشروعة وقيام السوق السوداء ووضع البلاد على عتبة مرعبة من التوتر والصدام داخل المجتمع والأخطر من ذلك خلق نوعاً من انغلاق المناطق على نفسها ممهّداً لما يمكن تسميته “الاقتصاد الذاتي” على صعيد المناطق وبعض شرائح الطوائف والأخطر من ذلك ما يمكن وصفه بأنه مقدّمات لـ “فيدرالية اقتصادية” تفرض بالأمر الواقع وقد يتخذها البعض مدخلاً لفيدرالية سياسية راج الحديث عنها او الدفع اليها خلال الأعوام القريبة الفائتة.

لقد وضعت السياسة الأميركية المخططة للبنان والمعتمدة في تنفيذها على لبنانيين، وضعت لبنان امام تحديات خطيرة لا تقتصر على الشأن المعيشي بل تتعداه وللأسف الى الشأن الوجودي والكياني من خلال الدفع الى الهجرة وتفكك المجتمع وضمور العلاقات الاجتماعية والحد من الزواج والتسبّب بانهيارات متعددة في مؤسسة الزواج ذاتها، بعد ان تعطلت عجلة الإنتاج الاقتصادي وتراجع الدخل الفردي والعام وانخفضت القيمة الشرائية للرواتب والأجور ورغم ذلك تستمرّ أميركا في سياستها في الإرهاب الاقتصادي وحماية عملائها من جلادي الشعب وأرباب النهب والفساد في أروقة السياسة والاقتصاد والمال والمجتمع مع رواج بدعة الـ N.G.O أيّ المنظمات غير الحكومة التي انتشرت بشكل عجائبي بإرادة أميركية واضحة رمت الى جعلها بديلاً عن دولة قيد التفكك والانهيار.

ورغم ما تقدّم من سوداوية المشهد اللبناني وحراجته وصعوبته وخبث أميركا ولؤمها ولا إنسانيتها في صنعه وسفالة ودناءة وإجرام لبنانيين ساعدوها في عدوانها وإرهابها فإننا لا نرى العلاج والدفاع أمراً ميؤوساً منه أو أنّ العدوان بات في وضع مقطوع بنجاحه. بل أقول رغم كل ذلك فإنّ منظومة العدوان والإرهاب الاقتصادي بوجهيها الداخلي والخارجي، على قدر من الوهن تنبئ فيه بأنّ مواجهة جادة مدروسة تمكن من إسقاط العدوان وتمنعه من تحقيق أهدافه ونقدّم دليلاً على ذلك ما قامت به المقاومة في موضوع استيراد النفط من إيران حيث تصرفت على أساس انّ الإرادة الأميركية ليست قدراً لا يُردّ او من قبيل الامور التي لا تواجه.

 فالمقاومة التي خبرتها أميركا و”إسرائيل” في الميدان، كان لها في النفط جواب وموقف يسفه غرور أميركا ويفضح سوء التقدير لديها ويكشف جهلها بطبيعة المقاومة ونهجها ومنهجها ومبناها العقائدي والتنظيمي ويُرسل لها الرسائل الواضحة والقاطعة بأن من هزم العدوان الأجنبي في الميدان لن يستسلم له تحت أيّ ضغط اقتصادي مهما كان نوعه ومهما كان أثره. فللمقاومة أساليبها التي تمكنها ان تتفلت من مكائد العدو مهما تنوّعت واشتدت.

وفي هذا السياق أيّ الردّ على الحصار الأميركي للبنان وإيران وسورية اختارت المقاومة ان تنفذ عملية اقتصادية مثلثة الأضلاع تشارك فيها الأطراف الثلاثة المستهدفة بالإرهاب الاقتصادي الأميركي (إيران لبنان سورية) فجهّزت سفينة شحن نفط، اعتبرتها المقاومة أرضاً لبنانية لنقل نفط إيراني الى ميناء سوري لسدّ حاجة مستهلك لبناني، فكانت عملية تجارية منظمة أحسن اختيار موضوعها وأسلوب تنفيذها ووسائل حمايتها.

لقد أربكت المقاومة بقرارها أميركا و”إسرائيل” وجعلتهما تتيقنا انّ المقاومة تعرف كيف تحوّل التحدي الى فرصة وكيف تنجح باستثمارها ما جعل أميركا تبدي استعداداً للتراجع عن بعض سلوكيات الحصار فكان موقف سفيرتها في بيروت المعلن لتسهيلات أميركية للبنان لتمكينه من استجرار الكهرباء من الأردن والغاز من مصر وكله عبر سورية، ثم كان موقف السناتور الأميركي مورفي المتحدث باسم وفد الكونغرس الى لبنان والذي رغم ظاهره فإنه يستشفّ منه تراجعاً أيضاً عبر قوله انّ “واشنطن تبحث عن سبيل لتزويد لبنان بالمحروقات من دون عقوبات”، لأنّ ما تقوم به المقاومة من استيراد من إيران هو على حدّ زعمه خاضع للعقوبات لأنّ “أيّ وقود يجري نقله عبر سورية خاضع للعقوبات”.

