Syria demands ‘immediate, unconditional’ pullout of Turkish troops from Idlib

Syria demands ‘immediate, unconditional’ pullout of Turkish troops from Idlib

Press TV – October 14, 2017

This picture taken on October 13, 2017, shows Turkish forces positioned on a hill in the Syrian border town of Salwah. (Photo by AFP)This picture taken on October 13, 2017, shows Turkish forces positioned on a hill in the Syrian border town of Salwah. (Photo by AFP)

The Syrian government has strongly denounced an incursion of Turkish military forces into the country’s militant-held northwestern province of Idlib, demanding “immediate and unconditional” withdrawal of Turkish troops from the war-ravaged Arab country.

“The Syrian Arab Republic condemns in the strongest terms the incursion of Turkish military units in[to] … Idlib province, which constitutes … blatant aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria and flagrant violation of international law,” an unnamed official source at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates told Syria’s official news agency, SANA, on Saturday.

“The Syrian Arab Republic demands … immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Turkish troops from the Syrian territory,” the source added.

The source further described Ankara’s military incursion as an act of “aggression” which “the Turkish regime can’t justify in any way.”

He also dismissed Turkey’s attempts to link the move to the implementation of the Astana agreements with Iran and Russia on the creation of de-escalation zones in Syria, terming it a “departure” from the deal.

Late on Thursday, Turkey deployed a convoy of around 30 military vehicles to Idlib province.

The Turkish forces entered Syria near the Bab al-Hawa border crossing, and headed to Shaykh Barakat hilltop, which overlooks lands controlled by foreign-sponsored Takfiri militants as well as Afrin area held by US-backed militiamen from the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG).

Idlib and swaths of land in Syria’s northern and northwestern regions are largely controlled by members of Tahrir al-Sham militant group.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said his country’s military operations in Idlib are the follow-up of the Euphrates Shield operation in northern Syria, which Ankara launched in August last year without any authorization from Damascus.

Ankara said back then that the main objectives behind the operation were clearing Turkey’s southern border of the Daesh Takfiri terrorist group and stopping the YPG from gaining more sway there.

Ankara views the YPG as the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) militant group, which has been fighting for an autonomous region inside Turkey since 1984.


A negotiation to barter the referendum with sanctions تفاوض لمقايضة الاستفتاء بالعقوبات

A negotiation to barter the referendum with sanctions

أكتوبر 9, 2017

Written by Nasser Kandil,

All the available information from the scenes of the regional and the international relations that surround the project of the secession of Kurdistan ensures that the project was born dead, and that the stable convictions of the supports of the Kurdish leadership in the West in particular prove that the opportunities of success are nil, and that the ceiling of what can be done is the escalation to stop it by issuing a common international position that based on a bilateral; the unity of Iraq and the rights of the Kurds, through a negotiation that leads to an exit that face-saving those who got involved in the quest for secession in exchange of their smooth retreat of the sanctions which it seems that their continuation will drop all the gains achieved by the project of Kurdistan over the years.

The supporters of the secession were surprised at the size of harmony of the Turkish, Iranian, and Iraqi positions to the extent that some people described them with the ambush that was set for Al-Barazani to go in for the referendum and to fall in the trap through the standstill of Baghdad’s position throughout the period that separated between the declaration of the determination on the referendum, and the date of its holding. Baghdad did not show any vigor or determination, and there were not any indicators for Turkish- Iranian –Iraqi coordination as the size which appeared suddenly, after it was hidden for ten years at least, it appeared strongly contrary to all the expectations which depended on the apparent data, and which expected political warnings, mediations,  and admonition, they did not expect a decisive decision of suffocating blockade to the extent of threatening the state of secession by falling and maybe by the military invasion or at least extracting Kirkuk by force from it, along with Iraqi bordered line that links Iraq with Turkey and Iran, and besieges Kurdistan.

The supporters of the secession were surprised that the Russian position which supports the rights of Kurds considers that the unity of Iraq and the unity of Syria a red line for the stability in the region, and that the Turkish-Iranian understanding towards the state of secession constitutes a sufficient reason for the inclusion of Russia. It is the owner of a Russian- Iranian- Turkish- Syrian- Iraqi project that is achieved under the title of confronting the threat of the fragmentation of the region entities. Thus the understandings which the west  wants in Washington and the European capitals about Syria has become conditioned with the formula of the Turkish-Iranian understanding which is supported by Russia and which attracts Syria and Iraq. Its main condition is the fall of the state of secession.

The Europeans who sponsored historically and traditionally the Kurdish project in Iraq despite its political subordination to Washington and its distinctive relations with Israel and the Gulf have understood well the Syrian lesson. The goals on which Europe has drawn the foreign policy have changed. As the French President Emanuel Macron who called for a negotiation that preserves the unity of Iraq and the rights of the Kurds, and avoids the escalation said that the policies of spreading democracy and the human rights do not worth taking a risk of stability, because the generalization of the European values must not be at the expense of the security of Europe, the intension here surely is not the values but the colonial policies that are covered by these values. The war on Syria to overthrow the regime prove that the European cost was the dangerous population change through the flow of the displaced people, and the major security concern through the expansion and the rootedness of terrorism, in addition to the economic regression, the unemployment, and the recession. Those who concerned about the immigration of the Syrians will not take the risk of dismantling Turkey after Iraq and receiving tens of millions of the displaced people along with the chaos of the spread of terrorism.

The West which is preoccupied with the outcome of its long failed war on Syria cannot bear an adventure of ten years for another long failed war that dismantles Iraq and Turkey. The Gulf and Israel are incapable of providing the necessities for the continuation of igniting the war on Syria alone; they do not have what is needed to ignite other new wars. Thus the war of Syria seems to be the last war. It seems that the war of the Kurdish secession is weaker than to be born, but as a cold war of negotiation, in order to achieve the organized deterrence for hasty steps that lost the consideration of time and place.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,


تفاوض لمقايضة الاستفتاء بالعقوبات

سبتمبر 30, 2017

ناصر قنديل

-تؤكد المعلومات المتوافرة كلّها من كواليس العلاقات الإقليمية والدولية المحيطة بمشروع انفصال كردستان أنّ المشروع قد ولد ميتاً، وأنّ القناعات الراسخة لدى المؤيدين للقيادة الكردية في الغرب خصوصاً، صارت بأنّ فرص النجاح باتت معدومة، وأنّ سقف ما يمكن هو الدخول على خط التصعيد لوقفه باستصدار موقف دولي جامع يقوم على ثنائية وحدة العراق وحقوق الأكراد، وتفاوض يحقق مخرجاً يحفظ ماء الوجه للذين تورّطوا بالسعي للانفصال مقابل تراجعهم السلس لقاء التراجع عن العقوبات التي يبدو أنّ مواصلتها سيسقط المكاسب كلّها التي حققها مشروع كردستان خلال سنوات طوال.

