Jaafari on Golan: Trump Tweet Flagrant Violation, Contempt for International Law

Bashar Jaafari Syria UN Representative Ambassador - UNSC بشار الجعفري مندوب سوريا الدائم لدى الأمم المتحدة - سفير

His Excellency Bashar al Jaafari issued an urgent statement on Syria’s Golan, via a UN stake out, 22 March 2019. While maintaining his immaculate standard of professional diplomat, the Syrian ambassador crushed US President Donald J. Trump’s “irresponsible tweeting.” He laid waste to the escalation of “American arrogance,” and explained the many UN Security Council Resolutions which support Syria’s sovereignty over its Golan, resolutions which call for the end of illegal Israeli occupation.

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Though there were a substantial number of reporters present, at this writing, AFP is the lone MSM service to write an anemic short, ignoring all key points on Trump’s criminal plot to authorize the theft of Syria’s Golan.

Dr. Jaafari explained to his audience there is no “Golan heights,” there is only the Syrian Golan. The word “heights” was affixed by Israeli propagandists as part of its psychological warfare campaign to make its illegal occupation appear more powerful.

Syria’s ambassador read a five-minute statement in Arabic, followed by its English translation, after which he took questions from the reporters.

One reporter said that Syria’s official request for the UNSG to publicly condemn Trump’s aggression was met by a generic response that the SG stands by all resolutions, but is not ready to condemn the US president’s tweet.

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Syria officially called on the UN to put an end to “American arrogance” of Trump’s mafioso-type plan to give that which is not his, but Syria’s, Golan, to its illegal Israeli occupiers.

Here, the author interjects to again remind our readers of the corruption and bias of Antonio Guterres — Guterres, the friend of war criminal Tony Blair, Guterres whose own imperialist arrogance contains putting lies in writing. Consider his claim that the OPCW “fact-finding mission” was “in the Syrian Arab Republic,” despite OPCW’s admission it was too afraid of terrorists to actually send in investigators.

Diplomat Jaafari meticulously explained that Trump’s imperious tweet — “diplomacy now about tweeting, apparently” — was contemptuous of the international community, showed “flagrant violation of international law, the charter of the UN and the simplest…values and ethics,” and demonstrated escalation against member states of the United Nations: It’s “my way or the highway.”

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You can’t declare war with everybody [though that is basically what Trump did when he spoke at UNGA in September]. The 100th year anniversary of the League of Nations is approaching, & Trump is trying to move international law to pre-1918.

Before taking questions, the Syrian diplomat asked everyone to focus exclusively on the Golan. He told them that there would be another “humanitarian meeting” on the 27th, at which time they could ask all questions. His request to “Please let us focus on this important issue” of course fell on deaf western ears, as someone immediately asked about Trump’s statistics on the remaining “Islamic State.”

Excellency Jaafari did respond, however, to educate the reporter that there is no such thing, there is “a bunch of terrorists gathered from all over the world…all kinds of hyenas.”

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“Allies performed records in demolishing infrastructure.” H.E. Jaafari was speaking of the Fascist Coalition of war criminals against Syria.

One English-speaking colonialist whined from a State Department-type script, about these being “different times.” Nu, is it not always different times? Since when does the movement of the planet legitimize theft, authorize a third party to declare theft to be lawful?

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UNSCR 242 (1967). Israel must return the Golan to its legal country, Syria.

Not surprisingly, one of the most fetid collections of questions came from an incel-sounding voice claiming to be of the Middle East Eye. “MEE is the offspring of the inbred relationship of UK’s The Guardian and Qatar’s al-Jazeera, consistently supportive of NATO Spring takfiri in Syria.

“MEE”‘s first question was sheer idiocy, suggesting that a tweet has the power to legalize a crime. The second question was an attempt to propagandize against Syria’s Golan, and to propagandize for future hypothetical victimhood of Israeli occupiers on the Golan which belongs to the SAR.

Syrians on Syria’s Golan fly the Syrian flag.

Dr. Jaafari carefully explained that Syria will regain that which it owns, and that there are no Israeli civilians on Syrian land: “They are settlers, not civilians. They must leave.”

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“What is the alternative to diplomacy? You know the answer.” “When you have no other choice to get back your rights, it’s your duty.”

