Judges protecting judges: why the Beirut blast investigation is a dud

October 28 2021

Can the Beirut blast’s lead investigator, Judge Tarek Bitar, take on his negligent colleagues? Events so far suggest he won’t.Photo Credit: The Cradle

Lead investigative Judge Tarek Bitar refuses to prosecute his judiciary colleagues who signed to unload, store, then ignore the ammonium nitrates that devastated Beirut last August.

By Radwan Mortada

The Lebanese are split on the performance of Judge Tarek al-Bitar, the lead judicial investigator in the massive 4 August Port of Beirut explosion last year.

One side blindly trusts the man, believing Bitar will spearhead the fight against Lebanon’s existing corrupt political class and discover the identities of those responsible for the deadly port blast.

The other side views him as a foreign tool used to create sedition in Lebanon by targeting political figures critical of the US. The Lebanese resistance, Hezbollah, was the first to draw suspicion to Bitar’s performance, whose arbitrary and biased allegations seemed to target only one side of the political divide.

Hezbollah’s charges have gradually escalated over the months. When Bitar first took on the blast investigation – the second judge to do so – Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah urged him to publish the blast site’s technical report so it would quash unsubstantiated rumors about the group’s role in the explosion, or allegations that it stored ‘weapons’ at the Port of Beirut.

Bitar did not respond to Nasrallah’s request for transparency, however, and allowed political and media disinformation to go unchecked during a national crisis.

In one example of this, an alleged ‘witness’ named Imad Kashli appeared in a Lebanese media outlet claiming that he transported ammonium nitrate for Hezbollah from the Port of Beirut to a village in the south, in what was later discovered to be false testimony. Bitar failed to take any action against Kashli under the pretext that he was ‘sick,’ and media outlets never bothered to refute or retract the fabricated story.

Furthermore, Bitar’s political targets say the judge’s own allegations are not comprehensive, but deliberately selective. His interrogation roster focuses overwhelmingly on personalities belonging to one political affiliation, while unjustifiably excluding officials in the very same posts with opposite political views. Bitar has interrogated former Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) Commander Jean Kawahji, for instance, while skipping over current LAF Commander Joseph Aoun, a Washington-favored army man.

U.S. Ambassador Richard Meets Army Commander General Joseph Aoun - U.S.  Embassy in Lebanon

Aoun cannot be bypassed or absolved of responsibility. The explosion happened on his watch, during his tenure. Bitar’s detractors rightly point out that the ultimate responsibility for the Beirut blast must focus on the Lebanese judiciary and the military. The former signed the papers that allowed in and continued to store tons of illegally-stored ammonium nitrate in Beirut, and the latter has the final word on any explosives inside Lebanon’s legal boundaries.

The fact that Bitar has ruled out questioning the current army leadership, most of the judges, the Ministers of Justice and Defense, and the Justice Ministry’s cases commission from has raised eyebrows, obviously. Nasrallah did not mince his words when he stated, in a recent speech, that the greatest responsibility for the 2020 calamity rests with the judges who gave permission to unload vast amounts of ammonium nitrate explosives from a foreign ship seized by Lebanese authorities, and then gave permission to store these substances in dangerous conditions inside the Port of Beirut.

Bitar’s choices lead to armed confrontations

Leaked reports in the media and from within the corridors of Lebanon’s Judiciary, instead deflected blame onto cabinet ministers and members of parliament (MPs), revealing that they would be arrested even before Bitar issued the summons. Furthermore, he has been quoted as saying that he wanted to fight, not avenge, the political class, which he did not deny in a press interview – thus, confirming the words attributed to him.

His behavior and the investigation’s bias has only reinforced suspicions against Bitar, who was expected, at the very least, to handle these processes and suspects impartially, and to display good faith by muzzling rumors and disinformation.

The judge’s questionable performance finally prompted supporters of Hezbollah, Marada, the Amal Movement, and members of professional organizations (lawyers, etc) to hold a protest in front of the Beirut Palace of Justice.

On 14 October, a peaceful demonstration by these groups was ambushed in Beirut’s Tayouneh neighborhood by far-right Lebanese Forces (LF) party gunmen. Rooftop sniper fire quickly escalated into an armed clash that killed seven Hezbollah and Amal supporters and injured dozens of others.

The Black Record of Samir Geagea

The attack could have easily spiraled into a civil war had it not been for Nasrallah’s public calls for restraint, which gave space for an investigation by army intelligence, under the supervision of the judiciary, that this week summoned LF leader Samir Geagea for interrogation. That case continues.

Judiciary and military responsibility for the explosives

Why has Bitar overlooked the judicial and military responsibilities for the ammonium nitrates and its storage at the port for seven years? Why does he persist in focusing his investigation on cabinet ministers and parliamentarians mainly, despite the fact that the explosion was primarily a security and judicial failure?

If the army had carried out its function, entrusted exclusively to Lebanon’s military under the country’s Weapons and Ammunition Law, by supervising the nitrate storage, destruction, or re-export, the devastating explosion would have been averted.

Similarly, if judges had done their job, a legally binding – not a political one – decision would have ensured the destruction or immediate exportation of the explosive materials from Warehouse 12 in the Port of Beirut.

Despite the negligence of his judicial colleagues, Judge Bitar has been noticeably timid about addressing their liabilities in the lead-up to the explosion. The politicization of his investigation has all but buried the legal distribution of responsibility – the truth, so to speak – for the blast.

The judges who escaped Bitar’s ‘judgement’

Gassanoff on Twitter: "المجرم القاضي جاد المعلوف هو المسؤول عن انزال  النيترات لمصلحة من أمر بانزالها او بطلب من من؟ من هنا يبدأ التحقيق مع  المجرم جاد المعلوف .هذا هو الصندوق الاسود…
Judge Jad Maalouf

To this day, the ‘guardians of justice’ continue to remain unaccountable. But the names of seven judges and a state attorney suspected of negligence have been identified as those most liable for the judiciary’s failings: Judges Jad Maalouf and Carla Shawah from the Beirut Urgent Matters Court, Ministry of Justice Judges Marwan Karkabi and Helena Iskandar, head of the Beirut Executive Department Mirna Kallab, government commissioner at the Military Court Judge Peter Germanos, Appeals Court Attorney General Ghassan Khoury, and state attorney Omar Tarabah.

Lebanon’s Internal Security Forces (ISF) had identified these judges in a report presented to Judge Bitar at the start of his investigation.

The judiciary’s responsibility in the blast has also been lost amid blanket local media focus on Lebanon’s political class since 17 October 2019, when a street ‘revolution’ arose in response to the country’s economic collapse. The prevailing trend in the country has been to lay all blame on the politicians and bankers who let this happen.

So there would be little fallout for Bitar if he took the easy path, focused on the easy ‘villains,’ and didn’t rock the boat with his judicial colleagues or Lebanon’s ‘neutral’ military establishment.

Bitar checked some boxes, but basically played softball with the judiciary.  As an example, he formally requested that the Cassation Court’s public prosecutor separately verify the negligence of Beirut Judges Maalouf and Shawah in order to charge them with the crime of probable intent, like the rest of the defendants in the case.

Although more than a year has passed since the blast investigation began, any action against the judges, or even checking their files or hearing their statements, has been delayed for months, although the role of one of them – Jad Maalouf – is critical.

Maalouf signed off on the decision to unload the ship’s ammonium nitrate cargo and appoint a judicial guard as the head of the port, Mohammad al-Mawla. After Mawla claimed that he did not hold the keys to the warehouse, Maalouf was supposed to appoint another judicial guard and establish a time period for guard duty, which did not happen. Bitar listened to the statements of Maalouf and Shawah as witnesses only, unlike others who he intends to prosecute. Why?

The file of the ammonium nitrate shipment had swung back and forth for years between the General Customs Directorate and Beirut Urgent Matters Judge Maalouf. Several letters were sent to the Director General of Customs Badri Daher to re-export the goods, but Judge Maalouf kept writing down the request and sending it to the Justice Ministry’s cases commission, which responded only once by approving the re-export.

Maalouf was assigned to transfer the ownership of the goods within a week, even though Article 13 of the UN’s Hamburg Convention permits the destruction of goods – and if they are hazardous, without transferring their ownership – without paying compensation to the owner. The Hamburg Convention, signed in 1978 and enforced in November 1992, is the UN’s ‘Hamburg Rules’ on cargo sea shipments that unified a legal system regulating the rights and obligations of shippers, carriers, and consignees under the contract of transport of goods by sea.

According to legal experts, Judge Maalouf should have ruled to destroy these highly dangerous materials based on both Article 13 of the Hamburg Convention as well as the provisions of paragraph 2 of Article 579 of the Lebanese Code of Civil Procedure; that is, without a request from anyone and regardless of the rights of their owners, who are not entitled to compensation for the destruction of hazardous goods.

Instead, four years were spent on issuing notifications, or requesting discussions on jurisdiction and the legality of selling or destroying the goods. If Judge Maalouf had taken the decision to destroy the ammonium nitrates immediately, Lebanon would have certainly avoided its destructive consequence last August.

The same reasoning applies to suspected Judge Shawah, who was referred to the prosecution with Maalouf, but judicial sources tell The Cradle that she has not received any document or review from anyone since she took over the ammonium nitrates case from Maalouf.

Judge Bitar has also asked the Appeals Court public prosecutor to verify the suspected negligence of Public Prosecutor Judge Khoury for authorizing the closing of the nitrates file. But Bitar did not do that for months, and until the day before, he believed that the Court of Cassation might recuse him based on the lawsuits submitted by the defendants and ministers accusing him of bias.

It appears that Bitar initially suspected Khoury of involvement in criminal activities that contributed to the death and injury of people and causing damage to public property as a result of the judge’s decision to shelve the State Security’s investigation report. Then, inexplicably, Judge Imad Qabalan, the Court of Cassation’s public prosecutor, decided those suspicions were unjustified and threw out Bitar’s inquiries by saying he considered “the report of the judicial investigator [Bitar] dated 24 September 2021 to be empty of any suspicions and does not prove fault in the job duties of Judge Khoury.”

The fourth and fifth judges, Helena Iskandar and Marwan Karkabi, who headed the Justice Ministry’s cases commission, are suspected of years of procrastinating before responding to the correspondence of the Director General of Customs and the Urgent Matters Judge. Although they received several letters, they responded only once by proposing to re-export the nitrates without following up on the case, which is one reason the ammonium nitrates remained in the heart of Beirut.

The sixth judge, Peter Germanos, was contacted by State Security investigators – when he was the government representative at the military court regarding the ammonium nitrate stores – to notify him about the high risk of these materials. But Germanos told them this case was not in the jurisdiction of the military prosecution because the Urgent Matters Judge had ruled to remove that material from Warehouse 12.

Although the issue is related to the Lebanese state’s national security and clearly falls within the jurisdiction of the Army Intelligence, Germanos decided that it is not within the powers of the Military Public Prosecution. Why?

Judge Germanos has denied on Twitter that he received any reports or minutes on the ammonium nitrates from the State Security or any other agency. Here, Bitar’s investigation needs to discover which side is telling the truth, bearing in mind that most communications between the judicial police and public prosecutor were conducted orally, over the phone, until written investigation minutes are stamped and referred to the Public Prosecution.

The seventh judge – Mirna Kallab, head of the Executive Department in Beirut – following correspondence from the Justice Ministry’s cases commission on the sale of the nitrates, was tasked specifically with appointing an inspections expert. A dispute emerged from the start between the Ministry of Works and the cases commission over who should pay the expert’s fees, which did not exceed 700,000 (approximately $467) Lebanese pounds.

Here, state attorney Omar Tarabah’s name appears for procrastinating for more than a year over correspondence related to paying the expert’s fees to inspect the Rhusos, the ship which transported the ammonium nitrate to the Port of Beirut.

In a nutshell, it is believed that the reason for Bitar’s leniency in holding negligent judges accountable for the Beirut blast is due to the prevailing conviction among judges of the need to protect and provide their colleagues with immunity, lest they next become scapegoats for the political class who would also wish to protect their colleagues with immunity.

Bitar should have refused to cater to the judiciary and military establishments, and made a beeline for whomever he suspected of negligence, regardless of their affiliations. Having failed to do so, this investigation is now a bust. Unless Bitar changes course and takes on these two protected institutions, only scapegoats will be charged for Lebanon’s deadliest explosion in history.

Radwan Mortada: “Joseph Aoun has made a big mistake”

November 29 2021

Why is the Lebanese military command gunning for a lone journalist in the midst of the country’s biggest crisis since the civil war?

By Sharmine Narwani

Radwan Mortada is one of Lebanon’s leading investigative journalists, with almost two decades of experience working with the country’s biggest media outlets.

I met Radwan a decade ago while we were both working at Lebanon’s daily Al Akhbar, he for the Arabic newspaper, me on the English-language website. A veteran security journalist covering military institutions, wars, terrorism, extremism and the layers of intrigue in between, he is one of those rare reporters who can gain access to any information, and call up just about anyone, at any time.

Lebanon has more press freedoms than any country in West Asia, partly because it is politically split in two, with no one party having more power than the others. That rare balance has allowed its media to openly question and criticize all parties and individual political figures, with few of the negative consequences that occur in other states and regions where journalists are roughed up, detained and even killed in ever-rising numbers.

It isn’t often journalists here end up in the slammer for unearthing dirt on the country’s political or business elite, usually because no one person has the power to see it through.

So, when Lebanon’s military court – a body that has absolutely no legal jurisdiction over media activities – sentenced Radwan to imprisonment on 26 November for “the offense of insulting the military establishment,” without providing due notice to the defendant, and in absentia, it created a storm.

The Lebanese Press Editors Syndicate (LPES) immediately expressed its “astonishment” at the decision, and announced that it had assigned its legal advisor to review the case against Mortada with the possibility of filing an appeal.

According to the statement by the LPES, this ruling is a “violation of Article 28 of Legislative Decree No. 77/ 104, as amended by Law No. 330 of 18/1994, which abolished pre-trial detention for publication crimes and the penalty of imprisonment for journalists from most of its rulings.”

Other LPES officials say they will not allow authorities to set a precedent for the imprisonment of journalists who conduct investigative work.

And just today, Reporters sans frontières (Reporters Without Borders or RSF) tweeted:

“RSF condemns the conviction in abstentia of Radwan Mortada by the military court to more than one year in prison for “defaming the army”: an illegal pressure to silence a critical journalist, now forced to move from his home to protect himself and avoid any sentence.

Lebanese media outlets across the political spectrum have covered this story in Radwan’s favor, and the country’s Minister of Information George Kordahi weighed in by saying the ‘Publications Court’ is the only Lebanese body authorized to rule on media affairs, based on the constitution and the laws regulating freedom of opinion and expression.

So why did Lebanon’s military court take action against a leading Lebanese media figure, well outside of its legal jurisdiction? Why now, in the midst of the country’s excruciating economic collapse and with terror and strife within its borders? Was there nothing more important for Lebanon’s military court to address – than this? And who instigated these proceedings?

The Cradle went directly to the source to answer some of these questions. This is what Radwan Mortada had to say:

The Cradle: Lebanon’s military court has sentenced you to one year and one month in prison. Before getting into the details, could you please tell me why a military court is involved in sentencing a journalist? Is this even legal?

Mortada: Military courts have no authority to try journalists for verbal offenses. They cannot prosecute me, and it would be illegal to do so. But the army commander, General Joseph Aoun, uses the military court as a weapon to fights those mentioning him to suppress freedom of opinion and expression. My words about the army command’s responsibility in the Beirut port explosion greatly angered Joseph Aoun, so he decided to make his own law.

First, he decided to ban me from entering the military court without legal justification. When I confronted him by saying that he did not inherit the court from his father to control it as he wishes and break the law, he sent a military force to raid my house and besieged the TV channel where I work to arrest me by force.

The Cradle: We have heard that you were not at the hearing or the sentencing. How is it possible that you were not even allowed to defend yourself? Why was this sentence delivered in absentia?

Mortada: My trial was a sham and a show. The president of the military court, Brigadier General Munir Shehadeh, violated due process because I was not notified of the trial date. This is against the law and exposes the implicit intent to prosecute me in this martial method. Also, the president of the court is an officer under the command of the army commander who filed the complaint against me. How could he be a judge between me and my opponent? The judge is a lower rank than the commander and has to respond to his orders by saying: ‘Yes, my commander.’

There is also a legal precedent issued by the military court itself. Hanin Ghaddar had previously been sentenced in absentia to six months in prison. But the president of the court at the time, Brigadier General Hussein Abdullah, ruled that the military court had no jurisdiction to try journalists after the United States withdrew his entry visa to America.

The Cradle: What are the military court’s charges against you?

Mortada: Offending the Lebanese Army, disparaging the military institution, and harming national security and the prestige of the state.

The Cradle: You believe the ultimate responsibility of the ammonium nitrate stores in Beirut’s Port lies with Lebanon’s military establishment. In essence, the Beirut blast happened under Joseph Aoun’s watch. Why hasn’t he been held accountable by the lead investigative judge, Tarek Bitar?

Mortada: Here is the root of the problem. I was the first to announce the responsibility and negligence of the army that led to the explosion of the Port of Beirut on 4 August 2020. I said that if the army had done its duty as it should have, the explosion would not have happened. This is a fact because the law holds the army exclusively responsible for dealing with ammonium nitrates.

