Facts on the Ground – The Trial of Issa Amro, Palestinian Resistance, the Death of the Two-States Myth — Miko Peled

Facts on the Ground invite Miko to discuss the ongoing trial and persecution of Palestinian activist, Issa Amro, as well as the greater context of Palestinian resistance and a whole lot more.

Facts on the Ground – The Trial of Issa Amro, Palestinian Resistance, the Death of the Two-States Myth — Miko Peled

Palestinian rights have always been secondary to the ‘national interest’ of Arab regimes

Joseph Massad

28 December 2020 12:18 UTC 

Normalisation with Israel is just the latest example of Arab rulers advancing their own interests at the expense of Palestinians

The Arab League summit meeting held in Mecca on 31 May 2019 (AFP)

Since the First World War, the Palestinians have been used as a bargaining chip by different Arab regimes to advance their own interests by sacrificing Palestinian rights.

Yet, apologists for the Arab regimes, which recently normalised relations with Israel, defend their governments’ decision with the same arguments the earliest normalisers – Egypt and Jordan – used decades ago, namely that these countries made sacrifices since 1948 by placing Palestinian interests above their own “national”, read regime, interests.

Their decisions to normalise with Israel now, they tell us, have finally placed their own national interests first, and yet at the same time in normalising they are also helping the Palestinians!  

American propaganda

A major argument – proffered in this regard – relates to the American-sponsored ideological notion of “peace”, a cornerstone of American propaganda against peoples struggling against colonial and racist oppression, whether in the colonised world or inside the US itself.

Arab regimes have always put their own national interests first and had established ties and collaborated with Israel since 1948

“Peace”, which maintains oppressive colonial and racist relations, we are told, brings prosperity, whereas struggling against injustice and oppression, dubbed “war” in US lingo, brings destruction and poverty.

In contrast with the Arab peoples who have ceaselessly shown solidarity with the Palestinians since Britain issued the Balfour Declaration in 1917, Arab regimes, as I have written in Middle East Eye before, have always put their own national interests first and had established ties and collaborated with Israel since 1948 – in the case of the Hashemite Amir Faisal since 1919. Apologists for Sadat’s surrender to Israel claimed for decades that President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s excessive zeal to defend the Palestinians led Egypt, as  Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi put it in 2014, to sacrifice “100,000 Egyptian martyrs” for the Palestinians.  

In fact, Egypt’s losses in the 1948 war, according to Egyptian military sources, were 1,168 soldiers, officers, and volunteers killed (as mentioned in Ibrahim Shakib’s book: The Palestine War 1948, p432-433), whereas other Egyptian official sources  (noted in Benny Morris’ book, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, p406-407) put it at 1,400.

Moreover, King Farouk of Egypt entered the war in 1948 not because he placed Palestinian interests ahead of Egypt’s, but as analysts have shown, on account of his rivalry with the Iraqi monarchy for hegemony over the post-colonial Arab world. 

Not only did Nasser not launch a single war against Israel, but also all of Egypt’s subsequent wars were fought to defend Egypt, not the Palestinians. In 1956 and in 1967, Israel invaded Egypt and occupied Sinai.

photo taken on September 9, 1980 in Alexandria shows Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin (L) and President of Egypt Anouar el Sadate (R).
Former Israeli PM Yitzhak Rabin (L) and President of Egypt Anwar el Sadat (R) in Alexandria on 9 September 1980 (AFP)

Egyptian soldiers died in these wars defending their country, not the Palestinians. Between 1968 and 1970, Israel and Egypt fought the “War of Attrition” in which Egyptian soldiers were killed defending their country against continuing Israeli aggression, a war fought on Egyptian soil; and in 1973, Egypt launched a war to liberate Sinai, not Palestine, and Egyptian soldiers were again killed defending their country against foreign occupation.

Sacrificing Palestinians

When Sadat signed the Camp David Accords in 1978, not only did he not defend the Palestinians, he in fact sacrificed the Palestinians and their right to independence in exchange for the return of Sinai to Egypt (without full Egyptian sovereignty) and a lavish US aid package that served to enrich the Egyptian upper classes and impoverish most of the population.Arab rulers and Israel’s leaders: A long and secret history of cooperationRead More »

The Jordanian regime, whose army was led by a British colonial general, entered the 1948 war to expand its territory, which it did by annexing central Palestine (renamed the “West Bank”) after the war. In 1967, the Israelis invaded Jordan and occupied the West Bank. In both wars, Jordanian soldiers died for Jordanian regime interests, not Palestinian interests. 

When Jordan signed in 1994 its peace treaty with Israel, Palestinian interests were sacrificed yet again by Jordan’s recognition of Israel’s right to exist on stolen Palestinian land, and by securing some sort of Hashemite role over Muslim holy places in Jerusalem.

