PCHR: Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (27 February – 04 March 2020)

SUMMARY

This week, PCHR documented 228 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli occupation forces (IOF) and settlers in the occupied Palestinian territory. IOF continued to use excessive force against the peaceful protests organized against Trump’s Peace Plan for the Middle East known as the “Deal of Century” that violates the rights of the Palestinian people and is in conflict with the United Nations (UN) resolutions and international law. Meanwhile, settlers backed up by IOF continued to seize more civilian property and attack civilians and their property.

I. IOF Shooting and Violation of Right to Bodily Integrity: in excessive use of force against protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, IOF injured 148 Palestinian civilians, including 5 children and a paramedic. 139 of them were injured during IOF’s suppression of protesters on al-‘Urmah Mountain in Nablus while 7 were wounded, including 3 children; one with a disability who was wounded with a rubber bullet in the lower jaw, during protests against the Deal of Century in the West Bank. Meanwhile, a civilian was wounded in Jenin and a school student was wounded inside his school in occupied East Jerusalem.

In the Gaza Strip, 5 shootings by IOF were reported against the agricultural lands in the southern and central Gaza Strip while 3 shootings were reported against the Palestinian fishing boats off the northern Gaza Strip shore.

II. IOF Incursions and Arrests of Palestinian Civilians: IOF carried out 127 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 86 Palestinians were arrested, including 15 children and a journalist, and IOF confiscated money claiming it is illegal funds. Meanwhile, in the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted a limited incursion in eastern Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip and arrested 2 civilians from Khan Younis despite having businessperson permits while traveling via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

III. Settlement Expansion Activities and Settlers’ Attacks: PCHR documented 12 IOF operations, including demolitions, land razing, and demolition notices: A house demolished, another notified of demolition, 2 others given notices to stop construction work, and a parking lot demolished in Bethlehem; 2 tinplate houses; 2 barracks used as livestock barns. Also, a road was demolished in Hebron; 5 houses destroyed, including 4 self-demolished, in occupied East Jerusalem; and agricultural lands razed in Nablus.

PCHR also documented 7 settler-attacks: cars, stores and a shepherd attacked in Nablus; olive trees cut and damaged in Ramallah; civilians attacked on al-‘Urmah Mountain in Nablus; 56 olive trees uprooted in Salfit; and barbed wires placed around a 12-dunam land in Hebron.

IV. Israeli Closure Policy and Restrictions on Movement: on Sunday, 01 March 2020 on the eve of the Israeli elections, the Israeli authorities imposed a comprehensive security cordon on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

On Thursday morning, 27 February 2020, the Israeli authorities reopened the crossings of Beit Hanoun “Erez” and Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom) border and allowed Palestinian fishermen to sail within a fishing area ranging from 6 to 15 nautical miles following 2 days of closure.

This comes in a time when the Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the History of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life. Furthermore, IOF uses Erez Crossing that is designated for movement of individuals as an ambush to arrest Palestinians who obtain permits to exit via Israel. This week, IOF arrested 2 businesspersons from Khan Younis while traveling via Erez Crossing.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted and they are subject to arrest. This week, IOF arrested 4 Palestinians at temporary military checkpoints.

I. Violation of the Right to Life and to Bodily Integrity

a. Excessive Use of Force against Protests in the West Bank/Peaceful Demonstrations Condemning Trump’s Peace Plan

IOF suppressed peaceful protests that took part in the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, condemning the U.S President Donald Trump’s Middle East peace Plan known as “Deal of the Century” that was declared on 28 January 2020. In most of the protests, Palestinians gathered near seam zones and chanted national slogans as some of them threw stones at IOF. IOF responded with live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters, which resulted in several injuries. This week, PCHR documented (6) protests in which (7) civilians, including 3 children; one of them suffers from mental disabilities, were injured. Moreover, dozens of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.

  • On Friday, 28 February 2020, IOF suppressed several protests in the West Bank. The protests were as follows:1. A protest took part at eastern entrance to Kufur Qaddoum village, northeast of Qalqilia. IOF fired rubber and sponge-tipped bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. Six civilians, including 2 children, were wounded.
    (The names of the wounded civilians are available at PCHR)

    2. A protest took part from the center of Bil’in and Budrus villages, west of Ramallah into the annexation wall in Abu Laimoun area. Many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.

    3. A protest took part the annexation wall gate established at western area of western al-‘Erqah village, west of Jenin. Many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and they received medical treatment on the field. IOF arrested 3 civilians, including a child, namely: Amir Yusuf Mohammed Yahiya (21), Nour Ibrahim Mohammed Yahiya (22), from al-‘Erqah village, and Ahmed Husam al-Jammal (14), from Jenin refugee camp.

    4. A protest took part at northern crossing established at lands of Qalqilia. IOF fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. Ra’ed ‘Ali Nufal (14), a child with disabilities, was shot with a rubber bullet in the lower jaw. IOF chased Ra’ed who suffers from a mental disorder, and three of his brothers. The soldiers detained the child for minutes and then released him after they recognized his condition.

  • At approximately 14:00 on Saturday, 29 February 2020, IOF stationed at the northern entrance established at Kufur Qaddoum village, north of Qalqilia, suppressed a protest in which dozens of civilians participated in it. Clashes erupted in the area in which IOF fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. As a result, a 23-year-old civilian was shot with a rubber bullet in his right leg.
  • Upon calls launched by Israeli settlers on their websites to raid al-Urmah Mount, south of beta village, southeast of Nablus, at approximately 07:00 on Friday, 28 February 2020, residents of Beta village, called for residents of nearby villages for overnight set-in in al-Urmah Mount. Hundreds of civilians responded to the calls and headed to the mount and stayed all night there.
  • At approximately 05:45 on the same Friday, IOF reinforced with a large number of military SUVs surrounded al-Urmah Mount and suppressed the residents by firing rubber bullets and tear gas canisters. Clashes erupted in the area and continued until 17:00 on the same day. As a result, 135 civilians sustained various wounds. Nine civilians, including a child and a volunteer paramedic at Palestine Red Crescent Society, were shot with live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters. They were transferred to Hospitals in Nablus while others received medical treatment on the field.
  • On Friday, 28 February 2020, a peaceful protest took place in Hebron in which hundreds of Palestinian residents and foreign peace activists participated in the 26th anniversary of al-Ibrahimi Mosque massacre committed by Israeli extremist settler “Baruch Goldstein” on 25 February 1994 against Palestinian worshippers in al-Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron. The attack resulted in the killing of 29 Palestinian civilians. Participants took off ‘Ali Mosque into Hebron’s Old City. When the protestors arrived at al-Shuhada’a entrance, which closed, they raised Palestinian flags at the gate and chanted national slogans against Trump’s peace plan. In the meantime, huge Israeli forces arrived at area, pushed the participants and ordered them to leave the place. Few minutes later, Israeli soldiers fired several sound bombs between the participants, which forced them to leave the area. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 15:00 on Friday, 28 February 2020, dozens of Palestinian young men took part at al-‘Aoudah refugee camp in Khuza’ah village, east of Khan Younis without any official calls for protests. Some of the protestors approached the border fence, raised Palestinian flags, and threw stones at IOF stationed along the border fence. IOF responded with live bullets and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, a number of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Saturday, 29 February 2020, dozens of residents from Tubas organized a voluntary work to implant olive trees in al-‘Aqabah area in northern valley in which Israeli settlers attempt to confiscate the lands and by kicking farmers out for years and uprooting trees. When the protestors arrived at the above mentioned lands and began repairing the stone chains and implanting olive seedlings. In the meantime, large Israeli forces arrived at the area and ordered the civilians to leave the land, claiming that it is a closed military zone. When civilians refused to leave their lands, the soldiers violently attacked them, forcibly pushed them, and fired tear gas canisters at them. As a result, many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. They received medical treatment in the field.

b. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity

  • At approximately 01:20 on Thursday, 27 February 2020, IOF stationed at the entrance to “Halmish” settlement established on al-Nabi Saleh’s lands, northwest of Ramallah, established a military checkpoint at the above mentioned settlement’s intersection and heavily beaten Qusai Thiab al-Tamimi (22), from Deir Netham village, northwest of the city, when he crossed the checkpoint. As a result, Qusai sustained minor bruises throughout his body.
  • At approximately 07:00 on the same Thursday, IOF moved into Jenin and stationed in al-Zahra’a neighborhood, adjacent to Jenin refugee camp, to carry out arrests campaign in the city. A number of civilians gathered and threw stones at IOF’s vehicles and the latter responded with rubber bullets. As a result, an 18-year-old young man, from Jenin refugee camp, was shot with a rubber bullet in the foot. IOF also arrested Abdullah Husein Bali (20) and Omer Husain Jad’oun (20).
  • At approximately 10:30on the same Thursday, IOF soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 21:20, IOF soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of al-Maghazi refugee camp in central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 06:30 on Friday, 28 February 2020, IOF gunboats stationed in northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and chased them. This attack continued sporadically until 09:00 on the same day. As a result, fishermen panicked and were forced to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00 on the same Friday, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered at the entrance to al-Fawar refugee camp, south of Hebron, where IOF established a military watchtower there. The young men threw stones at Israeli soldiers stationed at the military watchtower. In the meantime, a number of Israeli infantry units arrived at the area, chased the young men in the road leading to the camp, and fired tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a number of young men suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. The soldiers deployed in agricultural lands and arrested 3 young men and took them via a military vehicle to the military watchtower. The arrestees were identified as: Iyad Fawzi al-Wawi (22), Yazid Walid al-Najjar (19) and Wujoud Mohammed Hadib (20).
  • At approximately 23:30, a number of Palestinian young men protested at the main entrance to Shu’fat refugee camp, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They burnt tires and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF vehicles stationed at the military watchtower established near the above mentioned entrance. Because of clashes that erupted in the area, a military vehicle caught fire. A large Israeli force immediately raided the camp and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, dozens of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 15:00 on Saturday, 29 February 2020, a number of Palestinian young men gathered at the western entrance to al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron, which connects the Bypass Road (60) where IOF established a temporary checkpoint. The young men threw stones at the soldiers and closed the road with iron barriers. The soldiers chased the stone-throwers and fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a number of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. Clashes continued until 17:30 on the same day and IOF completely closed the camp.
  • At approximately 09:20 on Sunday, 01 March 2020, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire and fired tear gas canisters at agricultural lands in eastern al-Fukhari village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Rafah, opened fire at agricultural lands and Palestinian shepherds, east of al-Shoka village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 05:50 on Tuesday, 03 March 2020, IOF gunboats stationed in northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles. Fishermen panicked and were forced to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 07:20, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip opened fire and fired tear gas canisters at agricultural lands and Palestinian shepherds, east of al-Qararah village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:15, an Israeli special force raided the schools street in al-‘Isawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, and stationed in the vicinity of al-‘Isawiyah Secondary School for Boys, while students were having their lunch break in the school’s yard. The soldiers attacked the school gates and fired rubber bullets at students. As a result, Mohammed ‘Awni ‘Atiyah (15) was shot with a rubber bullet in the left hand. He was referred to a medical health center for medical treatment.

Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘‘Isawiyah Follow-up Committee said that IOF deliberately targeted students while they were at the school yard for lunch break and near street venders adjacent to the school gate. Abu al-Humus added that IOF soldiers stepped out of their vehicles when students went out for a break, walked adjacent to the school gate, and fired rubber bullets. He also said that about 300 students in the secondary school are aged between 15 – 18 years.

  • At approximately 05:15 on Wednesday, 04 March 2020, IOF gunboats stationed in northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles and fired flare bombs in sky. Fishermen panicked and were forced to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.