But the judicial investigator, Tarek Bitar, is weak before the army and the current leadership represented by Joseph Aoun, so he did not dare to summon him. The responsibility of the army exists even if there are no traceable documents or if paperwork has been destroyed. If the army says it was not aware of the presence of a time bomb weighing 2,755 tons perched in the heart of Beirut for seven years, that is an even greater catastrophe since its most basic mission is to maintain security in the country.

The Cradle: I’ve known you and worked with you for a decade. We’ve even written articles together. I know your integrity and how you work, and I personally consider you among Lebanon’s most productive and professional journalists. So when you raise questions, I know you’re onto something. Do you trust this investigation of the Beirut Port explosion? Why or why not?

Mortada: In fact, I am personally acquainted with judicial investigator Tariq Bitar, but I am suspicious of the course of the investigation because I sense discrimination in the way this case is managed. The support Bitar has from America and some of the right-wing Lebanese parties only increases my apprehension and concern. You personally know that I have seen the documents that detail the investigation into the explosion in the port of Beirut. So I know there are officials whom the judicial investigator did not approach. The biggest evidence is his decision to exclude the current army leadership from the investigation, even though Joseph Aoun has been at the head of the army since 2017 and he bears the responsibility for this neglect.

I wish Judge Bitar had dealt with this case in another way, given the sensitivity of matters in our country. He should have summoned everyone, then decided who was responsible and charged him, but the direction of the investigation created a kind of suspicion. Therefore, I declared that I did not trust the existing investigation. But in order not to prejudge its results, I am patiently awaiting the issuance of the indictment decision by Judge Bitar to announce my final position on the investigation.

The Cradle: You wrote a very courageous piece for The Cradle that identified seven Lebanese judges that must be held accountable for unloading, storing, then ignoring the ammonium nitrate stores in Beirut’s Port. Why are these judges not being held accountable either?

Mortada: This judiciary branch bears this responsibility because it serves as a protective umbrella for the judges. Judge Bitar filed complaints against a number of judges. Although the complaints came late, the delay of the Cassation prosecution in ruling against them makes it bear a great responsibility.

The Cradle: You also covered the mass shootings and killings in Tayouneh on 14 October, and were the first to point out that the Army’s statements before and after Aoun’s meeting with the US Ambassador Dorothy Shea were different. Explain that to us.

Mortada: I wrote that the negligence of the Lebanese Army caused the Tayouneh massacre, which claimed the lives of seven innocent citizens, some of whom were shot by the army. It almost erupted into a civil war, given that this took place on a contact line between areas where a Shia majority and a Christian majority live. I spoke about the army’s responsibility and its neglect in separating the demonstrators, its wrong way of dealing with the demonstration, and the shooting that erupted after the demonstration.

I also published secret investigations conducted by the army, which showed that there was an ambush prepared the night before the demonstration, which was heading to the Palace of Justice to protest the performance of the judicial investigator Bitar in the explosion of the port of Beirut. The publication of these investigations angered the army, as they were leaked from the military court.

The Cradle: Who does Joseph Aoun think he is to do this, and why is he so focused on you, one of Lebanon’s leading journalists and a veteran security correspondent with the country’s top media outlets who has broken countless stories over the years?

Mortada: I was among the very few journalists to dare to call it by its name. I was the first to talk about the army’s main responsibility for the Beirut port explosion. Many others are afraid to face them or they are on their payroll. But I’m not one of them. Nobody can buy me and nobody can intimidate me. I carried my blood in my hands and went to the front lines and covered the lives of the most radical jihadist fighters. I was arrested in Syria. I was not afraid and I will not fear anyone. In my search for the truth, there are no red lines. I only want the truth. I know that this issue frightens many. Joseph Aoun is one of them.

The Cradle: Do you think Joseph Aoun has picked the wrong battle? Lebanon’s media associations have all, without exception, come in on your side.

Mortada: Definitely. Joseph Aoun has made a big mistake by deciding to go ahead with this fight. The battle with the press to suppress freedom of opinion and expression is a losing battle. The time of the police state is long gone. We are today in the twenty-first century. If he does not know it, he must change his advisors who are leading him to the abyss.

The Cradle: We all know that Joseph Aoun has aspirations to become president of the republic. He has increasingly associated himself and the LAF with the Americans, when Lebanon is clearly divided into two different political camps. Why would someone who is changing the highly-respected neutrality of the Lebanese army be fit for this position?

Mortada: I don’t think that General Joseph Aoun’s mentality qualifies him to be president of Lebanon. An officer leading an army cannot ask a military force to raid a media outlet to arrest a journalist, while he himself is thinking of becoming the president of Lebanon. Lebanon deserves better in light of the suffering of its people. Short-sightedness, narrow-mindedness, and personalization are not characteristics of a successful leader.

You know that the World Bank announced that Lebanon is going through one of the three worst economic crises in 150 years. You know the extent of the economic collapse, hunger, and unemployment that the Lebanese suffer from. I myself feel ashamed because my case came out in public at this time with all the tragedies we are experiencing. Imagine that the army chief and the president of the military court have nothing more important on their plate than going after a journalist they want to discipline, while forgetting about all the crises our country is going through.

The Cradle: What are you going to do now to fight these charges and stay out of prison?

Mortada: I will fight to the end. There is a team of lawyers that is objecting to the military court’s ruling. I will not accept any settlement and will follow up on every detail and highlight every violation. Dozens of foreign and Lebanese journalists and human rights defenders have contacted me and denounced the unjust ruling issued against me for simply expressing my opinion.

The Cradle: Radwan, I’ve learned a lot from you over the years and continue to do so. Thank you for your frankness and your courage in reporting the things we all want to know. What will you do when your name is cleared? Will you change your voice?

Mortada: Thank you, Sharmine. I assure you, this case will make me raise my voice higher and higher. I will open my eyes more to their violations and the approach they represent. I am a well-known journalist in Lebanon, and yet they attacked me. What do you think they will do to the rest of the citizens and the extent of the injustice they inflict on those who have no voice?

This ruling alerted me that I was inattentive in some areas related to the leadership of the army and the presidency of the military court. Today, I will work hard to count their every breath to shed light on any offense they commit.

Kordahi: Publications Court the Only One Authorized to Deal with Media Affairs

 November 28, 2021

Lebanese Information Minister George Kordahi

Lebanese Information Minister George Kordahi stressed that the Publications Court is the only one authorized to deal with media affairs.

In a statement, the Lebanese minister commented on the ruling issued by the military court against Al-Akhbar’s journalist Radwan Mortada.

“The Publications Court is the only one authorized to deal with media affairs, including what is related to the work of journalists under the constitution and the laws regulating freedom of opinion and expression,” read the statement, carried by National News Agency (NNA).

He expressed his hope that this issue would be settled under the Publications Law, while ensuring freedom of expression and the rights of institutions in accordance with regulations and laws.

Source: NNA

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ناصر قنديل

في بداية التسعينات طرح بعض السياسيين سؤالاً عنوانه، هل أن أولوية الملف الأمني المتمثل بسحب الأسلحة وحل الميليشيات وإعادة توحيد الجيش، سيفتح الشهية الدولية نحو اعتبار الجيش حصان الرهان السياسي الأول، بحيث ننام ونصحو على تعاظم دور المؤسسة العسكرية، ونستعيد صورة الرؤساء الذين يلبسون البزة العسكرية، وعلى رغم تجاهل الكثير من السياسيين لهذه المعادلة، تقول وقائع ثلاثة عقود لما بعد اتفاق الطائف إن العسكر تصدروا الواجهة السياسية، فما كادت مفاعيل توحيد الجيش وحل الميليشيات تكتمل، حتى صار الرئيس المدني الياس الهراوي آخر الرؤساء الآتين من المجتمع السياسي، وصار الذين تناوبوا قبل الطائف وبعده على منصب قائد الجيش يدخلون إلى قصر بعبدا كرؤساء للجمهورية، ويبدو اليوم  أن الأميركيين الذي يعاقبون لبنان بعقوبات جماعية يؤكدون بما لا يقبل التأويل عزمهم على مواصلة الاستثمار على علاقتهم بالجيش، لكنهم يضعون لهذا الاستثمار سقفاً أمنياً لا سياسياً، ويتراجع السقف السياسي الذي كانت عليه الحال في السابق، فالعنوان السياسي الرئيسي في زمن المواجهة الأميركية مع المقاومة لا يتخذ عنوان الرهان على المواجهة العسكرية والأمنية، فالأميركي يسلم، كما قال الكثير من المسؤولين الأميركيين صراحة، بأن تعريض الجيش لمخاطر الزج به في مواجهة مع المقاومة، يفوق قدرة الجيش وقابليته للاستجابة، والحفاظ على تماسكه.

في السياسة طور الأميركيون مقاربتهم منذ 17 تشرين الأول 2019، واعتبروا أن عنوان مكافحة الفساد هو الأنسب لتقدم الأجندة الأميركية في مواجهة المقاومة، على رغم القناعة الأميركية بلا جدوى تجاوز اتهام المقاومة بالفساد من الشعار إلى التفاصيل بتقديم أي واقعة مكتملة تؤكد هذا الاتهام، بينما يمكن، كما أكد كثير من المسؤولين الأميركيين إلحاق الأذى بحلفاء المقاومة تحت هذا العنوان، ولو اقتضى الأمر إصابة عدد من حلفاء واشنطن، الذين أظهروا  بنظر واشنطن تخاذلاً في خوض المواجهة مع المقاومة بداعي الحرص على السلم الأهلي، وخرجت دراسات وتحليلات تتحدث عن تجديد الطبقة السياسية، بإنشاء مئات وآلاف منظمات المجتمع المدني في مناخ 17 تشرين والدفع بها إلى الواجهة السياسية، وجاءت العقوبات الأميركية على سياسيين ورجال أعمال لبنانيين تؤكد هذا المنحى، لكن دفع المعركة تحت عنوان الفساد لتجديد الطبقة السياسية، وبطريقة مستهدفة لحلفاء المقاومة وتقليص حضورهم السياسي، تستدعي إنهاض صف أمامي وخلفي في المستوى القضائي، يعيد إلى الواجهة السؤال الذي طرح في التسعينات بطريقة جديدة، هل نحن أمام زمن فتح الشهية الأميركية ومحاكاة الشهيات المحلية، وعلى أعتاب الاستحقاق الرئاسي، لنشهد مرشحين رئاسيين من القضاة، لكن بدلاً من شعار الجيش هو الحل، يتقدم شعار القضاء هو الحل؟

يريد البعض منا أن نصدق أن الفرصة التي وفرها انفجار مرفأ بيروت لتظهير الدور القضائي في مواجهة السياسيين تعبيراً عن انتفاضة الجسم القضائي على التدخلات السياسية، وتمسكاً باستقلال القضاء، الذي كان متهماً بالتقصير والاستنساب والتبعية الطائفية والسياسية، فهل حدث بين ليلة وضحاها أن نزل الوحي وتغيرت الصورة، وما يقوله حجم التصعيد القضائي تحت عنوان التضامن بين القضاة في كل تفاصيل قضية التحقيق في انفجار المرفأ، والمجازفة بمخاطر رفضت قيادة الجيش تحمل مثلها، جسدها ما ظهر من علامات الانقسام الطائفي في المجتمع وصولاً إلى الجسم القضائي نفسه، إن التذرع السابق بالضغوط التي يمارسها السياسيون كان استساغة يسلس عبرها القضاة النفس للمطالب السياسية طلباً للنفوذ والسلطة، ويعيدون فعلها اليوم بالتمرد على السياسة طلباً للتدخل فيها من باب أوسع، تتيحه النظرة الخارجية التي تدعو القضاء لملء الفراغ الناجم عن تراجع الجيش إلى الخلف، فيتقدم قضاة ليقولوا القضاء هو الحل، أي الرئاسة لقاض بدلاً من جنرال، ولا يمانعون من تدخل القضاة في السياسة تعويضاً عن زمن تدخل السياسة في القضاء.

يريد البعض القول إن هذا تحول إصلاحي ثوري يستحق التشجيع بمعزل عن المقدمات والظروف، التي يمكن وضعها في حسن التقاط اللحظة المناسبة لهذا الانقلاب، فلماذا التشكيك طالما أن هناك إجماعاً على أولوية مكافحة الفساد، وأن اللبنانيين ضاقوا ذرعاً بالسياسيين وعبروا عن ذلك في انتفاضة الغضب في 17 تشرين، ويردون السؤال بالقول، ولماذا تضع المقاومة نفسها كخط دفاع أمامي عن الطبقة السياسية سواء في مرحلة 17 تشرين، أو في مرحلة الملاحقات القضائية، والجواب بسيط، لكن بسؤال أيضاً، وهو لماذا يحجم القضاء عن فتح ملفات المصارف ومصرف لبنان، طالما جوهر النظام الفاسد يجد قلعته الحصينة في نظام الريع الذي يرعاه مصرف لبنان وتمثل المصارف قوته الضاربة، وطالما أن الثورة على الفساد وإثبات الأهلية لقيادة العمل الإصلاحي تبدآن من هنا، ومن دون هذا الشرط يصير المشهد واضحاً، إعادة تعويم النظام الريعي التابع والمستتبع برموز جديدة أشد طواعية واستعداداً للمجازفة بتعريض السلم الأهلي للخطر، وأكثر عدائية للمقاومة، وأشد طائفية، من القيادات الطائفية، مقابل الوصول للسلطة، فهل هذا إصلاح أم خراب؟

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شكراً للميادين


الأربعاء 24 تشرين الثاني
2021

قدمت قناة الميادين وثائقياً من حلقتين تحت عنوان الحقيقة في انفجار مرفأ بيروت، ومن عناصر تميز هذا الوثائقي درجة الحيادية العلمية التي قدمها باستبعاده لأي تحليلات وعدم استحضار خبراء وأصحاب رأي وحصره بتقديم سردية تستند فقط إلى الوثائق.

حسمت سردية الميادين الموثقة الغموض حول شحنة النترات والسفينة التي حملتها، فبات واضحاً أن الجهة المعلومة في موزمبيق هي التي اشترت النترات وبذلت جهوداً هائلة لتأمين الحصول عليها، وعندما تأكدت من تلف الشحنة بعد سنتين من الملاحقة أبلغت المعنيين بأنها لم تعد معنية بها، وكذلك السفينة التي تبدو عائدة كما بحارتها لجهة مفلسة أو قليلة الموارد أو تحكمها عقلية الابتزاز التجاري لتحصيل مبالغ تحت ضغط التوقف عن أداء المهمة، وهذا ما جاء بها إلى بيروت لتحميل شحنة معدات إلى العقبة، لكن بالحصيلة يصعب القبول بنظرية أن النترات والسفينة قد خطط سلفاً للمجيء بهما إلى بيروت، ما يجعل تقدير التفجير الناجم عن حدث عرضي للاشتعال أقرب للتصديق.

التقارير الموثقة للجانب الفني من التفجير تقاطعت بلا التباسات تلتقي على استبعاد نظرية التفجير من الخارج بصاروخ أو عبوة، وأجمعت على أن التفجير ناجم عن اشتعال بدأ مع التلحيم وتصاعد مع اشتعال المفرقعات النارية، وتباينت التقارير عند نقطة تحتاج إلى الحسم، حول الكمية التي تفجرت، حيث يقول التقريران الفرنسي والأميركي أن كمية تعادل ربع الكمية الأصلية فقط هي التي تفجرت، ما يطرح سؤالاً حول وجود تسريب أو سرقة أو استعمال لكميات منها يتيح التفكير بوجود مصلحة لمستفيدين تجارياً أو سياسياً من إبقاء النترات، بينما جاء تقرير قوى الأمن الداخلي ليقدم تفسيراً لهذا الفارق بتلف القدرة التفجيرية للنترات بسبب الإهمال وسوء التخزين ومرور الزمن والرطوبة.

سردية الميادين الموثقة تظهر حجم الاهتمام الذي تعامل من خلاله الإداريون، الذين يمكن ملاحقتهم بتهم فساد في ألف قضية، لكن في هذه القضية تبدو العقدة مستعصية أمام مراسلات مدير الجمارك السابق واللاحق، ومدير المرفأ ومدير النقل البحري، ومن خلفهما شراكة الوزراء المعنيين في المراسلات، فلا مجال للشك بأن الصد القضائي كان سيد الموقف، مرة بداعي عدم الاختصاص ومرة بداعي الحاجة لمراجعة الجيش، ومرات بالتباطؤ، بحيث لا يسارونا الشك بأن دخول النترات وبقائها كان عملاً قضائياً بامتياز، وإفشالاً لكل مسعى للمعالجة من الإدارات المعنية التي يقبع رموزها في السجن ويلاحق وزراء الوصاية عليها بتهمة القتل الاحتمالي، بينما القضاة المعنيون أحرار.

 الجهتان الوحيدتان اللتان كان عليهما ولا يزال الإجابة عن سؤال، كيف تم التساهل مع دخول النترات، وعدم تتبع مسارها وملاحقة وجودها، والتخلي عن المسؤولية في التعامل مع هذا الملف الخطير، هما قوات اليونيفيل والجيش، والأمر في صلب صلاحيتهما ومسؤوليتهما، بينما قام جهاز أمن الدولة بمهمته ولم يتساهل أو يتلكأ، فيلاحق مدير الجهاز، ولا يسأل أحد الآخرين عن مسؤولياتهم.