Multiple attempts were made to provoke Dr. Jaafari into a response to create another wave of anti-Syria hysteria in western media. His character state of professional diplomat is likely the reason his urgent statement on Trump’s criminal tweet in support of Israel’s criminal occupation of the Golan has been ignored by “mainstream media.”

ADDENDA:

Ambassador Jaafari’s statement focused on UNSC Resolutions supporting Syria’s ownership of its Golan.

We remind our readers that both the US and Israel are signatories to the Geneva treaties, which have strict principles governing occupation, which is supposed to be temporary:

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Principles governing occupation.

We also remind our readers that Israel has bragged about providing terrorists with state of the art medical care on the Syrian Golan, which it occupies; that Israeli medium reported that Israel is the number one purchaser of oil stolen by terrorists; that Israel breaches all of the principles governing what is supposed to be temporary occupation.

UN Renews Demand that “Israel” Should Abide by Resolutions Related to Occupied Golan

8 December، 2018
New York, SANA

The United Nations (UN) renewed its demand that the Israeli occupation authorities should abide by the resolutions related to the occupied Syrian Golan, particularly resolution No. 497 for the year 1981 which considers its decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction and administration on the occupied Syrian Golan as null and void and without international legal effect.

This came on Firday during the UN’s adoption of a resolution under the title “Occupied Syrian Golan” after it was approved by the Special Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee).

149 delegations out of 173 voted in favor of the resolution while “Israel” and the US only voted against the resolution, and 22 delegations abstained from voting.

The resolution demanded that the Israeli occupation authorities should immediately cancel the decision on annexing the Golan .

The resolution also considered that all the legislative and administrative measures taken by “Israel” to alter the character of the occupied Syrian Golan and its legal status as null and void and that they constitute a blatant violation of the international law and of Geneva Convention and they don’t have any legal effect.

The resolution also demanded that “Israel” should stop to impose the Israeli nationality and identity cards on the Syrian citizens in the occupied Syrian Golan and to halt the repressive measures it takes against its locals.

The resolution denounced Israel’s violation of the Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, renewing the call upon the UN member states to not recognize any of the measures taken by “Israel” in the occupied Syrian Golan which contradict with the International Law.

Ruaa al-Jazaeri

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Israel’s Often Overlooked Strategic Battlefield Losses

By Asad Abu-Khalil
Source

In South Lebanon, the Museum for Resistance, also known as the Mlita Museum, for the town in which it is located, is a wildly popular tourist attraction and a place where you can run into Arabs visiting from around the region.

In it, Hezbollah—the political party with an armed wing that, with Iranian assistance, emerged in response to the Israeli invasion of 1982—celebrates its military successes, displaying weapons captured from the occupation army and replicas of some of its military tunnels.

The museum enshrines an important realization for the country: that while conventional Arab armies failed to deter Israeli invasions, Lebanese and Palestinian volunteers succeeded in holding the mighty Israeli army at bay and have become the real defenders against Israeli attacks and occupation.  As such, the museum offers testimony to the current nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict.  The U.S. and other Western powers want to disarm Hezbollah while denying the Lebanese Army the weapons to deter Israel.  In other words, they want to return Lebanon to its former state of weakness.

The problems this situation poses for Israel are often overlooked given its apparently clear strategic advantage.

Israel’s arsenal of weapons of mass destruction is still being protected by Western countries from scrutiny or even criticism. The Obama administration guaranteed Israel a most generous financial assistance program for the next decade. Israeli’s 100-percent occupation of Palestine remains immune from U.N. or other international condemnation. Israeli citizens’settlement building in Palestine territories—despite violating international law—has not caused a rift between Israel and either the European Union or the U.S.

Egypt, meanwhile, remains committed to the peace treaty with Israel and to security coordination with the occupation state, as does Jordan.   And Israel does not fear an assault from any Arab state or a combination of Arab states. (Arab threats—largely rhetorical—have only been intended to pacify popular anger.)

But things are not as secure for Israel as they might seem.