-فوجئ مؤيّدو الانفصال بحجم حدة وانسجام المواقف التركية والإيرانية والعراقية، لدرجة وصفها البعض بالكمين الذي نُصب للبرزاني للسير بالاستفتاء والوقوع في الفخ، عبر برودة موقف بغداد طوال الفترة الفاصلة بين إعلان العزم على الاستفتاء وموعد إجرائه، حيث لم تظهر بغداد أيّ حدة أو حزم، ولا ظهرت مؤشرات على تنسيق تركي إيراني عراقي بالحجم الذي ظهر فجأة. وهو وليد تحضير عمره شهور على الأقلّ بقي طيّ الكتمان حتى ظهر بقوة وزخم مخالفاً كلّ التوقعات المبنية على الظاهر من الأمور، والتي كانت تتوقع تحذيرات سياسية ووساطات وعتب، لكنها لم تتوقع قراراً حازماً بحصار خانق يصل حدّ تهديد دولة الانفصال بالسقوط، وربما بالاجتياح العسكري، أو على الأقلّ انتزاع كركوك بالقوة منها، ومعها شريط حدودي عراقي يربط العراق بتركيا وإيران ويسوّر كردستان.

-فوجئ مؤيّدو الانفصال بأنّ الموقف الروسي الداعم لحقوق الأكراد يعتبر وحدة العراق ووحدة سورية خطاً أحمر لصناعة الاستقرار في المنطقة، وبأنّ التفاهم التركي الإيراني تجاه دولة الانفصال يشكل سبباً كافياً لتنضمّ روسيا إليه، وهي صاحبة مشروع خماسية روسية إيرانية تركية سورية عراقية، وجدتها تتحقق تحت عنوان مواجهة خطر تفتيت كيانات المنطقة. وبالتالي صارت التفاهمات التي يريدها الغرب في واشنطن والعواصم الأوروبية حول سورية صارت حكماً مشروطة بصيغة التفاهم التركي الإيراني الذي تدعمه روسيا ويجذب حكماً سورية والعراق، وشرطه الأساس سقوط دولة الانفصال.

-ظهر الأوروبيون الذين رعوا تاريخياً وتقليدياً المشروع الكردي في العراق، رغم تبعيته السياسية لواشنطن وعلاقاته المميّزة بـ«إسرائيل» والخليج، وقد استوعبوا الدرس السوري جيداً. فالأهداف التي عملت أوروبا لرسم السياسة الخارجية على أساسها قد تغيّرت، كما قال الرئيس الفرنسي إيمانويل ماكرون الذي دعا لتفاوض يحفظ وحدة العراق وحقوق الأكراد ويتجنّب التصعيد، بأنّ سياسات نشر الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان، لا تستحقّ المغامرة بالاستقرار لأنّ تعميم القيم الأوروبية لا يجوز أن يتمّ على حساب أمن أوروبا، والقصد طبعاً ليس القيم بل السياسات الاستعمارية التي تغلّفها هذه القيم. وجاءت الحرب على سورية لإسقاط دولتها تقول إن الثمن الأوروبي هو تغيير سكاني خطير عبر تدفق موجات النازحين، وقلق أمني كبير عبر تمدّد وتجذر الإرهاب، عدا الركود الاقتصادي والبطالة والكساد، ومن أقلقته هجرة السوريين فلن يتحمّل المجازفة بتفكيك تركيا بعد العراق وتلقي عشرات ملايين النازحين ومعهم فوضى انتشار الإرهاب.

-الغرب المنهك بحاصل حربه الطويلة والفاشلة على سورية، لا يستطيع تحمل مغامرة عشر سنوات لحرب طويلة فاشلة أخرى تفكّك العراق وتركيا، والخليج و«إسرائيل» العاجزتان عن توفير مقومات السير بتوفير مستزمات وقود اشتعال الحرب في سورية وحدهما، لا تملكان بالتأكيد ما يلزم لإشعال حروب جديدة، لتبدو حرب سورية آخر الحروب، وتبدو حرب الانفصال الكردية أضعف من أن تولد، إلا كحرب تفاوض على البارد، بما يحقق الترادع المنظم لخطوات متسرّعة لرؤوس حامية أخطأت الحساب في المكان والزمان.

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Turkey and the major options تركيا والخيارات الكبرى

 Turkey and the major options

أكتوبر 4, 2017

Written by Nasser Kandil,

“The one who puts poison in the food will Surely taste it sooner or later” is an Arab proverb that is applied on the Turkish leadership which without it and without what it has of capabilities and what it occupies of geography, along with its dreams and illusions, the war would not take place around which all the wars of the region revolve. It is the war which was launched to overthrow Syria. The regime of Ankara was the reason of turning the idea from a plan into a reality. This track which its beginning was by exposing the stability of Syria, its unity, and its cohesion to threat seems ending by the exposition of the stability of Turkey, its unity, and its cohesion to threat.

The Turkish leadership led by the Turkish President Recep Erdogan did not take into consideration that the failure will be the fate of the war on Syria, and did not think that Iran and Russia will surround him till retreat and failure, or that when Washington fails, it will move to an alternative plan entitled Kurdish privacy at the expense of Turkey, or that the war on ISIS and Al Nusra will impose on him the partnership against both of them after he participated in their sponsoring, taking care, and protecting. But the danger which Erdogan and his political and security leadership did not pay attention to was that the one that grew up stealing the money of the Iraqi oil and despoiling it in cooperation with the ruling mafias in Turkey will decide to secede paving the way for the disintegration of Turkey under US- Israeli support, betting on that the financial bribes received by those who are close to the despoiled oil revenues will protect the decision of the secession. All of that happened and now Turkey is reaping the outcome of its tampering with the future of Syria, its unity, and its stability.

During the past years, Ankara has acted on the basis that Erbil is closer to it than Baghdad, and that Erbil is a reliable ally, while Tehran is an opponent. Now it discovers that these rules are falling at once. Ankara has participated in agitating the sectarian strife with Saudi Arabia and Qatar hoping that it will lead the Muslim world on that basis, now it finds itself a partner in making the Iraqi and the regional background in which the Sunnis and the Shiites unite. On one hand, the Arabs of Iraq are on one bank above the sectarian and political divisions; all the attempts to divide them are falling because of the new game and the feeling of danger. One the other hand, regionally the Turks and the Iranians who represent two extreme sectarian poles seem together, and the unification of the Arab popular background and the Islamic popular background would not take place without this adventure through which the Americans and the Israelis have entrusted Masoud Al-Barazani and his leadership to take it by the illusion of gains and seizing the opportunity. This indicates to the magnitude of the US dilemma, where every step which seems a momentum forward, its cost seems to be higher than its expected revenues.

In fact, Iran, Syria, and the resistance are away from the need to penetrate deeply and directly into the issue of the secession of the Iraqi Kurdistan. The decision of preventing every federal formula for the Kurds of Syria was prior to any step by Al-Barazani. This step led to grant an additional legitimacy to every attempt of deterring the weak projects of the Kurdish secession which may be witnessed by Syria. What Turkey will witness along with the Iraqi government will be enough, since both of them are allies to Washington, as Al-Barazani. If the two governments were in relation with the axis of resistance, then the actual battle would remain hard for Washington to choose the clear and the announced option where the losses and the gains are bigger than the expected gains, while it is easy for the axis of the resistance to boast of its options on one hand and to calm down its fronts on the other hand, because there will be who will be forced by the necessity to handle it. Israel will not feel reassured if it drives the sources of power to another front away from it, since it is already terrified from tomorrow.