II. Incursions and Arrests

Thursday, 27 February 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Isma’el Amer al-Halawani’s (14) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Kafrdan village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched Mohammed Ahmed Shafiq Abed’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Qalqila. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (4) civilians: Rami Mahmoud Snaina (35), Ali Mahmoud Hilali al-Badawi (30), Mohammed Ameen Sha’ath (35), and his brother Mohannad (25).
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Natheir Ashraf Qfaisha’s (17) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan village. They raided and searched Othman Mahmoud Othman Assi’s (36) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into al-Obaideya village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Saqer Jawad Rabay’a’s (27) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Deir Samit village, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched Khader Abdul Basit al-Horoub’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Surief, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Shaher Adel al-Heih’s (37) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 13:15, IOF arrested Mohammed Abdul Aziz Mohammed Salim (15), from ‘Azoun village, east of Qalqilia, after referring to the Israeli Intelligence Services’ office in Qalqila.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF stationed at King Faisal’s Street, one of al-Aqsa Mosque’s Gates, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, arrested Yousef Abdul Mo’ti Hazeina (20). IOF took Yousef to one of the investigation centers in the city.
  • In the evening hours, IOF stationed at a temporary military checkpoint on Nablus way in Ramallah, arrested the journalist Mohammed Abdullah Bani Mefleh (24), from Beita village, southeast of Nablus. IOF claimed that Mohammed who is an editor in “Quds.com” website, allegedly inciting against the IOF on social media.
  • IOF carried out (9) incursions in Sebastia, northwest of Nablus; al-Shoyoukh, Sourif, and al-Burj villages in Hebron; Qubya, Na’leen, Badrs, Nabi Saleh, and Deir Nizam villages in Ramallah. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 28 February 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Tulkarem refugee camp. They raided and searched Omar Hamdan Dahbour’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Sa’eer village, east of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Mohannad Jamal Mousa Shalalda (30) and Mo’ath Ahmed Mohammed Shalalda (27).
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF stationed at a temporary military checkpoint on the entrance of the occupied East Jerusalem, arrested Mohammed Jebril al-Taweel (25) from Silwan, south of Jerusalem’s Old City. IOF severely beaten him then took him to the investigation center.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF stationed at Damascus Gate arrested Mohammed Jebril al-Taweel (25) from Silwan village after severely beating him while he was in the area, he was taken to an investigation centre.
  • At approximately 19:25, IOF stationed near “Alon Moreh” settlement, northeast of Nablus, arrested two civilians including a child. The arrestees are Kareem Salim al-Saqqa (17) and, Mohammad Ahmed a;-Ahwal (19), from ‘Askar refugee camp. IOF claimed that the arrestees were in possession of a Molotov cocktail.
  • At approximately 20:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Mousa Mostafa’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into Qalandia refugee camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Samad Ahmed Afana’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in ‘Atouf village, southeast of Tubas; ‘Azoun and Kufur Qaddoum villages in Qalqilia; Bani Na’eem and al-Hadab villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 29 February 2020:

  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Beita village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Suhaib Hawash Jaber Dawoud (18) and Mahdi Salim Adaili (20).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF arrested Mohammed Abu ‘Arrabi (15), while present in al-Mosrara neighborhood, in the central occupied East Jerusalem, and took him to one of the investigation centers in the city.
  • IOF carried out (15) incursions in Anbata, Deir al-Ghsoun, Bal’a, and Kafr al-Lubbad villages in Tulkarem; ‘Azoun in Qalqilia; al-Jalazoun refugee camp, Beitin, Dura al-Qar’a, Um Safa, Ein Yabroud, and Birzeit in Ramallah; Beit Ummer, al-Majd, and Deir Razih villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 01 March 2020:

  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into al-Owja village, north of Jericho. They raided and searched Bajes Abdul Sattar Sa’ayda’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Qirmi neighborhood, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Rasheed Mahmoud al-Rashq’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Jenin. They raided and searched two houses in al-Kharouba neighborhood, west of the city, belonging to Abdullah Hussain al-‘Abbadi (56) and Issam al-Ghazzawi (21), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mohammed Naji Abdeen’s (16) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into al-Beira. They raided and searched Hussam Ra’ed ‘Ataiwi’s (19) house in al-Shorafa neighborhood, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Silwan neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Jawdat Sadeq Abu Snaina’s (58) house, and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services at “al-Maskoubeya” investigation center in the West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Sayda village, north of Tulkarem. They raided and searched Fayez Ahmed Shalha’s (30) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Silwan village south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Amer Nimir al-Mohtaseb’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF stormed Emad Awni Abu Shamseya’s (46) house in Tal al-Ramida neighborhood in the central Hebron. IOF raided, searched the house and banned the exit of the family from the house, claiming that “Ramat Yishai” settlement has been under shootings. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF arrested (3) children while present in the main street of Hibla village, south of Qalqilia, claiming that they were throwing stones at the Israeli soldiers. The arrestees are: Abdul Aziz Wafa Houtri (15), Omar Amjad Nazzal (15), and Anas Ma’moun Shreim (15).
  • IOF carried out (8) incursions in Ateen; al-Nazla al-Wosta, al-Sharqeya, and al-Gharbeya in Tulkarem; Sa’er, al-Tabaqa, and Deir Samit villages in Hebron; Jayous, and Asala villages east of Qalqilia. No arrests were reported.

III. Settlement Expansion and Settler Violence in the West Bank

a. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Settlement Expansion Activities

  • At approximately 08:00 on Thursday, 27 February 2020, IOF demolished a residential house and a vehicles parking in al-Walajah village, northwest of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. ‘Abed al-Qader Abu Hammad said that a large force of IOF accompanied with military construction vehicles raided his house in Khelet al-Hour area and demolished it. Abu Hammad clarified that he build his 80-square-meter house for his daughter to live in it with her husband and their 2 children because of their difficult and bad economic condition. Abu Hammad pointed out that he will re-build his house and will not obey the municipality orders that aim at confiscating his land for settlement purposes. It should be noted that IOF headed to Khelet al-Samak area and demolished Saleh Khalifa’s vehicles parking (35 m2) before their withdrawal.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Masafer Yatta in southern Hebron. IOF demolished 2 houses built of tin plates and bricks in al-Zakeez and al-Mofaqrah areas, under the pretext of non-licensing. The demolished houses belong to:
    1) Ahmed Mahmoud al-Hawamdah: a 40-square-meter under-construction house built of tin plates and bricks in al-Mofaqarah area, sheltering Ahmed and his wife.2) Mohamed Hasan Abu ‘Arram: a 50-square-meter house built of tin plates and bricks in al-Zakeez area, sheltering Mohamed and his family comprising of 11 persons.

    It should be noted that Israeli authorities handed Ahmed and Mohamed 96-hour demolition notices upon Article 4, of Military order No. (1797), issued in 2018, on the “removal” of a new structure. This order includes both uncompleted structures and structures completed within the last six months. This military order is one of the most dangerous orders issued by the Israeli authorities, targeting thousands of houses and facilities under the pretext of non- licensing. Palestinian civilians are deprived of their rights to legal defense of their facilities or houses. The Israeli authorities began to implement this order and obtained powers and legal support from the Israeli Supreme Court, which rejected all petitions and appeals filed by human rights organizations and granted powers to the civil administration to implement this order.

  • At approximately 11:00, IOF backed military construction vehicles and accompanied with the Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Safi village in al-Masafer area, south of Hebron. The military construction vehicles demolished two 80-square-meter barracks used for breeding livestock, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C. The demolished barracks belong to ‘Izzat ‘Abdullah ‘Ali Zain and Kayid ‘Ali Zain. It should be noted that Israeli authorities handed them 96-hour demolition notices upon Military order No. (1797).
  • On the same day, Mohamed ‘Abed al-Salam al-Bashiti (26) implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished his house in Sho’fat village, north of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Al-Bashiti said that the Israeli Court issued few days ago a decision to self-demolish his house and gave him until 28 February 2020. Al-Bashiti clarified that he was forced to implement the municipality order to avoid paying demolition costs and fines. Al-Bashiti pointed out that he is fighting a struggle in the Israeli courts since March 2019 to stop the demolition of his 126-square-meter house. Al-Bashiti said that the demolition caused material damage to the nearby houses.
  • On Thursday, 27 February 2020, Maher Na’im Ramadan implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished the rest of his house walls in Silwan village in occupied East Jerusalem, noting that he self-demolished his house 10 months ago under the pretext of non-licensing. Ramadan said that his house was built 15 years ago, comprising of 3 rooms and their facilities. Years ago, IOF imposed a fine of NIS 40,000 on him and he paid it. In May 2019, Israeli Court issued a demolition decision against his house and ordered him to self-demolish it or the municipality will do so and impose a fine of NIS 70,000 on him. Ramadan clarified that the municipality staff came back and raided his house in January 2020. They ordered him to demolish all walls or the municipality will impose a new construction fine on him.
  • On Sunday, 01 March 2020, Israeli bulldozers levelled agricultural lands in al-Nijma area, east of Qasrah village and “Majdolim“ settlement, which is established on Palestinian lands, for settlement expansion.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 03 March 2020, Israeli bulldozers demolished a house in Hizmah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Mayor of Hizma Village Municipality, Musallam Abu Helo, said that the Israeli municipality bulldozers raided Rami Subaieh al-Khatib’s 200-square-meter house and demolished it, noting that it sheltered 8 persons.
  • Around the same time, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with the Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Masafer area in southern Hebron. The military construction vehicles levelled the main and the only road in Sha’b al-Botum area, leading to al-Masafer area villages. It should be noted that the Israeli authorities closed this road several times with sand berms, but Palestinian civilians managed to re-open it. This road serves the residents of (al-Fakit, Janba, al-Markaz, al-Halawa, al-Rakeez, al-Taban, Moghair, al-‘Abied, al-Touba, and al-Safi villages). The Israeli authorities considered these villages as closed military zones.
  • On Tuesday, 03 March 2020, Israeli authorities notified Ahmed Mahmoud Sawad to demolish his house in Bakoush area in Nahaleen village, west of Bethlehem, in addition to stopping construction works in 2 other houses belonging to ‘Adel Rateb Najajrah and Raied Mahmoud Sawad under the pretext of non-licensing, according to Mayor of Nahaleen Village Municipality, Hani Fanoun. In addition, Fanoun pointed out that IOF lately escalated their arbitrary measures against the residents of Bakoush area, which considers the only area for urban sprawl. Fanoun added that few days ago, IOF seized 2 concrete mixers and forced a Palestinian civilian to stop construction works in his house.
  • At approximately 06:00 on Wednesday, 04 March 2020, Eyad Fataftah self-demolished a part of his house in al-Mukaber Mount area, south of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Fataftah said that his 110-square-meter re-constructed house shelters 5 persons. He clarified that the Israeli Court issued a precautionary order to stop demolition until issuing the final decision by the court. Fataftah added that he attempted to prevent the municipality staff from demolishing his house and gave them the court’s precautionary order, but they beat him. Furthermore, the municipality bulldozers demolished the house walls and floors.
  • At approximately 10:00, Ihab ‘Alqam implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished his 2-story-house in Sho’fat camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. ‘Alqam said that he was forced to self-demolish his house after receiving a phone call from the Israeli municipality and police, ordering him to implement the demolition order within 6 hours or he will pay high fines. ‘Alqam clarified that he rented a bulldozer and demolished his 160-square-meter house.

b. Israeli Settler Violence

  • At approximately 23:50 on Thursday, 27 February 2020, while Palestinian vehicles travelling on Hawarah main street, south east of Nablus, 2 vehicles with Israeli registration plates stopped. Meanwhile, at least 5 settlers, 2 of them carrying riffles, stepped out of the vehicles, opened fire in the air and other settlers attacked Palestinian vehicles parked in front of shops. As a result, Palestinians vehicles and shops sustained material damage. (PCHR keeps the names of affected persons)
  • At approximately 10:30 on Sunday, 01 March 2020, a group of Israeli settlers, from “Ish Kodesh “ settlement, which is established in the southern side of Qasrah village in Nablus, attacked and threw stones at ‘Abed al-Majeed Tawfiq Hasan in al-Marrah area while breeding livestock. Meanwhile, a group of Palestinian young men gathered and confronted settlers with stones. Clashes erupted between both of them, so IOF intervened to protect the settlers and fired tear gas canisters. As a result, many Palestinians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • On the same day, Israeli settlers, from ‘‘Adi ‘Ad” settlement, cut and damaged olive trees in al-Seder area, northeast of Ramallah, under IOF protection. Nash’at al-Na’san (39) said that at approximately 18:00, he saw at least 20 settlers approached barbed wires surrounding the trees in al-Seder area and cut them. The settlers managed to enter agricultural lands, damaged 200 olive trees and flee towards the settlement. The damaged trees belong to Hussain Sa’ied al-Na’san.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Monday, 02 March 2020, Israeli settlers, under IOF protection, moved into al-‘Arma Mount, southeast of Bita village, southeast of Nablus. Israeli settlers seek to seize this mount. Clashes erupted between the settlers and Palestinians, who set up a tent in the mount to prevent settlers from seizing it. Meanwhile, IOF fired live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at Palestinians who confronted them. As a result, 4 Palestinians were shot with rubber bullets; 3 of them in their limbs while the forth one in his back. They were then taken to Rafidia Hospital in Nablus for treatment. Moreover, many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Monday, 02 March 2020, Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian lands in Kafur al-Deek village, west of Salfit. They broke Tayseer Ya’qoub ‘Abed al-Latif Najy’s twigs of 12 olive trees planted 6 years ago. Nine olive trees were completely damaged while 3 others were partially damaged in Banat al-Ber area, west of the village. Tayseer Najy said that: “ at approximately 11:00 on Monday, 02 March 2020, I headed to my plot of land in Banat al-Ber area as usual to check the plants and establish retaining walls. I found a group of settlers sitting near my land, but I did not talk with them. When I arrived at my land, I found around 12 olive trees were broken. I also noticed footprints indicating that someone entered the land and damaged the trees. I immediately headed to the settlers and verbal altercation erupted between us. The settlers were armed, so I left them because they threatened me. I phoned my sons to tell them about what happened. My 24-year-old son came to the area and the settlers attacked him and threatened him to open fire at him, so we withdrew.”
  • Around the same time, settlers, from “Brochhin“ settlement, attacked Palestinian lands in Burqeen village, west of Salfit. They uprooted and stole Yousef Mahmoud ‘Abed al-Latif Sabra’s 44 olive trees. They also broke the twigs of 20 other trees belonging to Jamal ‘Othman Salama.
  • On Monday, 02 March 2020, Israeli settlers cut dozens of olive trees in Hosan village, west of Bethlehem. These trees belong to Mohamed ‘Abed al-Kareem Hamamrah and Hamza Saleem Hamamrah. Head of Hosan Village Council, Mohamed Sabateen, said that the settlers came, from “Betar Illit“settlement, which is established on Palestinian lands in western Bethlehem, noting that this was not the 1st time they attacked Palestinians lands. Sabateen added that the Israeli authorities turn a blind eye to these attacks. It should be noted that during the past days, a serious escalation was noticed in uprooting at least 800 trees by settlers in Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Wednesday, 04 March 2020, dozens of settlers, under IOF protection, moved into al-Hathouna area, north of Beit Ummer village, north of Hebron. The settlers placed barbed wires around 12 dunams planted with olive and forest trees. These lands belong to Saqer ‘Aqab Abu ‘Isha and his siblings. When Abu ‘Isha family asked the settlers about what is happening in their land, they ordered them to refer to the Construction and Organization Department in “Gush Etizon” settlement. It should be noted that 20 years ago, the settlers attempted to seize Abu ‘Isha dunams, so the family headed to the Israeli Court and proved their ownership. In August 2019, the setters returned to seize the dunams, but in vain.