The Resistance Persists 

A century after the Balfour Declaration, the Arab-Israeli conflict has not ended.  Early Zionist thinkers and leaders—influenced by racist European attitudes about the natives—never considered that the Palestinians would continue to resist Zionism for so long. This in itself is a big failure for Zionism as it defies the long-held belief that force is the only language that Arabs understand. At the same time, economic offers and political ploys have not deceived the Palestinians—or Arabs—into accepting the Israeli occupation project either.

The resistance is not only tenacious, but its effectiveness reached a new level in 2000. That year, after an escalating pattern of resistance operations that began in 1982—first by secular (communist and Syrian nationalist) groups and later by Hezbollah — the Israeli occupation army was forced to withdraw from South Lebanon.

Israel’s biggest strategic loss came in 2006 during the Lebanese-Israeli War, when armed groups (not part of an Arab conventional army) resisted Israeli assaults and deterred a ground offensive against Arab territory. Unless you have studied the performance of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon between 1970 and 1982, it’s difficult to fathom how seriously this changed the power calculus of Lebanese and Palestinian resistance groups vis-à-vis Israel.

AP_110721060280_edited.jpgA Lebanese woman, left, poses on a destroyed Israeli armored vehicle with a Lebanese and yellow Hezbollah flags attached to it in Khiam, Lebanon, July 21, 2011. Mohammed Zaatari | AP

But the significance of that war—and most importantly on Arab perceptions of it—was obscured by Saudi regime propaganda intent on undermining the standing of any resistance, leftist or Islamist, Sunni or Shi`ite.  The House of Saud began to promote sectarian hatred and agitation and emphasize the losses for the Arab side to downplay the precedent set by the war.  (Examples of this are so pervasive it would be unfair to single out any one broadcaster or publication.)

During the invasions of Gaza, Israel failed again to advance or even to prevent primitive Hamas rockets from firing; all claims to the (fake) successes of the Iron Dome air defense system notwithstanding.

This is a marked contrast to previous confrontations. In 1978, Israel invaded Lebanon and the PLO’s resistance was disorganized and largely spontaneous.  Four years later, in the face of the 1982 massive Israel invasion, the PLO failed again to formulate a joint resistance plan. Fighting was stiff in some cases, such as at the refugee camp`Ayn Al-Hilwi and the medieval-era Beuafort castle.And later at Khaldah, on the outskirts of Beirut, the PLO did implement a defense plan for Beirut (designed by West Point graduate Abu Al-Walid), which explains why Israel never dared to invade West Beirut until after the evacuation of PLO forces from Lebanon. Overall, however, the PLO resistance record pales in comparison to that of Hamas and Hezbollah, in Gaza and South Lebanon, respectively.

Former Psychological Advantage

Israeli strategy in dealing with the Arabs was based on massive, indiscriminate use of force and the promotion of the Israeli soldier as invincible and terrifying. This produced a psychological advantage that, from 1948 to 1967, sowed fear and resignation.

More recently, however, the image of the mighty Israeli soldier and a fearful Arab resistance has been reversed.  In the 2006 war, Israeli soldiers in South Lebanon were terrified by Hezbollah fighters who prevented the enemy army from advancing one inch into Lebanese territory.  I grew up in Lebanon in the 1960s and 1970s, when Israel used to bomb and invade at will. This no longer happens because Israel has come to fear Hezbollah.

Another problem for Israel is its once-vaunted intelligence, which has developed a reputation for clumsiness. The failed raid in Gaza (by an elite unit of the Israeli occupation army) is the most recent example. In 2010, Dubai police plastered the faces of top agents of Mossad, the intelligence agency, around the world in the wake of the assassination of Mahmoud Al-Mabhouh, a co-founder of the military wing of Hamas. Before that, in 1997, there was the botched assassination attempt on Khalid Misha`l’, the Doha-based former leader of Hamas, by Mossad agents.

In the 2006 war with Lebanon, Israel’s intelligence failures included the famous and (almost) comical kidnapping of a poor man whose only crime was that his name was Hasan Nasrallah, the same as that of the Hezbollah leader. Presumably, Mossad experts on the Arab world assumed there was only one Hasan Nasrallah in all of Lebanon.