In exchange, Jordan also received a lavish US aid package benefiting the regime and the upper classes. In contrast with Egypt’s deal, Jordan’s deal was concluded without even requiring Israel to withdraw from any of the territories it occupied in 1967. Jordan’s “peace” with Israel, as a result, legitimised Israeli occupation and conquest and did not reverse any of it. 

While historically Egyptian and Jordanian soldiers might have been told they fought these wars for Palestine, the truth of the matter is that, unbeknownst to them, they fought them for their regime’s interests. As for Sudan, Morocco, Bahrain and the UAE, it remains unclear how they had ever put Palestinian interests before their own.

Peace ‘dividend’

A related argument is the so-called “peace dividend“, heavily marketed by the Americans since the 1970s, wherein we are told all the money spent on wars and armaments with Israel would now be used for economic development and prosperity.

To prove their allegiance to the anti-Palestinian policies of the US and Israel, Gulf officials have ceaselessly attacked Palestinians in the oil-families-owned Gulf media

The irony, of course, is that the military budgets of Egypt and Jordan, abetted by huge US military aid packages as a reward, skyrocketed since they normalised with Israel.  Economic development and state social benefits were in contrast reduced to unprecedented levels in both countries, bringing about massive poverty, and a decline in educational and health services. Even Jordanian officials who support the peace deal claim that Jordan has not properly cashed in on the “peace dividend”.

On the public relations front, as a result of congressional and media hostility to the Saudis and other Gulf countries after 9/11, the oil ruling families decided yet again to benefit at the expense of Palestinian interests by abandoning demands that Israel abide by international law and withdraw from the occupied territories as prerequisites to warmer relations. They quickly cosied up to Israel and its US lobby to stem the tide of such hostility by promising closer relations, which have now become open. 

 Pro-Palestinian protesters wave Palestinian flags and chant slogans against the US and Israel on December 10, 2017 in Rabat against
Pro-Palestinian protesters wave Palestinian flags and chant slogans against the US and Israel in Rabat on 10 December, 2017 (AFP)

None of this is the stuff of the past, but is part of ongoing normalisation, whereby President Trump announced huge SaudiMoroccanBahraini, and UAE purchases of US arms during the preparation and brokering of the normalisation deals in 2019 and after, which will militarise the region more than ever.

To prove their allegiance to the anti-Palestinian policies of the US and Israel, Gulf officials have ceaselessly attacked Palestinians in the oil-families-owned Gulf media and press in the last few years. Such attacks have recently become more vigorous, especially in Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

National interests

Ironically, the UAE had hoped to obtain the sophisticated F-35 fighter planes from the US in exchange for its peace with Israel. Israel and its supporters in Congress, however, refuse to allow this. Humiliated by this outcome, the UAE has suggested to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in order to assuage Israeli concerns, that Israeli fighter pilots take charge of the F-35s for a temporary period, after which they would train UAE pilots to replace them. How Gulf states became business partners in Israel’s occupation

Read More »

Morocco has also finally received US legitimisation of its takeover and annexation of the Western Sahara and Sudan was removed from the US list of terrorism-sponsoring countries. Neither country conceded nor sacrificed any part of its national interest to obtain such rewards.

Rather, like other Arab countries since 1948, they sacrificed Palestinian rights enshrined in international law to obtain benefits for themselves.  The  Arab League, an enemy of Palestinian interests since its establishment, also refused to condemn these peace deals even though they contradict its standing policy. 

Rather than sacrifice their national interests to defend the Palestinians, the Arab regimes have used every opportunity to sell out Palestinian rights to advance their own interests without respite.

Starting with the Hashemite Emir Faisal in 1919 who cooperated with the Zionists to ensure their support for his then Syrian kingdom, to King Mohammad VI’s normalisation with Israel to legitimise Morocco’s control of the Western Sahara, the Palestinians have been a God-send to Arab regimes which used and continue to use and abuse them for their own benefit.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.Joseph MassadJoseph Massad is Professor of Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History at Columbia University in New York. He is the author of many books and academic and journalistic articles. His books include Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan, Desiring Arabs, The Persistence of the Palestinian Question: Essays on Zionism and the Palestinians, and most recently Islam in Liberalism. His books and articles have been translated to a dozen languages.

‘Fruits of Peace’: Beitar Will Remain a Bastion of Israeli Racism

December 26, 2020

Beitar Jerusalem is well known for its anti-Arab, anti-Muslim bias and for its violent, racist supporters. (Photo: File)

By Issam Khalidi

Just recently Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Nahyan, a member of the UAE royal family, has pledged to invest 300 million shekels, or about $90 million, into the Beitar (Jerusalem) club over the next decade.

It wouldn’t be a big surprise if Al Khalifa invested in a club other than Beitar. This deal even made many Israelis surprised. The question that comes to mind here is why did Bin Nahyan choose to invest in this club? Does he intend to win the sympathy and favor of the most extremists in the Israeli society, or to fit the club’s deflection and adjust its racial behavior?