التحقيق القضائي سار بعيداً من الحقيقة، وأضاء حيث يرغب الشارع الملتهب بقوة 17 تشرين لتقديم رؤوس سياسية طلباً لحماية المسؤولين الحقيقيين، وإشباعاً لعطش شعبوي لتقديم أسماء كبيرة، وإرضاء لطلب سياسي خارجي ينسجم مع الاستهداف المبرمج ضد حلفاء المقاومة، كما قالت العقوبات الأميركية وقالت الملاحقات، يا للمصادفة المذهلة، تتكرر الأسماء نفسها.

شكراً للميادين لأنها اعتمدت مهنيةعالية ولم يجذبها إغراء السياسة، فقدمت لنا مادة غير قابلة للطعن في التأسيس لسردية لا تشوبها شائبة، في قضية بهذه الأهمية وعلى هذه الدرجة من الخطورة.

What Did Al Mayadeen Reveal in Its First Part of “Truth Uncovered: Beirut Port Blast”? انفجار مرفأ بيروت.. ماذا كشفت الميادين في الجزء الأول من “رواية الحقيقة”؟

What Did Al Mayadeen Reveal in Its First Part of “Truth Uncovered: Beirut Port Blast”?

The “Truth Uncovered: Beirut Port Blast” is a documentary that unveils key facts about the Beirut blast that differ from previous stories through documents and the accounts of experts.

“Truth Uncovered”… Al Mayadeen’s exclusive documentary

Since the Beirut blast, the Lebanese people have been trying to cope with the catastrophe that ravaged their country’s capital. And since then, many ambiguous and confusing accounts and testimonies have come out in a bid to answer one question that remains unanswered: who blew up the Beirut port? If there was neglect, where are the neglecters?

A probe was launched into the Beirut blast, and the case took an international turn that pushed some Lebanese parties to question the integrity of the judiciary apparatus. The internationalization also prompted said parties to become concerned that the humanitarian case would become grounds for political skirmishes and score-settling. That would deprive the families of the martyrs, the wounded, and the affected, not to mention the Lebanese public opinion, from knowing what happened on the afternoon of August 4, 2020.

When one is facing all of that, unveiling the truth and conveying it to the public becomes not only a professional obligation but a moral one that drives them to refrain from exploiting the blood of the martyrs to serve certain political interests and push premade agendas forward.

Al Mayadeen decided to televise a documentary that narrates August 4 and addresses details and mysteries surrounding the Beirut blast in a technical and objective manner that relies solely on the testimonies and words of experts.

The fulfillment of our journalistic obligation came in the form of this documentary with the hope that the fruits of our labor, directed by Shiraz Hayek, can get the truth across to those yearning for it.

Highlights and key scenes from the documentary can be watched in this Twitter thread:

انفجار مرفأ بيروت.. ماذا كشفت الميادين في الجزء الأول من “رواية الحقيقة”؟

22 تشرين ثاني

المصدر: الميادين

“رواية الحقيقة” وثائقي يعرض حقائق تتعلّق بانفجار مرفأ بيروت، بالاعتماد على وثائق ومستندات، يشرح ويفصّل ويرتّب وينظّم جميع المعلومات التي وردت في قضية مرفأ بيروت، من أجل عرضها للرأي العام.

ماذا كشفت الميادين في الجزء الأول من “رواية الحقيقة”؟

منذ وقوع انفجار مرفأ بيروت، وبعد محاولة اللبنانيين تلقُّف الصدمة، خرجت روايات وشهادات ملتبِسة ومشوّشة، تحاول الإجابة عن السؤال الذي لم يجد حلاً بعدُ: مَن فجّر مرفأ بيروت؟ وإذا كان الإهمال، فأين المهملون؟

بدأ التحقيق في انفجار المرفأ، واتخذت القضية بُعدَين: إقليمياً ودولياً، دفعا بعض الأطراف اللبنانية إلى التشكيك في نزاهة الآليات القضائية، والتخوّف من تسييسها من أجل تحويل هذه القضية الإنسانية إلى فرصة للمناوشات والتصفيات السياسية، الأمر الذي يحرم أهالي الشهداء والجرحى والمتضررين، فضلاً عن الرأي العام اللبناني، من معرفة ما حدث عصر الرابع من آب/أغسطس 2020.

أمام ذلك، يصبح إظهار الحقيقة وإطلاع المتابعين عليها ضرورةً لا تقتضيها مبادئ المهنة فحسب، بل الواجب الأخلاقي، الذي يدفع إلى التورّع عن استغلال دماء الشهداء في المساجلات السياسية والأجندات الـمُعَدّة.

ارتأت “الميادين” أن تعرض وثائقياً يحكي “4 آب”، ويتناول التفاصيل والخفايا المحيطة بانفجار مرفأ بيروت، في قالب تِقْني وموضوعي يعتمد على روايات المختصين وشهاداتهم. 

أنجزت شيراز حايك سابقاً سلسلة وثائقية بعنوان ال”العنبر 12″ من 3 أجزاء، عرضته شبكة الميادين، وتنجز اليوم وثائقياً بعنوان “رواية الحقيقة – انفجار مرفأ بيروت”، يشرح بإسهاب ماذا يوجد في مرفأ بيروت، وما هو المرفأ وأهميته، وكيف وصلت الباخرة التي تحتوي على نيترات الأمونيوم إلى بيروت؟ من أين أبحرت؟ وكيف استقرت في لبنان؟ ويشرح كيف أبحرت 2750 طناً من “نيترات الأمونيوم” من مرفأ “باتومي” في جورجيا إلى مرفأ بيروت عام 2013، وتسبّبت بانفجار كارثي عام 2020! فماذا حدث؟

يجيب الوثائقي عن عدة أسئلة،أهمها: ما هي شركة “سافارو”، وهل فعلاً هي شركة وهمية، كما قيل في بعض التقارير الإعلامية؟ من هم أصحاب شِحْنة الأمونيوم، ومن هم مستوردوها، وكيف كانت وجهتها؟ هل كانت وجهتها الفعلية بيروت، أم وصلت إليها عبر “الترانزيت”؟ وكيف تم التعاطي معها من الناحيتين، الإدارية والأمنية؟ السفينة “روسوس” كانت موجودة في مرفأ بيروت، وبدأ مالكوها ابتزازَ شركة “أغرو بلاند” للشحن، ومطالبتهم بتسديد مبلغ مقداره 180 ألف دولار أميركي للإبحار من بيروت، لماذا؟

لكن “رواية الحقيقة” يكشف أنه تبيّن، عام 2014، أنّ السفينة “روسوس” تعاني عيوباً كثيرة، وقد يتفاقم وضعها نحو الأسوأ، الأمر الذي استدعى من جهاز الرقابة على السفن رفعَ توصيات تشمل مقترحاً، مفاده ضرورة مغادرة السفينة مرفأ بيروت! لكن عوائق كثيرة حالت دون إبحار السفينة “روسوس” من مرفأ بيروت، كان أبرزها العوائق المالية.

في الـ 21 من تشرين الأول/أكتوبر 2014، حضر الكاتب القضائي زياد شعبان إلى المرفأ، وعاين الرصيف الرقم 9، حيث ترسو الباخرة “روسوس”، والتقى رئيسَ الميناء الذي أفاده بخطورة المواد المحمَّلة في الباخرة، وأنه تجب تهوئة العنبر وإخلاء محيط الباخرة، والعمل على نقل المواد إلى مكان خاص للتخزين، فنُقلت إلى العنبر الرقم 12 في 27 تشرين الأول/أكتوبر 2014، داخل حرم مرفأ بيروت،وسط تحذيرات بشأن خطورة بقاء النيترات في المرفأ. 

“ما عُرض في هذا الوثائقي مُغاير للروايات السابقة”

بعد عرض الوثائقي، رأت المحامية بشرى الخليل للميادين أن “ما عُرض مهم جداً، ومُغاير للروايات السابقة بشأن باخرة نيترات الأمونيوم”.

وتساءلت الخليل “لماذا التزمت اليونيفيل الصمتَ بعد دخول الباخرة المياهَ الإقليمية اللبنانية، ولم تغادر؟”، ولماذا لم يتم الاستماع الى الرئيس تمام سلام بينما الباخرة دخلت لبنان في أثناء توليه رئاسة الحكومة؟”.

بينما قال الصحافي والكاتب السياسي بيار أبي صعب للميادين إن “وثائقي رواية الحقيقة قدَّم معطيات مجردة بعيداً عن سردية الاتهامات والاستغلال”، وإنه يشكّل “تحدياً لمن يريد تزوير الحقيقة وتركيب سيناريوهات لاتهامات سياسية”.

واعتبر أن “هناك إهمالاً من قادة الدولة والجيش واليونيفيل الذين كانو يعلمون بشأن الباخرة منذ اللحظة الأولى”. ورأى أنه “كان في وسع القضاء اتخاذ مجموعة من الإجراءات بشأن الباخرة، لكنه لم يُقْدِم عليها”.

وقال أبي صعب إن “هناك محققاً عدلياً لا ينتبه إلى أنه يلعب بمصير بلد بسبب استنسابية تحقيقاته وعلاقته بالسفارات”، وإن “هناك استنسابية غريبة في التحقيقات في البحث عن المتهَمين”.

إنفجار مرفأ بيروت.. الحقيقة بالدلائل والمستندات/ بيار أبي صعب وبشرى الخليل والعميد شارل أبي نادر

“لو أن الجيش اللبناني واليونيفيل قاما بدوريهما لما وقع انفجار مرفا بيروت”، هذا ما أكّده الباحث في الشؤون العسكرية العميد شارل أبي نادر للميادين، معتبراً أنه “لو قام القضاء اللبناني بدوره لما وقع الانفجار في مرفأ بيروت، ولو قامت الأجهزة المعنية بواجباتها كذلك لما وقع انفجار المرفا”.

وأكد أبي نادر، الذي استبعد فرضية العمل التخريبي، أنّ “لا مبرر مقنع لعدم إعلان التقرير الفني بشأن باخرة نيتيرات الأمونيوم”.

 ارتباك أميركي أمام خياري الحرب الأهلية والانتخابات

ناصر قنديل

على الطاولة الأميركية تحت عنوان محاصرة حزب الله، خياران رئيسيان غير الاستسلام والتأقلم والتساكن، الأول يشجعه الإسرائيليون وعنوانه تصعيد مناخات الضغط الاقتصادي والمالي والسياسي على لبنان وصولاً لرفع منسوب الاحتقان والفوضى، تمهيداً لتفجير الوضع الطائفي بوجه حزب الله، أملاً بأن هذا سيعني استنزاف الحزب في الحرب الداخلية، وتوفير فرص مؤاتية لشن حرب إسرائيلية على الحزب، أما الخيار الثاني الذي تشجعه لوبيات في الكونغرس والسفارة الأميركية في بيروت، فعنوانه الاستثمار على مناوئي الحزب المحليين، سواء المعارضة الحزبية أو التقليدية، أو المعارضة التي تمثلها جمعيات المجتمع المدني التي تلوذ بالسفارة أو سفارات الدول الصديقة لواشنطن، لتوفير مناخات منسقة للفوز بعدد وافر من المقاعد الانتخابية يعيد تشكيل المشهد النيابي تحت عنوان نقل الغالبية من يد الحزب وحلفائه إلى يد الخصوم.

الإشكالية التي يطرحها خيار التفجير الطائفي تنطلق من ثلاثة عناصر، الأول استحالة الجمع بينها وبين الحفاظ على الجيش اللبناني وفاعليته ووحدته، فالتفجير الطائفي يستدعي تحييد الجيش وتهميشه على الأقل، وهو ما لا يمكن أن يستمر في ظروف استقطاب طائفي حاد كما تقول التجارب السابقة في لبنان، إذ سرعان ما تنتقل الانقسامات الطائفية لتصيب بنية الجيش، بينما الحفاظ على الجيش ووحدته وتقدمه للصفوف فيستدعي قيامه بمهمة التصدي لمخاطر التفجير وقمع مسببيه، الذين لن يكون الحزب بينهم، في ظل سياسة ثابتة للحزب بأن يفعل المستحيل لتفادي التورط في أي تفجير طائفي، وأن يكون آخر الداخلين فيه إذا فرضت عليه واستحالت سبل صده، وهنا يظهر العنصر الثاني فالمخاطرة بخسارة الجيش تعني مخاطرة بخسارة أغلب الجغرافيا اللبنانية وقبول الاكتفاء ببعض الجغرافيا التي تسيطر عليها الميليشيات المساندة، والتي لن تزيد على ربع مساحة لبنان، ولن يكون مضموناً ثباتها وصمودها في ظل موازين قوى معلوم وضعها، أما العنصر الثالث فهو التساؤل عما إذا كان التفجير الطائفي سيوفر فرصة حرب إسرائيلية، قال الإسرائيليون إنها ستتوافر من انخراط حزب الله في الحرب السورية، واكتشفوا أنه قادر على تلبية مقتضيات مشاركته فيها، بالتوازي مع الجاهزية لمواجهة فرضيات الحرب الإسرائيلية، وبالمقارنة ليس ثمة ما يقول أن الوضع سيكون مختلفاً.

الرهان على الانتخابات النيابية يبقى نظرياً حتى الدخول في التفاصيل، حيث تظهر أولى النتائج باستحالة إحداث اختراق في ساحة تحالف ثنائي حركة أمل وحزب الله مع وجود حاصل مرتفع لحجز أي مقعد نيابي في دوائر البقاع والجنوب، بينما في الساحات الطائفية الأخرى فسيكون أي تقدم لمرشحي الجماعات الجديدة المدعومة أميركياً على حساب الحلفاء التقليديين في هذه الساحات، خصوصاً، فزعزعة تيار المستقبل على سبيل المثال والرهان على وراثته مع تأثير مسار الضغط السعودي عليه، واحتمالات عزوف رئيسه عن الترشيح، ستعني نشوء فراغ ستتسابق قوى كثيرة على ملئه، سينال منه جماعة السفارة نسبة، وينال سواهم نسبة، وسيكون لحلفاء حزب الله نسبة، وربما يصح الشيء نفسه في ساحة الحزب التقدمي الاشتراكي بنسبة أقل، بحيث يصير الصراع محصوراً في الساحة المسيحية، حيث تفرض الدوائر الانتخابية نتائج من نوع استحالة تحقيق ما يزيد على عدد النواب المستقيلين بأكثر من ثلاثة إلى أربعة مقاعد في أحسن الأحوال، فدوائر المتن وكسروان وبيروت الأولى وزغرتا إهدن بشري البترون، لا تتيح رهانات على نيل المزيد، بل تخلق تصادمات بين من يفترض أنهم الحلفاء في المعركة بوجه الحزب، والحصيلة ستكون مجموعة أقليات لا غالبية فيها، بل أقلية كبرى يمثلها الثنائي تشكل النواة الأشد صلابة بين التكتلات النيابية، توازيها نواة ثانية تضم حزب الله ونواب التيار الوطني الحر، وكل من الكتلتين سيتشكل حولها إطار من تحالفات، يقف مقابلها عدد من الكتل الوسطى والصغيرة، مع استحالة تشكيل جبهة موحدة بين مكوناتها، بما يعيد إنتاج مشهد شبيه بالمشهد النيابي الحالي.

مقابل الخيارين الإشكاليين المطروحين على الطاولة، ثمة خيار ثالث يتقدم منذ تجربة سفن كسر الحصار، عنوانه التساكن والتأقلم، وهو خيار محكوم بخلفية المسار الذي رسمه قرار الانسحاب من أفغانستان، وما سترسمه تطورات المنطقة خلال الشهور المقبلة، سواء في سورية أو اليمن، أو في العلاقة مع إيران.

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

وحدها الحرب الأهلية تُعيد السعودية إلى لبنان

4 نوفمبر، 2021

المصدر: الميادين نت

غسان سعود

من يقفز إلى عبارة ابن فرحان الثانية، يتأكد أكثر فأكثر، إذ يقول إن المطلوب من الشعب اللبناني إنهاء سيطرة حزب الله على المشهد السياسي اللبناني، لكن كيف؟

لم يكد وزير الخارجية السعودي فيصل بن فرحان يتحدث عن هيمنة حزب الله على لبنان، حتى انطلقت أبواق السعودية من كل حدبٍ لبنانيٍّ وصوب، لترديد العبارة الغبية نفسها، محاولين إقناع أنفسهم بأنَّ حزب الله يهيمن على لبنان أولاً، وأن هذه الهيمنة هي سبب بلاء الشعب اللبناني ثانياً، وهو ما يفرض التوقف عند كذبته هذه، لدحض ما يحاولون زرعه في الرؤوس اليوم، بالمنطق والأدلة دوماً: 

·  سياسة لبنان الماليّة يرسمها ويقرّها وينفّذها حاكم مصرف لبنان رياض سلامة (الأميركي الهوى والخلفية)، من دون تشاور مع أحد.