The context of the accumulated developments since the battle of Aleppo is as the context of the superficial hasty US behavior, they show that Turkey is finding itself gradually with Russia and Iran, so it has to position clearly within this bilateral. The first crucial step is through Ankara’s dispute toward Erbil, and the cooperation with Baghdad contrary to what it used to be throughout the years, the second step is about Syria, it is through the retreat which has been avoided by Erdogan for long time, and the recognition  that the national Turkish security starts by the recognition that the there is no legitimacy for a role in Syria without the consent of the Syrian government,  the Syrian President, and the Syrian army, and that Turkey’s reassurance of its southern borders will not be achieved by the Turkish tampering with the Syrian geography, but with the work on the project of the Syrian country, which its beginning is the recognition of the military withdrawal from the Syrian territories in favor of the Syrian army, it is the first signs of the cooperation in ensuring the mutual security across the borders, and that the legitimacy of the role is granted by the legitimacy of the opposite concerned country and the legitimacy of its president, so any other words are nonsense.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

تركيا والخيارات الكبرى

سبتمبر 26, 2017

ناصر قنديل

– إنْ كان يصحّ القول لأحد إنّ طابخ السمّ آكله، في ضوء ما جرى من مياه في طاحونة حروب المنطقة، فهذا الأحد هو القيادة التركية، التي لولاها بما تمتلك من مقدرات وما تحتلّ من جغرافيا وما ركب رأسها من أوهام وأحلام، لما كانت الحرب التي دارت في فلكها كلّ حروب المنطقة، وهي الحرب التي شنّت لإسقاط سورية وكان نظام أنقرة حجر الرحى في تمكينها من التحوّل من خطة إلى واقع. وها هو المسار الذي كانت فاتحته تعريض استقرار سورية ووحدتها وتماسكها للخطر، تبدو خاتمته بتعريض استقرار تركيا ووحدتها وتماسكها للخطر.

– لم يكن في حساب القيادة التركية، وعلى رأسها الرئيس التركي رجب أردوغان، أنّ الفشل سيكون من نصيب الحرب على سورية، ولا أنّ إيران وروسيا ستحاصرانه حتى التراجع والفشل، ولا أنّ واشنطن عندما تفشل ستنتقل لخطة بديلة عنوانها خصوصية كردية على حساب تركيا، ولا أنّ الحرب على داعش والنصرة ستفرض عليه الشراكة فيهما، بعدما شارك بالرعاية والعناية والوصاية، لكن الأخطر الذي لم يخطر على بال أردوغان وقيادته السياسية والأمنية أنّ مَنْ ترعرع بسرقة مال النفط العراقي ونهبه بالتعاون مع مافيات حاكمة في تركيا سينقلب للانفصال فاتحاً طريق تفكك تركيا، بدعم أميركي «إسرائيلي»، مراهناً أنّ الرشى المالية التي ينالها المقرّبون من عائدات النفط المنهوب ستحمي قرار الانفصال. لكن كلّ ذلك حصل وها هي تركيا تحصد ناتج العبث بمستقبل سورية، ووحدتها واستقرارها، تهديداً لمستقبل تركيا ووحدتها واستقرارها.

– خلال سنوات مضت تصرّفت أنقرة على قاعدة أنّ أربيل أقرب لها من بغداد، وأنّ أربيل حليف موثوق وطهران خصم موصوف. وها هي تكتشف أنّ هذه القواعد تسقط دفعة واحدة، وشاركت أنقرة باللعب على أوتار الفتنة المذهبية مع السعودية وقطر، أملاً بأن تكون زعامة العالم الإسلامي من باب هذه اللعبة. وها هي تجد نفسها شريكاً في صناعة مناخ عراقي وإقليمي يتوحّد فيه الشيعة والسنة. فمن جهة عرب العراق في ضفة واحدة فوق التقسيمات المذهبية والسياسية وكلّ الاشتغال على قسمتهم يسقط بسبب اللعبة الجديدة واستشعار الخطر. وإقليمياً يبدو الأتراك والإيرانيون بما يمثلان مذهبياً كقطبين، في مركب واحد، وتوحيد المناخ العربي الشعبي والمناخ الإسلامي الشعبي ما كان ليكون لولا هذه المخاطرة التي انتدب الأميركيون و«الإسرائيليون» مسعود البرزاني وقيادته للقيام بها بوهم المكاسب وانتهاز اللحظة. وهذا إنْ دلّ على شيء فعلى حجم المأزق الأميركي، حيث كلّ خطوة تبدو دفعاً إلى الأمام تظهر كلفتها أعلى من عائداتها المتوقعة.

– في الواقع إيران وسورية والمقاومة بمنأى عن الحاجة للخوض مباشرة في ملف انفصال كردستان العراق، وقرار منع أيّ صيغة انفصالية لأكراد سورية سابق لخطوة البرزاني، وما ترتّب على هذه الخطوة منح المشروعية الإضافية لكلّ ردع لمشاريع انفصال كردية هجينة بلا أفق قد تشهدها سورية، وسيكون كافياً ما ستجده تركيا قدراً ينتظرها ومعها الحكومة العراقية، وكلتاهما في خانة حلفاء بدرجة أو بأخرى لواشنطن، كما البرزاني، ولو كانت الحكومتان على صلة تزيد وتنقص بمحور المقاومة، فالمعركة الفعلية ستبقى في بيت متعب للأميركيين يصعب فيه الخيار الواضح والمعلن، حيث الخسائر أيضاً والأكلاف، أكبر من الأرباح المتوقعة، بينما سيكون سهلاً على محور المقاومة المجاهرة بخياراته من جهة، وتبريد جبهاته من جهة أخرى، لأنّ هناك مَن سيتولاها مضطراً بقوة الضرورة والقدر، ولن يكون لـ»إسرائيل» أن تفرح بجذب مصادر القوة إلى جبهة أخرى بعيداً عنها لترتاح ويهدأ قلقها من الغد المرعب.

– سياق التطورات المتراكم منذ معركة حلب، كما سياق السلوك الأميركي الأرعن والسطحي والمتسرّع، يقولان إنّ تركيا تجد نفسها شيئاً فشيئاً في حضن روسي إيراني، وإنّ عليها التموضع بوضوح متزايد ضمن هذا الثنائي، وإنّ الخطوة الأولى الحاسمة هي بما تجده أنقرة قدرها بالخصومة مع أربيل والتعاون مع بغداد، عكس ما كان طوال سنوات، وما سيليه سيكون موضوعه سورية بالتراجع الذي يتفاداه أردوغان منذ زمن والإقرار أنّ الأمن القومي التركي يبدأ بالاعتراف بأن لا شرعية لدور في سورية بلا رضا الحكومة السورية والرئيس السوري والجيش السوري، وأنّ اطمئنان تركيا لحدودها الجنوبية لن يحققه العبث التركي في الجغرافيا السورية، بل الاستثمار على مشروع الدولة السورية، وبدايته الإقرار بأنّ الانسحاب العسكري من الأراضي السورية لحساب الجيش السوري أولى علامات التعاون في ضمان الأمن المتبادل عبر الحدود، وأنّ شرعية الدور تمنحها شرعية الدولة المعنية المقابلة وشرعية رئيسها. وكلّ كلام آخر هراء.