Hezbollah and Hamas, meanwhile, have run intelligence operations that the PLO has rarely ever matched. Hezbollah 2012 kidnapping of Israeli soldiers is an example of careful preparations and reliable intelligence.  Hezbollah and Hamas have special operatives monitoring the communications of the Israeli military.  Hezbollah has its own Hebrew language school. PLO organizations, by contrast, had so few Hebrew speakers they often had to rely on Hebrew teachers from the Institute of Palestine Studies in Beirut to translate important documents.

The Arab-Israeli conflict is not about to end anytime soon.  Trump’s “Deal of the Century” hinges on the belief that Saudi Arabia’s Mohammad bin Salman can convince the Palestinians to give up their cause.  This is a conflict that is unlikely to end in compromise, and the Israeli occupation state has made it clear that historical Palestine belongs to the Jewish people and that the Palestinians represent a mere nuisance on the land.

Israel in Scotland? – A Comment On Zionist Hypocrisy

Rebel Voice

The Israeli state was created in 1948 by foreign nationals whose ancestors (in some cases) are believed to have resided in the land of Palestine. These descendants returned to the region with the intention of taking the territory from the indigenous people and expelling them in the process. In most instances the Zionist migrant families had no presence in Palestine for as long as 2000 years, yet claimed it as their God-given birth-right. The indigenous population, who were ethnically cleansed, had lived there continually for up to 2000 years.

Imagine if we were to change the setting from Palestine to Ulster. Settlers from the Scottish lowlands arrived in Ulster during the Plantation of the 1600s, and proceeded to ethnically cleanse the native people. If those settlers/planters decided that they wished to return to the land from whence their ancestors came 400 years ago, what would the reaction be from the…

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A Palestinian Tree Resisting Occupation

 

A Palestinian Tree Resisting Occupation

Occupied Palestine

Its roots sink deep into the ground. It has a diameter of about 25 meters and a height of 12 meters. Its shadow covers a quarter of a dunum. This is the oldest and largest olive tree in Palestine. It clings to the mountains of the al-Walaja village located west of Bethlehem in the West Bank.

This 5500-year-old tree resists settlements and the Zionist separation wall that surrounds the entire village. The Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture has appointed Salah Abu Ali to tend to the tree. He waters it, grazes the grass under it and protects it from attacks by settlers and occupation forces. The tree belongs to his cousin Dawoud (Abu Ali), who inherited it from his father Muhammad Hussein Abu Ali.

Abu Ali, 45, said that he had been guarding the tree for many years from the hands of the settlers and the occupation forces, who repeatedly tried to uproot it but to no avail. He stressed that he would not leave it despite attacks from settlers and other “Israelis”.

“The tree is located in the original village of al-Walaja whose residents were displaced by the occupation in 1948. In 1956, its buildings were destroyed and a series of settlements were built instead,” Abu Salah said.

This tree has a special place in history as stories are told about it. One of these was born when al-Quds was liberated during the days of the “Islamic Conquest”. It was said that Muslim leaders sat under the shade of this tree. The inhabitants call the tree the “Badawi [Bedouin] tree” in attribution to a Sufi sheikh who had followers in Palestine. His name was Sheikh Ahmad al-Badawi. He was born in Morocco and died in Egypt in 267 AH. They also tell tales about the gifts attribute to him.

“The olive tree, visited by thousands of Palestinian, Arab and foreign delegations over the years, represents the image of the conflict between us and the enemy because it is older than the occupation of Palestine, which is trying to kill it,” Abu Ali added.

He pointed out that “the village has historical and archaeological features. It is part of the occupation’s ambitions. Olive trees are the most important component of their key ambitions. ”

Abu Ali calls the fruits of his ancient tree the “green gold”, noting that the taste is similar to the “urban ghee”.

He adds that there are those who resort to the use of its oil and leaves as a kind of treatment for some diseases. It is rich in benefits that restore human health after the illness.

In the early days, the tree used to produce about 600 kilos of olives, but its production declined to 250 – 300 kilos of olives due to natural factors and attacks from settlers.

Approximately 2,000 Palestinians live in al-Walaja village on an area of 4500 out of 17793 dunums – the majority of which the Zionist occupation has taken over and turned into settlements and security reserves.

Al-Walaja is one of the Palestinian villages that rely heavily on olive cultivation. It produces high quality olive oil due to its high altitude and it is one of the most beautiful villages in southern Palestine overlooking the occupied city of al-Quds.