·  سلطات لبنان القضائية يقودها ويتحكّم فيها رئيس مجلس القضاء الأعلى سهيل عبود (الأميركيّ الهوى والخلفية أيضاً)، من دون تشاور مع أحد. 

·  سلطات لبنان الأمنيّة تقودها مؤسَّسة الجيش ومؤسَّسة قوى الأمن الداخلي، وعلاقة المؤسَّستين بالأميركيين أوطد على جميع المستويات مع السفارة الأميركية منها مع حزب الله.

·  الفضاء الإعلامي اللبناني المحلي غير الحزبي تختزله التلفزيونات الثلاثة، (الجديد) و(المر) و(المؤسسة اللبنانية للإرسال)، التي تفتح هواءها بجميع برامجها من دون استثناء للتحريض على حزب الله وحلفائه. وغالباً ما يخصّص هؤلاء حلقات كاملة لشتم الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله، من دون أن يرفّ جفن للهيئات الرقابية أو القانونية أو الإعلامية.

متحدث بارع ولد في بلد أوروبي... من هو فيصل بن فرحان وزير الخارجية السعودي  الجديد؟ - Sputnik Arabic
المملكة واضحة وحاسمة: إما تلعبون في ملعب حزب الله الحقيقيّ وإما أن المملكة لا تريد اللعب، إما حرب أهلية وإما لا شيء آخر.

·  في الساحات اللبنانية والشوارع، يمكن لمناوئي حزب الله تنظيم تظاهرات شتامة ورفع الصور المسيئة وتعليق المشانق، فيما يحاولون منع حزب الله من تنظيم تظاهرة أو اعتصام أو وقفة احتجاجية.

·  على مستوى الاستثمارات الخارجية، يؤكّد الصينيون والروس أنهم لا يفكّرون في الاستثمار في لبنان، لمعرفتهم بأن تسهيل الحكومة أو الوزير المعني لا يكفي، لأنَّ الإدارة اللبنانية تزدحم على جميع المستويات الوظيفية بأصدقاء الولايات المتحدة الذين يتقنون وضع العراقيل.

·   حزب الله يهيمن على الدولة اللبنانية، لكنه يعجز عن إدراج بند واحد في جدول مجالس الوزراء المتعاقبة منذ أكثر من 10 سنوات، لبحث العروضات الإيرانية الخاصة بإنشاء معامل للكهرباء أو غيرها.

·   حزب الله يهيمن على الدولة اللبنانية، لكن السفارة الأميركية تحضر في خلية طوارئ رسمية تابعة لوزارة الخارجية اللبنانية، وتذهب وتجيء بين المجالس البلدية والإدارات العامة والقضاة، فيما تصدر وزارة خارجيتها البيان تلو الآخر في ما يخص عمل القضاء اللبناني.

·   حزب الله يهيمن على الدولة اللبنانية التي تسرح وتمرح فيها مئات الجمعيات غير المرّخصة، التي تحول لها الخزينة الأميركية وبعض الدول الأوروبية نحو ملياري دولار سنوياً، لإنفاقها من دون أي حسيب أو رقيب، بهدف تحقيق أجندات الممولين.

بناء عليه، إنَّ القرار المالي والقضائي والإداري والإعلامي والأمني والإنمائي هو أبعد ما يكون عن هيمنة حزب الله في أقل تقدير. أما كارتيلات الدواء والمواد الغذائية ومواد التنظيف والبنزين والمازوت والغاز والحديد والإسمنت والمقاولات، فهي معروفة أيضاً بولائها المطلق للأفرقاء المناوئين لحزب الله.

ومع ذلك، فإن فيصل بن فرحان يتحدث بكل وقاحة عن وجوب “تحرير لبنان من هيمنة حزب الله”، وهو ما يؤكد أنه لا يقصد إلا “تحرير لبنان من حزب الله”، فوجود الأخير في لبنان هو ما يستفز الخارجية السعودية، وليس “هيمنته” على لبنان.

ومن يقفز إلى عبارة ابن فرحان الثانية، يتأكد أكثر فأكثر، إذ يقول إن المطلوب من الشعب اللبناني إنهاء سيطرة حزب الله على المشهد السياسي اللبناني، لكن كيف؟ 

طبعاً ليس بالوسائل الدبلوماسية، بدليل أن المملكة التي لا تؤمن بالدبلوماسية في حالات كهذه أنهت العلاقات الدبلوماسية مع لبنان، ولا بصناديق الاقتراع، لأن المملكة لا تريد استمرار الحكومة اللبنانية الضرورية لإجراء الانتخابات، ولا بـ”الأخذ والعطاء”، كما يفعل الرئيس سعد الحريري، بدليل نقمتها المتواصلة عليه. 

كيف إذا؟ كما يفعل سمير جعجع الذي خصه السفير السعودي بآخر زياراته، تأكيداً على افتخارهم الشديد به، وكما فعل قبله بعض أفراد العشائر الذين غرر بهم، وكما فعل قبل هذا وذلك حشد التكفيريين الذين عبدت لهم المملكة الطرقات نحو منطقتنا.

المملكة العربية السعودية ملّت الوسائل الدبلوماسية والمفاوضات والبيانات وتشاطر اللبنانيين عليها؛ الأقربين قبل الأبعدين، فلا نفع لتغريدات الأمين العام السابق لقوى 14 آذار فارس سعيد ورئيس حزب الكتائب سامي الجميل، ولا نفع لكل العراضات البطولية في مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي وكل الذباب الإلكترونيّ، ولا نفع للإعلانات التي تُنشر باسم الجالية اللبنانية في الصحف السعودية، ولا نفع لبيانات النواب اللبنانيين، أمثال نعمة طعمة (نائب جنبلاطي)، الذين يوزعون أسبوعياً البيان نفسه عن “طويل الباع”، ولا نفع لكل الغزل الذي يكتبه الإعلاميون والإعلاميات عن الأبراج والجسور وشبكات المجارير ومستوى السعادة والرفاهية، طمعاً بإقامة ذهبية هنا وهناك.

لا نفع لهذا كله، فالمعركة ليست افتراضية أو إعلامية أو إعلانية. لقد اقتنعت المملكة أخيراً بأن المعركة ميدانية بامتياز، وتحتاج إلى مقاتلين حقيقيين، لا مقاتلين افتراضيين، من بعيد إلى بعيد، تصلهم الريالات في ما هم في أسرّتهم يشاهدون آخر إصدارات “نتفليكس”. في يد يأكلون الفوشار، وفي اليد الأخرى يغرّدون مهددين متوعدين. 

من يقف فعلاً مع المملكة، عليه أن يستبدل “الشورت” بـ”يوفو” عسكري، ويستر صدره بـ”فيلد” زيتي، ويفتعل كميناً أو أية مواجهة من شأنها “إنهاء سيطرة حزب الله على المشهد السياسي اللبناني”. ولاحقاً، بعد أن يفعل ما عجز المارينز، ثم “إسرائيل”، ثم “التكفيريون”، عن فعله، يمكن أن يراجع المملكة ليحصل على مكافأته، وتتكرم “مملكة الخير” بالعودة إلى لبنان.

هذا المواطن اللبناني الذي أمضى العمر عمرين لشراء شقة فخمة في عين الرمانة أو وسط بيروت أو الحدت أو فرن الشباك أو الأشرفية، أو بنى بيت أحلامه في بعبدا أو بيت مري أو بكفيا أو عجلتون أو بشري، ويريد انتزاع ثقة المملكة به، لا تكفيه تغريدة افتراضية، إنما عليه اقتلاع الأشجار الجميلة التي أحاط بها منزله لتثبيت المتاريس، ونصب “دوشكا” فوق السطح، ونشر القناصات خلف الشبابيك، وتوضيب ثياب زوجته والمرايا وكل الأحذية، تحضيراً لتهجير جديد أو نزوح، فاللبنانيّ (ة) الذي تبحث عنه المملكة ليس اللبنانيّ الجميل الذي يهتم بأناقته وبحسابه في “إنستغرام”، إنما اللبناني المستعد للموت من أجلها. اللبناني الذي تبحث عنه المملكة ليس اللبنانيّ الذي ينظم المهرجانات الصيفية، ويتباهى بالثلج الجبليّ، إنما اللبناني الذي يشمّر عن ساعديه ويشرع في القتال.

المملكة واضحة وحاسمة: في المال، لا توجد هيمنة لحزب الله، وكذلك في الإعلام والدبلوماسية والإعلان والقضاء والإدارة العامة والفضاء السياسي العام والعالم الافتراضي والكارتيلات والغناء، ولا حاجة بالتالي إلى إضاعة الوقت في هذه جميعها: إما تلعبون في ملعب حزب الله الحقيقيّ وإما أن المملكة لا تريد اللعب، إما حرب أهلية وإما لا شيء آخر. لا حلول وسط بعد اليوم.

وها هو الذكيّ ابن فرحان يذهب أبعد في عباراته المقتضبة، ليقول إن أصول الأزمة مع لبنان ترجع إلى “التكوين السياسي اللبناني الذي يعزز هيمنة جماعة حزب الله”، وهو يحدد المشكلة بالتالي بأنها مع النظام اللبناني، بديمقراطيته أولاً، وتوافقيته ثانياً، وميثاقيته ثالثاً.

هذه الديمقراطية التوافقية الميثاقية تستفز السعودية، فهي تريد نظام حكم آخر في لبنان. وعند التدقيق، سيتبين أن ما يقوله بعض الحمقى السعوديين على شاشات التلفزيون، يقوله ابن فرحان نفسه بطريقة دبلوماسية: نريدكم جزءاً من المملكة، وعلى صورتها ومثالها: نظام ملكيّ أكثريّ قمعيّ، لا يوجد فيه شيء يشبه حرية التعبير، أو لا نريدكم. أما كيف يُغيّر النظام، فليس بالانتخابات، لأنهم لا يريدون استمرار الحكومة الضروية لإجراء الانتخابات، ولا بالضغط الدبلوماسي، لأنهم قطعوا العلاقات الدبلوماسية، إنما بالاقتتال الداخلي والحروب الأهلية. 

إنها عبثية ما بعدها عبثية. تخيلوا أن حاكماً يتهم حزب الله بتدريب “أنصار الله” الذين يهزمونه في الحرب، يقرّر أن ينتقل من المواجهة العبثية مع “أنصار الله” الذين لم يستطع أن يهزمهم إلى مواجهة مع مدربهم. وفق مصطلحاته، فإن الحوثي هو الطالب، والحزب هو الأستاذ. يهزمه الطالب، فيفكر في مواجهة الأستاذ. إنه الانتقال من العبثية إلى العدمية.إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً

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US Calls on the Gulf States to Restore Relations with Lebanon

Nov 5, 2021

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen net

The United States of America calls on the Gulf states to restore relations with Lebanon. The spokesperson for the US State Department, Ned Price, says that an effective dialogue must be initiated with Beirut.

US' Ned Price urges Lebanon government to stop Hezbollah's rocket fire at  Israel
The spokesperson for the US State Department Ned Price

The US called on the Gulf states to revive relations with Lebanon, saying that the struggling nation needed international support. The comments came in the wake of the crisis that Gulf countries maintained that were sparked by old remarks of the Lebanese Information Minister’s George Kordahi.

US State Department spokesman Ned Price told reporters, “Our position is that diplomatic channels should remain open if we are to seek to improve the humanitarian conditions of the Lebanese people.” 

Blinken: the US will aid Mikati’s efforts to restore political stability

Yesterday, on the sidelines of the UN climate meeting in Glasgow, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati.

Blinken stated that the US would assist Lebanon in its efforts to recover from a historic economic catastrophe, as well as aiding Mikati’s efforts to restore political stability after a more than one-year power vacuum.

Yesterday as well, France called on the regional parties and officials in Lebanon to calm and initiate a dialogue, stressing the need to distance Beirut from crises in the region. 

The Begining of the Crisis

The crisis began last week when Saudi Arabia summoned its ambassador in Lebanon for consultations Friday, while it requested the ambassador of Lebanon to leave the kingdom within 48 hours and decided to stop all Lebanese imports to the kingdom.

حكومة المملكة تستدعي السفير في لبنان للتشاور، ومغادرة سفير لبنان لدى المملكة خلال الـ (48) ساعة القادمة، وتقرر وقف كافة الواردات اللبنانية إلى المملكة.https://t.co/UHdiGG5Cm4#واس_عام— واس العام (@SPAregions) October 29, 2021

Following in the footsteps of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Kuwait asked the Lebanese ambassador to leave their territories within 48 hours. In turn, the UAE recalled its diplomats from Lebanon and issued a travel ban for its citizens to the Country.

What did Kordahi state?

Lebanese Minister of Information George Kordahi described the Yemen war as “futile,” adding that “Ansar Allah group has been defending itself in the face of external aggression against Yemen for years,” which provoked international and local reactions.

Yesterday, sources close to the Lebanese Minister of Information, George Qardahi, told Al-Mayadeen that Kordahi will not resign, and this position has not changed.

Related

هل دفع الذعر من المتغيرات القادمة جعجع للخطأ القاتل؟

26.10.2021

ناصر قنديل

– لا نعلم بعد مضمون الاعترافات التي أدلى بها الموقوفون الذين تسببت إفاداتهم بتسطير مذكرة الاستماع لرئيس حزب القوات اللبنانية سمير جعجع، ليقين بأن هذا الاستدعاء لم يكن متوقعاً صدوره بالسرعة والتشدد اللذين شهدناهما، بصورة معاكسة لتدخلات مرجعيات لها تاثيرها  على القضاء وقيادة الجيش، وإحراجها لهما، كحال بكركي والمداخلات الأميركية، وما كان هذا الاستدعاء ليحدث ويتم الإصرار عليه لولا وجود وقائع لا يمكن تجاهلها بالنسبة للجهتين المعنيتين، وهما القضاء بشخص مفوض الحكومة لدى المحكمة العسكرية، الذي لم يكن يوماً مفوضاً لحزب الله كما قال جعجع، وتاريخ النزاعات حول الملفات بين حزب الله مليء بالوقائع، ولا يمكن لأحد التشكيك بأن قيادة الجيش ومديرية المخابرات قد يمثلان مجرد صدى لطلبات حركة أمل وحزب الله، وفي الحادثة نفسها كان واضحاً من توضيح قيادة الجيش لتفاوت مضمون بياناتها في اليوم الأول، أنها تسير بموقفها تبعاً لما تتوصل إليه من وقائع، ولا تزال قضايا الخلاف في مقاربة أمل وحزب الله لملفات كملف العميل عامر الفاخوري في الذاكرة القريبة، وقيادة الجيش كما المحكمة العسكرية فعلتا ما تعتقدانه تعبيراً عن مسؤولياتهما بمعزل عن كيف سيقيم أداءهما كل من حزب الله وحركة أمل، وغداً قد تزداد الضغوط الداخلية والخارجية عليهما، ويحدث ما يفتح الباب لخلاف جديد بينهما وبين حزب الله وأمل.

– واقعياً نحن أمام معادلة تقول إن الاستدعاء مبني على شكوك جدية بدور لعبه جعجع في ترتيب مسرح مجزرة الطيونة، عبر معاونين مقربين منه، يملك التحقيق تفاصيل كافية لسؤال جعجع عنها، ومواجهته بها عندما يمثل للاستماع إليه، ولن يكون مفيداً لجعجع الإنكار لأنه سيضيق عليه دائرة الضغط ويزيدها إحكاماً، بقوة تدفق المعلومات التي ستوضع في مواجهته، وقد وفرتها فيديوهات وإفادات واعترافات وداتا اتصالات، ولن يفيد التهرب من المثول لأنه سيخلق ضغوطاً عامة في البلد لفرض المثول عليه، وسيفرض ضغوطاً وإحراجات قانونية له وعليه وعلى الجهات المعنية بمواصلة التحقيق، والأمر مختلف جذرياً عن قضية ملاحقين من قبل المحقق العدلي يطالبون وفقاً لنص دستوري بنقل ملفهم أمام جهة قضائية أخرى نص عليها الدستور، بعدما مثلوا وأدلوا بإفاداتهم أمام المحقق العدلي الأول عندما طلب الاستماع إليهم من دون إطلاق الملاحقة القضائية الاتهامية بحقهم، وصفات هؤلاء مذكورة في نص الدستور كرؤساء ووزراء، ولو كانت هناك محكمة أخرى ذات صلاحية لملاحقة رؤساء الأحزاب سيكون على جعجع المثول أولاً للإدلاء بإفادته الأربعاء، ثم في حال إطلاق ملاحقة اتهامية بحقه أن يطلب نقل ملفه إلى محكمة لرؤساء الأحزاب ليست موجودة.