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ISIS Militants and Commanders Flee to Turkey enroute to Europe with the help of U.S. Special Forces

ISIS Militants and Commanders Flee to Turkey

By Sophie Mangal,

On September 25, security forces of Turkey detained 36 people in Istanbul suspecting them of having links with ISIS militants. According to law enforcement agencies,  five of the detainees participated in the military operations in Syria and Iraq. It is worth noting that most of them are foreigners.

It is not the first time when ISIS militants flee from Syria and Iraq. In early August, the administration of Samsun province in Turkey at its website published information on 5 detained ISIS fighters had been preparing terrorist acts in Istanbul. While investigating, law enforcement officials managed to reveal the terrorist cell of seven jihadists those days, two of whom are still at large.

Even earlier in Turkey, in March 2017, two supporters of ISIS were apprehended. According to the criminal investigation, they were also preparing a terrorist attack in Istanbul. The suspects were arrested as a result of a special police operation in one of the Istanbul districts.

Turkish security forces escort detained suspects

It seems that the Syrian-Turkish border has not been closed yet. Yes, it’s difficult to get to the territory of Turkey through the territories controlled by the Kurds, but it is still possible. The most popular route for ISIS now is in the direction of the towns of Ash Shaddadi – Al Hasakah – Tall Tamr. Further, the majority of the Islamists with their families under the guise of refugees reach the border-towns of Sari Kani and Ad Darbasiyah. Rarely they flee towards Amuda and Qamishli (it is more difficult to cross the border from there). In the hospitals of the border towns to the north of them is often possible to find IS fighters sent there for treatment.

The help of taxi drivers is usually used by those who do not have their own means of transportation to reach the border. Taxi drivers earn good money on such ‘refugees’ (about $ 50 per trip). Many of the drivers even are linked with special guides who usually wait for the terrorists near the border. These so-called guides know how to reach the territory of Turkey on foot bypassing mine fields.

At the same time, some defectors use the Turkey as a transit point on their way to European countries while others try to legalize dissolving in Turkish society, finding work and settling in Turkish cities or try to move to other troubled regions of the world to continue the bloody jihad.


Islamists with their families under the guise of refugees cross the border

The situation on the battlefields is developing in a way that the Turkish loophole will necessarily be used if the current emirs and high-ranking ISIS commanders, who feel the approach of their end, have not already taken advantage. IS leaders need to have time to legalize themselves and their capital while simple militants at the cost of their lives delay the fast end of the grouping. According to the global financial monitoring company IHS Markit, the average monthly incomes of a terrorist organization since 2015 have already declined from $81 million to $10 million. The theory of the ISIS members fleeing is also proved by the latest operations for their evacuation by US special forces.



Now that the end of the ISIS is close, Turkish law enforcement agencies should focus on all refugees crossing the border. It is not excluded that the remnants of the militants will try to hide from retaliation in the territory of Turkey and organize a business to legalize Islamists on the territory of a sovereign state. Considering the fact that whole caravans with oil of militants passed through the territory of Turkey, it would not be too difficult to organize such a channel for legalization.

The Islamists Are Coming…

Sophie Mangal is a special investigative correspondent and co-editor at Inside Syria Media Center where this article and all images were originally published.

Kurdish PKK and YPG’s Hidden Notorious Crimes


By Sarah Abed | American Herald Tribune | September 25, 2107

The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, and its Syrian spinoff, the YPG, are cult-like radical movements that intertwine Marxism, feminism, Leninism and Kurdish nationalism into a hodge-podge of ideology, drawing members through the extensive use of propaganda that appeals to these modes of thought.

*(PKK Propaganda. Image Credit)

Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the PKK, took inspiration from American anarchist Murray Bookchin in creating his philosophy, which he calls “Democratic Confederalism.”

The PKK spin-off group YPG represents most of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Syria. With Western political support, they have gained popularity and garnered an impressive amount of support from anarchists and military veterans in the West, some of whom have left the comfort of their home countries to fight with the group.

One of their most productive marketing tools has been to use young, attractive female fighters as the face of the guerrillas. During their fight against Daesh, the PKK has saturated the media with images of these young female “freedom fighters,” using them as a marketing tool to take their cause from obscurity to fame. These female fighters in the YPJ are fighting alongside their male counterparts under the direction of the U.S in the SDF.

Stephen Gowans writes more about this topic in his superb article titled: The Myth of the Kurdish YPG’s Moral Excellence.  Here is an excerpt:

In Syria, the PKK’s goal “is to establish a self-ruled region in northern Syria,” [8] an area with a significant Arab population.

When PKK fighters cross the border into Turkey, they become ‘terrorists’, according to the United States and European Union, but when they cross back into Syria they are miraculously transformed into ‘guerrilla” fighters waging a war for democracy as the principal component of the Syrian Democratic Force. The reality is, however, that whether on the Turkish or Syrian side of the border, the PKK uses the same methods, pursues the same goals, and relies largely on the same personnel. The YPG is the PKK.

Child Soldiers forced recruitment, kidnapping, and murder by the PKK and YPG

*(Young YPJ Kurdish fighter. Image Credit)

Within the past few years Kurds have gone from almost total obscurity to front page news. What doesn’t get reported however is how these terrorist groups under the guise of being a revolutionary movement for independence have carried out numerous atrocities including kidnappings and murder – not to mention their involvement in trafficking narcotics.

Kurdish families are demanding that the PKK stop kidnapping minors. It started on April 23, the day Turkey marked its 91st National Sovereignty and Children’s Day. While children celebrated the holiday in western Turkey, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) kidnapped 25 students between the ages of 14 and 16 on the east side of the country, in the Lice district of Diyarbakir.

Although the PKK has kidnapped more than 330 minors in the last six months, the Bockum family was the first in the region who put up a tent near their home to start a sit-in protest, challenging the PKK and demanding that it return their son. Sinan was returned to the family on May 4. Al-Monitor reported this incident from the beginning in great detail.

As Bebyin Somuk reported in her article, the PKK and PYD still kidnap children in Turkey and Syria. She states: “As I previously wrote for Kebab and Camel, the PKK commits war crimes by recruiting children as soldiers. Some of the PKK militants that surrendered yesterday were also the PKK’s child soldiers. The photos clearly show that these children are not more than sixteen years old. The Turkish army released video of the 25 PKK militants surrendering in Nusaybin.”

Thousands of children are serving as soldiers in armed conflicts around the world. In 1989, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38, proclaimed: “State parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that persons who have not attained the age of 15 years do not take a direct part in hostilities.” Since then, UNICEF and the UN Security Council took steps to end the recruitment of children in conflict and war.

(Young Kurdish fighters. Image Credit)

The PKK, recognized as a terrorist organization by the U.S. , E.U. , and Turkey

The PKK often recruits children. In the past, the PKK even recruited children as young as 7-12 years. In 2010, a Danish national daily newspaper, Berlingske Tidende, published a story about the PKK’s child soldiers. According to that report, there were around 3,000 young militants in the PKK’s training camps. The youngest child at the PKK training camps was eight or nine years old. They were taught Abdullah Öcalan’s life story (the jailed leader of the PKK) and how to use weapons and explosives.