Indeed, it is merely a trading deal without looking into its political and moral dimensions. Also, as Rina Bassist mentioned in Al-Monitor “Not only was the deal a most tangible and direct result of the normalization agreement between the two countries, but it also confronted Beitar fans with a new, almost unimaginable reality.”

It is an illusion to think that Bin Khalifa and others are interested in purchasing historical documents that were stolen from Palestinian homes, libraries and institutions as a result of the Nakba (i.e., catastrophe) of 1948, or restoring homes and landmarks that were abandoned by their residents who became refugees in neighboring countries.

Bin Khalifa said that his investment represents “the fruits of peace and brotherhood between the two countries and this step will further bring people together through sports.”

Of course, sport is soft power and a great tool for peace, brotherhood, and friendship that could bring people together. However, in order to bring Palestinians and Israelis together through sports few things are required. The most important of which is ending the Israeli occupation. Friendly meetings and tournaments cannot be undertaken under repression, land confiscation, checkpoints, apartheid wall, blockades, arrests, and killings. Rather, under an independent Palestinian state and equal rights for Palestinians.

Israel is the only beneficiary of this deal, as it is the beneficiary of all its normalization agreements with other countries, and other peace agreements signed with Egypt, Jordan, and PLO. This club and its fans cannot be tamed, because the epidemic of racism is so rampant, its roots are so deep in the Israeli society that it cannot be eradicated. Today, it is not surprising to see that a new Israeli generation is born with genes of racism.

Despite the club’s apparent enthusiasm over the deal, many of Beitar’s fans remain upset at this shocking buyout. Fans have reportedly spray-painted offensive and racist graffiti on the walls of the stadium as a sign of their disappointment and anger.

Beitar is considered one of the clubs in the Israeli First Division Football League, known for its hardline stances against Arab and Palestinians, and there is no Arab player among its ranks. Fans of “Beitar Jerusalem” are historically considered hostile to Muslims and Arabs, especially the notorious far-right fan group “La Familia” known for its songs against the Prophet Muhammad. In 2016, nineteen members of the group were charged with attempted murder, including supporters of rival squads.

In October, the Arab member in the Knesset, Ayman Odeh, requested the removal of a racist song by the “La Familia” group that insulted the Prophet Muhammad that was published on “YouTube”. The site later removed the video from its platform.

This football club in specific has never had any Arab player on its ranks. Two Palestinian citizens of Israel who play on Israeli teams describe the racism and violence they are subjected to by Beitar fans. Alaa Abu Saleh, who plays for Bnei Sakhnin, says “It’s like war.”

In June 2019, the club refrained from joining the Nigerian player, Muhammad Ali, because of his name, or changing his name, as a condition for accepting his play with the team.

Beitar team relies on its popularity on the people of eastern sects who usually live-in poor neighborhoods and are known for their hatred of Arabs, and most of them belong to the religious parties and the Likud party.

Beitar was founded by the revisionist Jabotinsky in 1926 emerged as a movement opposed to the workers’ Histadrut in Palestine, and the members wore brown shirts as part of the movement’s fascist coloration. As for those who split from the Haganah in 1930 and established (Etzel) and (Lehi), they were members of Beitar. Its members became involved in terrorist acts in Palestine in the 1930s. Haganah, Palmach, and Vaad Leumi these terrorist organizations played a pivotal role in the establishment of the State of Israel.

The club has been trying to change its image in recent years, and in 2017 it received an award from President Reuven Rivlin for its efforts in combating racism and significantly reducing the number of anti-Arab and Muslim chants in its matches. However, racism in Israel isn’t going away, it’s getting worse and has been spurred long ago by Zionism, which is a racist ideology.

The Jewish Holocaust survivor, historian, author, and a former president of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights, Israel Shahak wrote on the racism of Zionism and the State of Israel (1975):

“It is my considered opinion that the State of Israel is a racist state in the full meaning of this term: In this state, people are discriminated against, in the most permanent and legal way and in the most important areas of life, only because of their origin. This racist discrimination began in Zionism and is carried out today mainly in cooperation with the institutions of the Zionist movement.”

– Issam Khalidi is an independent scholar, the author of History of Sports in Palestine 1900-1948 (in Arabic), One Hundred Years of Football in Palestine (in Arabic and English), co-edited Soccer in the Middle East, as well as articles and essays on the subject of sports included at http://www.hpalestinesports.net. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

‘Long Live the (Dead) Peace Process’: Abbas Prioritizes US Ties over Palestinian National Unity

December 9, 2020

President-elect Joe Biden with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. (Photo: File)

By Ramzy Baroud

No one seemed as excited about the election of Joe Biden being the next President of the United States as Palestinian Authority President, Mahmoud Abbas. When all hope seemed lost, where Abbas found himself desperate for political validation and funds, Biden arrived like a conquering knight on a white horse and swept the Palestinian leader away to safety.