– إذا صحت الفرضيات بأن جعجع دبر ورتب مجزرة الطيونة، عبر زرع مجموعات استفزاز للمتظاهرين لاستدراجهم بحال فوران إلى الشارع الفرعي وهم يقومون بالتكسير والهتاف، ما يمنح الذريعة لتدخل سلاح جعجع المنظم لفتح النار بداعي حماية الأهالي، أملاً بإطلاق تفجير يستدرج بالدم تورطاً مقابلاً، تضيع فيه نقطة البداية، عندما تغرق المنطقتان المتقابلتان بدماء أبنائهما وبناتهما، وهنا سيكون جعجع قد ارتكب الخطأ القاتل، لأنه على الرغم من النجاح النسبي، سواء باستدراج جزء من التظاهرة عبر الاستفزاز للخروج عن السياق المرسوم لها، سواء في مسارها أو في سلوكها، أو في استدراج إطلاق النار بعد سقوط أول دفعة من الشهداء والجرحى، إلا أن لا هذه ولا تلك شكلتا النجاح الذي يحجب حقيقة المجزرة، لأن الحكمة التي رافقت إدارة ما بعد المجزرة نجحت نجاحاً كلياً في إبقاء الأمور تحت السيطرة، فمنعت توازن الدماء الذي يخفي المجزرة، ومنعت التشكيك بالقضاء ومنحته كل الثقة حتى باعتقالات طالبت بعضاً من مناصريها، ومنعت الطعن بصدقية الجيش التي جرت محاولات لتفخيخها بنشر فيديوهات تظهره مصدراً لإطلاق النار يجب أن نعرف من كان وراء نشرها الآن.

– فشل جعجع سيكون هو السبب في تحول فعلته إلى الخطأ القاتل، وهذا الفشل لم يحدث صدفة، بل لأن التفوق الأخلاقي والوطني الذي جوبهت به المجزرة هو الذي أجهض التتمة المطلوبة لتتحق الأهداف المرجوة منها، لكن يبقى السؤال، لماذا يقدم جعجع على هذه المغامرة التي قد يكون بدأ يلمس أنه سيواجه نتائجها وحيداً، هل أن التعطش للمال أعمى بصيرته في ظل توهم حجم العائد المترتب على الظهور كقوة مستعدة للعبة الدم مع حزب الله، أم أن ثمة من نصحه بتصعيد المناخ الطائفي إلى اقصى الدرجات لتحسين نتائج استطلاعات الرأي الانتخابية حتى لو أدى ذلك لسقوط الدماء، أم لأن ما لدى جعجع من معطيات، أسوة بما لدى كل الذين وضعوا بيضهم في السلة الأميركية، أثار ذعره من الآتي، بعدما رأى مشهد أفغانستان، ووصلته المعلومات عن الانسحاب المقبل من العراق وسورية والعودة للتفاهم النووي مع إيران، وحجم الموقع المتنامي لحزب الله في المعادلة الإقليمية وصولاً لتكريسه شريكاً بنصف القرار الذي يصنع الاستحقاق الرئاسي المقبل، ليتقاسم الآخرون النصف الثاني بقيادة واشنطن، فراهن على إنتاج معادلة تتيح له التحول إلى الرقم الصعب الموازي؟

– هل يجوز القول للمرة الثانية غلطة الشاطر بألف، أم أنه لا يكون شاطراً؟

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Geagea Summoned by Military Court over Tayouneh Ambush, Refuses to Testify

October 22, 2021

Samir Geagea

Head of Lebanese Forces militia Samir Geagea was summoned by Lebanon’s military court for questioning over the deadly ambush which killed seven civilians earlier last week in Tayouneh.

Both Reuters news agency and local media reported the move late Thursday, noting that it was based on confessions made by militants who were arrested on the day of the deadly shooting.

“The government commissioner to the military court Judge Fadi Akiki gave a signal to listen to the testimony of the head of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, in the Tayouneh file,” Reuters news agency quoted informed sources as saying.

“Confessions made by the detainees in this file… Judge Akiki’s reference requires that Geagea be heard before him in the military court,” the sources added.

Commenting on the summoning, Geagea said he has not yet received a request to listen to his statement, but noted that if this happens he will not appear before the Military Court if Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah is not also summoned.

“The commissioner should listen first to Sayyed Nasrallah,” he said in an interview with MTV local channel.

The head of the notorious militia who committed massacres during the 15-year civil war claimed that his party “has a license,” while Hezbollah has not, without referring to the deadly shooting in this regard.

On October 14, seven Lebanese civilians were martyred as Lebanese Forces (LF) militants and snipers opened fire at peaceful demonstrators protesting against politicization of investigation into last year’s powerful Beirut Port blast.

Among the victims were a passerby and a woman who were shot in their heads by (LF) snipers.

Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah lashed out at the LF, saying that its project is to ignite a civil war in the country. In a speech on Monday (October 18), Sayyed Nasrallah hit back at Geagea threat that the LF has 15,000 militants, warning him against miscalculation with the powerful Lebanese Resistance movement.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Al-Manar Security Sources: Confessions of the Arrested for Tayouneh Crime Led to Issuance of Subpoena against Geagea

October 22, 2021

Image5

Security sources told Al-Manar TV that 25 suspects have been arrested for Tayouneh crime, adding that their confessions led to the identification of the culprits in the attack on the protesters and the locations in the scene surrounding.

The confessions also revealed that some of the culprits were holding guns and hiding inside cars in the neighborhoods close to the protest, according to Al-Manar sources.

The security sources added that a considerable number of the culprits have got out of sight.

The sources noted that political interventions led to procrastination of the issuance of subpoena against the head of the “Lebanese Forces” militia, Samir Geagea in order to identify the legal authority which will hear his testimony.

Seven martyrs and around 30 injured were reported during the armed attack carried out by the “Lebanese Forces” militiamen on the peaceful protestors in Tayouneh area on Thursday, October 14. The protesters were demonstrating against the politicized decisions of Al-Bitar.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

جعجع الضعيف المرتبك رغم التلميع المستمر: يكاد المريب يقول خذوني

 ناصر قنديل

منذ مجزرة الطيونة وماكينة إعلامية عملاقة متعددة الجنسيات تشتغل لتظهير سمير جعجع كبطل لحماية المسيحيين مرة، وكمنتصر قدم له كلام السيد حسن نصرالله وما جرى في الطيونة هدية مجانية لزعامة المسيحيين والسنة، مرة أخرى، وكسياسي محترف يحترم الدولة ويتقن فنون السياسة والإعلام، ويشكل خط المواجهة الأول لصالح مشروع الدولة  مع حزب الله المتهم بمشروع الدويلة، حتى جاءت المقابلة التلفزيونية التي أطل عبرها جعجع متحدثاً بنفسه عن نفسه، كاشفاً حجم تهافت المنطق وضعف الحجة ورثاثة الموقف، ويظهر المسخ الميليشيوي الذي يعشعش في ثنايا كلماته وينبض بين حروفه، كما تظهر الخلفية الإجرامية التي تحول الاتهامات الموجهة إليه إلى مضبطة قابلة لصرف، فيصح فيه القول الذي تلعثم وهو يقوله، ربما لأنه يحاكي حالته، يكاد المريب يقول خذوني.

خلاصة كلام جعجع تضعه في ثنائيات يستحيل جمعها في خطاب سياسي واحد، فما قدمه كاف لنسف خطابه الذي دأب على نثره كشظايا بوجه حزب الله طوال سنوات، مستفيداً من تقديمه من المحور المعادي لحزب الله بصفته القوة القيادية محلياً في هذا المحور ليرث كل التحريض الإعلامي وكل الشيطنة التي شارك بها كثيرون من سياسيين وتشكيلات مجتمع مدني ظهروا أمس مجرد عسكر في جيش يقوده سمير جعجع، لا مكان فيه للدولة ولا للقضاء، ولا يستقيم له نص متجانس قادر على الصمود أمام أي أسئلة جدية، وأمام أي تفكيك منطقي يفترض أن يتولاه من يحاوره، ولم تفلح في ستر هذه الفضيحة كل محاولات التجميل والماكياج التي منحت له من المحطة والبرنامج الذي استضافه، وما نفعت رقع الرتا في إظهار أكثر من خزق يتسرب منه التهافت ويظهر عبره الارتباك والضعف والتهافت، فسقط النص السياسي لأول السحرة المتقدمين في المشروع المعادي لحزب الله، بالضربة القاضية، من دون أن يتولاها أحد، لأنه تكفل بالنيابة عن كل الخصوم بتسديدها لنفسه.

أول دخولو شمعة عطولو، ظهر جعجع في أول كلمة نبست بها شفتاه، على حقيقته الميليشيوية، وعدائه للدولة والقضاء، بنبرة ومضمون كلماته تعليقاً على استدعائه للمثول كمستمع إليه أمام القضاء، ففجأة صار القضاء محسوباً على حزب الله، وكل النص المعادي لحزب الله مبني على اتهامه بالتشكيك بالقضاء، وفيما تشكيك حزب الله نابع من مطالعة طويلة تراكمت عبر شهور من التجربة مع كل من المحققين فادي صوان وطارق بيطار، ولم تترجم مرة واحدة بالقول لأحد لا للمثول أمام القاضي بنية الاستماع، أو كشاهد، وقد تكرر التسهيل لعمل القضاة مراراً تحت عناوين مشابهة وصولاً لشيء مختلف جداً جداً جداً، هو ادعاء القاضي على وزراء ورئيس حكومة سابق ومدراء أجهزة أمنية من دون سواهم الذين يماثلونهم رتبة ودوراً تجاه ملف النترات، من دون أي مبرر، وتجاوز نص دستوري يحصر مثل هذه الملاحقة بالمجلس الأعلى لمحاكمة الرؤساء والوزراء من دون أي تفسير، مع الإصرار على استثناء القضاة من نص قانوني لا دستوري يقول بملاحقتهم أمام محكمة خاصة بالقضاة، هي أدنى مرتبة دستورياً من إلزامية نص حصر الملاحقة بحق الرؤساء والوزراء بالمجلس الأعلى، وصولاً للتعمية على أسماء القضاة وحجبها عن الإعلام الذي شكل منصة حضور مريب للقاضي، وليس لدى حزب الله اسم واحد من أسماء قياديه مطلوب للمثول أمام القضاء، وجاء الأهم من خلال رفض جعجع العلني والمباشر لمجرد الاستماع إليه، ليسقط كل نصه ونصوص أصحابه بدعوة الغير للمثول وقد وجهت لهم اتهامات وتقررت ملاحقتهم، ولم يعد ممكناً لجعجع وأصحابه الجمع بين النصين، مع القضاء ليلاحق الغير ويتهمهم من دون وحدة معايير وبمخالفة نص دستوري، وضد القضاء لمجرد أن وجه لكم دعوة استماع؟ فقولوا نعم واحدة للقضاء أو لا واحدة للقضاء؟ وحزب الله جاهز ليأخذ بوصفتكم بلا تعديل.

ثاني الهنات غير الهينات، سقطة جعجع أمام الرئيس ميشال عون والتيار الوطني الحر، فكيف يستقيم القول بقضاء مستقل يدير تحقيق المرفأ، والتعيينات تمت وفقاً لجعجع برعاية رئيس الجمهورية والتيار، فكيف يستقيم ذلك مع اتهام الرئيس والتيار بتسليم الدولة لحزب الله، ومعركة حزب الله مع هؤلاء القضاة كما يصفها جعجع معركة وجود وحياة أو موت، وكيف يستقيم الجمع بين سيطرة حزب الله على الدولة، مع الحديث عن وصول حزب الله إلى طريق مسدود في المراجعة القضائية وثم في المراجعة السياسية، أي باللجوء إلى الحكومة، التي قيل من جعجع وأصحابه إنها حكومة حزب الله، فإذا كان حزب الله قد وصل إلى طريق مسدود في القضية التي يقول جعجع إنها مصيرية بالنسبة للحزب، فمتى يصرف حزب الله سيطرته على الدولة، فإما حزب الله غير مسيطر وهذا يفسر وصوله إلى طريق مسدود، وهذا يعني أن الرئيس عون والتيار الوطني الحر كان حليفاً لحزب الله يمارس استقلالية تامة ويختلف ولا يتبع ولا يطيع ولا يشتري وجوده في السلطة بالتبعية، وجعجع طبخ الرز بالبصل وأراد من الناس ألا تنتبه كي لا تسأل، لكن القبوات لا تخفي السماوات، فكيف إن كانت حبة صنع منها قبة؟

ثالث الأثافي غير خاف، فجعجع ليس حليفاً للنصرة وداعش والإخوان المسلمين، ولا هو من قال عن غزوة الأشرفية عام 2006 إنها تظاهرة سلمية لحلفاء، وعلى رغم تكسير الكنائس وتدمير السيارات وواجهات الأبنية واقتحام المنازل، لم يخرج أي من مناصريه بطلقة سلاح صيد، وهي الغزوة التي فرضت على العماد عون يومها تقريب موعد الإعلان عن التفاهم مع حزب الله لطمأنة المسيحيين وفي الأشرفية وعين الرمانة، ولذلك اختار كنيسة مار مخايل ولاقى القبول من حزب الله، الذي يرى الكثير من بيئته أنه يبدو تابعاً للتيار يراضيه ويسايره ويلبيه في كل طلباته، ويلقى اعتراضاً ورفضاً وتمنعاً في الكثير مما يطلب بالمقابل، وتنكر جعجع لواقعة الأشرفية يحمل إضافة للتعمية على الحقيقة أحد أمرين، إما أنه أعطى أمراً في عين الرمانة لم يعطه في الأشرفية، أو أنه يتهم أهل الأشرفية بالتخاذل، علماً أنهم نفذوا تعليماته بالتروي، بينما لم يسمع منه أهل عين الرمانة، خصوصاً محازبيه فيها والآتين من خارجها إليها، دعوة كتلك للمسالمة، بل سمعوا منه الدعوة للاستعداد للمواجهة قبل ليلة، ومهما أنكر جعجع هو لا يستطيع إنكار أن رفضه لمشاركة حزب الله في سورية لم يكن مجرد رفض لخروج الحزب عبر الحدود بل لأنه كان كما جاهر مراراً بالرهان على الجماعات المسلحة في سورية، وصولاً للرهان على بقائها في جرود لبنان الشرقية، بصفتها حليفاً، كما قالت زيارات الوفود والحلفاء إلى عرسال والكلام المقال في حضرة الدم هناك، بينما الثابت بالمقابل أن من قالت هذه الجماعات دفاعاً عن قرى وبلدات المسيحيين والمسلمين في لبنان كله لا في البقاع فقط هو حزب الله، فماذا يقول جعجع في اعتبار غزوة الأشرفية حركة سلمية وتوصيف احتلال الجرود بتموضع الثوار من جهة، وتصنيف حزب الله بالعدو والدعوة لمواجهته، من جهة مقابلة، غير أن ستر الفضيحة صعب بل مستحيل؟

هذا غيض من فيض، لحوار أسقط كل الهالة المصطنعة التي تشاركت في تلميع صورة جعجع عبرها وسائل إعلام لبنانية وعربية لأيام متصلة أملاً بتجميع حليب يصنع من لبنان يصلح لتلوين الحقائق وطمسها، فجاء وضرب قدر الحليب بقدمه وأسال الحليب على التراب، واللبنانيون لم يمر عليهم مشهد سياسي يختزن الضعف وينثر من حوله الهراء والكلام العبثي بلا سند، ويستخف بعقول الناس وذاكرتها، كما كانت إطلالة سمير جعجع، التي تصلح نموذجاً للتدريس الجامعي بالفشل المزدوج، تحت عنوان، عندما يسقط المحاور بالنقاط ويسقط الضيف بالضربة القاضية.

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Ghubeiri Municipality Files Lawsuit Against Geagea رئيس بلدية الغبيري في بيروت للميادين نت: دعوى قضائية ضد جعجع بأحداث الطيونة

20.10.2021 

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Al Mayadeen

Ghubeiri municipality in Beirut files a lawsuit against the Head of the Lebanese Forces party, Samir Geagea, in light of the Tayouneh ambush events.

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Ghubeiri municipality in Beirut has filed a lawsuit against the Head of the Lebanese Forces party, Samir Geagea.

The Ghubeiri municipality in Beirut has filed a lawsuit against the Head of the Lebanese Forces party, Samir Geagea, and against those arrested by the Lebanese army in light of the Tayouneh ambush events last Thursday.

Maan Al-Khalil, Head of Ghubeiri’s Municipality told Al Mayadeen that the lawsuit is the municipality’s right since one of its policemen, Mohammad Al-Sayed, was martyred during the incident and so was the wife of the police commissioner, referring to martyr Maryam Farhat. One other municipality employee was also injured.

Al-Khalil stressed that the lawsuit comes in the context of preserving the right of citizens to receive compensation, knowing that the incident caused huge harm and some people were forced to evacuate their houses.

The ambush left 7 martyrs and several injured after snipers opened fire on peaceful protesters against the politicization of the Beirut Blast investigation.

In a statement, the Lebanese Army announced arresting several members of the Lebanese Forces.

The number of detainees has reached 20, as some of the detained confessed to preparing for the Tayouneh ambush.

رئيس بلدية الغبيري في بيروت للميادين نت: دعوى قضائية ضد جعجع بأحداث الطيونة

المصدر: الميادين نت

رئيس بلدية الغبيري في بيروت يعلن رفع دعوى قضائية ضد رئيس حزب القوات اللبنانية سمير جعجع والموقوفين ومن يظهرهم التحقيق متورطين في حادثة الطيونة.