Full document available at PCHR (Palestinian Center for Human Rights)

Jaafari on Golan: Trump Tweet Flagrant Violation, Contempt for International Law

Bashar Jaafari Syria UN Representative Ambassador - UNSC بشار الجعفري مندوب سوريا الدائم لدى الأمم المتحدة - سفير

His Excellency Bashar al Jaafari issued an urgent statement on Syria’s Golan, via a UN stake out, 22 March 2019. While maintaining his immaculate standard of professional diplomat, the Syrian ambassador crushed US President Donald J. Trump’s “irresponsible tweeting.” He laid waste to the escalation of “American arrogance,” and explained the many UN Security Council Resolutions which support Syria’s sovereignty over its Golan, resolutions which call for the end of illegal Israeli occupation.

Golan
Though there were a substantial number of reporters present, at this writing, AFP is the lone MSM service to write an anemic short, ignoring all key points on Trump’s criminal plot to authorize the theft of Syria’s Golan.

Dr. Jaafari explained to his audience there is no “Golan heights,” there is only the Syrian Golan. The word “heights” was affixed by Israeli propagandists as part of its psychological warfare campaign to make its illegal occupation appear more powerful.

Syria’s ambassador read a five-minute statement in Arabic, followed by its English translation, after which he took questions from the reporters.

One reporter said that Syria’s official request for the UNSG to publicly condemn Trump’s aggression was met by a generic response that the SG stands by all resolutions, but is not ready to condemn the US president’s tweet.

Golan
Syria officially called on the UN to put an end to “American arrogance” of Trump’s mafioso-type plan to give that which is not his, but Syria’s, Golan, to its illegal Israeli occupiers.

Here, the author interjects to again remind our readers of the corruption and bias of Antonio Guterres — Guterres, the friend of war criminal Tony Blair, Guterres whose own imperialist arrogance contains putting lies in writing. Consider his claim that the OPCW “fact-finding mission” was “in the Syrian Arab Republic,” despite OPCW’s admission it was too afraid of terrorists to actually send in investigators.

Diplomat Jaafari meticulously explained that Trump’s imperious tweet — “diplomacy now about tweeting, apparently” — was contemptuous of the international community, showed “flagrant violation of international law, the charter of the UN and the simplest…values and ethics,” and demonstrated escalation against member states of the United Nations: It’s “my way or the highway.”

Golan
You can’t declare war with everybody [though that is basically what Trump did when he spoke at UNGA in September]. The 100th year anniversary of the League of Nations is approaching, & Trump is trying to move international law to pre-1918.

Before taking questions, the Syrian diplomat asked everyone to focus exclusively on the Golan. He told them that there would be another “humanitarian meeting” on the 27th, at which time they could ask all questions. His request to “Please let us focus on this important issue” of course fell on deaf western ears, as someone immediately asked about Trump’s statistics on the remaining “Islamic State.”

Excellency Jaafari did respond, however, to educate the reporter that there is no such thing, there is “a bunch of terrorists gathered from all over the world…all kinds of hyenas.”

Golan
“Allies performed records in demolishing infrastructure.” H.E. Jaafari was speaking of the Fascist Coalition of war criminals against Syria.

One English-speaking colonialist whined from a State Department-type script, about these being “different times.” Nu, is it not always different times? Since when does the movement of the planet legitimize theft, authorize a third party to declare theft to be lawful?

Golan
UNSCR 242 (1967). Israel must return the Golan to its legal country, Syria.

Not surprisingly, one of the most fetid collections of questions came from an incel-sounding voice claiming to be of the Middle East Eye. “MEE is the offspring of the inbred relationship of UK’s The Guardian and Qatar’s al-Jazeera, consistently supportive of NATO Spring takfiri in Syria.

“MEE”‘s first question was sheer idiocy, suggesting that a tweet has the power to legalize a crime. The second question was an attempt to propagandize against Syria’s Golan, and to propagandize for future hypothetical victimhood of Israeli occupiers on the Golan which belongs to the SAR.

Syrians on Syria’s Golan fly the Syrian flag.

Dr. Jaafari carefully explained that Syria will regain that which it owns, and that there are no Israeli civilians on Syrian land: “They are settlers, not civilians. They must leave.”

Golan
“What is the alternative to diplomacy? You know the answer.” “When you have no other choice to get back your rights, it’s your duty.”

Multiple attempts were made to provoke Dr. Jaafari into a response to create another wave of anti-Syria hysteria in western media. His character state of professional diplomat is likely the reason his urgent statement on Trump’s criminal tweet in support of Israel’s criminal occupation of the Golan has been ignored by “mainstream media.”

ADDENDA:

Ambassador Jaafari’s statement focused on UNSC Resolutions supporting Syria’s ownership of its Golan.

We remind our readers that both the US and Israel are signatories to the Geneva treaties, which have strict principles governing occupation, which is supposed to be temporary:

golan
Principles governing occupation.

We also remind our readers that Israel has bragged about providing terrorists with state of the art medical care on the Syrian Golan, which it occupies; that Israeli medium reported that Israel is the number one purchaser of oil stolen by terrorists; that Israel breaches all of the principles governing what is supposed to be temporary occupation.

UN Renews Demand that “Israel” Should Abide by Resolutions Related to Occupied Golan

8 December، 2018
New York, SANA

The United Nations (UN) renewed its demand that the Israeli occupation authorities should abide by the resolutions related to the occupied Syrian Golan, particularly resolution No. 497 for the year 1981 which considers its decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction and administration on the occupied Syrian Golan as null and void and without international legal effect.

This came on Firday during the UN’s adoption of a resolution under the title “Occupied Syrian Golan” after it was approved by the Special Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee).

149 delegations out of 173 voted in favor of the resolution while “Israel” and the US only voted against the resolution, and 22 delegations abstained from voting.

The resolution demanded that the Israeli occupation authorities should immediately cancel the decision on annexing the Golan .

The resolution also considered that all the legislative and administrative measures taken by “Israel” to alter the character of the occupied Syrian Golan and its legal status as null and void and that they constitute a blatant violation of the international law and of Geneva Convention and they don’t have any legal effect.

The resolution also demanded that “Israel” should stop to impose the Israeli nationality and identity cards on the Syrian citizens in the occupied Syrian Golan and to halt the repressive measures it takes against its locals.

The resolution denounced Israel’s violation of the Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, renewing the call upon the UN member states to not recognize any of the measures taken by “Israel” in the occupied Syrian Golan which contradict with the International Law.

Ruaa al-Jazaeri

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Israel’s Often Overlooked Strategic Battlefield Losses

By Asad Abu-Khalil
Source

In South Lebanon, the Museum for Resistance, also known as the Mlita Museum, for the town in which it is located, is a wildly popular tourist attraction and a place where you can run into Arabs visiting from around the region.

In it, Hezbollah—the political party with an armed wing that, with Iranian assistance, emerged in response to the Israeli invasion of 1982—celebrates its military successes, displaying weapons captured from the occupation army and replicas of some of its military tunnels.

The museum enshrines an important realization for the country: that while conventional Arab armies failed to deter Israeli invasions, Lebanese and Palestinian volunteers succeeded in holding the mighty Israeli army at bay and have become the real defenders against Israeli attacks and occupation.  As such, the museum offers testimony to the current nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict.  The U.S. and other Western powers want to disarm Hezbollah while denying the Lebanese Army the weapons to deter Israel.  In other words, they want to return Lebanon to its former state of weakness.

The problems this situation poses for Israel are often overlooked given its apparently clear strategic advantage.

Israel’s arsenal of weapons of mass destruction is still being protected by Western countries from scrutiny or even criticism. The Obama administration guaranteed Israel a most generous financial assistance program for the next decade. Israeli’s 100-percent occupation of Palestine remains immune from U.N. or other international condemnation. Israeli citizens’settlement building in Palestine territories—despite violating international law—has not caused a rift between Israel and either the European Union or the U.S.

Egypt, meanwhile, remains committed to the peace treaty with Israel and to security coordination with the occupation state, as does Jordan.   And Israel does not fear an assault from any Arab state or a combination of Arab states. (Arab threats—largely rhetorical—have only been intended to pacify popular anger.)

But things are not as secure for Israel as they might seem.

The Resistance Persists 

A century after the Balfour Declaration, the Arab-Israeli conflict has not ended.  Early Zionist thinkers and leaders—influenced by racist European attitudes about the natives—never considered that the Palestinians would continue to resist Zionism for so long. This in itself is a big failure for Zionism as it defies the long-held belief that force is the only language that Arabs understand. At the same time, economic offers and political ploys have not deceived the Palestinians—or Arabs—into accepting the Israeli occupation project either.

The resistance is not only tenacious, but its effectiveness reached a new level in 2000. That year, after an escalating pattern of resistance operations that began in 1982—first by secular (communist and Syrian nationalist) groups and later by Hezbollah — the Israeli occupation army was forced to withdraw from South Lebanon.

Israel’s biggest strategic loss came in 2006 during the Lebanese-Israeli War, when armed groups (not part of an Arab conventional army) resisted Israeli assaults and deterred a ground offensive against Arab territory. Unless you have studied the performance of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon between 1970 and 1982, it’s difficult to fathom how seriously this changed the power calculus of Lebanese and Palestinian resistance groups vis-à-vis Israel.

AP_110721060280_edited.jpgA Lebanese woman, left, poses on a destroyed Israeli armored vehicle with a Lebanese and yellow Hezbollah flags attached to it in Khiam, Lebanon, July 21, 2011. Mohammed Zaatari | AP

But the significance of that war—and most importantly on Arab perceptions of it—was obscured by Saudi regime propaganda intent on undermining the standing of any resistance, leftist or Islamist, Sunni or Shi`ite.  The House of Saud began to promote sectarian hatred and agitation and emphasize the losses for the Arab side to downplay the precedent set by the war.  (Examples of this are so pervasive it would be unfair to single out any one broadcaster or publication.)

During the invasions of Gaza, Israel failed again to advance or even to prevent primitive Hamas rockets from firing; all claims to the (fake) successes of the Iron Dome air defense system notwithstanding.

This is a marked contrast to previous confrontations. In 1978, Israel invaded Lebanon and the PLO’s resistance was disorganized and largely spontaneous.  Four years later, in the face of the 1982 massive Israel invasion, the PLO failed again to formulate a joint resistance plan. Fighting was stiff in some cases, such as at the refugee camp`Ayn Al-Hilwi and the medieval-era Beuafort castle.And later at Khaldah, on the outskirts of Beirut, the PLO did implement a defense plan for Beirut (designed by West Point graduate Abu Al-Walid), which explains why Israel never dared to invade West Beirut until after the evacuation of PLO forces from Lebanon. Overall, however, the PLO resistance record pales in comparison to that of Hamas and Hezbollah, in Gaza and South Lebanon, respectively.