Abbas was one of the first world leaders to congratulate the Democratic President-elect on his victory. While Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, delayed his congratulatory statement in the hope that Donald Trump would eventually be able to reverse the results, Abbas suffered no such illusions. Considering the humiliation that the Palestinian Authority experienced at the hands of the Trump Administration, Abbas had nothing to lose. For him, Biden, despite his long love affair with Israel, still represented a ray of hope.

But can the wheel of history be turned back? Despite the fact that the Biden Administration has made it clear that it will not be reversing any of the pro-Israel steps taken by the departing Trump Administration, Abbas remains confident that, at least, the ‘peace process’ can be restored.

This may seem to be an impossible dichotomy, for how can a ‘peace process’ deliver peace if all the components of a just peace have already been eradicated?

It is obvious that there can be no real peace if the US government insists on recognizing all of Jerusalem as Israel’s ‘eternal’ capital. There can be no peace if the US continues to fund illegal Jewish settlements, bankroll Israeli apartheid, deny the rights of Palestinian refugees, turn a blind eye to de facto annexation underway in Occupied Palestine and recognize the illegally-occupied Syrian Golan Heights as part of Israel, all of which is likely to remain the same, even under the Biden Administration.

The ‘peace process’ is unlikely to deliver any kind of a just, sustainable peace in the future, when it has already failed to do so in the past 30 years.

Yet, despite the ample lessons of the past, Abbas has decided, again, to gamble with the fate of his people and jeopardize their struggle for freedom and a just peace. Not only is Abbas building a campaign involving Arab countries, namely Jordan and Egypt, to revive the ‘peace process’, he is also walking back on all his promises and decisions to cancel the Oslo Accords, and end ‘security coordination’ with Israel. By doing so, Abbas has betrayed national unity talks between his party, Fatah, and Hamas.

Unity talks between rival Palestinian groups seemed to take a serious turn last July, when Palestine’s main political parties issued a joint statement declaring their intent to defeat Trump’s ‘Deal of the Century’. The language used in that statement was reminiscent of the revolutionary discourse used by these groups during the First and Second Intifadas (uprisings), itself a message that Fatah was finally re-orienting itself around national priorities and away from the ‘moderate’ political discourse wrought by the US-sponsored ‘peace process’.

Even those who grew tired and cynical about the shenanigans of Abbas and Palestinian groups wondered if this time would be different; that Palestinians would finally agree on a set of principles through which they could express and channel their struggle for freedom.

Oddly, Trump’s four-year term in the White House was the best thing that happened to the Palestinian national struggle. His administration was a jarring and indisputable reminder that the US is not – and has never been – ‘an honest peace broker’ and that Palestinians cannot steer their political agenda to satisfy US-Israeli demands in order for them to obtain political validation and financial support.

By cutting off US funding of the Palestinian Authority in August 2018, followed by the shutting down of the Palestinian mission in Washington DC, Trump has liberated Palestinians from the throes of an impossible political equation. Without the proverbial American carrot, the Palestinian leadership has had the rare opportunity to rearrange the Palestinian home for the benefit of the Palestinian people.

Alas, those efforts were short-lived. After multiple meetings and video conferences between Fatah, Hamas and other delegations representing Palestinian groups, Abbas declared, on November 17, the resumption of ‘security coordination’ between his Authority and Israel. This was followed by the Israeli announcement on December 2 to release over a billion dollars of Palestinian funds that were unlawfully held by Israel as a form of political pressure.

This takes Palestinian unity back to square one. At this point, Abbas finds unity talks with his Palestinian rivals quite useless. Since Fatah dominates the Palestinian Authority, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Palestine National Council (PNC), conceding any ground or sharing leadership with other Palestinian factions seems self-defeating. Now that Abbas is reassured that the Biden Administration will bequeath him, once again, with the title of ‘peace partner’, a US ally and a moderate, the Palestinian leader no longer finds it necessary to seek approval from the Palestinians. Since there can be no middle ground between catering to a US-Israeli agenda and elevating a Palestinian national agenda, the Palestinian leader opted for the former and, without hesitation, ditched the latter.

While it is true that Biden will neither satisfy any of the Palestinian people’s demands or reverse any of his predecessor’s missteps, Abbas can still benefit from what he sees as a seismic shift in US foreign policy – not in favor of the Palestinian cause but of Abbas personally, an unelected leader whose biggest accomplishment has been sustaining the US-imposed status quo and keeping the Palestinian people pacified for as long as possible.