*(Martyrdom notice for a PYD/YPG child soldier Image Credit)

Despite the Deed of Commitment, the PKK continues to recruit minors. 

After that story was published, the PKK encountered strong reactions from human rights organizations worldwide. The same year, UNICEF released a statement voicing its “profound concern” about the PKK’s recruitment of child soldiers. In October 2013, the PKK, represented by HPG (the PKK’s military wing) commander Ms. Delal Amed, signed the Deed of Commitment protecting children in armed conflict. This document, drawn up by the Geneva Call NGO, is dedicated to promoting respect by armed non-state actors for international humanitarian norms in armed conflict. Despite this commitment, the PKK continued to recruit minors.

The People’s Defence Forces is the military wing of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. Image Credit

The PKK abducted children while the peace process was continuing

On March 21, 2013, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan called for a cease-fire that included the PKK’s withdrawal from Turkish soil and an eventual end to armed struggle. The PKK announced that they would obey, stating that 2013 would be the year of conclusion, either through war or through peace. But that did not happen. Instead, the PKK abducted 2,052 children aged between 12 and 17 while the peace process was still going on, according to Turkish security records. The PKK took these children and trained them. After that, because those childrenwere not involved in any criminal activities, when they were captured by, or surrendered to, Turkish security forces, Turkish courts did not prosecute them, so most of them were released. It was the Turkish state’s goodwill gesture for the sake of the peace process.

However, once released, most of these children joined the YDG-H, the PKK’s new youth wing, and began to perpetrate illegal and/or violent events in Kurdish populated cities and towns. The YDG-H began to emerge in early 2013 and spread rapidly after the peace process’ beginning. Then, after the 7 June 2015 election, the YDG-H began to attack security forces and civilians in cities and towns such as Cizre, or in Diyarbakır’s Sur neighborhood, with heavy weapons, and to dig trenches and erect barricades in side streets.

*(YDG H. Image Credit)

A growing number of Kurdish families in Turkey are calling for the return of their children, who they say have been abducted by the Kurdish rebel group, the PKK. The PKK denies the claim, but with the Turkish prime minister stepping in, the issue is putting pressure on an already stalled peace process. Dorian Jones reports from Diyarbakir, the main city in Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish southeast.

The HDP assaulted the mothers demanding their children

In May 2014, mothers from across Turkey whose children had been recruited by the PKK held a sit-in protest in front of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality building and called on the PKK to release their children. Their children were mostly 14-15 years old at that time. Some families claimed that their sons and daughters were kidnapped by the PKK against their will. The Diyarbakır Municipality, administered by the HDP, used water cannon to disperse the mothers. HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş even claimed that these mothers were hired by the Turkish National Intelligence Organization. Despite the resistance coming from the PKK and the HDP, the families continued their protest, and some families’ children were released by the PKK.

The PKK established a child-wing called YPS-Zarok

Another photo from the Yüksekova district shows the child-wing recently established by the PKK called YPS-Zarok (Child) with the headline “YPS-Zarok announcement from the children of the resistance.” The PYD, the PKK’s Syria branch, is also known for its recruitment of child soldiers.

*(YPS. Image Credit)

U.S.’s “reliable partner” the YPG also recruits children

A Human Rights Watch report, “Syria: Kurdish Forces Violating Child Soldier Ban” provides a list of 59 children, ten of them under the age of fifteen, recruited for YPG or YPJ forces since July 2014. International humanitarian law and the Rome Statute that set up the International Criminal Court classify the recruitment of under-15-year-olds as a war crime. While the Obama Administration does not recognize the YPG as a terrorist organization, and supports them as a local partner in the region, the YPG continues to recruit child soldiers.

It’s clear that the U.S. sees the PYD as a “reliable partner” in the fight against ISIS. However, the Obama Administration should notice the fact that the PYD is not an independent organization. It is linked to the PKK and recruiting minors under 18. The decision to found the PYD was made in 2002 during a PKK congress in Qandil. The PYD also has a bylaw stating that “Abdullah Öcalan is the leader of the PYD.”US Special Forces Delta Force, training PYD (Image Credit)

In summary, the YPG is the Syrian wing of the PKK, and recruits children just like the PKK. Regardless of what acronym they go by, whether it be the YPG, PKK, PYD, YPJ or any of the other alphabet soup combinations, they commit crimes against civilians in both Syria and Turkey all with the arms, funds, and training received from the United States.

Female PKK Killing Turkish Soldiers

SouthFront reported on female PKK fighters who have killed Turkish soldiers. “The women fighters command of the Kurdistan Worker Party (PKK) have released a statement, claiming PKK female fighters killed 160 Turkish military servicemen in 2016. According to the statement, the women fighters command of the PKK carried out 115 operations against Turkish government forces in 2016. The group also vowed to ‘proceed the struggle during the new year for a life of freedom and until victory is achieved.’”

*(Hundreds of people protest against the PKK in Istanbul on 7 September after the PKK killed 16 soldiers and wounded six others in Daglica, Turkey. Image Credit)

The PKK is also killing Kurds under the guise of protecting their rights

“Senior PKK leader Cemil Bayık, in an interview with the Fırat News Agency (ANF) on Aug. 8, said, ‘Our war will not be confined to the mountains like it was before. It will be spread everywhere without making a distinction between mountains, plains or cities. It will spread to the metropolises.’ Terrorist Bayık’s statement signaled that the PKK would take increasing aim against civilians, targeting civilian areas more than ever. And it is happening.

 Since July 15, the day when the Gülenist terror cult, FETÖ, launched its failed military coup attempt to topple the democratically-elected government, the PKK perpetrated dozens of terrorist attacks, killing 21 civilians and injuring 319 others – most of them Kurdish citizens.”

According to The Washington Institute:

On November 18, FBI Director Robert Mueller met with senior Turkish officials to address U.S.-Turkish efforts targeting the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), also known as Kongra-Gel. A press release from the U.S. embassy in Ankara following the meeting stressed that U.S. officials ‘strongly support Turkey’s efforts against the PKK terrorist organization’ and highlighted the two countries’ long history of working together in the fight against terrorism and transnational organized crime.

The PKK: Terrorist Organization and Foreign Narcotics Trafficker 

These discussions are timely. Despite Ankara’s recent bid to alleviate the Kurdish issue — a bid referred to as the ‘democratic opening’ — the PKK is one of a growing number of terrorist organizations with significant stakes in the international drug trade.

In October, the U.S. Treasury Department added three PKK/Kongra-Gel senior leaders to its list of foreign narcotics traffickers. The PKK, along with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), is one of only a few organizations worldwide designated by the U.S. government as both a terrorist organization and a significant foreign narcotics trafficker.” Drug smuggling is reported to be the main financial source of PKK terrorism, according to the organization International Strategic Research, whose detailed report can be seen here.

Western Veterans Blindly Supporting Kurdish Independence 

Their exaggerated triumphs against Daesh have helped them evolve from a radical militia to an alleged regional power player. Have they been successful in fighting against Daesh in Syria? Yes – but while the Syrian Arab Army has been more effective, it does not receive a fraction of the praise or recognition that the PKK does.