Former Psychological Advantage

Israeli strategy in dealing with the Arabs was based on massive, indiscriminate use of force and the promotion of the Israeli soldier as invincible and terrifying. This produced a psychological advantage that, from 1948 to 1967, sowed fear and resignation.

More recently, however, the image of the mighty Israeli soldier and a fearful Arab resistance has been reversed.  In the 2006 war, Israeli soldiers in South Lebanon were terrified by Hezbollah fighters who prevented the enemy army from advancing one inch into Lebanese territory.  I grew up in Lebanon in the 1960s and 1970s, when Israel used to bomb and invade at will. This no longer happens because Israel has come to fear Hezbollah.

Another problem for Israel is its once-vaunted intelligence, which has developed a reputation for clumsiness. The failed raid in Gaza (by an elite unit of the Israeli occupation army) is the most recent example. In 2010, Dubai police plastered the faces of top agents of Mossad, the intelligence agency, around the world in the wake of the assassination of Mahmoud Al-Mabhouh, a co-founder of the military wing of Hamas. Before that, in 1997, there was the botched assassination attempt on Khalid Misha`l’, the Doha-based former leader of Hamas, by Mossad agents.

In the 2006 war with Lebanon, Israel’s intelligence failures included the famous and (almost) comical kidnapping of a poor man whose only crime was that his name was Hasan Nasrallah, the same as that of the Hezbollah leader. Presumably, Mossad experts on the Arab world assumed there was only one Hasan Nasrallah in all of Lebanon.

Hezbollah and Hamas, meanwhile, have run intelligence operations that the PLO has rarely ever matched. Hezbollah 2012 kidnapping of Israeli soldiers is an example of careful preparations and reliable intelligence.  Hezbollah and Hamas have special operatives monitoring the communications of the Israeli military.  Hezbollah has its own Hebrew language school. PLO organizations, by contrast, had so few Hebrew speakers they often had to rely on Hebrew teachers from the Institute of Palestine Studies in Beirut to translate important documents.

The Arab-Israeli conflict is not about to end anytime soon.  Trump’s “Deal of the Century” hinges on the belief that Saudi Arabia’s Mohammad bin Salman can convince the Palestinians to give up their cause.  This is a conflict that is unlikely to end in compromise, and the Israeli occupation state has made it clear that historical Palestine belongs to the Jewish people and that the Palestinians represent a mere nuisance on the land.

Israel in Scotland? – A Comment On Zionist Hypocrisy

Rebel Voice

The Israeli state was created in 1948 by foreign nationals whose ancestors (in some cases) are believed to have resided in the land of Palestine. These descendants returned to the region with the intention of taking the territory from the indigenous people and expelling them in the process. In most instances the Zionist migrant families had no presence in Palestine for as long as 2000 years, yet claimed it as their God-given birth-right. The indigenous population, who were ethnically cleansed, had lived there continually for up to 2000 years.

Imagine if we were to change the setting from Palestine to Ulster. Settlers from the Scottish lowlands arrived in Ulster during the Plantation of the 1600s, and proceeded to ethnically cleanse the native people. If those settlers/planters decided that they wished to return to the land from whence their ancestors came 400 years ago, what would the reaction be from the…

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A Palestinian Tree Resisting Occupation

 

A Palestinian Tree Resisting Occupation

Occupied Palestine

Its roots sink deep into the ground. It has a diameter of about 25 meters and a height of 12 meters. Its shadow covers a quarter of a dunum. This is the oldest and largest olive tree in Palestine. It clings to the mountains of the al-Walaja village located west of Bethlehem in the West Bank.

This 5500-year-old tree resists settlements and the Zionist separation wall that surrounds the entire village. The Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture has appointed Salah Abu Ali to tend to the tree. He waters it, grazes the grass under it and protects it from attacks by settlers and occupation forces. The tree belongs to his cousin Dawoud (Abu Ali), who inherited it from his father Muhammad Hussein Abu Ali.

Abu Ali, 45, said that he had been guarding the tree for many years from the hands of the settlers and the occupation forces, who repeatedly tried to uproot it but to no avail. He stressed that he would not leave it despite attacks from settlers and other “Israelis”.

“The tree is located in the original village of al-Walaja whose residents were displaced by the occupation in 1948. In 1956, its buildings were destroyed and a series of settlements were built instead,” Abu Salah said.

This tree has a special place in history as stories are told about it. One of these was born when al-Quds was liberated during the days of the “Islamic Conquest”. It was said that Muslim leaders sat under the shade of this tree. The inhabitants call the tree the “Badawi [Bedouin] tree” in attribution to a Sufi sheikh who had followers in Palestine. His name was Sheikh Ahmad al-Badawi. He was born in Morocco and died in Egypt in 267 AH. They also tell tales about the gifts attribute to him.

“The olive tree, visited by thousands of Palestinian, Arab and foreign delegations over the years, represents the image of the conflict between us and the enemy because it is older than the occupation of Palestine, which is trying to kill it,” Abu Ali added.

He pointed out that “the village has historical and archaeological features. It is part of the occupation’s ambitions. Olive trees are the most important component of their key ambitions. ”

Abu Ali calls the fruits of his ancient tree the “green gold”, noting that the taste is similar to the “urban ghee”.

He adds that there are those who resort to the use of its oil and leaves as a kind of treatment for some diseases. It is rich in benefits that restore human health after the illness.

In the early days, the tree used to produce about 600 kilos of olives, but its production declined to 250 – 300 kilos of olives due to natural factors and attacks from settlers.

Approximately 2,000 Palestinians live in al-Walaja village on an area of 4500 out of 17793 dunums – the majority of which the Zionist occupation has taken over and turned into settlements and security reserves.

Al-Walaja is one of the Palestinian villages that rely heavily on olive cultivation. It produces high quality olive oil due to its high altitude and it is one of the most beautiful villages in southern Palestine overlooking the occupied city of al-Quds.

It is noteworthy that years ago, an “Israeli” group working under the guard of the occupation army took a sample of the tree to examine and compare it with another tree, located elsewhere in Palestine, which was occupied in 1948. It found out that it was older than that tree.

Source: Al-Ahed News, Occupied Palestine

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Palestinian Teen Stabs Zionist Settler to Death in Occupied West Bank

dv101-916-2018-084521-jpg

September 16, 2018

A Palestinian teen stabbed an Israeli settler to death Sunday at a busy mall in the occupied West Bank.

The Zionist military said the 17-year-old attacker arrived at the mall near a major junction in the southern West Bank, close to the Gush Etzion settlement bloc, and stabbed the Israeli before fleeing (Other reports mentioned that he was arrested).

Israeli medical teams arrived to treat the stabbed settler, identified as a 40-year-old with multiple stab wounds in the upper body. He was evacuated to a hospital but pronounced dead shortly after.

Source: Websites

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» The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

 

The resistance equations, its makers, and its partners… On the Resistance and Liberation Day

مايو 27, 2018

 

Written by Nasser Kandil,

Some Lebanese may live on the Resistance and Liberation Day as an additional ordinary holiday because the country of sects and regions has lost many of the elements of the national sense. The occupation during two decades of the age of Lebanon was an issue that belongs to its people who suffered from it and its humiliation and who sacrificed their sons and daughters. Many Lebanese were among spectators, neutral, or complainers from the exaggeration of refusing compromises that must be accepted in balances of what is so-called the political realism. Despite the failure of the compromises in ensuring the Israeli withdrawal and the winning of the resistance which bet on the blood of its martyrs there were those who said before the liberation that the presence of the resistance complicates this withdrawal. The state seemed conspired with the occupation until the fall of the seventeenth of May and it became neutral until the arrival of the General Emile Lahoud to presidency. At his era the state accompanied the resistance, this means that the consensus on the resistance was not a condition for the completion rather its acceptance was the end of the ability to complete. Furthermore, the subjection of the resistance to the logic of a state means its end and the fall of all its achievements, since every time has its equations. The only acceptable consensus is the consensus on the future of the resistance after the liberation, where no decision is taken without its acceptance. The relationship between the resistance and the state is a friendly accommodation between two necessities for the survival of the homeland and its strength.

The generation which accompanied the course of the resistance since the occupation in 1983 and shared its sacrifices and its achievements is a generation that is must be integrated not competed. That generation recognizes that the youth of the Islamic resistance were the most efficient to carry the banner until victory. Hezbollah’s leaders do not deny that they established and accumulated on what they inherited of those who preceded them from the Mujahideen of Amal Movement and the resistance fighters of the Lebanese national resistance in its national and leftist wings. Both of them have unforgettable heroisms and undeniable contributions. The resistance became the collective movement of those who were truly distinguished by the honesty of their choice and the greatness of their sacrifices; they have martyrs and many honorable symbols. For those without exception we owed the celebration, the happiness, and the feeling of pride and dignity.

We remember on the first days of the birth of the resistant action, many figures who do not fear dangers; they put in front of their eyes the humiliation of the occupier without any considerations, some of them became martyrs and some of them are still continuing without arrogance their roles as resistance fighters, strugglers, politicians, writers, or contributors in the public affair. Damascus was bringing us together, we who are observed and eavesdropped or sometimes planned to be killed. Damascus at that time was not mere a safe place for meeting, rather it was our operations room, a training center, and a source of weapons, it remained like that despite all the structural changes in its institutions and the structural changes of forces concerned with the resistance. Damascus which a Lebanese-Syrian corruption front which stemmed from the convergence of two resistance fronts wanted to distort its role and to mix between its honest partners in losses and its opportunists and beneficiaries of gains away from the source of the gains. Damascus, which it is fair to recognize that without it the resistance would not be as it is now.

As in Damascus in Tehran the resistance fighters meet, they get the support and the auspices to support the course of this resistance and to make its victory imminent. Many fighters were boasting of their identity and their cause away from their country in which they fear and feel afraid to disclose their identity and their cause. Even in the era of the rising force of the resistance, the resistance fighters in Damascus and Tehran were called in their names as resistant while in their country their names became symbols of guardianship or the group of Syria and Iran. As the liberation was a festival for all Lebanon, as the victory in July 2006 and the victory in May 2000. Some Lebanese remained refusing the partnership in victory and refusing considering it a victory; their eyes are as Israel on the resistance weapon asking the same questions about its fate.

On the Liberation and Resistance Day, a call to think quietly and to contemplate; will we have a homeland before we reconcile on right and wrong in our modern history? Was Israel indeed an occupation? Was the resistance the right national expression to confront that occupation, or was our history related under the name of the civil wars or the wars of others on our land?  Was the division on the occupation between the dealing and the resistance a kind of a civil war or a kind of the manipulation of others?

The painful fact which some find it difficult to accept is that the real civil war is being formed by changing the concepts of patriotism, occupation and resistance in order not to embarrass each other. Therefore the history becomes courtesy and hypocrisy and the national hypocrisy becomes the shortest way to the civil war, while the national agreement begins from the acknowledgement of the facts of history.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

معادلات المقاومة وصنّاعها وشركاؤها… في العيد

مايو 25, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– قد يعيش بعض اللبنانيين عيد التحرير والمقاومة كعطلة إضافية عادية، لأنّ بلد الطوائف والمناطق ضرب الكثير من مقوّمات الحسّ الوطني، حتى كان الاحتلال خلال عقدين من عمر لبنان قضية تخصّ أهله الذين ذاقوا مرارته وذله وصنعوا من أبنائهم وبناتهم مقاومته، وكان الكثير من باقي اللبنانيين بين متفرّج ومحايد أو متبرّم مما يسمّيه المبالغة في رفض تسويات لا بدّ من قبولها في موازين ما يسمّيه الواقعية السياسية. ورغم فشل وَصْفَات التسويات في تأمين الانسحاب الإسرائيلي، وفوز المقاومة برهانها المعقود على دماء شهدائها، بقي مَن يقول قبيل التحرير إنّ وجود المقاومة يعقّد هذا الانسحاب، أما على مستوى الدولة فقد بدأت متآمرة مع الاحتلال حتى إسقاط اتفاق السابع عشر من أيار، وصارت محايدة حتى وصول العماد إميل لحود إلى رئاسة الجمهورية، فرافقت المقاومة لسنتين من عهده. وهذا يعني أنّ الإجماع على المقاومة ما كان يوماً شرطاً للإنجاز، بل كان القبول به نهاية لقدرة الإنجاز، كما يعني أنّ إخضاع المقاومة لمنطق الدولة بالمطلق يعني موتها وسقوط كلّ إنجازها. فالمعادلات التي تصحّ بتطبيق منطقها بمفعول زمن مضى لا تصحّ لزمن آتٍ، والإجماع الوحيد المقبول هو الإجماع على مستقبل المقاومة بعد التحرير، أيّ اشتراط قبول أهلها بكلّ ما يخصّها، حيث لا قرار بدون رضاها، والعلاقة بينها وبين الدولة هي مساكنة ودية بين ضرورتين لبقاء الوطن وقوّته ومنعته على السياسيين اكتشاف معادلاته وصناعتها.