فإذا كان قرار واحد بالمواجهة جعل أميركا تتراجع امام المقاومة وتفك الحصار ولو جزئيا، رغم انها رفضت في السابق طلبات لبنان ذات الصلة وعلى مدار سنتين متتاليتين واليوم جاء قرار المقاومة فأجبرها على إظهار الاستعداد لفك جزئي للحصار لان المقاومة وضعتها أمام خيارين: “فكوا الحصار بأيديكم او نكسر الحصار بأقدامنا” أما التهديد والتهويل فإنه لن يلقى عند المقاومة أذناً تهتمّ ولن تكون مفاعيله إلا مزيداً من الجهوزية للمواجهة التي نعلم أنّ أمّيركا المنكفئة و”إسرائيل” المتخبّطة لن تبادرا اليها وإنْ فعلتا فإنهما ستندمان.

وعليه نقول ان على لبنان ان يتخذ من قرار المقاومة استيراد النفط من إيران وعبر سورية نموذجاً يُحتذى للتعامل مع أميركا ومواجهة حصارها وإملاءاتها، وعلى المسؤولين في الدولة ان يعلموا انّ المقاومة التي انطلقت لتحرير الأرض بعد ان عجزت الدولة عنه، ستكون جاهزة لسدّ أيّ عجز او تلكؤ وعلى طريقتها ووفقاً لأساليبها لمواجهة الحصار والإرهاب الاقتصادي الأميركي حتى تحمي لبنان وشعبه، أما القول بأنّ “أميركا ستستمرّ بالحصار حتى الاستسلام او الاندثار” فإنه قول فيه من الخنوع والتشاؤم ما لا يتوافق مع نهج المقاومة التي ترى انّ أميركا ستتراجع عن الحصار وسيبقى لبنان كما تريده المقاومة.

* أستاذ جامعي ـ باحث استراتيجي

USA Wants Lebanese Proxies to Fight Hezbollah

September 2, 2021

In light of the US failure to defeat and eradicate Hezbollah through the Israeli war on Lebanon in 2006 and the takfiri invasion of the region during the past decade, Washington has decided to resort to the Lebanese proxies in order to fight Hezbollah.

Hundreds of NGOs have recently emerged in a weird manner and under the pretext of providing social aids amid the deteriorating socioeconomic conditions in Lebanon are ready to engage in a political warfare against the Resistance. Moreover, the traditional foes of Hezbollah will not miss any chance to confront the Resistance Party.

In this context, a delegation from the Foreign Affairs Committee at the US Congress headed by Senator Chris Murphy visited Lebanon, underestimating the oil crisis caused by the American siege imposed on the country.

Murphy briefed the reporters about the outcomes of the delegation’s meeting with President Michel Aoun, “We have discussed the parliamentary elections of 2022, which will bring new faces to power. The government must ensure that every Lebanese can vote next spring in a safe and free manner.”

In this context, Senator Richard Blumenthal described Hezbollah as a cancer that must be eradicated.

In response to journalists’ questions about the Iranian oil ship, the delegation alleged that “there is no need for Lebanon to depend on Iranian fuel, and the US is actively working to solve the fuel crisis in Lebanon.”

So, Washington wants the parliamentary elections to introduce new ‘faces to power’ and insists the Iranian fuel ships are needless. It is a clear call on the Lebanese proxies to reject Hezbollah honest and determined endeavor to cope with the oil crisis caused by the US sanctions and to utilize 2022 vote in their confrontation with Hezbollah.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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Raisi to ’Dear Brother’ Sayyed Nasrallah: Islamic Resistance An Influential Element in Regional Equations

September 2, 2021

Raisi to ’Dear Brother’ Sayyed Nasrallah: Islamic Resistance An Influential Element in Regional Equations

Translated by Staff

Iranian President Sayyed Ebrahim Raisi sent a thank you letter to Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, which read the following:

The Secretary General of Hezbollah

My dear brother, Hujjatul Islam wal Muslimin, You Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, may your blessings perpetuate

I thank you for your special congratulations on electing me as the President of the Islamic Republic, and the honest meanings of love conveyed in your letter.

Hezbollah is the good tree that has borne fruits thanks to your leadership, the resistance of the revolutionary and faithful youths, and the bloods of the righteous martyrs of the resistance… As long as we move forward, the blessings of this tree and its achievements will shine and sparkle more, to be the true hope of the Muslim nation. The power of the Islamic Resistance has made the leading revolutionary youth a nightmare that haunts the Zionist entity. It has also imposed a new deterrence equation on this usurper entity.

The role played by the Islamic Resistance in cementing safety and security in the face of the state terrorism and the Takfiri terrorism has turned this revolutionary tide of resistance into an influential element in regional equations… in which neither any political, military, or security side in the region, nor could any international power ignore its existence.

I am totally confident that, under the political guidance of His Eminence Imam Khamenei “May his shadow endure”, the Islamic Resistance can present a unique model of political work that conforms with the religious principles, in the course of cementing national independence through wide horizons of stability, development, and welfare.

Despite all animosities and grudges trailing it, the geography of the Islamic Resistance is not any more limited with Lebanon and Palestine… additionally, its efforts are not only focused on fighting the oppressors, aggressors, and the disordered… as the Islamic Resistance today has turned into an integrated school that raises the banner of security and stability in Lebanon, and calls for liberating the occupied Palestinian territories, and urges peace based on regional justice.

I ask Allah the almighty for the health, safety, and sublimity of my dear Mujahid brother, and for the good luck, happiness, and prosperity of the Islamic Resistance fighters.

Sayyed Ebrahim Raisi

President of the Islamic Republic of Iran

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