Although the ‘peace process’ has been declared ‘dead’ on multiple occasions, Abbas is now desperately trying to revive it, not because he – or any rational Palestinian – believes that peace is at hand, but because of the existential relationship between the PA and this US-sponsored political scheme. While most Palestinians gained nothing from all of this, a few Palestinians accumulated massive wealth, power and prestige. For this clique, that alone is a cause worth fighting for.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA) and also at the Afro-Middle East Center (AMEC). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Mission Accomplished: Hezbollah Drone Flew over Galilee, Returned Safely «السهم الفتّاك» تفشل في رصد طائرة استطلاع المقاومة

 December 3, 2020

Hezbollah drone

Hezbollah drone flew over the occupied territories’ Galilee and returned safely to Lebanon despite high alert among the ranks of the Israeli occupation army last October, a report said on Thursday.

Lebanese Daily Al-Akhbar reported that a Hezbollah drone managed to enter the airspace of occupied Palestine on October 26 as the Israeli occupation army was on high alert and waging the so-called “Lethal Arrow” maneuver.

“The maneuver was accompanied with high activity by the Israeli air force,” the Lebanese daily said.

“One of the maneuver’s goals was to prevent drones from getting into the Palestinian airspace,” Al-Akhbar said, highlighting the paradox.

The drone managed to capture photos and footage of the occupied region of Galilee and then returned to its base in Lebanon safely, the daily revealed.

Al-Manar will broadcast the photos and scenes captured by the drone in the last episode of “The Second Liberation” documentary series.

Source: Al-Manar English Website and Al-Akhbar

“Israel’s Lethal Arrow” Drill Fails to Spot Hezbollah Reconnaissance Plane

“Israel’s Lethal Arrow” Drill Fails to Spot Hezbollah Reconnaissance Plane

By al-Akhbar Newspaper, Translated by Staff

On October 25, the “Israeli” army launched a massive five-day drill dubbed ‘Lethal Arrow’. They were simulating a multi-front war with a special focus on the northern front with Lebanon and Syria. Among the key objectives was the defeat of Hezbollah and to “prevent drones of any type and size from crossing the borders.” 

The exercise was accompanied by an active movement of “Israeli” warplanes and helicopters. 

On the second day of the drill, and at the height of the enemy’s mobilization, Hezbollah reconnaissance aircraft managed to infiltrate the airspace of occupied Palestinian over the Galilee region, before returning to its base in Lebanon without being detected by the “Israeli” army’s radars. 

Al-Akhbar learned that the Al-Manar channel will broadcast images taken by the Lebanese reconnaissance plane. 

The images are set to be aired Friday evening during the final episode of “The Secrets of the 2nd Liberation” series.

«السهم الفتّاك» تفشل في رصد طائرة استطلاع المقاومة

تقرير إيمان بشير 

الخميس 3 كانون الأول 2020

في 25 تشرين الأول الماضي، بدأ جيش العدو الإسرائيلي تنفيذ مناورة ضخمة على مدى خمسة أيام سمّاها «السهم الفتّاك»، حاكت حرباً متعدّدة الجبهات، خصوصاً على «الجبهة الشمالية» مع لبنان وسوريا، وبين أهدافها الرئيسية «هزيمة حزب الله». رافقت المناورة حركة ناشطة للطائرات الحربية والمروحية الإسرائيلية. في اليوم الثاني من المناورة التي كان بين أهدافها أيضاً «منع منظومات طائرات الدرونز من أي نوع وأي حجم من تجاوز الحدود»، وفي ذروة استنفار العدو، تمكنت طائرة استطلاع تابعة للمقاومة من اختراق الأجواء الفلسطينية المحتلة فوق منطقة الجليل، قبل أن تعود إلى قاعدتها في لبنان من دون أن تكتشفها رادارات الجيش الإسرائيلي. وعلمت «الأخبار» أن قناة «المنار» ستبث، في الحلقة الأخيرة من سلسلة «أسرار التحرير الثاني»، مساء غد، مشاهد التقطتها طائرة الاستطلاع اللبنانية.

الحملة الأكاديمية الدولية لمناهضة الاحتلال ‏ تفكك خطاب التطبيع في اليوم العالمي للتضامن مع ‏الشعب الفلسطيني ‏

عبير حمدان

مفهوم الإيمان بأحقية القضية فعل مقاوم وأيدي الأطفال الممسكة بالحجارة تضرب فيها المحتلّ وجه آخر للكلمة والفكر والتربية.

تحيي الأمم المتحدة في 29 تشرين الثاني من كلّ عام يوم التضامن العالمي مع الشعب الفلسطيني رغم انّ هذا التاريخ لا ينصف فلسطين كونه يتزامن مع اليوم الذي اتخذت فيه الجمعية العامة قرار التقسيم رقم 181 وإقامة دولتين واحدة منهم لا حق لها في الوجود كونها معتدية ومغتصبة لأرض ليست لها أساساً.