– الجيل الذي رافق مسيرة المقاومة منذ الاحتلال عام 1982، وتشارك تضحياتها وصناعة إنجازاتها، وتناوب على ريادة ساحاتها، هو جيل يتكامل ولا يتنافس، ويقرّ كلّ أبنائه بأنّ شباب المقاومة الإسلامية كانوا الأكفأ بحمل الراية حتى النصر، بينما لا يغفل قادة حزب الله أنهم أسّسوا وراكموا على ما ورثوه ممن سبقوا، من مجاهدي حركة أمل ومناضلي المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية بجناحيها القومي واليساري، وقد كان لكلّ منهما بطولات لا تُنسى وإسهامات لا تُنكر، فصارت المقاومة هي التيار الجامع لكلّ هؤلاء الذين تميّزوا بصدق خيارهم وعظيم تضحياتهم، ولهم شهداء وأحياء ترفع القبعة لهم، وقد صار بعض تضحياتهم منسياً، وبعض عائلاتهم ومنها أسر لشهداء كبار، تعيش الحسرة والقهر والفقر، فلهؤلاء بلا استثناء ندين بالعيد والفرحة وشعور العزة والكرامة.

– نستذكر في تلك الأيام الأولى لولادة العمل المقاوم قامات شامخة بالعنفوان، لا تأبه المخاطر، وضعت نصب أعينها إذلال المحتلّ وقهره بلا حساب، بعضهم صار شهيداً وبعضهم لا يزال يواصل بتواضع النأي عن التباهي دوره مقاوماً أو مناضلاً أو سياسياً أو كاتباً أو مساهماً عن بُعد في الشأن العام، والذي يجب أن تتضمّنه كلّ شهادة للتاريخ هو أنّ الشام وحدها كانت تجمعنا نحن الذين كان كلّ لقاء يضمّ منا إثنين تراقبه العيون، وتترصّده آلات التنصّت والقتل أحياناً. ودمشق يومها لم تكن مجرد مكان آمن للقاء، بل كانت غرفة عملياتنا، ومركز التدريب ومصدر السلاح، وبقيت كذلك مع كلّ التغيّرات في هيكيلية مؤسسات الدولة فيها، وتغييرات هيكيلية القوى المعنية بالمقاومة. دمشق التي أراد تلازم فساد لبناني سوري نشأ على ضفاف تلازم مسارين مقاومين أن يشوّه دورها ويخلط بين شركائها الصادقين في خيارات الغرم، وبين المتنفعين الوصوليين ناقلي البنادق من كتف إلى كتف من أهل الغنم، بمعزل عن مصدر الغنم وعنوانه، هي دمشق التي يقتضي الإنصاف بالإعتراف أنه لولاها لما كان للمقاومة كثير مما كان.

– كما في دمشق في طهران، وكما من دمشق من طهران، يلتقي المقاومون دون أن يسألهم أحد عن غير حال المقاومة، ويتلقون الرعاية والمؤازرة، في ما يدعم مسيرة هذه المقاومة ويجعل نصرها قريباً. وبحسرة يذكر كثير من المقاومين أنهم كانوا يفاخرون بالمجاهرة بهويتهم وقضيتهم في غير بلدهم، الذي كانوا فيه يخشون ويحسبون ألف حساب لانكشاف هويتهم واكتشاف قضيتهم، وحتى في زمن قوة المقاومة وانتصاراتها بقي المقاومون يُعرَفون في دمشق وطهران وتجري مناداتهم بصفاتهم كمقاومين، بينما في بلدهم صار اسمهم رموز الوصاية أو جماعة سورية وإيران. وكما كان التحرير عيداً يهديه المقاومون لكلّ لبنان كان النصر في تموز 2006، ومثلما كان في أيار 2000، بقي بعض اللبنانيين يرفض الشراكة في النصر، ويرفض بالأصل اعتباره نصراً، وعينه كما عين «إسرائيل» على سلاح المقاومة، ويطرح أسئلتها ذاتها عن مصيره.

– في عيد التحرير والمقاومة دعوة لتفكير هادئ وتأمّل، ليقف الجميع أمام حقيقة، هل يكون لنا وطن قبل أن نتصالح على حقيقة الصواب والخطأ في تاريخنا الحديث، وليس القديم، هل كانت «إسرائيل» احتلالاً بالفعل؟ وهل كانت المقاومة هي التعبير الوطني الصحيح عن التصدي لهذا الاحتلال، أم انّ كلّ تاريخنا موصول باسم حروب أهلية، أو حروب الآخرين على أرضنا، وفي قلبه يصير الانقسام حول الاحتلال بين التعامل والمقاومة بعضاً من الحرب الأهلية، أو بعضاً من تلاعب الآخرين بنا؟

– الحقيقة الجارحة التي يصعب ربما على البعض قبولها، هي أنّ الحرب الأهلية الحقيقية يجري التأسيس لها بتمييع مفهوم الوطنية، والاحتلال، والمقاومة، فقط كي لا يُحرج بعضنا بعضاً، فيصير التاريخ فعل مجاملات ونفاقاً، والنفاق الوطني أقصر طرق الحروب الأهلية، بينما الوفاق الوطني يبدأ من الإقرار مرةً بحقائق التاريخ.

 

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President Lahoud to Al-Ahed: Liberation One of the Most Beautiful Days in My Life

Fatima Salameh

25-05-2018 | 08:49

It would not be a “Resistance and Liberation” holiday without hearing from him. He holds the title of the pro-resistance president and the “man” – described as such by the master of victory.

Emile Lahoud

His national and historic positions, which never abandoned the resistance, testify to that. The path of President Emile Lahoud, the nationalist, is full of honorable stances that carried Lebanon from the age of dependency to liberation. He defended the resistance before he knew them. It is enough that he is one of those who sought to liberate the land. The historic victory of 2000 was the pride of his reign and the result of his courageous positions that supported the path of Jihad at a time when the entire world stood against him. He was offered a lot in exchange for abandoning this path. He chose to work with conscience and in accordance with his convictions, which are not bought and sold.

In an interview with al-Ahed, President Lahoud recalls many stages, from his time as commander of the Lebanese army to the time he took over the presidency. His does not conceal his “joy” with the liberation of the land during his reign. He describes this event with pride. He tells how he learned about Hezbollah and its leader for the first time and how very proud he was of meeting him [the leader]. He often expresses his happiness that he is living in the time of the resistance fighters, who have returned Lebanon’s stolen dignity.

Emile Lahoud

Below is the script of the interview:

Eighteen years after liberation, what does President Emile Lahoud remember from that era?

It is the most beautiful day of my life. Before that date, there was no hope that we would be able to regain our dignity. Our land has been occupied for 22 years. All the officials who inherited the government were accustomed to this issue until it became obvious. Truthfully, I never heard of Hezbollah. When I took over as army commander, I was living in Rayak. The atmosphere was charged against Hezbollah. When I wanted to visit my family in the north, they used to send me telegrams asking me to be careful and watch out for Hezbollah members who intended to kill me. However, the teaching inside the house, which does not know a path of sectarianism, made me not interested in the matter, even though the picture in my mind drawn about Hezbollah is that it was a Takfiri group. When did I learn of Hezbollah? It was in 1991, when I took over the army command. A decision was issued by the Lebanese state to position the army in the South. I went to Tyre. One of the officers told me: “For 22 years, I was deployed here. I was a company commander and we received instructions that ‘if a militant is caught, we must hand him over to the intelligence services, who in turn will imprison him.’ You are a new army commander, what are your instructions for me in such a case?”

I asked him, what is their nationality, are they Palestinians? He said no, they are Lebanese who want to return to their villages, which are occupied by the “Israelis”, and they carry out operations against them. Sometimes we catch them before they arrive as they are on their way to the valleys. What do you want us to do in such a situation? I told him: “Lebanese who want to return to their villages that are occupied by the Zionists are resistance fighters. You have to support them.” He told me, “appreciated” and he rejoiced. It was the first time an officer thought in this way. ” To me, as Emile Lahoud, any nationalist army commander should not ask permission from anyone to issue such an order. Should I stand in the face of those who seek to liberate the land! On the contrary, I should be an absolute support for them.

Then I returned to Beirut and the President of the Republic, Elias Hrawi, told me:

“Emile are you crazy? You are supporting people who are causing trouble at the border. Tomorrow an “Israeli” soldier will be killed and [“Israel”] will attack all of Lebanon.” Do you want to ‘destroy’ Lebanon?

I told him:

“Have you ever heard of an army commander whose land is being occupied and he gives an order to his officers that whoever liberates the land should be imprisoned? We must support them. He told me: I give you an order to confront them. I told him: I will not obey.

In 1993, the resistance became stronger than before. The Zionists were annoyed and exerted pressure on the Americans, who in turn pressured the Lebanese state and the Security Council. The latter took a decision to get rid of Hezbollah. The Lebanese state at the time issued a decision. I remember an incident that took place at the time. Members of the army spoke to me. They told me that a Zionist tank bombed a Lebanese area and killed a woman. What do you want us to do? It was the first experience with “Israel”. I asked them: is there a Lebanese tank in range? They said yes. I said, what are you waiting for? Respond. At this point, the President of the Republic summoned me and told me: “Emile, what is happening? How could you do that and give an order to respond? I told him this is what I must do. He asked me more than once to eliminate Hezbollah with the support of the UNIFIL forces. I told him: You are not understanding me, I will not do it. He told me: ‘Tomorrow is the meeting of the Supreme Council of Defense and you have to attend.’ I said, ‘I will not attend.’ He replied, ‘then we will take the decision without you. Someone else will be the army commander.’ I told him: let him come. I am doing my duty and what my conscience tells me. The next day I came late to the meeting. I found them meeting with the UNIFIL commander. They designed a map for the elimination of Hezbollah. I told them: what are you doing? Fold this map. The commander of the UNIFIL forces replied: ‘they have taken the decision in the Security Council.’ I told him: let them take whatever they want. I will not comply. Let them bring another army commander to carry out what they want. What right does the Lebanese state have to order a national army to strike its people because the “Israelis” are annoyed?

Emile Lahoud

All this and you had no interaction with Hezbollah. When was your first direct contact with them?

After all these years, there was no contact between us. But there was absolute support on my part.

The first contact in which I got to know Hezbollah was in 1997 when I got a call saying that Hadi, the son of the Secretary General of the party, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, was martyred. I told them, this is the first time that an Arab leader presents his son as a martyr. I want to get to know him. Indeed, the measures were taken. I found him relaxed although the news of his son’s martyrdom was announced an hour before my visit. We spoke for about ten minutes as I consoled him. I felt that we would win and triumph with this leader. Days passed, and we did not meet. In 2000, at the time of the liberation, Sayyed Nasrallah asked me to meet him. So we met and he presented me with an “Israeli” rifle. After that, I never saw him until I left the presidency. At the time, we sat for about three hours and talked about everything. He told me, ‘I do not know you.’ I told him, ‘We met in good conscience.’

What does to Emile Lahoud that the land was liberated during his reign as you have always described this event with pride?

It means my dignity. I take pride in this event very much. I am glad that the dignity of the Lebanese had been restored during my days. Is it possible that the “Israelis” occupy our land for 22 years and no one is shaken. Only a handful of resistance fighters met and liberated the land and defended us. Without them, “Israel” would have been among us.

How did the liberation of the land contribute to your military experience?

We can achieve the impossible. Many asked me what I was doing. No one can resist “Israel”. I told them, you will see. The resistance is the immunity of Lebanon. I am surprised how some people speak after the conclusion of the elections on the need to disarm the resistance, after all that it has done! They certainly get money from their masters who incite them to do so.

How do you perceive the golden equation, which you supported early on?

Without the golden equation, Lebanon would no longer exist, especially after the events that took place in Syria and Iraq, which made Lebanon strong and able to stand up to “Israel”. Unfortunately, we did not learn that we must preserve it through national action and not through sectarianism.