Pato Rincon, a U.S. military veteran, recently wrote about his experience training with the YPG in Syria.

Although initially interested in their desire for autonomy, he soon got to know a different side of the group.

An Exclusive Eyewitness Account of an American who Trained with the Kurdish Syrian Rebels

Getting retired from the United States Marine Corps at age 23 with zero deployments under my belt was a huge blow to what I figured to be my destiny on this planet. That “retirement” came in 2010 after three years on convalescent leave, recovering from a traumatic brain injury sustained stateside. I got my chance to vindicate myself in 2015 by volunteering to fight in Syria with the Kurdish Yeni Parastina Gel (YPG), or the “People’s Protection Units” in Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish language).

The YPG is the military apparatus of the Partiya Yekitiya Democrat (PYD), the Democratic Union Party, and one of the main forces of the Syrian Democratic Forces fighting ISIS and Bashar al-Assad’s regime. While they are a direct ideological descendant of the Soviet Union, their take on Marxism has a much more nationalistic bent than that of their internationalist forebears. At their training camp that I attended, they constantly spoke of their right to a free and autonomous homeland–which I could support. On the other hand, they ludicrously claimed that all surrounding cultures from Arab to Turk to Persian descended from Kurdish culture. One should find this odd, considering that the Kurds have never had such autonomy as that which they struggle for. All of this puffed up nationalism masquerading as internationalism was easy to see through.

The Westerners were treated with respect by the “commanders” (they eschewed proper rank and billet, how bourgeoise!), but the rank and file YPGniks were more interested in what we could do for them and what they could steal from us (luckily, my luggage was still in storage at the Sulaymaniyah International Airport in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq). By “steal from us,” I mean they would walk up to a Westerner/American and grab their cap, glasses, scarf and whatever else they wanted and ask “Hevalti?” which is Kurmanji for “Comraderie?” and if you “agreed” or stalled (a non-verbal agreement) then they would take your gear and clothing. “Do not get your shit hevalti-ed,” the saying went.

Not only was their idea of Marxism fatuous, their version of feminism was even worse. We had to take mandatory “Female World History” classes in which some putrid fourth or even fifth wave feminist propaganda was espoused. Early on in my brief stay with this “military unit”, I was told not to ever brush my teeth in front of a woman as that might “sexualize” her… … something to do with preparing one’s self for sex or something.

They insisted that we chicken-wing our elbows while sighting in on targets–the same targets that were fired on by everybody in the class, thus making an assessment of individual strengths and weaknesses rather impossible. This was on the ONE day that we went to the range–one day with the AK-47 out of about a month of training. Another day was Some of these guys were straight from civilian life, with only their blood composition to act as a reason for them to be there. Little boys and little girls as young as 13 or 14 were there–reason enough for me to leave.

During one long “Female World History” class, we were taught that if a man had a Dragonov (sniper rifle) and he was elevated from his female comrade’s position and she had a Bixie, they the male in the scenario should not cover his female comrade, but instead should find something else to do lest she lose self esteem, not feeling capable of carrying out the task by herself.

When a student from Kentucky asked, “What if the situation is reversed–can a woman cover a man?” the female instructor smiled and said, “Yes, that’s okay.” I didn’t end up firing a shot in combat for the YPG. After seeing their half-baked ideology, poor level of training, and the child soldiers, I had had enough. They were nice enough to arrange for me to go back to Iraq where I could catch a ride to Turkey.

*(Pat Rincon with YPG fighters in Syria. Image Credit)

Accounts such as this will certainly not make it to mainstream media, as they do not fit the narrative that the Kurds and their sponsors promote.

In another example of Western support for the YPG, Joe Robinson, an ex-soldier and UK national, recently returned to the UK after spending five months in Syria fighting with the group. He was detained and arrested by Greater Manchester Police officers on suspicion of terrorism offenses as soon as he returned. He joined the British military when he was 18 and toured Afghanistan with the Duke of Lancaster’s Regiment in 2012.

*(Joseph A. R. (right) in a military outfit with flag patches of Kurdistan and the UK, while men who appear to be Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga forces are seen in the background in this undated social media picture. Picture Credit).

He left the UK when an arrest warrant was issued after he failed to appear in court. Robinson is pictured here in Syria with YPG fighters.

Robinson, at left, holding his weapon while fellow YPG comrades hold Daesh flag.  The writing on the wall speaks volumes about the relationship between Israel, the Kurds and the US.

During a trip to Turkey Joe Robinson was arrested for having been part of the YPG.

*(Turkish police arrested Joesph A.R. (center) along with two Bulgarian women in the city of Aydin, July 28, 2017. Photo Credit)

“I received arms training from the YPG [People’s Protection Units] for three months but never engaged in combat,” said the foreign fighter during an interrogation.

The information contained in this article serves the purpose of balancing all of the propaganda and romanticization that these Kurdish terrorist groups have received in mainstream media. The bottom line is they are armed, dangerous, and committing crimes with international support.  Support for these terrorist groups needs to end immediately before further division, chaos and death spreads in the region

The Kurdish leadership in Syria is facing the moment of truth القيادة الكردية في سورية أمام لحظة الحقيقة

The Kurdish leadership in Syria is facing the moment of truth

سبتمبر 20, 2017

Written by Nasser Kandil,

The Kurdish leadership in Syria tries to confound and to link its control over more Syrian territories particularly which are full of natural resources with the claims of fighting ISIS, it knows that there is no link between the two issues, it knows that it is lying because most of the territories in which the Kurdish units expand are areas for expanding the authoritarian control for the secession,  for drawing the borders of the entity, and for meeting the US demand  to alienate the Syrian army away from the important strategic, geographic, economic, or military points, they are not related to the requirements or the necessitates of the war on ISIS. The Kurdish leadership tries to link the combating of the Syrian army with accusations that are similar to the silly accusations directed by the remnant of the formations of the armed opposition to the Syrian country and its army by saying that the Syrian army serves ISIS and its control, after three years of coexistence with the Kurdish control and the US presence as well as the open cooperation between them in order to pave the way in front of ISIS to overthrow Palmyra in order to undermine Damascus, as if anyone would believe that the serious fighting that frightens ISIS is different from the fighting that it gets from the Syrian army and its allies.

Can the Kurdish leadership explain the nature of the link between preventing the Syrian army from reaching the eastern bank of the Euphrates River and the necessities of fighting ISIS, and between serving ISIS?  The Syrian army alone is achieving the accomplishments against ISIS which its sites are collapsing in Deir Al Zour, while its similarities withstand in Raqqa because it is supposed that it is the Kurdish fight front against ISIS. Despite the inability there, the Kurdish organization transfers its forces to Deir Al Zour in order to race the Syrian army in having control on the oil and phosphate fields, it focuses of reaching the points which it is supposed that the Syrian army will have control on from within its plan of crossing the eastern bank of the Euphrates River. All of these shifts are implementation of US demands on one hand, and attempts of authoritarian control to draw the borders of the secession entity on the other hand at the expense of the requirements of the war on ISIS and its opportunities in Raqqa to wage this war and to win in it.