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رجل يسير بالقرب من الدماء في منطقة الطيونة بضاحية العاصمة بيروت الجنوبية في 14 تشرين الأول 2021  (أ ف ب)

 تقدّمت بلدية الغبيري في بيروت بدعوى قضائيّة ضد رئيس حزب “القوات” اللبنانية، سمير جعجع، في أحداث الطيونة التي جرت الخميس الماضي، والموقوفين لدى الجيش اللبناني ومن يظهرهم التحقيق متورطين في الجريمة.

رئيس البلدية معن الخليل قال للميادين نت إن “الدعوى هي حقّ شخصي من قبلنا بسبب استشهاد الشرطي في البلدية محمد السيّد، وزوجة مفوّض الشرطة مريم فرحات، وجرح موظف آخر”. فضلاً عن الأضرار المادية التي لحقت بالمباني السكنية إثر إطلاق الرصاص من قبل القناصين وإغلاق عدد من المؤسسات في المنطقة.

وأكد أن الدعوى تأتي في سياق الدفاع عن الحق العام وحقوق المواطنين حفاظاً على الأمن الاجتماعي والاقتصادي، “لأن الحادثة تسببت بأذى معنوي كبير للأهالي بعد اضطرار بعضهم إلى إخلاء بيوتهم إثر عمليات القنص وتضررها نتيجة ذلك”، مشيراً إلى أن الدعوى هي لحفظ حق البلدية والحق العام وضمان الحصول على تعويضات للمواطنين.

وكان ارتفعت حصيلة الشهداء إلى 7 إثر إطلاق قنّاصين النار على محتجِّين سلميين ضدّ تسييس التحقيق في انفجار مرفأ بيروت.

وأعلن مصدر رفيع في الجيش اللبناني للميادين عن توقيف عدد من عناصر حزب القوات اللبنانية، فيما وصل عدد الموقوفين اليوم إلى 20، لافتاً إلى أن منهم من اعترف بالتحضير لأحداث الطيونة.

The First and Final Surprise in Sayyed Nasrallah’s Speech

October 20, 2021

By Ihab Zaky

In a surprise move marking a departure from Hezbollah’s traditional policy, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah revealed a figure related to the group’s military body. It was an exclusive and specific number that excluded the organization’s broader structural bodies which consist of military and paramilitary units. The figure of 100,000 represents the group’s backbone.

“If we merly signaled to them rather than ordering them to move mountains, they would move them,” Sayyed Nasrallah said. This announcement was the first surprise.

Sayyed Nasrallah mentioned this figure in the context of a warning to those who think they can defeat Hezbollah with 15,000 fighters.

However, this may not have the desired effect on Lebanese Forces Party leader Samir Geagea, who is too foolish and ignorant to realize and appreciate the level danger. Therefore, this number is much more of a message for the real enemies who see Geagea as a mere tool – the United States and “Israel.”

The content of this message is that insisting on pushing fools towards creating a civil war will be the final nail in the coffin of American influence in Lebanon. As Sayyed Hashem Safi al-Din, head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council, said, “We have not yet fought the battle to end American influence over the institutions of the Lebanese state.” Therefore, insisting on this move may be the zero hour to start that battle, faster and easier.

On the other hand, the “Israeli” enemy will interpret this number in the framework of its strategy for its upcoming confrontation with Hezbollah, a strategy dominated by the certainty of defeat, but one that harbors an element of doubt about its actual demise. Therefore, this number seems to motivate concerns and misgivings, especially if the “Israeli” mind takes into account Sayyed’s many exceptions in determining the number.

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah spoke at length about the common national interest, about Hezbollah’s relationship with the Christians and its national creed that moves it, and the extreme keenness – to very sensitive degrees – of preventing even civilians – not military or armed men – from entering Christian villages in 2000 after the defeat of the Zionist enemy and raising Hezbollah or Amal flags. If a party is so concerned about the feelings of the Christians, can it be accused of seeking to invade their land, honor, and money, and be viewed as an enemy that demands vigilance?

The one person who understands the importance of civil peace in Lebanon and the importance of the Christian presence in the East in general and not only in Lebanon, is Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. The colonial West seeks to empty the East of its Christians to consolidate the idea of conflict between an Islamic East and a Christian West, which is the basis and starting point of the Crusades. In addition, the strategy of displacing Christians is a colonial strategy, and it’s confirmed by the number of Christians in the region half a century ago compared to the numbers today. This strategy also serves the “Israeli” presence.

The evidence presented by Sayyed Nasrallah about Hezbollah’s protection of Christians wherever it they may be, are just some of the examples. This is contrast to the displacement, destruction, and killing of Christians wherever Geagea and his party are. These examples should be more than enough to ostracize and isolate this party as Christian, as well as isolate it nationally. While Sayyed Nasrallah seeks to preserve Christian blood, Geagea considers it a mere investment card and a bargaining chip with his international and regional operators.

Sayyed Nasrallah refrained from going too far back in history, to shed light on the crimes of Geagea and his party, which are detailed and proven in a court of law – crimes that are bloody and characterized by treachery. The Christian blood that Geagea claims to protect was spilled by his hands and stained his forehead, but the worst thing is that despite that barbarism in bloodshed, his history remains tainted with defeat. It’s almost as if this person is synonymous with defeat. Hence, defeat should be given the name Geagea.

Sayyed also refrained from mentioning Samir Geagea’s name. Even the “Israeli” media noticed this, and certainly this was not an absurd remark. By not mentioning his name, the Hezbollah leader sent another message that reflects Sayyed’s principles in his positions on the one hand and belittling the former [Geagea] on the other.

Sayyed Nasrallah insisted on the sanctity of the Lebanese army, as it is the last resort for the unity of Lebanon’s land and people, and as the unifying institution. But this does not mean turning a blind eye to some transgressions, which must be subject to investigation and accountability. This means that Sayyed Nasrallah wants to preserve this institution, even from the verbal scratching of some excited or angry enthusiasts.

This offers conclusive evidence that Hezbollah is the most committed to the state and its institutions, as well as to the file of the Tayouneh crime and previous crimes that are being handled by these state institutions. Meanwhile, it continues to call on the state to live up to its duties and is warning against complacency.

In the end of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah sent a message to the supporters of the resistance which was the last surprise – “the American attempts to provoke a civil war are the last mine.” Sayyed Nasrallah was declaring that the American bag of tricks was empty, and the “Israeli” bag of tricks was even emptier.

But the most important message relates to what he said about the end of the path of patience and insight.

“Patience and insight will bring you relief and victory that you do not expect.”

In fact, supporters of the resistance do not expect anything from it except victories and surprises. They stand in the trenches with insight. The only thing that will surprise these supporters is not to see it patient, feared, insightful, and victorious.

The Vampire

The Vampire

By Al-Ahed News Staff

An infographics detailing the long history of brutality of Samir Geagea, head of the Lebanese Forces Party.

The Vampire

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Sayyed Nasrallah: ’LF’ The Biggest Existential Threat to Christians; Hezbollah Has 100k Fighters to Defend Lebanon

19.10.2021 

Sayyed Nasrallah: ’LF’ The Biggest Existential Threat to Christians; Hezbollah Has 100k Fighters to Defend Lebanon

By Al-Ahed News

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered a speech on Monday evening in which he touched on the latest political developments in Lebanon and the region.

Starting with a message marking Prophet Mohammad [PBUH]’s birth anniversary, Sayyed Nasrallah congratulated all Muslims around the world and the Lebanese people, and stressed that the festival will be held to celebrate the occasion on Friday despite the pain resulting from the Tayyouneh massacre.

His Eminence praised the masses in Yemen who celebrated today the holy occasion of Prophet Mohammad [PBUH]’s birth anniversary despite the war and the siege against their country.

Moving to Afghanistan, the Hezbollah leader mourned the martyrs of the Kandahar mosque blast who have been massacred by the Wahhabi terrorist Daesh [Arabic for ‘ISIS/ISIL’] organization.

His Eminence then extended condolences to the Syrian leadership and people on the martyrdom of the liberated detainee Medhat Saleh who had been assassinated by the ‘Israeli’ enemy in the occupied Syrian Golan.

The Tayyouneh Massacre

Moving to the main subject behind his appearance, Sayyed Nasrallah extended condolences to the families of the martyrs of the Tayyouneh massacre that was committed on Thursday by the “Lebanese Forces” [LF] party, led by Samid Geagea.

Noting that the latest events are critical, dangerous, and require identifying the stance, Sayyed Nasrallah addressed the families of the martyrs as saying: “Your sorrow was ours and your pain was ours in this dangerous crime.”

The Hezbollah leader lashed out at the perpetrators of the Tayyouneh massacre, in which seven Shia protesters were sniped, and many others sustained injuries. “There is a party that wants to make our people in Ain Remmeneh and Furn Shebbak feel as if the people living in Dahiyeh are their enemies

Some “LF” leaders referred to opening fire at the protesters as “resistance”, and the leader of this party wants to fake an enemy and keep the Christians worried about their existence, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that the goal behind provoking such concerns is to present this party as the main defender of the Christians.

“The goals belong to leadership as well as to the roles offered by Gulf countries that have interests in our country,” His Eminence warned, naming the party as the “Lebanese Forces” and its leader, whom Hezbollah didn’t name before, as it didn’t want to create tension with anybody.

“We didn’t respond to this party despite all the insults it has been addressing us with,” Sayyed Nasrallah said, pointing to that “What happened is critical in a new phase for us to deal with the internal Lebanese affairs.”

“This party has long been attempting to fake an enemy for passing its scheme and chose the foreign-targeted Hezbollah for this purpose, and although the martyrs of the Thursday massacre are from Hezbollah and Amal Movement, the “LF” leader focused on Hezbollah,” Sayyed Nasrallah made clear.

In reference to the weapons, training, and structure, the Resistance leader underscored that everything prove that there have been militias fighting in the event: “This party doesn’t care if a military confrontation or a civil war would erupt as this serves its foreign [agendas].”

Sayyed Nasrallah told the Christian people that the ‘LF’ main agenda was to create a civil war that would lead to a demographic transformation. “The ‘LF’ party doesn’t quit using the language of the old war and division, which prepared for their latest crime.”

“The ‘LF’ offered former Saudi minister al-Sabhan in 2017 to start a civil war in Lebanon, its leader stabbed his ally Saad Hariri in his back while he was arrested in Saudi Arabia, and provoked some old allies some months ago to confront Hezbollah,” Sayyed Nasrallah outlined.

Regarding Thursday’s massacre, Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that: “We’ve been assured by the Lebanese Army which we requested to be deployed heavily in the area [of the protest]. And Geagea’s talking about a “mini Christian May 7th incident” condemns the leader of the ‘LF’ himself as it represents a complete claim of responsibility for the massacre.”

Regarding the Army’s assuring that everything was ok, Sayyed Nasrallah explained: “We [thought] we’ve been protected by the Lebanese Army and the Lebanese state on Thursday. We didn’t take any security or precautionary measures due to the area’s sensitivity.”

However, the Resistance leader stressed that “this mine that we were able to contain on Thursday requires a solution and a treatment.”

Sayyed Nasrallah told the Lebanese people in general and the Christians in particular that portraying Hezbollah as an enemy is an illusion and unfairness, and it is the ‘LF’ party that covered the Nusra Front and the Takfiris in Lebanon and Syria

Sayyed Nasrallah urged the Christians in Lebanon to ask the Christian areas in Syria how Hezbollah defended them, and asked them: “Who supported the people of Arsal outskirts villages and who supported the “rebels” who have been backed by the ‘LF’?”

His Eminence then answered: “It is Hezbollah that defended the Christians back then before the Lebanese Army was allowed to interfere. Hezbollah eliminated the danger that was threatening the Christians there and sacrificed the elite of its youths in these battles.”

“We are not bragging about our achievements, but facts and truth shall be conveyed,” Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out, recalling that after the ‘Israeli’ withdrawal from south Lebanon, every Hezbollah or Amal member was banned from entering Christian areas.

We consider that we’ve done the right thing in 2000, and we didn’t attack the collaborators who tortured and killed us, however, in every area where the ‘LF’ party has been, a battle or war has occurred, the Hezbollah leader said.

“All of those whom we arrested were handed to the Lebanese Army and we didn’t prosecute even those who killed us. We had a historic chance to apply the charges against us but this is not what our religious teaches us,” Sayyed Nasrallah added.

In a continued address to the Christian Lebanese, His Eminence noted that even the supporters of the ‘LF’ party live in our areas and Hezbollah didn’t harm any of them. “All the accusations against us are unfair and represent a big mine in the country.”

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized that “The biggest existential threat to the Christians in Lebanon and the security of the Christian society is the ‘LF’ party whose scheme to establish cantons still exists. This party is a threat because it allied with Daesh and the Nusra Front, whom it called “opposition”.”

Drawing the Christians’ attention to possible scenarios from the past, Sayyed Nasrallah said: “Had Daesh and Nusra achieved victory, no Christian would have been left in Syria, and the ‘LF’ leader’s alliance with those groups exposed a major threat to Syria.”

“Those who forced the Christians to flee Iraq are the Saudi-run Wahhabi terrorist groups; we don’t pose any threat or danger to the Christians, it is rather from the side of the ‘LF’ and its leader,” His Eminence added.

Hezbollah has been positive to all dialogue proposals in Lebanon and made the understanding with the Free Patriotic Movement in 2005, and the first to oppose it was the ‘LF’ party, which didn’t spare any effort to cancel this understanding, Sayyed Nasrallah recalled.

“Our main concern was to prevent the Sunni-Shia sedition the ‘LF’ party has been seeking and the state is the guarantor for all the Lebanese people, whether Christian or Muslims,” His Eminence added.

“Although the ‘60’ electoral law doesn’t serve Hezbollah’s interest, we accepted it as it serves the Christians’, and the side that negated the Orthodox electoral law is the ‘LF’ party,” Sayyed Nasrallah said.

Hezbollah has done its duty, but we are displaying the facts, Sayyed Nasrallah added. “Hezbollah is a very important positive factor and doesn’t represent any threat. It didn’t set any condition on the President of the Republic in the elections, and Minister Suleiman Franjieh was loyal and made a very ethical stance during the elections.”

When the ‘LF’ attacked us and we gathered our martyrs and our wounds, it is because we avoided a civil war in the country, Sayyed Nasrallah said.

To the “Lebanese Forces”!

Sayyed Nasrallah advised the ‘LF’ leader to give up on fighting and internal wars; referring to him as a person who definitely miscalculates his schemes.

“The “Lebanese Forces” officials admitted in their statements that they are an armed militia,” His Eminence said.

The Hezbollah leader then addressed their leader, Geagea, urging him to bear in mind that Hezbollah hadn’t been stronger in the region than it is today; “you are wrong” as you claim that Hezbollah is weaker than the Palestine Liberation Organization.

“Bear in mind that Hezbollah’s only military body is formed of 100,000 fighters who are not trained for civil wars but to defend our country against the enemies. Our calculations are right; we have constants, ethics, and values; so, don’t miscalculate, better stay polite, and take lessons from your wars and our wars,” Sayyed Nasrallah told Geagea.

His Eminence then urged the state and all the Lebanese people to stand against this vampire and criminal to prevent a civil war: “For the first time we announce the number of our combatants not to threaten with war but to prevent a civil war.”

Sayyed Nasrallah then dared the ‘LF’ party to answer: “In case of war, would the frightened ‘Israel’ support you, or would the US and Saudi Arabia support you?”

Right to Peaceful Assembly

“It is our right to peaceful protesting as any other side, and we formed a committee of 2000 members instead of a popular invitation. We didn’t intend to breakthrough or attack; it was just a peaceful protest,” Sayyed Nasrallah described the Thursday rally.

“Provocative slogans were voiced, which is wrong, and after that the shooting started and martyrs were killed. After opening fire towards the protests, and after the death of the martyrs, some youths got weapons to deter the attackers,” he added.

Sayyed Nasrallah then announced that Hezbollah has been informed by the security apparatuses that the martyrs have been killed by the “Lebanese Forces” fire.

However, Sayyed Nasrallah noted, “We, the ones killed unjustly, want a serious and quick investigation about how the massacre took place, and we want to hold those responsible accountable. We also need to know whether the soldier who opened fire at civilian protests had done this individually or had he been given an order to do this.”

But despite all the previous incidents, we are keen on the Lebanese Army establishment, which is the sole guarantor of the Lebanese unity, the Hezbollah leader underscored.

As for the Khaldeh incident, Sayyed Nasrallah uncovered that the Lebanese Army is investigating and the prosecution of 18 of the arrestees will be done within days.

“The Lebanese Army personnel are our brothers and they are part of the golden equation to which we adhere,” His Eminence said, urging that: “The right track is to investigate the Tayyouneh massacre and hold the killers accountable,” noting that had the investigation been politicized, Hezbollah won’t abandon the issue of the blood of its martyrs.

Beirut Port Blast Cause

Elsewhere in his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah clearly noted that “We are concerned about the Beirut Port blast cause, in which we sacrificed martyrs, and we are very keen to learn the truth,” and “Once the track of justice turns into political targeting, we have no right to remain silent.”

“The ‘LF’ party is the first abuser of the Beirut Port blast cause, and we won’t abandon this issue. Hezbollah was the most daring to tackle this issue are there has been intimidation for those willing to tackle it,” His Eminence added.

“Hezbollah took it upon itself for the families of the martyrs to learn the truth and the reasons why the technical report regarding the investigations has not been issue yet.”