Today, the Palestinians are doing all they can to liberate their land. What is your advice for them given the experiences with the liberation of Lebanese lands?
There is no talk with “Israel” except in the language of force. I do not want to criticize, but when I hear some Palestinian officials talking about the need for a settlement, this does not return the land. The solution is only by force, just as we did in Lebanon. Here, I recall an incident. At one of the closed summits of the Arab heads of state in Khartoum, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said ‘how can I possibly pay for the salaries for the ‘Strip’ when the Zionists are not allowing the funds to arrive. I ask you Arabs to mediate with the concerned parties to put pressure on “Israel” so that the money can reach us. I told him, ‘Abu Mazen, behave like we did in Lebanon. It is shameful to beg for our salaries. We have to attack them by force. If you acted like Lebanon, you will not be here right now.’

You have always said that the the crisis in Syria will conclude with a victory. How do you describe the situation seven years after the crisis started?

Syria triumphed. The losers including the Zionists and the Arabs are coveting a winning card. That is why they are pressing in the last quarter. But they will not triumph. The crisis will soon be over and with it the conspiring mentality in Lebanon will end.

A final word

How lucky we are that we have lived in the time of the resistance and the men who sacrificed themselves for the homeland.

Source: Al-Ahed

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March 28, 2018  /  Gilad Atzmon

https://youtu.be/yUni6BWTytQ

Ten days ago at the 4th Palestinian Convention in Beirut I gave many interviews. Here is a short one. The message is clear: Israel is a state, Palestine is a country.

If they want to burn it, you want to read it!

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Being in Time – A Post Political Manifesto, 

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معادلة القرن ترامب والسيد: مَن يمنع الوهم ومَن يردع الحقيقة؟

معادلة القرن ترامب والسيد: مَن يمنع الوهم ومَن يردع الحقيقة؟

ناصر قنديل

– في الفوارق بين مدرستين في الحرب النفسية ظهرتا في حرب تموز عام 2006 جهد الباحثون والعلماء المختصون بعلوم الحرب، خصوصاً الحرب النفسية لتمييز الفوارق بين المدرستين، واحدة هي المدرسة «الإسرائيلية» التي ذاع صيتها خلال خمسين عاماً سبقت الحرب بصفتها من أقوى المدارس العالمية، حتى بدأت تدرّس في كليات الحرب الغربية بصفتها المدرسة النموذجية، التي حلّت مكان المدرسة الألمانية النازية ونجمها غوبلز الذي ذاع صيته في الحرب العالمية الثانية وكيف كانت خططه الإعلامية تنجح بإسقاط عواصم ودول بإطلاق إشاعة أو خبر، حتى صار غوبلز مدعاة سخرية بفعل الدعاية «الإسرائيلية» التي استهدفته كمنافس في علوم الحرب النفسية، ولم يبقَ من مدرسته إلا نظرية «اكذب حتى يصدقك الآخرون»، ونجح «الإسرائيليون» بتسخيف مدرسة غوبلز وتبوأوا الصدارة مكانها ما بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية. حتى جاءت المدرسة الثانية، مدرسة المقاومة في الحرب النفسية التي يمثل الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله بطلها الأول، ومؤسسها وصانع إنجازاتها، وجاء انتصارها في حرب تموز ليمنحها صفة المدرسة المتفوّقة على المدرسة «الإسرائيلية». وبدأت البحوث تسعى لتبيان الفوارق ومصادر القوة الجديدة التي نجحت بالتفوق على المدرسة التي نظر إليها العالم بإعجاب كأولى مدارس العالم المتفوقة في خوض الحرب النفسية وتحقيق النصر فيها.

– كان التفوّق الذي تختزنه المدرسة «الإسرائيلية» يقوم على فلسفة كيّ الوعي التي أطلقها مؤسس الكيان المحتلّ ديفيد بن غوريون، وقوامها اللجوء للقوة المفرطة بوحشية التدمير والقتل لتعميم ثقافة الموت كثمن لكل مَن يفكّر في مقاومة الاحتلال، ولاحقاً في استعمال كل مصادر القدرة الحربية والنارية في مناطق الألم لكل دولة تفكر باللجوء للحرب على «إسرائيل»، ومواكبة هذا السلوك الميداني بالرسائل الإعلامية والنفسية التي ترسخ فكرة العجز عن المواجهة والقدر المحتوم بالهلاك والفناء لمن يفكّر فيها أو ينوي سلوك طريقها، فيصير تصريح «إسرائيلي» صحافي كافياً لتراجع دولة عن بناء منشأة مدنية، مثل مشروع جر مياه الوزاني في لبنان عام 1964، ويصير اللجوء لإحراق طائرات شركة طيران الشرق الأوسط اللبنانيّة فوق مدرجات مطار بيروت، رسالة كيّ وعي كافية عام 1968 للقول إن كلفة الوجود الفلسطيني المقاوم لـ«إسرائيل» أكبر بكثير من كلفة مواجهته. وتنطلق حضانة لبنانية لحرب على الوجود الفلسطيني المقاوم من وحي هذه الرسالة.

– بعد ظهور المقاومة وتناميها في جنوب لبنان وصولاً للتحرير العام 2000 دخل اللاعب الجديد المنتصر في الحرب الواقعية التي حدثت فعلاً، ليصير شريكاً على ساحة خوض الحرب النفسية، بينما «إسرائيل» تواصل ما كانت عليه من دون أن تقوم بتقييم مدى صلاحية مدرستها على مواصلة الطريقة التقليدية ذاتها التي نجحت في الماضي من دون التحقق وفحص مدى صلاحيتها للحاضر والمستقبل. وقد ظهر من نتاج الحرب «الإسرائيلية» مع المقاومة أن كيَّ الوعي قد أخفق في ردع مئات من اللبنانيين صاروا ألوفاً عن تشكيل حركة مقاومة والسير بها حتى نهاية التضحيات وأعلاها كلفة، وصولاً لجعل المسار معكوساً بإيصال رسالة قوامها، «لا جدوى من مواصلة احتلالكم أرضنا»، بدلاً من لا جدوى من تفكيركم في المقاومة». وفي الواقع تلقت «إسرائيل» رسالة المقاومة وسارت في النهاية بموجبها عبر انسحابها عام 2000، فيما تعطلت الرسالة «الإسرائيلية» عن الوصول والفعل، ولم تنفع المكابرة «الإسرائيلية» والمضي قدماً في المدرسة نفسها في منع نمو المدرسة الجديدة للمقاومة، التي رسمت معادلتها الذهبية في ساحة بنت جبيل بالكلمة الشهيرة لسيد المقاومة التي لا زال صداها يتردّد «إسرائيل أوهن من بيت العنكبوت». وجاء كل شيء بعد هذا التاريخ لحرب إرادات يجب أن تحسم النتيجة لصالح تأكيد المعادلة أو نفيها، وبالتالي تثبيت أي من المدرستين أبقى. وكانت حرب تموز عام 2006 هي اللحظة التي ستحسم، كيّ الوعي أم وعي الكيّ وكيّه بوعي جديد. بعد الحرب أمكن للمقاومة أن تخرج وتقول مجدداً بلسان سيّدها، «نعم إسرائيل أوهن من بيت العنكبوت»، بعدما أضافت إلى مخزونها في الحرب النفسية معادلات من نوع، «أردتموها حرباً مفتوحة فلتكن حرباً مفتوحة»، وانتظرونا «لقد أعددنا لكم من المفاجآت ما سيغيّر وجهة الحرب».. وهكذا كان تفجير المدمّرة ساعر وسواها من المفاجآت، وصولاً إلى الرد على معادلة تدمير صواريخ المقاومة بمعادلة «حيفا وما بعد حيفا وما بعد ما بعد حيفا».

– تميّز التفوق الجوهري في مدرسة المقاومة بكونها لم تطلق معادلات تراهن على التهويل والخوف والردع النفسي في تجنيبها الاختبار العملي، بل تجنّبت إطلاق أي معادلة تخشى اختبارها الفعلي في الميدان، وربّما حرصت على جعل معادلاتها المعلنة أدنى مستوى من قدراتها الفعلية دائماً، فصارت قوة الردع النفسي مضاعفة. فعندما تقول المقاومة ما بعد حيفا لا يصل لعقل العدو التحسّب ليافا بل للنقب وإيلات، لأن المقاومة دائماً لديها مفاجآت. بينما بقيت مدرسة «إسرائيل» تقوم على توظيف ميراثها السابق من التفوق واستحضار ذاكرة أمجاد الحروب التي خاضتها لترمي معادلات أعلى من قدرتها على خوض اختبارها العملي، كما حدث مع معادلة «ما بعد الليطاني» في حرب تموز، أو «سحق حزب الله»، أو «تدمير القدرة الصاروخية وإسكاتها»، وكلها معادلات أثبتت الحرب أنها فوق قدرة «إسرائيل». بينما بدأ سيد المقاومة الحرب بمعادلة قوامها، لسنا كحركة مقاومة معنيين بالدفاع عن خط جغرافي معيّن، فقد يصل العدو إلى الليطاني وما بعد الليطاني، لكننا نعده بحرب يحمل فيها على ظهور جنوده أشلاء قتلاه ودباباته، وفرقه العشرة التي يقول إنه أعدّها لنا ستعود أشلاء مقطّعة. وانتهت الحرب عند خط الحدود وقد مُنع «الإسرائيليون» من التقدّم شبراً داخل الأراضي اللبنانية إلا كأشلاء رجال ودبابات، والخاتمة بنصر مدوٍّ لمدرسة المقاومة في الحرب النفسية.

– تظهر خطابات الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب، أن المدرسة «الإسرائيلية» للحرب النفسية هي مولود من رحم المدرسة الأميركية، وأن ترامب يخوض حرباً نفسية، عنوانها كيّ الوعي، تهدف لتحقيق منجزات سياسية وميدانية بالرهان على الرعب والذعر من خروج أميركا للحرب، والرهان على التلويح بها لتحقيق أهدافها، من دون خوضها. ويبدو التركيز على إيران كقلعة لحركات المقاومة في المنطقة وسندٍ لها، هدفاً مباشراً للتحدي الأميركي الذي يسعى ترامب للتعامل معه، ويجهد مع شريكه بنيامين نتنياهو لوضعه تحت مجهر التصويب. ووفقاً لخطة مايكل فلين الذي رحل قبل أن يفرح باستقبال نتنياهو من موقعه كمستشار للأمن القومي، فالتصعيد الكلامي على إيران يجب أن ينتهي برسالة مضمونها أن على إيران أن تختار بين انسحاب حزب الله من سورية أو المواجهة المفتوحة. وهذا يعني تأمين متطلبات الأمن «الإسرائيلي» من الجبهة الشمالية الشرقية مقابل أمن الملف النووي الإيراني.

– تعاملت إيران بالتجاهل التام مع الرسائل الأميركية، وأرسل الإمام الخامنئي ردوداً من العيار الثقيل على التهديدات الأميركية، فعندما قال ترامب إنه سيلغي الاتفاق النووي، قال السيد الخامنئي إن كنتم ستلغون الاتفاق فنحن سنحرقه. وعندما قال الأميركيون إن الخيار العسكري على الطاولة ردّ السيد الخامنئي لماذا تبقونه على الطاولة هاتوه لنختبره في الميدان، ووصل تصاعد الاشتباك بمفهوم الحرب النفسية إلى الذروة، حيث لقاء نتنياهو ترامب يقترب، فخرج ترامب بمعادلة قوامها، سنمنع إيران من امتلاك السلاح النووي مهما كلّف الثمن، وهو يعلم أنه يقاتل وهماً، لأن الامتناع عن امتلاك السلاح النووي هو قاعدة الاتفاق الذي هدّد بإلغائه أولاً، ولأن الامتناع هو فعل طوعي معلَن من إيران ثانياً، ويصير التهديد الأميركي هنا كالتهديد للرئيس السوري ما لم يقبل بحلّ سياسي، وهو صاحب الدعوة الأصلية للحلّ السياسي، بينما كانت واشنطن صاحبة الدعوة للحل العسكري، ومنع المعارضة من قبول التفاوض، أو تهديد موسكو ما لم تقبل وقف التجارب النووية، وموسكو هي مَن يدعو لذلك. وهذا الحال هو التعبير عن هزال الحرب النفسية وتدنّي مفاعيل القوة إلى أدنى مستوياتها.