It is noteworthy that years ago, an “Israeli” group working under the guard of the occupation army took a sample of the tree to examine and compare it with another tree, located elsewhere in Palestine, which was occupied in 1948. It found out that it was older than that tree.

Source: Al-Ahed News, Occupied Palestine

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Palestinian Teen Stabs Zionist Settler to Death in Occupied West Bank

dv101-916-2018-084521-jpg

September 16, 2018

A Palestinian teen stabbed an Israeli settler to death Sunday at a busy mall in the occupied West Bank.

The Zionist military said the 17-year-old attacker arrived at the mall near a major junction in the southern West Bank, close to the Gush Etzion settlement bloc, and stabbed the Israeli before fleeing (Other reports mentioned that he was arrested).

Israeli medical teams arrived to treat the stabbed settler, identified as a 40-year-old with multiple stab wounds in the upper body. He was evacuated to a hospital but pronounced dead shortly after.

Source: Websites

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» The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

 

The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day

مايو 27, 2018

 

Written by Nasser Kandil,

Some Lebanese may live on the Resistance and Liberation Day as an additional ordinary holiday because the country of sects and regions has lost many of the elements of the national sense. The occupation during two decades of the age of Lebanon was an issue that belongs to its people who suffered from it and its humiliation and who sacrificed their sons and daughters. Many Lebanese were among spectators, neutral, or complainers from the exaggeration of refusing compromises that must be accepted in balances of what is so-called the political realism. Despite the failure of the compromises in ensuring the Israeli withdrawal and the winning of the resistance which bet on the blood of its martyrs there were those who said before the liberation that the presence of the resistance complicates this withdrawal. The state seemed conspired with the occupation until the fall of the seventeenth of May and it became neutral until the arrival of the General Emile Lahoud to presidency. At his era the state accompanied the resistance, this means that the consensus on the resistance was not a condition for the completion rather its acceptance was the end of the ability to complete. Furthermore, the subjection of the resistance to the logic of a state means its end and the fall of all its achievements, since every time has its equations. The only acceptable consensus is the consensus on the future of the resistance after the liberation, where no decision is taken without its acceptance. The relationship between the resistance and the state is a friendly accommodation between two necessities for the survival of the homeland and its strength.

The generation which accompanied the course of the resistance since the occupation in 1983 and shared its sacrifices and its achievements is a generation that is must be integrated not competed. That generation recognizes that the youth of the Islamic resistance were the most efficient to carry the banner until victory. Hezbollah’s leaders do not deny that they established and accumulated on what they inherited of those who preceded them from the Mujahideen of Amal Movement and the resistance fighters of the Lebanese national resistance in its national and leftist wings. Both of them have unforgettable heroisms and undeniable contributions. The resistance became the collective movement of those who were truly distinguished by the honesty of their choice and the greatness of their sacrifices; they have martyrs and many honorable symbols. For those without exception we owed the celebration, the happiness, and the feeling of pride and dignity.

We remember on the first days of the birth of the resistant action, many figures who do not fear dangers; they put in front of their eyes the humiliation of the occupier without any considerations, some of them became martyrs and some of them are still continuing without arrogance their roles as resistance fighters, strugglers, politicians, writers, or contributors in the public affair. Damascus was bringing us together, we who are observed and eavesdropped or sometimes planned to be killed. Damascus at that time was not mere a safe place for meeting, rather it was our operations room, a training center, and a source of weapons, it remained like that despite all the structural changes in its institutions and the structural changes of forces concerned with the resistance. Damascus which a Lebanese-Syrian corruption front which stemmed from the convergence of two resistance fronts wanted to distort its role and to mix between its honest partners in losses and its opportunists and beneficiaries of gains away from the source of the gains. Damascus, which it is fair to recognize that without it the resistance would not be as it is now.