He then dared those who are accusing Hezbollah of being behind the blast to bring their evidence, asking whether Hezbollah’s demand to change the judge is considered threatening while the US intimidation is not?

“Those who mostly bear the responsibility of the Beirut Port blast are the judges that permitted the entry of the nitrates to the port,” the Resistance leader underlined.

Addressing the state of law and institutions, Sayyed Nasrallah told them to do something and shoulder their responsibility, as it is the time for treatment.

To the Families of Tayyouneh Martyrs

At the end of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah addressed the families of the seven martyrs of Tayyouneh massacre, praising their level of responsibility and belonging, and patience despite the incitement.

“Punishing the killers is a path we will continue, and your martyrs are in the same level of that of the martyrs of Resistance. We have to preserve the goal for which thousand of martyrs have been sacrificed; it is a secure and stable Lebanon,” His Eminence underscored.

“The US wants a civil war as it has done in other countries; it wants us to lose our civil peace. What is needed is patience and insight, awareness and openness, and overcoming the wounds to spare another mine or any other choice the enemy wants for us,” Sayyed Nasrallah concluded.

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السيد نصرالله في محطته الثالثة: حامي السلم الأهلي

تشرين الأول  202116

 ناصر قنديل

عندما انطلقت المقاومة لفصائلها ومكوناتها المتعددة، وأكملت بقوتها الرئيسية التي مثلها حزب الله مسار التحرير ومن ثم الردع، كان السيد حسن نصرالله الذي توجته الانتصارات والتضحيات رمزاً لها، يجتاز المرحلة الأولى من صعود المقاومة بصفتها قوة التحرير والردع في مواجهة خطر كيان الاحتلال، وهو خطر لم يختلف عليه إثنان من عقلاء وحماء لبنان المسلمين والمسيحيين، وقد احتل التحذير من هذا الخطر أبرز ما تركه شارل مالك وميشال شيحا وموريس الجميل من أدبيات وتراث فكري، لكن هذه المقاومة التي يوقدها باقتدار السيد نصرالله هي التي وضعت هذه الأخطار بعيداً عن لبنان ولا تزال، حتى صارت مصدر القلق الوجودي على الكيان، وعندما انطلقت المقاومة نحو سورية لتدافع عن قلعتها وسندها التاريخي بوجه أوسع حروب المنطقة وأشملها وأعلاها سقوفاً، كانت تدرك حجم ما ينتظرها من تضحيات وصعوبات وتحديات، وخلال سنوات كانت المقاومة بقيادة السيد نصرالله ترفع شارة النصر مع سورية وقائدها الرئيس بشار الأسد على الحرب التي كلفت مئات مليارات الدولارات وجندت لها عشرات أجهزة الاستخبارات، ومئات وسائل الإعلام العملاقة وقرابة ربع مليون من التكفيريين الذين تم جلبهم من أصقاع الدنيا ليشكلوا جيشاً أشد اقتداراً ووحشية من كل جيوش حلف الناتو وحلفائه الإقليميين من عرب وغير عرب، فكان السيد نصرالله يجتاز محطته الثانية، وهي إنهاء خطر الإرهاب على الإقليم وفي قلبه لبنان، ويطلق المقاومة نحو تشكيل قوة إقليمية كبرى يحسب لها الحساب في توازنات المنطقة، وترفع معها لبنان من مرتبة الخاصرة الرخوة في المنطقة إلى مرتبة الرقم الأصعب.

كل هذه الانتصارات والإنجازات، كانت في عيون أعداء المقاومة الدوليين والإقليميين، وصولاً إلى التقدير القائم على أن استقرار لبنان ومناعة سلمه الأهلي يشكلان القاعدة الصلبة التي تنطلق منها المقاومة وتستمد بفعلها قدرتها على الحركة، ليصير السلم الأهلي على رأس جدول استهدفات هؤلاء الأعداء الذين تديرهم واشنطن، التي ازدادت حاجتها لإرباك المقاومة واستنزافها على أبواب اتخاذ قرار الانسحاب الأميركي من المنطقة والحاجة لبوليصة تأمين لأمن كيان الاحتلال تسبق هذا الانسحاب، وخلال سنتين صعد الأميركي من اهتمامه بالداخل اللبناني استثماراً على محاولات النيل من المقاومة وتفجير بيئتها، وكان كل ما شهدناه من محاولات شيطنة وتحميل مسؤولية للأزمة الاقتصادية وربط حلها بإضعاف المقاومة وتخلي اللبنانيين عنها، لكن ما جرى جاء بنتائج عكسية مع سفن كسر الحصار التي جلبت عبرها المقاومة المازوت الإيراني عبر سورية، وخلقت تداعيات أظهرت الأميركي في موقع المتسبب بالأزمة عبر حصاره للبنان، ومسارعته لمنافسة المقاومة بتظهير الحرص على المساعدة بفك بعض حصاره عبر استثناء بعض العقوبات على استجرار الغاز المصري والكهرباء الأردنية عبر سورية، وصولاً لتسريع تشكيل الحكومة بطلب أميركي مباشر، ولم يبق إلا الرهان على إشغال المقاومة بالفتنة الداخلية طريقاً لتحقيق الهدف.

خلال سنوات كانت القوات اللبنانية تقدم أوراق اعتمادها للأميركي ودول الخليج الراغبة بالنيل من حزب الله، بصفتها الحصان الجاهز لخوض هذا السباق، وأظهرت تجربة احتجاز الرئيس سعد الحريري في السعودية استعداد القوات لإحراق السفن للحصول على هذا التفويض، وتقاطعت القناعة الأميركية بالحاجة لإضعاف حزب الله عبر النيل من حليفه المسيحي الذي يمثله التيار الوطني الحر مع الحاجة لاستخدام القوات اللبنانية لإشغال حزب الله وتوريطه بحرب داخلية، وشكلت الشراكة الأميركية مع القوات في إدارة ملف انفجار المرفأ وتداعياته ومتابعة التحقيقات أول محطات اعتماد القوات أميركياً، بتمويل خليجي، كحصان رهان لتعبئة طائفية تسعى لتعليب التحقيق والانفجار والضحايا والخسائر ضمن العلبة الطائفية، وجاءت النتائج تؤكد حجم الاحتقان الطائفي الذي تم تحقيقه بمنسوب مرتفع، إلى أن كانت مجزرة الطيونة التي وصفها رئيس حزب القوات بميني سبعة أيار مسيحي، واحتفل بها قادة القوات كإنجاز في خلق بيئة مسيحية قلقة وخائفة وإعادة تقديم القوات كمدافع عن الوجود المسيحي، وحزب الله كمصدر للخطر، والتيار الوطني الحر كمن يبيع أمن المسيحيين لقاء مكاسب سلطوية.

جاء خطاب السيد نصرالله أمس ليقلب ما توهم الأميركيون وجماعة القوات إنجازه خلال كل ما مضى، رأساً على عقب، ناثراً شظاياه ذات اليمين وذات الشمال، مقدماً مطالعة تاريخية تحليلية مليئة بالوقائع والمعلومات، تخاطب الوجدان المسيحي، وتستذكر كل الماضي القريب والبعيد، لطرح أسئلة تطلب جواباً من كل مواطن ومسؤول ومثقف، هل القوات حزب الحرب الأهلية، هل حزب الله مصدر خطر على المسيحيين، هل الحرب الأهلية خيار يحقق المصلحة اللبنانية والمسيحية خصوصاً، هل دخلت القوات حرباً وربحتها، وهل دخل حزب الله حرباً وخسرها، هل دخلت القوات حرباً ولم تنتهِ بتهجير المسيحيين، وهل دخل حزب الله حرباً في منطقة يتواجد فيها المسيحيون وسمح بتهجيرهم، وهل رواية القوات عن فرصة لتغيير معادلة القوة واقعية، هل يمكن للقوات أن تراهن على وقتها بوجه حزب الله إذا وقعت الواقعة، وهل رهان القوات على حلفاء إقليميين في مكانها، وكان العرض المتسلسل السلس للسيد حسن نصرالله مليئاً بالوقائع والحجج وصولاً للردع، وفقاً لمعادلة خذوا على يد من يريد تفجير البلد، وقولوا له أن يقعد عاقلاً ويتأدب، ومن يريد إضعاف المسيحيين ليس من يقاتل لنيلهم قانون انتخاب ينصفهم، ويتمسك بالمناصفة ويرفض المثالثة، وبوصول زعيمهم الأقوى إلى الرئاسة، ومن يريد أمن المسيحيين ليس من يحالف النصرة وداعش ويقول لسكان الأشرفية هؤلاء حلفاؤنا، ويتبنى حربهم في سورية وجرود البقاع، بل من قاتلهم هناك، وحمى اللبنانيين مسلمين ومسيحيين.

اجتاز السيد حسن نصرالله أمس محطته الثالثة بصفته حامياً للسلم الأهلي بامتياز.

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Sayyed Nasrallah to Lebanese Forces: Don’t Miscalculate, Hezbollah Has 100,000 Fighters

October 19, 2021

Sayyed Nasrallah
Hezbollah S.G. Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah during a televised speech via Al-Manar (Monday, October 18, 2021).

Marwa Haidar

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah on Monday lashed out at the Lebanese Forces militia, advising its chief to abandon attempts to ignite a civil war in Lebanon.

In a speech that basically tackled the latest massacre by the notorious militia in Tayouneh last Thursday, Sayyed Nasrallah warned the head of Lebanese Forces party (LF), even without mentioning his name, against any miscalculation regarding the civil war in Lebanon.

Sayyed Nasrallah in this context, revealed the number of Hezbollah fighters who are ready to defend their country.

“Don’t miscalculate and behave,” Sayyed Nasrallah addressed LF, adding: “Hezbollah has 100,000 fighters who are fully ready to act in case we just point to them to do so.”

The Hezbollah S.G. said the Lebanese security apparatus confirmed that LF militants and snipers were responsible for Tayouneh massacre which killed seven Lebanese civilians during a protest against the politicization of an investigation into Beirut Port.

Sayyed Nasrallah said that the LF has been for long time instigating the Christians in the country, especially residents of Ain Al-Rimaneh and Al-Hadat, against Hezbollah through creating fake enemy of residents in Dahiyeh.

His eminence stressed that Hezbollah, Amal Movement, the entire Shiite sect and Muslims don’t pose a threat to the Christians in Lebanon, but rather the LF poses an existential threat to them.

Sayyed Nasrallah called on state institutions to hold a serious probe into the massacre in Tayouneh, stressing importance of staging another investigation by the Lebanese Army in order to look into the videos circulated by social media showing Lebanese soldier firing at a peaceful protester during October 14 massacre.

On the issue of Beirut Port blast investigation, his eminence stressed that Hezbollah has been keen to reveal the truth in this issue, slamming judges who gave permission to the ship carrying ammonium nitrate to enter Beirut Port several years ago.

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah praised families of the martyrs who fell in Tayouneh massacre, hailing their patience and wisdom. In this context, his eminence vowed that Hezbollah won’t abandon the martyrs and will go ahead with legal course in a bid to hold the perpetrators accountable.

Lebanese Forces Trying to Ignite Civil War

Sayyed Nasrallah started his speech by congratulating Muslims on the birthday anniversary of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), announcing that despite pain and grief, Hezbollah will hold a ceremony to mark the occasion next Friday in Dahiyeh.

His eminence praised celebrations held by the Yemeni people on the occasion, as well as stances announced by Ansarullah leader Sayyed Abdul Malek Al-Houthi.

Sayyed Nasrallah, meanwhile, offered condolences over martyrdom of a number of Afghan people in a terrorist attack staged by ISIL terrorists on a mosque in the city of Kandahar.

He also offered condolences over martyrdom of freed prisoner Medhat Saleh, who was killed by Israeli occupation forces few days ago.

The Hezbollah S.G. then get into the main issue of his speech, the massacre committed by Lebanese Forces militants in Tayouneh last Thursday.

Sayyed Nasrallah said that the LF has been instigating against Hezbollah for long time, trying to create a fake enemy to the Christians in Lebanon.

“The Lebanese Forces party wanted to make our people in Ain Al-Rimaneh, Forn Al-Chebbak and Al-Hadat feel concerned and afraid of people of other regions especially in Dahiyeh.”

“This party and its leader (Samir Geagea) aim at presenting themselves as defenders of Christians in Lebanon in order to serve their goals related to political leadership,” he said, noting that the LF leader has been convicted by the Lebanese judiciary over war crimes.

“In the latest years, the Lebanese Forces, and with the support of regional and international powers, has been working to create an enemy to the Christians in Lebanon and to present himself as the defender of this community against this so-called enemy, which is Hezbollah,” Sayyed Nasrallah said, citing schemes to target Hezbollah by the US, ‘Israel’ and some Gulf states.

And to confirm that Hezbollah is being targeted by the LF along with regional and international powers, Sayyed Nasrallah said that the Lebanese Forces chief focused in his remarks following the massacre in Tayouneh on Hezbollah, despite that fact that three of the seven martyrs are supporters of Amal Movement.

“The real program of the LF is to the civil war, for this scheme leads to the displacement of the Christians and then creating a Christian canton which LF chief aims to rule.”

Sayyed Nasrallah noted that the massacre in Tayouneh opens a new chapter of Hezbollah’s way to deal with the local issue.

He said that both Hezbollah and Amal Movement were reassured by the Lebanese Army a night before the massacre over the security situation in the region of the protest near Justice Palace, where the shooting took place.

Commenting on LF leader’s remarks that the Tayouneh massacre was a “mini May 7 events” Sayyed Nasrallah said that such remarks is a clear claim of responsibility of the shooting.

Hezbollah Defended Christians, LF Existential Threat

Sayyed Nasrallah then elaborated on the idea that Hezbollah is not an enemy to the Christians in Lebanon and Syria. He stressed that Hezbollah’s behavior with Christian in Lebanon and Syria throughout years confirm that the Lebanese Resistance party look at the Christians in the country as political partners and not enemies.

“For those who say that Hezbollah is the enemy of Christians, you can ask the churches which Hezbollah defended in Syria against Takfiri terrorists.”

“When Hezbollah defended its people of the Christians in Syria and the Lebanese border towns against ISIL and Nusra terrorists, the Lebanese Forces party was offering all forms of support to the Takfiris.”

He addressed the Christians in Lebanon by saying: “All those who tell you that Shia and Muslims are an enemy they are fabricating such accusations. The greatest existential threat for you is the Lebanese Forces since this party had allied with the terrorists in Syria.”

Sayyed Nasrallah then pointed to Hezbollah’s behavior towards Christians following the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000.

“Hezbollah prevented any of its fighters or fighters belonging to Amal Movement from entering the Christian towns in south Lebanon upon the Liberation in 2000. We even did not harm collaborators with Israeli enemy in that towns, rather we handed them over to the Lebanese Army. This was in a bid to avoid any Muslim-Christian sedition.”

Sayyed Nasrallah then said that Hezbollah, throughout years adopted a policy of openness with political parties, including the Christian powers.

“In February 6, 2006 we held a MoU with the largest Christian party, which is the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM),” Sayyed Nasralah said, noting that the LF was the first side who stand against the MoU between Hezbollah and the FPM.

S. Nasrallah Advises LF Not to Miscalculate

Sayyed Nasrallah then advised the LF and its leader to abandon the idea of suing discord in a bid to ignite a civil war in Lebanon.

“If you want to prepare for a civil war then have not to miscalculate. Take a note that Hezbollah is made up of at least 100,00 well-trained and experienced fighters whom can act in case Hezbollah’s leadership points to do so,” Sayyed Nasrallah addressed the LF and its chief.

In this context, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that the Resistance is not weak, but rather is keen to preserve security and avoid sedition.

“Hence, I say to LF and its leader: Don’t miscalculate, behave and take lesson from the wars you had been engaged in.”

Sayyed Nasrallah said that the Lebanese state institution along with religious figures, especially the Christians, “must bear responsibility and stand against this criminal butcher in a bid to avoid civil war and preserve national peace.”

He then stressed importance of launching a serious investigation into the massacre in Tayouneh, noting that the Lebanese Army must also do so regarding a video circulated on social media and shows a Lebanese soldier firing at a peaceful protester during Tayouneh shooting.

In this context, Sayyed Nasrallah warned against any dispute between Hezbollah and the Lebanese Army, stressing that the national army is part of the golden formula aimed at defending Lebanon: Army-People-Resistance.

Beirut Port Blast Probe

On the issue of Beirut Port blast probe, Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that Hezbollah is keen to know the truth behind the tragedy which killed more than 200 Lebanese people and injured thousands on August 4, 2020.

“We won’t take back on this case. It’s a political responsibility to know those who were responsible for this tragedy.”

Several sides contacted Hezbollah and reassured the party that it would not be accused, Sayyed Nasrallah said, noting that those sides also acknowledged that the probe is discretionary.

“The way the probe is going on won’t lead to reveal truth. The judges who gave permission to the ship carrying the ammonium nitrate to enter Beirut Port bears responsibility of the tragedy in the port.”

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah hailed patience and wisdom of Tayouneh massacre’s martyrs, vowing that the blood of those martyrs won’t go in vain.