– في الذروة يسقط ترامب ومعه نتنياهو، وفي الذروة يخرج سيد المقاومة إلى حربه النفسية وهما يجتمعان ليقطعا اجتماعهما ويستمعا للمعادلة الجديدة، ليس على «إسرائيل» تفريغ مستودعات الأمونيا من حيفا فقط، بل تفكيك مفاعل ديمونا، لأن الحرب المقبلة ستتيح للمقاومة استعمال السلاح الكيميائي بتفجير مستودعات الأمونيا واستعمال السلاح النووي بتفجير ديمونا. والمعادلة هي أن إيران التي تقاتلونها وتهدّدونها لأجل خوفكم من دعمها لحزب الله، لأنه الواقف على الحدود وخطوط الاشتباك مع «إسرائيل»، وتريدون الشعور بالأمان إلى أنها لن تمتلك سلاحاً نووياً، وبالتالي لن يصير السلاح النووي جزءاً من معادلة الردع لدى المقاومة، فها نحن نبلغكم من الآن أن سلاحكم النووي الحقيقي، سيكون سلاحنا النووي لتدميركم به، من دون الحاجة لامتلاك سلاح نووي لا نحتاجه، ولن نحتاج لسماع تهديداتكم لمنع امتلاكنا له، فهو بين أيدينا ما دام مفاعلكم النووي في مرمى صواريخنا.

– في التوقيت والمضمون والدقة، رسم السيد معادلة الردع لترامب ونتنياهو معاً، معادلة حرب نفسية للقرن الحادي والعشرين.

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This Is An Urgent Appeal To Aid Walaa al Ghussein

My name is M. Dennis Paul, PhD.  My friends and I have started this fundraiser for a brilliant young woman living in war torn Gaza (Palestine) who has been accepted as the first student from Gaza to enter Grad School at CUNY (City University of NY).  I ask that you read the following appeal and visit the links we have provided to learn more about this exceptional human being.

Getting out of Gaza is no easy proposition. Returning is often more difficult.  There are numerous legal and political hoops to jump through to make  either journey possible. Last year, we were successful in making it possible for the sister of this student to attend Portland State University where she is now making family, and all of us, very proud.  Our current student has prior history of attending Universities in the US and is acquainted with the hurdles.  We are confident she will make this journey. (SEE UPDATES)

We believe that once you read about the achievements accomplished so far, and under such brutal conditions as exists in the Gaza strip, by this special individual (and the others on whose behalf we work) you will understand the efforts made to help them further their education and life endeavours.

The funds we seek will satisfy both the conditions set by the State Department and the University. Any amount above these requirements will be maintained as a reserve for unforeseen expenses that may incur and then addition to the safety reserve for the student.

Time is of the essence as our student has been accepted to CUNY Spring semester and must quickly secure her place at the University. We will update as needed to stress the true deadlines she must meet.

As long time supporters of rights and freedom for Palestinians and having many friends and acquaintances there, we understand the severity of their living conditions, the depth of daily struggle to survive, and the drive toward betterment and success which fosters the hopes and dreams they carry within. Education is vitally important for these students and is something they do not take for granted.

We greatly appreciate however much you can contribute to help us make it possible for this next student to meet her goals.

Please go on to read the Pensive Quill article which explains more.  Follow the links to learn more about the desires and accomplishments of this brilliant young spirit..

THEPENSIVEQUILL
Censor Offender
ANTHONY MCINTYRE

Help Walaa Al-Ghussein
Saturday, October 29, 2016

(Stanley Cohen makes a funding appeal on behalf of Walaa Al-Ghussein, a resident of Gaza who is currently seeking to further her education in the US. Walaa Al-Ghussein has been actively involved in exposing Israeli terror against Palestinians.) 

Walaa Al-Ghussein is a treasure; one of those rare shooting stars that lights up the sky when all else seems dark and hopeless. Although truly one of a kind, she is not alone. There are hundreds of thousands of other national and international treasures that call Gaza home. Young women and men of determination and drive who against impossible odds have survived … survived to dream, to study, to grow, to look to a brighter future … one where they are no longer merely a political statistic played out in a decades old perverse, often deadly, game of power orchestrated by Israel with the acquiescence of much of the world.

Recently, after a great deal of struggle and sacrifice, Walaa obtained her undergraduate degree at university in Gaza. Previously she had attended a summer long academic program in the United States where she excelled. Most important, as a participant at the Edward R. Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University, she discovered the freedom of academic pursuit… one where classmates were not killed, where electricity existed (not a rare privilege) to study by, where podiums did not stand empty because faculty had been disappeared or were detained at a border crossing closed for the fall, or the winter … or permanently; where textbooks were not censored by Israel or recycled year after year from necessity because of a punishing embargo intended to break the spirit and will of millions as little more than a brazen criminal act of collective punishment.

Not satisfied with studies alone, Walaa has played an active and vibrant role in the life of her community especially among other young women who look to her as very much a role model of self-determination and independence. In that capacity, among other efforts, she organized and oversaw a series of training programs for youth in Gaza and the West Bank which focused on women’s empowerment and leadership. She presented a working paper on Young Women’s Leadership and its challenges at a conference held at the Women’s Affairs center in Gaza. She has mentored many young women trying to balance the tension between community and personal aspirations.

She has worked as a journalist and photographer whose articles and photographs have appeared in such prestigious publications as Al Jazeera and Mondoweiss. She has contributed to a number of powerful documentaries on Gaza and, herself, been the subject of a number of reports on life under Israeli attacks and the permanent siege of the coastal enclave of some two million people.

Walaa helped organize, and chaired, an international conference in Gaza which was one of 10 cities chosen worldwide as part of the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in Davos which focused on development skills for young entrepreneurs. In 2012 she was a member of the Palestinian Youth Delegation at a conference, “Evolution for Palestine”, held in Kuala Lumpur in Malaysia … and was the social media coordinator for the Conference. As part of her undergraduate studies, she worked as a teaching intern at both the Latin Patriarchate and Rosary Sister’s Schools in Gaza with 3rd and 10th graders.

Walaa was inspired by her time at Washington State University. Like no other place or experience, it was there that she discovered the world of academics, for her, a ticket to freedom … a boundless, exciting journey with the pursuit of graduate school a gateway to a future where she could not only realize great personal growth but share her passage and accomplishments back home with the many other young women and men of Gaza who look to her with a deep sense of pride and hope.

Recently, Walaa became the first student from Gaza to be accepted by the prestigious Graduate School of Middle East Studies at City College in New York. For her, CUNY… with its diverse population, world class faculty and location in the heart of the most vibrant City in the world has truly become a dream come true. She is scheduled to begin her studies this coming spring semester, which is not that far off. To enroll, Walaa must first obtain a student visa from the US State Department… a not quick procedure which ultimately is dependent upon sponsorship by a US citizen (who has just signed on) and a healthy level of financial security in her own bank account.

I write now to ask our extended family in Ireland, who better than most, have long known the pain of oppression and occupation, to help make Walaa’s dream a reality by contributing to a fund which we’ve set up under the supervision of a highly respected accounting firm in the United States.

For those interested in contributing by check, all it takes is an endorsement to Leonard Vona, CPA , with a reference to the academic fund for Walaa Al-Ghussein. For those who prefer a wire transfer from your bank account to the one overseeing this effort, under US law it’s a bit more complicated. Donors must first send an email to Mr. Vona identifying themselves and setting forth a very brief personal background. This will be followed up by information from Mr. Vona on how to complete the transfer.

==> Contributions, of course, can be made through this GOFUNDME Campaign

For a closer look at the thoughts and words of Walaa, I’m enclosing a link to her application statement to CUNY as well as a number of other links which reflect some of her work.

Many thanks.

Stanley Cohen.

Application Statement

Gaza’s female fixers

Walaa Ghussein

Articles by Walaa Ghussein   

Walaa Ghussein on the power (and vulnerability) of Palestinian journalists

Leonard W. Vona CPA CFE
2967 US Route 9 Suite 403
Valatie, NY 12184
Office: 518-784-2250
Fax: 518-784-2251
Mobile: 518-339-6748
lvona@leonardvona.com

ANTHONY MCINTYRE
Former IRA volunteer and ex-prisoner, spent 18 years in Long Kesh, 4 years on the blanket andno-wash/no work protests which led to thehunger strikes of the 80s. Completed PhD at Queens upon release from prison. Left the Republican Movement at the endorsement of the Good Friday Agreement, and went on to become a journalist. Co-founder of The Blanket, an online magazine that critically analyzed the Irish peace process.

UPDATES
#1 November 19, 2016

We are happy to announce that Walaa has safely made her way out of Gaza after several months of effort. We are, however, woefully shy of meeting the $15k needed to insure her place at CUNY.

Walaa will be the 1st Gaza student accepted in the prestigious Graduate School of Middle East Studies at CUNY. This is a great accomplishment for her, personally, and for Gaza.

We are so thankful to all our donors. We know that finances, for some, are tight in this season. Every gift, whether $1 or $1000, is celebrated by us as it makes the dreams of this shining star ever closer to reality. Please tell all your friends and family about this campaign, about Walaa, and ask them to help us help her.

#2 December 1, 2016
We are happy to announce that Walaa’s student visa has been approved. One more hurdle behind her now. There are still many more ahead and we are still woefully short of our $15K goal. Several donors have come back and donated additional amounts and we simply cannot thank them enough. But we need your donations and time is running out. If only half of our combined Twitter & Facebook followers donated just $3, our campaign could end tomorrow. Please consider a donation of any amount and make it now.
#3 December 10, 2016
We have less than 22 days to solidify all the steps necessary to insure that Walaa is safely established at CUNY. Of course, this means we need funds. At this point, we are only a little over the 1/3 mark for meeting our goal. We know the holidays can cut into giving but we are urging all our followers and friends ,,, and their followers and friends … to reach down deep and find that extra $1-3-5-10 (or what ever might be available) to donate now. Any and every amount counts. With less than 22 days, we are in desperation mode. Walaa’s visa has been approved and a sponsor found. Housing must still be secured and ready for her arrival. Other expenses require attention.. some immediate. We need some serious angels to pull all of this together. Please help us make this happen for Walaa.

Uri Avnery on Israel’s ‘Rapidly Approaching’ Civil War

 photo israllyedge_zps9a7f8116.jpg

[ Ed. note – Wouldn’t it be ironic if, after attempting to break apart Syria and other countries as per the Yinon Plan, Israel ended up erupting into a civil war itself? ]

By Uri Avnery

SOMETHING STRANGE happens to retired chiefs of the Israeli internal Security Service, Shin Bet.

The service is by definition a central pillar of the Israeli occupation. It is admired by (Jewish) Israelis, feared by Palestinians, respected by security professionals everywhere. The occupation could not exist without it.

And here is the paradox: once the chiefs of the service leave their jobs, they become spokesmen for peace. How come?

Actually, there is a logical explanation. Shin Bet agents are the only part of the establishment which comes into real, direct, daily contact with the Palestinian reality. They interrogate Palestinian suspects, torture them, try to turn them into informers. They collect information, penetrate the most remote parts of Palestinian society. They know more about the Palestinians than anybody else in Israel (and perhaps in Palestine, too).

The intelligent among them (intelligence officers can indeed be intelligent, and often are) also think about what they become aware of. They come to conclusions that evade many politicians: that we are faced with a Palestinian nation, that this nation will not disappear, that the Palestinians want a state of their own, that the only solution to the conflict is a Palestinian state next to Israel.

And so we see a strange phenomenon: upon leaving the service, the Shin Bet chiefs, one after another, become outspoken advocates of the “two-state solution”.

The same is happening to the chiefs of the Mossad, Israel’s external intelligence service.

Their main job its to fight against the Arabs in general, and the Palestinians in particular. Yet the moment they leave the service, they become advocates of the two-state solution, in direct contradiction to the policy of the Prime Minister and his government.

ALL PERSONNEL of the two secret services are, well – secret. All except the chiefs.

(This is my achievement. When I was a member of the Knesset, I submitted a bill which stipulated that the name of the service chiefs be made public. The bill was rejected, of course, like all my proposals, but soon after the Prime Minister decreed that the names of the chiefs be indeed made public.)

Some time ago, Israeli TV showed a documentary called “The Doorkeepers”, in which all the living ex-chiefs of the Shin-Bet and the Mossad were asked about the solutions to the conflict.

All of them, with different levels of intensity, advocated peace based on the “two-state solution”. They expressed their opinion that there will be no peace unless the Palestinians achieve a national state of their own.

At the time, Tamir Pardo was the chief of the Mossad and could not express opinions. But since early 2016, he is again a private person. This week he opened his mouth in public for the first time.

As his name suggests, Pardo is a Sephardic Jew, born 63 years ago in Jerusalem. His family came from Turkey, where many Jews found refuge after the expulsion from Spain 525 years ago. So he does not belong to the “Ashkenazi elite” which is so detested by the “Oriental” part of Jewish-Israeli society.

Pardo’s main point was a warning: Israel is approaching a situation of civil war. We are not yet there, he said, but getting there rapidly.