يتضامن العالم في هذا اليوم مع الشعب الفلسطيني ولو في إطار معنوي، وما يختلف هذا العام هو الترحيب بالتطبيع من قبل الأنظمة الخليجية جهاراً وبحجج فارغة من أيّ منطق بعد تمرير «صفقة القرن» من قبل الإدارة الأميركية السابقة بقيادة ترامب دون أي تعويل على تغيير محتمل في الاداء من قبل الادارة الجديدة حين يتصل الأمر باطماعهم ومشاريعهم في المنطقة للاستيلاء أكثر على خيرات بلادنا.

ولأنّ الكلمة تخترق العقول تنظم الحملة الأكاديمية الدولية لمناهضة الاحتلال ومخطط الضمّ بإحياء اليوم العالمي مع الشعب الفلسطيني بالتعاون مع العديد من الشركاء العرب والمناصرين للقضية الفلسطينية لقاء حواري على مستوى العالم قوامه تفكيك خطاب التطبيع وتقويم البوصلة من خلال مشاركات بحثية مقترنة بالوقائع التاريخية.

«البناء» سألت مجموعة من المشاركين في هذا النشاط عن الأهداف المتوخاة منه وكيفية مخاطبة الأجيال وتوعيتهم على ضرورة مواجهة التسويق الإعلامي المنظم لفكرة التطبيع.

عودة: تنشئة وطنية مقاومة للاحتلال والتطبيع ومعززة للهوية الوطنية والقومية

اعتبر الدكتور رمزي عودة مدير وحدة الأبحاث في معهد فلسطين لأبحاث الأمن القومي ومنسق الحملة الأكاديمية الدولية لمناهضة الاحتلال والضمّ أنّ الأكاديميين يمكنهم مواجهة التطبيع من خلال تفكيك الخطاب الذي يروّج له، وقال: «تطلق الحملة الأكاديمية الدولية لمناهضة الاحتلال ومخطط الضمّ شعارات أساسية وهي لا للاحتلال ولا للضم ولا للتطبيع، هذه الأهداف الأساسية التي تسعى الحملة إليها من خلال تعزيز دور الأكاديميين والنُخب المثقفة والخبراء من أجل تقويض صفقة القرن وتقويض سياسة التوسع الاستعماري الاستيطاني الاحتلالي، وأيضاً تقويض عملية التطبيع التي انتشرت على إثر «صفقة القرن» وضغط ترامب على العديد من الدول العربية من أجل المضيّ قدُماً بتطبيع علاقاتها مع الكيان الصهيوني ونقصد هنا الإمارات والسودان والبحرين وربما غيرها من الدول العربية، ونحن نأمل ان ينتهي مسلسل التطبيع مع رحيل ترامب ولكن لا أحد يعرف او يتوقع ما هو آت».

وأضاف: «نحن نرى انّ الأكاديميين بإمكانهم مواجهة التطبيع من خلال تفكيك الخطاب التطبيعي، بدورهم الفكري والعقلي وانتاج المعرفة، من هنا فإنّ الحملة الأكاديمية تأخذ على عاتقها تفكيك خطاب التطبيع من اجل إعادة إنتاج فكر مضاد له يقوم أولاً على أساس الهوية العربية وثانياً جذرية الصراع مع المحتلّ، الذي هو صراع وجود، وثالثاً حتمية الانتصار بالرغم من الضعف العربي في الوقت الراهن، لكن في النهاية «إسرائيل» ليست جزءاً طبيعياً من المنطقة وبالضرورة سينتصر الفلسطينيون والعرب على هذا الجسم الغريب ويتخلص من الاحتلال والجسم الكولونيالي الصهيوني.