As in Damascus in Tehran the resistance fighters meet, they get the support and the auspices to support the course of this resistance and to make its victory imminent. Many fighters were boasting of their identity and their cause away from their country in which they fear and feel afraid to disclose their identity and their cause. Even in the era of the rising force of the resistance, the resistance fighters in Damascus and Tehran were called in their names as resistant while in their country their names became symbols of guardianship or the group of Syria and Iran. As the liberation was a festival for all Lebanon, as the victory in July 2006 and the victory in May 2000. Some Lebanese remained refusing the partnership in victory and refusing considering it a victory; their eyes are as Israel on the resistance weapon asking the same questions about its fate.

On the Liberation and Resistance Day, a call to think quietly and to contemplate; will we have a homeland before we reconcile on right and wrong in our modern history? Was Israel indeed an occupation? Was the resistance the right national expression to confront that occupation, or was our history related under the name of the civil wars or the wars of others on our land?  Was the division on the occupation between the dealing and the resistance a kind of a civil war or a kind of the manipulation of others?

The painful fact which some find it difficult to accept is that the real civil war is being formed by changing the concepts of patriotism, occupation and resistance in order not to embarrass each other. Therefore the history becomes courtesy and hypocrisy and the national hypocrisy becomes the shortest way to the civil war, while the national agreement begins from the acknowledgement of the facts of history.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

مايو 25, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– قد يعيش بعض اللبنانيين عيد التحرير والمقاومة كعطلة إضافية عادية، لأنّ بلد الطوائف والمناطق ضرب الكثير من مقوّمات الحسّ الوطني، حتى كان الاحتلال خلال عقدين من عمر لبنان قضية تخصّ أهله الذين ذاقوا مرارته وذله وصنعوا من أبنائهم وبناتهم مقاومته، وكان الكثير من باقي اللبنانيين بين متفرّج ومحايد أو متبرّم مما يسمّيه المبالغة في رفض تسويات لا بدّ من قبولها في موازين ما يسمّيه الواقعية السياسية. ورغم فشل وَصْفَات التسويات في تأمين الانسحاب الإسرائيلي، وفوز المقاومة برهانها المعقود على دماء شهدائها، بقي مَن يقول قبيل التحرير إنّ وجود المقاومة يعقّد هذا الانسحاب، أما على مستوى الدولة فقد بدأت متآمرة مع الاحتلال حتى إسقاط اتفاق السابع عشر من أيار، وصارت محايدة حتى وصول العماد إميل لحود إلى رئاسة الجمهورية، فرافقت المقاومة لسنتين من عهده. وهذا يعني أنّ الإجماع على المقاومة ما كان يوماً شرطاً للإنجاز، بل كان القبول به نهاية لقدرة الإنجاز، كما يعني أنّ إخضاع المقاومة لمنطق الدولة بالمطلق يعني موتها وسقوط كلّ إنجازها. فالمعادلات التي تصحّ بتطبيق منطقها بمفعول زمن مضى لا تصحّ لزمن آتٍ، والإجماع الوحيد المقبول هو الإجماع على مستقبل المقاومة بعد التحرير، أيّ اشتراط قبول أهلها بكلّ ما يخصّها، حيث لا قرار بدون رضاها، والعلاقة بينها وبين الدولة هي مساكنة ودية بين ضرورتين لبقاء الوطن وقوّته ومنعته على السياسيين اكتشاف معادلاته وصناعتها.

– الجيل الذي رافق مسيرة المقاومة منذ الاحتلال عام 1982، وتشارك تضحياتها وصناعة إنجازاتها، وتناوب على ريادة ساحاتها، هو جيل يتكامل ولا يتنافس، ويقرّ كلّ أبنائه بأنّ شباب المقاومة الإسلامية كانوا الأكفأ بحمل الراية حتى النصر، بينما لا يغفل قادة حزب الله أنهم أسّسوا وراكموا على ما ورثوه ممن سبقوا، من مجاهدي حركة أمل ومناضلي المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية بجناحيها القومي واليساري، وقد كان لكلّ منهما بطولات لا تُنسى وإسهامات لا تُنكر، فصارت المقاومة هي التيار الجامع لكلّ هؤلاء الذين تميّزوا بصدق خيارهم وعظيم تضحياتهم، ولهم شهداء وأحياء ترفع القبعة لهم، وقد صار بعض تضحياتهم منسياً، وبعض عائلاتهم ومنها أسر لشهداء كبار، تعيش الحسرة والقهر والفقر، فلهؤلاء بلا استثناء ندين بالعيد والفرحة وشعور العزة والكرامة.