This, according to him, is now the main threat facing Israel. Indeed, he asserted that this is the only menace left. This statement means that the recent chief of the Mossad sees no military threat to Israel – neither from Iran nor Daesh nor anybody else. This is a direct challenge to the main plank of Netanyahu’s policy: that Israel is surrounded by dangerous enemies and deadly threats.

But Pardo sees a menace that is far more dangerous: the split inside Israel’s Jewish society. We don’t have a civil ear – yet. But “we are rapidly approaching it”.

CIVIL WAR between whom? The usual answer is: between “Right” and “Left”.

As I have remarked before, Right and Left in Israel do not mean the same as in the rest of the world. In England, France and the US, the division between left and right concerns social and economic matters.

In Israel, we also have a lot of socio-economic problems, of course. But the division between “left’ and “right” in Israel almost solely concerns peace and the occupation. If one wants an end of the occupation and peace with the Palestinians, one is a “leftist”. If one wants the annexation of the occupied territories and the enlargement of the settlements, one is a “rightist”.

But I suspect that Pardo means a much deeper rift, without saying so explicitly: the rift between European (“Ashkenazim”) and “Oriental” (“Mizrahim”) Jews. The “Sephardic” (“Spanish”) community, to which Pardo belongs, is seen as part of the Orientals.

What makes this rift so potentially dangerous, and explains Pardo’s dire warning, is the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Orientals are “rightist”, nationalist and at least mildly religious, while the majority of the Ashkenazim are “leftist”, more peace-oriented and secular. Since the Ashkenazim are also in general socially and economically better situated than the Orientals, the rift is profound.

At the time Pardo was born (1953), those of us who were already aware of the beginning rift comforted themselves with the belief that it was a passing phase. Such a rift is understandable after a mass immigration, but the “melting pot” will do its job, intermarriage will help and after a generation or two the whole thing will disappear, never to be seen again.

Well, it did not happen. Quite the contrary, the rift is deepening swiftly. Signs of mutual hatred are becoming more obvious. Public discourse is full of them. Politicians, especially rightist ones, base their careers on sectarian incitement, led by the greatest inciter of all, Netanyahu.

Intermarriage does not help. What happens is that the sons and daughters of mixed couples generally choose one of the two sides – and become extremists on that side.

An almost comic symptom is that the Right, which has been in power (with brief interruptions) since 1977, is still behaving like an oppressed minority, blaming the “old elites” for all their ills. This is not entirely ridiculous because the “old elites” are still preponderant in the economy, the media, the courts and the arts.

The mutual antagonism is growing. Pardo himself provides an alarming example: his warning did not arouse any storm. It passed almost unnoticed: a short item on TV news, a short mention in the inner pages of the printed press, and that’s that. No use getting excited, is there?

ONE SYMPTOM that may have frightened Pardo is that the one unifying force for the Jews in the country – the army – is falling victim to the rift, too.

The Israeli army was born long before Israel itself in the pre-independence underground, which was based on the socialist, Ashkenazi kibbutzim. Traces of that past are still noticeable in the upper echelons. The generals are mostly Ashkenazim.

This may explain the strange fact that 43 years after the last real war (the Yom Kippur war, 1973), and 49 years after the army becoming mainly a colonial police force, the army command is still more moderate than the political establishment.

But from below there is growing another army – an army many of whose lower officers wear a kippah, an army whose new recruits grew up in homes like Elor Azariya’s and were educated in the nationalist Israeli school system that produced Azariya.

The military trial of Azariya continues to tear Israel apart, several months after it started and months before it will end in a verdict. Azariya, it will be remembered, is the sergeant who shot dead a severely wounded Arab attacker, who was already lying helplessly on the ground.

Day after day, this affair excites the country. The army command is menaced by what already comes close to a general mutiny. The new defense minister, the settler Avigdor Lieberman, quite openly supports the soldier against his Chief of Staff, while Binyamin Netanyahu, a political coward as usual, supports both sides.

This trial has long ago ceased to concern a moral or disciplinary issue, and has become a part of the deep fissure rending Israeli society. The picture of the childish-looking killer, with his mother sitting behind him in court and stroking his head, has become the symbol of the threatening civil war Pardo speaks about.

A LOT of Israelis have begun to talk of “two Jewish societies” in Israel, some even talk about “two Jewish peoples” within the Israeli Jewish nation.

What holds them together?

The conflict, of course. The occupation. The perpetual state of war.

Yitzhak Frankenthal, a bereaved parent and a pillar of the Israeli peace forces, has come up with an illuminating formula: it is not that the Israeli-Arab conflict has been forced on Israel. Rather, it’s the other way around:

Israel keeps up the conflict, because it needs the conflict for its very existence.

This could explain the endless occupation. It fits well into Pardo’s theory of the approaching civil war. Only the sense of unity created by the conflict can prevent one.

The conflict – or peace.

Italian Delegation: Hizbullah Best Answer against Terrorism, No One Can Hide the Crimes of KSA! (Part 1)

 Fatima Haydar

The “Israeli” apartheid regime’s troops completely withdraw from South Lebanon by May 25th, 2000. Sixteen years on the liberation and the Lebanese still cherish this day stronger than ever.
Italian Delegation

This year, it is not only the Lebanese who celebrated the 16th anniversary of the Resistance and Liberation Day, an Italian delegation that visited Lebanon to show solidarity with Hizbullah had a lot to say to national, regional and international public.

The Italian delegation consisted of 11 activists and public figures from Italy and Spain among which were Alberto Palladino, an Italian journalist and executive board member of Solidarite Identites, a humanitarian organization to support the Syrian people, as well as Italian politician Giovanni Feola, leader of the Italian CasaPound movement.

Other members of the organization were: Poalo Sebastianelli, Rodrigo Gomez, Manfredi Pinelli, Rudy de Astis, Carlo Pezzolesi, Dario Zimbardi, Davide Granconato and Damiano Crudele.

It was not a coincidence that the delegation’s visit to Lebanon coincided with the Resistance and Liberation Day. According to the delegation’s deputy speaker, Alberto Palladino their visit to Lebanon was “much intended. We want to participate in this victory and this march”.

Italian Delegation: Hizbullah Best Answer against Terrorism, No One Can Hide the Crimes of KSA! (Part 1)

Palladino indicated that the Resistance’s May victory is very important and that it is a “symbolic victory because in this time no one can invade another sovereign nation; all the people in the Mediterranean zone, every free people have the right to defend their homes from invasion…”

He went on saying that “The victory of Hizbullah against “Israel” is the symbol of a new freedom in the Mediterranean zone. On another level, it is a very great victory because a powerful and very well-equipped army was defeated by the pure resistances of Hizbullah revolutionaries.”

According to Palladino, it is via their organization’s work in Syria that they met Hizbullah and founded a relations ship with the group.

He indicated that the Italian delegation intends to “create or rebuild the relation between Europe – specially the countries that are in contact with the Mediterranean Sea – and the close east; that is, the Middle Eastern countries on the Mediterranean Sea” pointing out that through “analyzing our similitudes, we find that we are very close in culture and history as well as political views”.

Palladion explains that the main example of likeness between the European and Middle Eastern countries in the Mediterranean zone is the fight against terrorism saying that “terrorists have engulfed Syria as it did in Paris and Brussels; so we have to be close as much as possible to solve it.”

When asked about the concerns over the wave of terrorism that has extended from the Middle East to Europe and the delegation’s expectations from their visit, Palladino said, “We aim to launch a signal through this activity to have the Europeans understand that there is an alternative to the official relation between Europe and Arab countries.”

“Take Saudi Arabia for example, our government and politicians have diplomatic ties with it; Saudi Arabia is killing the Yemeni people and no one in the West spoke out” Palladino said.

He added that “everyone in Europe considers Hizbullah as a terrorist organization, but no one speaks of the situation in Yemen where our military planes are sold to Saudi Arabia and are used to kill the Yemenis.”

On the level of Hizbullah’s fight against terrorism in Syria, Palladion said that the group “gives the best example it can give to the world” shedding light on the fact that now Hizbullah and its martyrs are the best answer against terrorism.

“It is not a terrorist organization! Hizbullah is fighting outside its territory and spending weapons, money and lives to defend the freedom and security of Syria and the Syrian people,” he added.

Palladino went on to say that “No one can hide the sacrifices of Hizbullah in Syria in the same manner that no one can hide the crimes of Saudi Arabia and its allies in Yemen as well as their public attack against Iran!”

He indicated that “now, people in Italy are getting their information directly from the source – your website for example – via the internet, and they no longer depend on the official media for news” explaining that Europeans are becoming more aware of the truth and their view Hizbullah.

To be continued…

Source: al-Ahed News

 

28-05-2016 | 16:43

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Iraq is being invaded for the second time in just over a decade.

Turkey’s New Deployment


  Darko Lazar

Iraq is being invaded for the second time in just over a decade.

American troops have been sneaking into the country’s western Anbar province for months. And now Turkey is carving up its own piece of the pie.

Last week, around 150 Turkish soldiers – backed by two-dozen tanks – deployed to Iraq’s Bashiqa, near the country’s second city of Mosul, which has been under the control of the Daesh terror group since last summer.

Officials in Ankara kept flip-flopping as concerns the reasons for the incursion; first, they denied the troops were even there. Then, they claimed that the Turkish military was conducing a training exercise, and finally stated that the move was intended to serve as protection for Turkish military advisors in the area.

At one point, the Turkish government claimed that the additional troops were in Iraq to help train local forces fighting against Daesh, and that they had Baghdad’s blessing.
They did not. In fact, the central government in Baghdad is fuming.

Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al Abadi called on Turkey to “immediately” withdraw its forces, before ordering his Foreign Minister to file a compliant with theUN Security Council.

On Friday, Iraq’s top cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, echoed the same calls, urging the government in Baghdad to show “no tolerance” toward any side that violates the country’s sovereignty.

However, no one in Ankara appears to be too concerned – and for a good reason.
The western ‘defenders’ of international law and sovereignty do not even care to make it seem as though they are opposed to Ankara’s actions.

US State Department spokesperson John Kirby said that he was unaware of Iraq’s concerns.
“We want Turkey and Iraq to work this out. And they are.” Kirby said.

Turkey’s president Recep Tayep Erdogan also weighed in on the deployment,stating that, “withdrawing our soldiers is out of the question for the moment.”

It sure sounds like they are working it out.

Maybe that is because, to ‘work this out’, Baghdad must accept the de facto annexation of the northern part of Iraq.

According to unconfirmed reports, the number of Turkish troops in Bashiqa has swelled to 900 during the course of this week, suggesting that Ankara is setting up a permanent base there.

The camp occupied by the Turkish troops houses an Iraqi force made up mainly of extremist volunteers and former police officers who previously fled their posts, allowing Nineveh province and its capital Mosul to fall to Daesh without a fight in June 2014. The architect of this contingent is former Nineveh governor Atheel al-Nujaifi, a man countless Iraqi lawmakers have accused of conspiring with Washington to break up Iraq.

The force has always been widely regarded as a counterweight to the Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Units and the most effective force against Daesh – that have grown in strength across Iraq with Iran’s help.

A member of parliament from Iraq’s ruling State of Law Coalition, Saad Al Mouttalibi, told me that Turkey’s incursion into Iraq is possibly, “a stabilising force for a new Sunni state”.

Jointly ruled by Nujaifi and the Barzani dynasty, which runs the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), this new entity would be a Turkish military ‘protectorate’.

With Daesh failing to fully dismantle the Sykes-Picot Agreement and redraw the map of the Middle East, it appears that Ankara has resorted to taking on a more direct role in order to realize its geopolitical aspirations.

And northern Iraq is an easy target – and certainly easier than similar adventures in northern Syria.

Erdogan – NATO’s man in the Middle East – who took it upon himself to shoot down a Russian jet bombing terrorists in northern Syria, has recently had his ambitions curtailed.

A combination of Russian sanctions and the deployment of advanced Russian weaponry to Syria, including the S400 surface-to-air missile defense system, have clipped Erdogan’s wings.
What’s more, the Russians have exposed and are now going after the oil smuggling business between Daesh and Erdogan’s inner circle.

According to former Iraqi Government Spokesperson Ali Al Dabbagh, “Turkey is in a critical position, especially because of the oil smuggling, and they want to show that they still have cards to play”.

So, Ankara has turned its attention to Iraq.

Turkey and its allies in Washington have made sure to punish the Iraqi premier, who accepted to host the intelligence sharing centre comprised of the newly dubbed ‘4+1′ alliance – Iran, Iraq, Syria, Hizbullah and Russia – and welcomed the prospect of Russian strikes against Daesh in Iraq.

Source: al-Ahed news

12-12-2015 | 08:35

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