أما كيف يمكن أن نفكك خطاب التطبيع؟ هنا نطرح في الحملة الأكاديمية انّ خطاب التطبيع يحتوي على خمسة خرافات أساسية أيّ قضايا أسطورية لا يمكن تصديقها ويتمّ الترويج لها، لذلك يجب ان نوضح للجمهور والطلبة والعلماء وللسياسيين انّ مفهوم التطبيع يقوم على أساس خرافي، أولها أنه أوقف الضمّ وللمزيد من الإيضاح فإنّ التطبيع علق عملية الضمّ لفترة مؤقتة ومحدودة وهو بهذا الإيقاف، وهنا أقصد اتفاقية الإمارات العربية الإسرائيلية، اعترف ضمناً انّ عملية الضمّ يمكن ان تحدث وممكن تقبلها أيّ أنّ عملية التطبيع تشرّع الضمّ ولكنها تؤجّله لفترة مقبلة بمعنى انه ليس وقته اليوم وفق المنطق «الإسرائيلي»، والخرافة الثانية انّ التطبيع يؤدّي الى السلام في المنطقة مع العلم انّ الدول التي تطبّع مع الكيان المحتلّ لم تحاربه يوماً وهي بعيدة عن حدوده وليست منخرطة في أيّ علاقات عدائية معه ولا نعلم عن أيّ سلام تتحدث، الخرافة الثالثة انّ التطبيع يؤدّي الى الأمن وهنا يرتكز هذا الفكر على انّ أمن دول الخليج يتعرّض لابتزاز وعوامل عدم الاستقرار من قبل كيانات معادية، والمقصود هنا إيران كما تحاول الإدارة الأميركية أن تبتز العديد من الدول العربية بالبعبع الإيراني الذي يتطلب تحالفها مع «الإسرائيلي» لمواجهة هذا المدّ الإيراني، بعيداً عن الفكرة الطائفية وما يمثلها هذا البعد ونحن لسنا بصدد الحديث عنه، لكن النقطة المحورية هنا انّ تحالف دول الخليج مع «إسرائيل» لن يؤدّي الى استقرار المنطقة بل بالعكس سيخلق محاور متصارعة مما يجعل فكرة الحرب قائمة في كلّ لحظة وتبعاً للمتغيّرات والظروف، أما الخرافة الرابعة فهي تقوم على فكرة انّ التطبيع يؤدّي الى التنمية الاقتصادية وتطوير الاقتصاد ونحن هنا بصدد الحديث عن الأموال الخليجية التي يمكن ان تُستثمر في الكيان المحتلّ وتؤدّي الى نتائج إيجابية وهذا أمر غير منطقي على الإطلاق حيث انه يمكن اسثتمار هذه الأموال في دول أقوى اقتصادياً وبالتالي لن تؤدّي التنمية المتوقعة جراء فكرة التطبيع مع الكيان والاستثمار لديه بالعكس انّ التنمية المشتركة بين الدول العربية و»إسرائيل» لن تكون لصالح الأولى على الإطلاق بل ستقوّي الكيان على حساب توازنات القوى في المنطقة، أما الخرافة الخامسة فهي انّ التطبيع هو شأن داخلي لكلّ دولة عربية وهذا يتعلق بالسيادة ونحن كحملة أكاديمية نحترم سيادة كلّ دولة حقها في اتخاذ قراراتها ولكن التطبيع ليس شأناً مرتبطاً بالسيادة لأنّ الاقليم العربي كله مرتبط بتوفير الأمن والاستقرار وهذا الإقليم مهدّد بوجود «إسرائيل» منذ نشأة هذا الكيان الصهيوني تعتبر الدول العربية، وحتى تلك التي وقعت اتفاق سلام مع العدو مثل مصر، تعتبر انّ «إسرائيل» عدو ولها مطامع في هذه المنطقة، وبالتالي فإنّ التطبيع شأن لكلّ الإقليم العربي، وإذا قبلنا أنه شأن لكلّ دولة على حدة فنسأل هنا أين المبادرة العربية التي وافق عليها كلّ العرب، وإذا كان شأناً داخلياً فلن يتحقق أيّ سلام وهذا يعني انّ كلّ من يراه كذلك من الدول العربية قد تخلى عن فلسطين».

وتابع: «يجب توعية هذا الجيل الذي يتعرّض لكلّ أنواع التشويش المنظم من قبل الكثير من وسائل الإعلام والروايات المزيّفة للتاريخ والواقع وتعمل على الترويج لفكرة التطبيع، هنا أرى أنّ الحملة يمكن لها النجاح بالقيام بالعديد من الأنشطة ولكن ذلك يتوقف على عدة عوامل، الأول قدرتها على خلق قيادة نخبوية مشكّلة من الأكاديميين والخبراء ومراكز صناعة الفكر والسياسات وإذا استطاعت الحملة الأكاديمية تشكيل نواة من هذه القيادة بالتأكيد ستؤثر على جمهورها من الطلبة والأهالي ومتتبّعي وسائل الإعلام وهذا سيخلق فرصة أكبر لمحاربة عملية التطبيع، أما العامل الآخر فهو القدرة على تحويل خطاب التطبيع كخطاب للتخوين وهذا مهمّ، فالتطبيع خيانة واستخدام هذه العبارة والترويج لها يؤدّي الى نجاح كبير، والعامل الثالث فهو إبراز انّ خطاب التطبيع هو مساس بالمقدسات بمعنى في اتفاقية الإمارات يتحدثون انّ الصلاة تسمح لجميع الأديان في المجسد الأقصى فهل هذا هو المطلوب ان نصلي جميعنا في الأقصى في ظلّ الاحتلال؟ بالتأكيد ليس هذا هو الذي نريده وهنا يجب ان نوضح للعالم جميعاً انّ الأقصى لا يحتاج الى مصلين بل هو بحاجة لمن يحرّره… وفي ما يتصل بالعامل الرابع فيتمثل بمدى القدرة على استنهاض الفكر القومي المضاد للتطبيع وهذه نقطة مهمة تتعلق بايديولوجيا التحرير وايديولوجيا القومية وكلّ هذه الأمور يجب ان تكون موجهة او طاردة لعملية التطبيع».