The Kurdish leadership does not dare to say that it behaves like that because it wants to draw borders for its independent entity, and does not dare to say that it implements US orders that are hostile to its national country, it does not dare as well to say that Syria is an entity without a country and it is ruled by the law of jungle, the stronger is the one who captures more areas. It will lose if it says anything like that, just for that it resorts to hide and to maneuver. The social bond which brings the Syrians together since post – the Second World War is their unified national country, so every change occurs to this bond needs for alternative national consensus. The experience of the Kurds of Iraq who gained autonomy for four decades, where the Iraqi country has been absent for three decades, and who have their own entity with its legitimated government and its military which is recognized by the name of federalism within the unified Iraq are experiencing the bitterness of the mono-steps towards the secession and they are paying the cost of ignoring the truth that the replacement of a bond with another one is impossible without compromise and consensus.

If the stubbornness and the pretention of being clever by the Iraqi Kurdish leadership were a slow suicide, then this stubbornness and the pretention of being clever by the Syrian Kurdish leadership are a fast suicide.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,

القيادة الكردية في سورية أمام لحظة الحقيقة

ناصر قنديل

سبتمبر 18, 2017

– تحاول القيادة الكردية في سورية تغطية السموات بالقبوات، وربط سيطرتها على المزيد من الأراضي السورية الغنية منها بالموارد الطبيعية خصوصاً، بادّعاءات قتال داعش، وهي تعلم أن لا صلة بين الأمرين، وتعلم أنها تكذب، فغالب الأراضي التي تتوسّع فيها الوحدات الكردية هي توسعة لمساحات سيطرة سلطوية بنية الانفصال ورسم حدود الكيان، وتلبية لطلب أميركي بإبعاد الجيش السوري عن نقاط ذات أهمية استراتيجية جغرافية أو اقتصادية أو عسكرية، وليست من متطلبات وضرورات تتصل بالحرب على داعش، كما تحاول القيادة الكردية ربط تصدّي الجيش السوري لها بتوجيه اتهامات تشبه سخافة الاتهامات التي يوجّهها للدولة السورية وجيشها، بقايا تشكيلات المعارضة المسلحة، بالقول إنّ الجيش السوري يخدم داعش وسيطرتها، وكأنّ أحداً ما سيصدّق أنّ القتال الجدّي الذي يخشاه داعش هو غير القتال الذي يلقاه من الجيش السوري وحلفائه، بعد ثلاث سنوات من التعايش والمساكنة مع السيطرة الكردية والوجود الأميركي، والتعاون المكشوف بينهم لفتح طريق داعش لإسقاط تدمر لتكون المنصة الأهمّ للنيل من دمشق.

– هل تستطيع القيادة الكردية أن تشرح لأحد طبيعة الصلة بين شعار منع الجيش السوري من عبور الضفة الشرقية لنهر الفرات وضرورات قتال داعش، وكيف يكون العبور خدمة لداعش، بينما الجيش السوري وحده يحقق الإنجازات بوجه داعش وتتهاوى مواقع التنظيم أمامه في دير الزور، وتصمد مثيلاتها في الرقة، حيث يفترض أنها جبهة القتال الكردية بوجه داعش، ورغم العجز هناك ينقل التنظيم الكردي قواه إلى دير الزور لمسابقة الجيش السوري على التقدّم، والسيطرة على حقول النفط والفوسفات، ويركز جهوده على بلوغ النقاط التي يفترض أنّ الجيش السوري سيسيطر عليها ضمن خطة عبوره للضفة الشرقية لنهر الفرات، وكلها تنفيذ لطلبات أميركية من جهة، ومساعٍ لسيطرة سلطوية لرسم حدود كيان الانفصال من جهة أخرى، على حساب مقتضيات الحرب على داعش، وفرصه في الرقة لخوضها والفوز بها؟

– لا تجرؤ القيادة الكردية على القول إنها تفعل ذلك لأنها تريد رسم حدود كيانها المستقلّ، ولا تجرؤ على القول إنها تنفذ تعليمات أميركية معادية لدولتها الوطنية، ولا تجرؤ على القول إنّ سورية كيان بلا دولة وشريعة الغاب تحكمه، وليسيطر الأقوى على ما تطاله يداه، فهي ستخسر إن قالت أياً من هذا، لذلك تلجأ للاختباء والمناورة، فالعقد الاجتماعي الذي يجمع السوريين منذ ما بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية هو دولتهم الوطنية الموحّدة، وكلّ تغيير لهذا العقد يحتاج لتوافق وطني بديل، وها هي تجربة أكراد العراق الذين حازوا حكماً ذاتياً منذ أربعة عقود، وغابت عن مناطقهم الدولة العراقية المركزية لثلاثة عقود، وامتلكوا كيانهم الخاص بحكومته المشرعنة وعسكره المعترف به باسم الفدرالية ضمن العراق الموحّد، يختبرون مرارة الخطوات الأحادية نحو الانفصال، ويدفعون ثمن تجاهل حقيقة، أنّ استبدال عقد بعقد آخر يستحيل دون التراضي والتوافق.

– إذا كان العناد والتذاكي من جانب القيادة الكردية العراقية انتحاراً بطيئاً، فإنّ مثله من جانب القيادة الكردية السورية انتحار سريع.

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تحوّلات الميدان السوري ورقصة أردوغان على حبال موسكو وطهران

سبتمبر 16, 2017 أولى

محمد صادق الحسيني

لم يتحوّل بعد حملاً وديعاً وهو الذي يُخفي الكثير من أوراقه في ظهر الغيب الأميركي..!

لكنه يبقى صاحب رقصة الهيلاهوب الشهيرة منذ انقلاب المشهدين الإقليمي والدولي على مشروعه الحلم

بإعادة إنتاج عثمانية جديدة..!

وحتى يكتب الله له أمراً كان مفعولاً فإنّ خطوط سياسته الخارجية العريضة هي التالية:

أولاً: كما كان هدف السياسة الخارجية التركية، عند بداية مرحلة الفوضى الصهيوأميركية في المنطقة العربية، يتمثل في مشروعهم القاضي إلى تحويل تركيا دولة اقليمية ذات تأثير استراتيجي في السياسات الدولية، فإنّ الهدف لا يزال هو نفسه ولم يطرأ عليه أيّ تغيير جوهري وما تغيّر هو الوسائل والأدوات، التي يعتقد الساسة الأتراك وعلى رأسهم الثعلب المراوغ أردوغان أنها تحقق لهم أهدافهم بشكل أفضل.

أيّ انّ جوهر السياسة التركية لا يزال على حاله.

ثانياً: أما السبب الرئيس في ما نشهده من تحوّلات اضطرارية في السياسة الخارجية التركية، إنما يعود الى قناعة أردوغان بوصول مشروع سيده الأميركي، في المنطقة العربية بشكل عام وفي سورية بشكل خاص، ليس فقط الى طريق مسدود وإنما الى الانهيار الشامل نتيجة لإنجازات محور المقاومة البطولية في مواجهته.

ثالثاً: توصل أردوغان وحزبه الى قناعة مفادها انّ الاستمرار في سياسة المواجهة المفتوحة مع محور المقاومة المنتصر تكتيكياً واستراتيجياً لن تقود الى أية نتيجة ولا تحمل أيّ فرص لتكريس دور تركيا كدولة محورية في خدمة مصالح الدول الاستعمارية وحلفها العدواني المسمّى بالناتو، خاصة بعد توقيع الاتفاق النووي الإيراني والانتصارات الواسعة التي حققتها قوات الحلف على مدار العامين الماضيين.