His eminence also equated Tayouneh martyrs to those of the Resistance who were martyred in defending Lebanon.

“We have to preserve goals achieved by the Resistance and its martyrs, on top of which are security and national peace,” Sayyed Nasrallah addressed martyrs’ families as saying.

Addressing the Resistance supporters, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that this stage prompts more patience and insight in a bid to avoid any form of infighting in the country. In this context, his eminence noted that igniting a civil war is the “last card played by our enemies.”

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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The Lebanese Forces: A Long Bloody History

17 Oct, 2021

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Ali Jezzini

The LF started as a military wing of the Lebanese Front and committed horrible atrocities during the Lebanese Civil War. However, this did not prevent it, openly and discreetly, from attempting to stir up a second one.

Visual search query image
Thousands of Lebanese and Palestinian nationals lost their lives in the Sabra and Shatila, and Karantina massacres.

On Thursday, hundreds of citizens were marching towards the Palace of Justice in Beirut. Protesters desired to object to the politicization of what was supposed to be a uniquely juridical process regarding the Beirut Port explosion that rocked the city almost a year and a half ago. 

The demonstration was supposed to be a peaceful act but the reaction the protesters received was not – some did not make it back home to their families. According to security reports cited by various Lebanese media outlets, it is almost certain that at some point in the march, the latter came under fire from snipers belonging to the Lebanese Forces Party (LF). The ambush left 7 people dead including Maryam, a mother of 5, who was deliberately sniped while attempting to get her children to safety after hearing gunfire.

Some hours after the ambush, the Lebanese army issued a statement saying that the rooftops that the snipers were firing from were clear and that arrests were made, without disclosing details about the conducted operation. Amal Movement and Hezbollah issued a statement regarding the armed attack on the peaceful demonstration that took place today in Tayouneh. Both parties blamed the incident on the LF party.

According to a Hezbollah official, Hashim Safi Al-Din, both parties never made the call to the streets and that the organization did not oppose the protests since the Lebanese security forces had it under control. “What was unforeseen was for a certain party to decide to commit murder using military tactics,” Safi Al-Din added. 

How peaceful protesters were shot brought back dark days to the residents of the area – days where innocent people were shot across what was called the Green Line separating Beirut, east and west. Many residents could recall the story of a friend or a relative who was shot by Lebanese Forces snipers during the 1975 Civil War that devastated the country for 15 years: Civilians could be buying groceries, taking kids to school, taking a shower, or just making a living like Ali Ibrahim, a motorbike delivery worker that was killed by the same snipers on Thursday.

A history of massacres

The Lebanese Forces were the armed wing of what was called the Lebanese Front that was formed in 1976 during the eve of the Lebanese Civil War. The armed militia is infamously known for numerous notorious mass murder events against Palestinian and Lebanese Civilians. The Karantina Massacre was not the first one committed by the LF, but the scale was horrendous. One of the poorest areas in Beirut, inhabited by Palestinian, Lebanese, and Syrian nationals was invaded and its inhabitants were massacred mercilessly. Reports indicate that about 1500 people lost their lives, while the survivors were forcefully evicted from their homes.

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Karantina Massacre, 1976 (Françoise Demulder)

The Sabra and Shatila refugees camp that was inhabited by Palestinian refugees alongside their Lebanese neighbors experienced tragedy on a larger scale. The crimes took another toll, as they were perpetrated with the help and assistance of the Israeli Invasion forces in 1982. Numbers are still contested to this day, but the toll of the victims surely surpasses a thousand and could amount to 3500. Women and children were not spared, as bone-chilling images and testimonies still conjure the horror of the massacre.

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Sabra and Shatila Massacre, 1982 (Institute for Palestine Studies)

Although the Lebanese Forces (1976), as a military wing of the Lebanese Front, and the Lebanese Forces Party (1990) are not the same thing theoretically, however, they bond on the same ideological grounds. The latter is derived from the former, demonstrating the long rift between factions of what was called the Lebanese Front, which was mainly comprised of Phalengists.

Samir Geagea, the head of the current LF party, has a long history of massacres as well. As a demonstration of the formerly mentioned rift, in 1978, Geagea headed an assassination squad that broke into Tony Frangieh’s premises, the head of a rival faction named Al-Marda, and assassinated Frangie with his family, including his wife and his 3-year-old child.

Nahr al-Mawt massacre in 1990 was the last episode of a long series of massacres. In that incident, the LF shot at protesters just before the war ended. The shooting took the lives of 23 unarmed civilians after they marched to an LF checkpoint demanding the removal of barricades that were blocking the Nahr al-Kalb tunnel. Geagea was convicted later on in 1994 for killing former PM Rashid Karami in 1988, in addition to the bombing of Sayidat al-Najat church in Jounieh killing 10 people and wounding 54.

Post-2005 release

Following Geagea’s release from his incarceration amid political turmoil following the assassination of PM Rafik Hariri, it would seem that he and his party would choose to drop arms and wear neckties, but that was never an option. Geagea claimed that he meditated and reviewed his actions during the Civil War, not to repent, but only to conclude that what he did was right.

Without getting into the details of the public Lebanese political debate, what Geagea and his party tell in private suggests more solid evidence of their intentions in continuously destabilizing the country to serve his sectarian goals.

A WikiLeaks document dating back to May 2008 reveals that Geagea was keen to inform the US embassy in Lebanon of his possession of about 7,000 to 10,000 combatants that are ready to fight Hezbollah. In said document, he urged the embassy to send arms and munition. Geagea never changed his stance; al-Akhbar, a Lebanese newspaper, reported in October 2020 that the LF leader urged Walid Jumblatt, a Lebanese PM, to resign with his parliamentary group, and promised to follow suit. He told Jumblatt that he is ready to fight Hezbollah, raising his combatants’ number to 15,000. Jumblatt responded by describing any attempt to open a military conflict as madness.

In another leak, this time from the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs archive, the Saudi ambassador to Lebanon sent a cable back home asking the Kingdom to support the LF since Geagea “is the closest to the Kingdom among the Christian leaders and has a firm stance against the Syrian regime; on top of that, he is willing to do what the Kingdom demands of him.” In a second leak, Geagea proceeds to ask for Saudi funding – the ambassador comments in the cable, describing the LF as “the real force that he relies on to deter Hezbollah and those behind it in Lebanon.”

A warlord pushing for a civil war

In an interview with SBI on Friday, Geagea reiterated his ‘no regrets’ stance regarding the ambush and killings of unarmed protesters, blaming the incident on the victims, despite all reports indicating that the perpetrators were LF members. With LF being the weaker faction in this cauldron, it is difficult to find a logical reason as to why they would add more massacres to their long list. It might be that Geagea hopes to start a civil war, as he already hinted on various occasions mentioned before.

The ‘ex-warlord’ probably bets on entangling foreign powers into a hypothetical civil war, namely the US and “Israel”, against his number one rival in Lebanon – Hezbollah. This has been also sustained by Safi Al-Din in his friday’s speech during the victims’ funeral. Safi Al-Din blamed the United States for being behind the incident, saying they are pushing LF to spark a civil war in Lebanon. He also accused the Lebanese Forces of executing US orders in exchange for a payroll.

Two things seem to be certain. The first is, despite the horrors that could face Lebanese society, particularly the LF society, with a second episode of a civil war, Geagea doesn’t seem to hold any regard for that. The second is that the Lebanese faction that desires civil war is incapable of starting one – while the capable tries to avoid it at any cost. For that, another civil war may be far-fetched for the time being. 

Eastern Christianity Fell into the Last Ambush in East Beirut, But ‘for Every Samir there’s a Habib’

ARABI SOURI 

Samir Geagea - Habib al-Shartouni

Samir Geagea, Lebanese politician, head of parliament bloc, war criminal, and US proxy is working overtime to ignite a redo of the Lebanese civil war that lasted 15 years between 1975 and 1990, the civil war that destroyed much of the country and led to a massive exodus of mainly the Christians. Naram Serjoon, a Syrian author has a radical idea to prevent new massacres and a new civil war in Lebanon, it worked before to wake up the Christians of Lebanon from sacrificing themselves for the evil plot Geagea is tasked by his western and Saudi sponsors, the following is the translation of his latest post.

It is said that the history of life on earth is a history of death, the process of extinction and fading affected 90% of the earth’s creatures; I fear that this prophecy will apply to the Eastern Christian existence, which is eroding and vanishing, it seems that a shot of mercy on this existence will be fired from Christian hands but at the same time, only a Christian hand will save Eastern Christianity.

I am writing these words and my pen is trembling, and my heart is trembling from the cold, and here I am writing a prophecy as if it were a vision, and a vision as if it was a prophecy, and my prophecy and my vision look to the East, which has changed a lot so that the Jews became more than the Christians in less than fifty years. The Zionist project was able to uproot Christianity from the East by uprooting its nails that were embedded like wedges throughout the East. I look around and I do not see except the bleeding of the Christian demography. This Eastern bleeding of Christians is not a coincidence and is not innocent, as if someone wants to say that the East is pure Islam and that the West is an overwhelming Christianity, and that the conflict between East and West is a conflict between Christianity and Islam, and it is Israel that will represent the remnants of Christianity through The Old Testament, and that the relationship of the East with Christianity will be limited to Jewish Israel.

In the twentieth century, the biggest loser from the friction with Western European colonialism was Eastern Christianity. Antioch and its church were appended to Turkey. Antioch Christians became isolated as a weak minority in a Turkish Islamic sea. The Christian presence isolated from the Christianity spread in the Levant kept shrinking and eroding until the Christian presence in Antioch almost became extinct, which is a natural result of isolating the Christian enclave of Antioch and separating it from the large natural Christian body in the Levant.

Then two projects were advanced in the region through the Sykes-Picot project. The most losers of these two projects were the remnants of the Eastern Christian bloc in the Levant, and these two projects are the Francophone project and the Anglo-Saxon project.

The Anglo-Saxon project created the Jewish-Zionist project that swallowed Palestine and completely eradicated its Christians, only 1% of the historical Christians of Palestine remain in all of Palestine today, that is, Christianity has been eradicated from Palestine, what is the use of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher when there is no demographic mass around it? Today, it has turned into a tourist attraction under the supervision of Israel.

The Francophone project created the state of Greater Lebanon and designated it to be a Christian state with a Christian majority. But this entity called Christian Lebanon separated the Christians of Lebanon from the Christians of Syria, Palestine, Iraq, and Jordan. The Christians of Lebanon were attached to European Christianity because this French Christian entity, by design, began to feel that it was threatened by its Arabic and Islamic environment and that there was no way to preserve it except by European protection. This made the relationship with his Arabic and Islamic surrounding tense which caused civilian wars in which all of the Christians joined and lost their youth in religious tribulations that led many of them to emigrate, and Christian Lebanon turned into a European protectorate at odds with its surroundings and always suspicious of it.

For Every Bashir there is a Habib

When the West invaded Iraq and launched the Arab Spring project in Syria and took care of the growth of ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra (Nusra Front) and gave them names like Jaysh al-Islam, Jaysh al-Jolani, Ahrar al-Sham and Sultan Murad as armies of liberation and freedom, it was aware that the first to pay the price would be the Christian presence in the East. Nevertheless, it turned a blind eye to the violence that pushes Christians to emigrate and flee like what the Zionists did to the Jews of Iraq when they blew up synagogues and Jewish neighborhoods to force Iraqi Jews to flee to occupied Palestine. Indeed, the Christians disappeared from the Nineveh Plain and from the Syrian Jazira region, and the Christians evaporated from areas that were Christian for the past two thousand years. I learned from well-known and respected Syrian Christian personalities that the Christians of Syria received a share of the extinction, and that their numbers decreased, and that there were those who were working to displace them and facilitate their migration under the pretext of protecting them. The West dismantled the Iraqi army, which was the cover for all Iraqi Christians and Muslims, but Christians were targeted with covert violence, in particular, to force them to flee.

Likewise, the West, with its support for the so-called Syrian revolution, expelled the Syrian army and the Syrian state from the Syrian Jazira and from the Christian areas. In fact, the West saw that ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra were expanding in Lebanon from the Syrian border, nevertheless, it did the impossible to stop the Syrian army and Hezb Allah and prevent it from confronting ISIS and Al-Nusra in Lebanon although far and near knew that this Islamist terrorist wave would uproot Christians either by terrorizing and intimidating them or by launching religious guardianship on them to force them to leave. It is very difficult for anyone to convince me that the West did not see this fate and this path. The West is not naive to believe that the Islamists will leave the Christians to live in safety.

There is no doubt that the Islamist wave has annihilated a lot of Christian demography and kept it away from the scene and the demographic map, but the last remaining scene remains of the Christians of the East who are pushed to a new holocaust this time by a crazy and extremist Christian, Samir Geagea, the one who boasts that he has thousands of experienced fighters to defend Christianity and East Beirut even though these gunmen watched the advance of ISIS and al-Nusra in Lebanon and their spread and did not move a finger to protect any Christian, rather, Geagea’s effort was to defend Jabhat al-Nusra.

It is strange that Geagea realizes that any battle with any party in Lebanon will end with his complete crushing, Western countries will not intervene to protect him because he will not be more precious than the Christians of Al-Quds (Jerusalem,) Palestine, Iraq, and eastern Syria whom the West saw with its own eyes dispersing, shrinking and extinct and not move a finger.

Samir Geagea wants one thing, and that is to lure Hezb Allah into a battle with him, even if it is a losing battle, if Samir Geagea loses the battle, this will cause a natural sympathy and Christian bias towards him, and a part of the Christians of the Aounist movement will be inclined towards him.

This will divide the Christians more and open a Christian-Christian conflict, and if it appears that he is winning, it will be an attractive factor for Christian elements from the other Aounist camp as well because victory has an attraction like happened with the Islamists who won at the beginning of the battles of the Arab Spring and the Syrian war, which encouraged many to join them to enjoy victory and the attachment with the new glory.

What matters is that Christians will be lured to a Christian – Christian war or a Muslim – Christian war or a Shiite – Christian war, whatever the results are, it will be catastrophic on the Christians of the East. Their intense presence in Lebanon may end whatever the result of the conflict will be because the war will not be merciful and immigration will be easier for Christian youth because this violent engagement in free internal conflicts will only be bad results on Christians because they will find themselves in the midst of a long civilian battle will be bleeding their money and their youth, many of them will find the doors for immigration open and welcoming and this mass exodus will be the shot of mercy on the Christian presence in Lebanon.

Perhaps the Christians of the East and Lebanon, in particular, do not realize what trap and ambush they are being led into by the recklessness of Samir Geagea, who puts the Christians of Lebanon against their will in the face of Hezb Allah and the Axis of Resistance that challenged America itself and the West and will not allow Geagea to harm Hezb Allah. Samir Geagea will be extremely naive if he thought Israel would go to war for him. Rather, Israel’s ultimate ambition will be to split the alliance between Michel Aoun and Hezb Allah and for Geagea to relieve it from paying the blood of the confrontation with Hezb Allah, as it did with the Islamist youth who paid their blood and it left them to die on its behalf.

But if this war breaks out, it will isolate the Eastern Christians and turn them into a strained entity that is afraid for its existence that will end by natural shrinkage and contraction. And if the strong Christian presence in Lebanon ends, this will mean a message to those who remain from the Christians of the East that the East is no longer for them and they must prepare their departure because in any change in the political systems, trends, and conflicts, they will be forced to enter into alliances they do not want and they will be a weak minority that will be swept away by political passions.

Unfortunately, if Hezb Allah refrains from punishing Samir Geagea because it is aware of the sensitivity of the situation and the game targeting Christians, its main allies in Lebanon, it will encourage Samir Geagea to commit more foolishness and recklessness. Perhaps there will be no equation with the least losses, except to return to a Christian equation that said previously “for every traitor, there is a Habib, and for every Bashir (Gemayel) there is a Habib”. It is the equation established by the hero Habib al-Shartouni, the Lebanese national Christian, the son of the martyr hero Anton Saadeh.

As the hero, Jules Jamal, the Syrian Christian who carried out the death sentence against the French (Christian) destroyer Jean Bar in Port Said, Habib Al-Shartouni was a Lebanese Christian who executed a traitorous Lebanese Christian in defense of the name of the national Eastern Christianity. This heroic act was a reason for the Lebanese Christian national forces to wake up and take the initiative from the reckless and adventurous Christians and bring the Christians of Lebanon back to the heart of the national scene that created the fall of May 17 (accord), and that created the phenomenon of Hezb Allah, whose back was supported by Christian patriotism, without them, it would not have been easy to achieve the liberating of the south (from Israel in 2000) and defeating Israel in 2006.

Habib al-Shartouni’s work was a message that everyone understood, and heroism that saved a lot of Christian and Lebanese blood. Will the youth of Christian Lebanon do it and bring us a hero that saves us the trouble of punishing Samir Geagea and launches an equation (for every Samir there’s a Habib)? Be fully confident that this equation will awaken the lunatics in the Lebanese Forces (Radical right-wing LF Militia) from their delusions, dreams, and indiscretion, and restore many of them to their senses and rationality, which are manipulated by the Israeli propaganda outlets that publish scenes of violence in the name of the Lebanese Forces as if they are calling for holy Christian jihad.

Who is Samir Geagea's Habib

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