– نستذكر في تلك الأيام الأولى لولادة العمل المقاوم قامات شامخة بالعنفوان، لا تأبه المخاطر، وضعت نصب أعينها إذلال المحتلّ وقهره بلا حساب، بعضهم صار شهيداً وبعضهم لا يزال يواصل بتواضع النأي عن التباهي دوره مقاوماً أو مناضلاً أو سياسياً أو كاتباً أو مساهماً عن بُعد في الشأن العام، والذي يجب أن تتضمّنه كلّ شهادة للتاريخ هو أنّ الشام وحدها كانت تجمعنا نحن الذين كان كلّ لقاء يضمّ منا إثنين تراقبه العيون، وتترصّده آلات التنصّت والقتل أحياناً. ودمشق يومها لم تكن مجرد مكان آمن للقاء، بل كانت غرفة عملياتنا، ومركز التدريب ومصدر السلاح، وبقيت كذلك مع كلّ التغيّرات في هيكيلية مؤسسات الدولة فيها، وتغييرات هيكيلية القوى المعنية بالمقاومة. دمشق التي أراد تلازم فساد لبناني سوري نشأ على ضفاف تلازم مسارين مقاومين أن يشوّه دورها ويخلط بين شركائها الصادقين في خيارات الغرم، وبين المتنفعين الوصوليين ناقلي البنادق من كتف إلى كتف من أهل الغنم، بمعزل عن مصدر الغنم وعنوانه، هي دمشق التي يقتضي الإنصاف بالإعتراف أنه لولاها لما كان للمقاومة كثير مما كان.

– كما في دمشق في طهران، وكما من دمشق من طهران، يلتقي المقاومون دون أن يسألهم أحد عن غير حال المقاومة، ويتلقون الرعاية والمؤازرة، في ما يدعم مسيرة هذه المقاومة ويجعل نصرها قريباً. وبحسرة يذكر كثير من المقاومين أنهم كانوا يفاخرون بالمجاهرة بهويتهم وقضيتهم في غير بلدهم، الذي كانوا فيه يخشون ويحسبون ألف حساب لانكشاف هويتهم واكتشاف قضيتهم، وحتى في زمن قوة المقاومة وانتصاراتها بقي المقاومون يُعرَفون في دمشق وطهران وتجري مناداتهم بصفاتهم كمقاومين، بينما في بلدهم صار اسمهم رموز الوصاية أو جماعة سورية وإيران. وكما كان التحرير عيداً يهديه المقاومون لكلّ لبنان كان النصر في تموز 2006، ومثلما كان في أيار 2000، بقي بعض اللبنانيين يرفض الشراكة في النصر، ويرفض بالأصل اعتباره نصراً، وعينه كما عين «إسرائيل» على سلاح المقاومة، ويطرح أسئلتها ذاتها عن مصيره.

– في عيد التحرير والمقاومة دعوة لتفكير هادئ وتأمّل، ليقف الجميع أمام حقيقة، هل يكون لنا وطن قبل أن نتصالح على حقيقة الصواب والخطأ في تاريخنا الحديث، وليس القديم، هل كانت «إسرائيل» احتلالاً بالفعل؟ وهل كانت المقاومة هي التعبير الوطني الصحيح عن التصدي لهذا الاحتلال، أم انّ كلّ تاريخنا موصول باسم حروب أهلية، أو حروب الآخرين على أرضنا، وفي قلبه يصير الانقسام حول الاحتلال بين التعامل والمقاومة بعضاً من الحرب الأهلية، أو بعضاً من تلاعب الآخرين بنا؟

– الحقيقة الجارحة التي يصعب ربما على البعض قبولها، هي أنّ الحرب الأهلية الحقيقية يجري التأسيس لها بتمييع مفهوم الوطنية، والاحتلال، والمقاومة، فقط كي لا يُحرج بعضنا بعضاً، فيصير التاريخ فعل مجاملات ونفاقاً، والنفاق الوطني أقصر طرق الحروب الأهلية، بينما الوفاق الوطني يبدأ من الإقرار مرةً بحقائق التاريخ.

 

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