رابعاً: ومن بين الأسباب التي أدّت الى ما نشهده في المتغيّرات المتلاحقة في سياسة تركيا الخارجية هي الهزائم المتلاحقة والسريعة التي يشهدها داعش في الميدان العراقي والسوري بشكل لافت، وشروع الدوائر الصهيوأميركية في تنفيذ مشروعها الجديد لاستنزاف محور المقاومة ومعه روسيا، وذلك من خلال نقل المعركة مع الظهير القوي للحلف، أيّ إلى حدود الجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية، وذلك من خلال إقامة كيان معادٍ لحلف المقاومة وصديق للعدو الصهيوني في كردستان العراق وشبه دولة في شمال سورية ما سيشكل عملياً تهديداً وجودياً للدولة التركية.

خامساً: كما أنّ من بين الأسباب، التي قادت الساسة الأتراك إلى إحداث المتغيّرات التي نلاحظها في سياسة تركيا الخارجية، الخلافات التي تشهد تصاعداً مستمراً بين الاتحاد الأوروبي وتركيا واستحالة حصول أيّ تقدّم في موضوع انضمام تركيا الى الاتحاد الأوروبي وكذلك الموقف الأميركي الداعم لأكراد الشمال السوري حتى وإنْ اعلن خلاف ذلك.

أيّ خشية تركيا من تحوّل شمال العراق وسورية الى قاعدة تدريب وإمداد وتزويد لقوات حزب العمال الكردستاني التي تقاتل الجيش التركي منذ عقود وتعتبرها أنقرة التحدي الأكبر.

سادساً: وفي ظلّ العوامل المشار اليها أعلاه، وفي ظلّ التعاظم المستمرّ للدور الإيراني في المنطقة والعالم، ذلك الدور، الذي يعتبره أردوغان ثاني أكبر منافس لدور تركيا بعد الدور الروسي، وغير ذلك من العوامل فقد اتجهت السياسات التركية إلى البحث عن سبل لفك العزلة التي بدأت تعاني منها، خاصة في السنتين الحاليّة والماضية. إذ قام الرئيس التركي بإعادة ربط ما قطعه من علاقات مع روسيا وأرسل رئيس وزرائه الى بغداد وأبدى مرونة كبيرة في التعامل مع موضوع الوجود العسكري التركي في شمال العراق، كما بدأ التنسيق مع كلّ من روسيا وإيران في الموضوع السوري باتجاه الموافقه على السيناريوات الروسية الإيرانية المتعلقة بالحلّ في سورية، رغم كونها متطابقة مع توجهات الدولة السورية ورئيسها الذي بقي صامداً بوجه كلّ مشاريع الحرب العالمية المتوحشة ضدّ محور المقاومة منذ العام 2011.

سابعاً: وضمن محاولات الرئيس التركي الرامية الى إيجاد دور سياسي إضافي لتركيا في التعامل مع أزمات المنطقة أقدم على خطوة لتعزيز الانطباع لدى الجهات المعنية، الروسية والإيرانية والأميركية والأوروبية، بأنّ تركيا تتخذ خطوات ذات بعد استراتيجي ستقودها إلى الانفكاك من عبوديتها لحلف الناتو من خلال التوجه شرقاً سياسياً وعسكرياً.

من هنا كانت خطوة قيامها بتوقيع اتفاقية شراء عدد من بطاريات الصواريخ المضادة للطائرات من طراز أس 400، كما حاولت الحصول على امتياز لإنتاج هذا السلاح في تركيا غير أنّ الحكومة الروسية رفضت هذا الاقتراح لأسباب عديدة.

ثامناً: في هذه الأثناء فإنّ متابعين جدّيين يعتقدون بأنّ الظروف الموضوعية والذاتية لأردوغان ولتركيا كدولة لا تساعد على حدوث تغييرات جذرية في الاستراتيجية التركية. وذلك لأنّ الوضعين السياسي والاقتصادي للدولة التركية لا يسمحان لأردوغان بفكّ ارتباطه بالغرب والتوجه شرقاً بشكل قاطع وفاضح. وهذا ما يعرفه الرئيس التركي جيداً.

وعليه فإننا نرى في صفقة أس 400 ليس أكثر من مناورة نجح أردوغان من خلالها في الحصول على سلاح روسي متطوّر لن يستعمل قطعاً في إسقاط الطائرات الأميركية او «الإسرائيلية»، وإنما في إسقاط الطائرات الإيرانية او منعها من إحداث تفوّق نوعي عليه في حال حدوث أيّ نزاع مسلح مع جارته اللدودة في المستقبل. آخذين بعين الاعتبار بأنّ تركيا ترى في إيران منافساً خطراً في المنطقة العربية على الرغم من حالة الاستقطاب والعداء التي تفتعلها الأنظمة العربية العميلة ضدّ إيران.

وما يؤكد هذه المعلومات هو قرار أردوغان بعدم دمج منظومات أس 400 في أنظمة الدفاع الجوي التابعة لحلف الناتو في تركيا. أيّ الاحتفاظ بحق استخدام هذه الأنظمة للدولة التركية فقط. ما يعني أنّ هذه الخطوة ليست إلا جزءاً من الاستعدادات الأردوغانية لأيّ مواجهة مع إيران.

تاسعاً: لذلك فإننا نقول إنّ التوجهات الجديدة في سياسات أردوغان تجاه الازمة السورية، والتي من بينها توافقه مع الجانب الروسي والإيراني على إيجاد صيغة مناسبة لحلّ مشكلة إدلب، وإخراج القوات التركية من الشمال السوري، عند نقطة ما في مسار معالجة الأزمة السورية، وتسليم مناطق الشمال كافة للجيش السوري، ليست سوى إجراءات اضطر للموافقة عليها لإبعاد خطر ارتدادات هزيمة داعش على الداخل التركي. وبالتالي هي ليست نتيجة تغيّر استراتيجي في الأهداف التركية.

سيستمرّ أردوغان في المناورة حتى يتأكد من مدى عمق التغيّر في السياسة الخارجية الاميركية، وفيما إذا كانت هجرة المغامر الأميركي الى بحر الصين ماضية قدماً، وانّ الاهتمام الاميركي بـ «الشرق الأوسط «سيتراجع بالفعل مما يعزز الدور الروسي في هذا الجزء من العالم ام لا؟

فإذا ما تأكدت حقيقة الرحيل الأميركي شرقاً، فإنّ سياسات أردوغان قد تشهد إعادة تقييم استراتيجي بهدف وضع الأسس لتعميق شراكة تركيا مع دول الحلف المعادي للاستعمار من خلال منظمة شنغهاي للتعاون، ومن خلال تعميق التنسيق العسكري مع روسيا في محطات عدة.

وعندها سنرى ما إذا كان سيد البيت الأبيض سيتحمّل أردوغان أو سيقرّر التخلص منه واستبداله بمن هو أقدر على صيانة الأمانة – الناتو.

بعدنا طيّبين، قولوا الله…

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