وختم: «في النهاية يجب ان نتحدث عن كيفية مخاطبة هذه الأجيال من خلال تعزيز الرواية العربية بشكل عام ومن ثم تعزيز الرواية الفلسطينية بشكل خاص والمقصود هنا هو الرواية التاريخية والحديثة والمعاصرة، وأيضاً تفنيد الرواية الصهيونية التي تتحدث عن أنّ فلسطين هي أرض المعياد التي وعدهم بها الله والكثير من المقولات الأسطورية التي يروّج لها المحتلّ، إضافة الى ذلك المفروض تطوير البرامج التربوية والتعليمية في المدارس والجامعات وان يكون هناك تنشئة وطنية مقاومة للاحتلال والتطبيع ومعززة للهوية الوطنية والقومية، كما يجب استخدام الفن سواء الموسيقى او الغناء لمخاطبة الشباب حول خطورة التطبيع، ولا ننسى الاستفادة من وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي في إطار ايصال الفكر المفكك للخطاب التطبيعي للاجيال.»

شكر: رفع الصوت عالياً في مواجهة التطبيع

أكدت الدكتور رنا شكر أستاذة العلاقات الدولية في الجامعة اللبنانية أنّ اللقاء الأكاديمي هدفه رفع الصوت عالياً في مواجهة التطبيع، وقالت: «الهدف من العمل الذي نقوم به هو مناصرة الشعب الفلسطيني في كافة القضايا المتعلقة بهذا الشعب، والتشبيك بين الأكاديميين يهدف ايضاً الى تعزيز التعاون في ما بينهم من خلال القيام بأبحاث علمية هدفها التركيز على خطورة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي وأطماعه في المنطقة، وإعادة التذكير بممارسات هذا العدو الذي يقوم بكلّ الانتهاكات الدموية بحق الفلسطينيين وكلّ شعوب المنطقة واغتصاب الأرض.

هذا اللقاء هو لرفع الصوت عالياً في مواجهة التطبيع وذلك بإعلاء صوت الأكاديميين بالللاءات الثلاث… لا للاعتراف بالعدو ولا للصلح معه ولا للتفاوض، لا شك انّ هناك توجهاً إعلامياً منظماً يعمد الى تسويق التطبيع من خلال إعطاء الصورة الاقتصادية والحضارية له، ونحن من خلال نشاطنا في اليوم العالمي للتضامن مع شعب فلسطين نريد دحض هذه الفكرة من خلال وقائع تاريخية ثابتة لتصويب الأمور في نصابها الصحيح كي لا يؤخذ هذا الجيل الى حدّ الخضوع للحرب الناعمة المتمثلة بغسل العقول».

وأضافت: «نحن بصدد التركيز على تداعيات هذا التطبيع على منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا بالتوعية الى ما يريده هذا العدو وداعمته الولايات المتحدة الأميركية من خلال رسم خريطة جديدة للمنطقة العربية، وهدفنا التوعية من خطر اتفاقيات السلام التي قامت بين الدول العربية والكيان المحتلّ والى ماذا أدّت وقد تؤدي، بحيث لا يجب الاستهانة بهذه الاتفاقيات وما قد تشكله من تهديد لكلّ المنطقة، فهذه الاتفاقيات التي بدأت من دول الخليج قد تمتدّ الى باقي الدول العربية، لذلك نحن نؤكد على ضرورة التذكير بكيفية نشوء هذا الكيان ودمويته وضرورة إحياء الهوية القومية التي تحارب وجوده وتمدّده من خلال الفكر المقاوم الذي يرفض كلّ أشكال التعاون مع كيان يغتصب الأرض التي سقط في سبيلها الشهداء».

وختمت: «نحن نعتقد انّ الأكاديميين من أساتذة ومثقفين هم السباقون في الاتحاد مع بعضهم البعض ضدّ كلّ ما يسمّى خطوات التوسع المقنعة التي يقوم بها العدو الإسرائيلي داخل العالم العربي، وذلك من خلال التوعية بالقلم والكلمة والتوجه الى عقول الأجيال الحديثة لتبيان حقيقة ما جرى من اغتصاب لهذه الأرض وقتل شعبها والتركيز على القضية الأمّ التي هي قضية فلسطين.

مخاطبة هذا الجيل تكون بإحياء القوى العربية الناعمة المتمثلة بالعقول وطريقة التربية والتدريس والتعليم وتعزيز مفهوم وثقافة المواطنة والهوية القومية وتعزيز اللغة التي تلاشت مع سرعة العصر، وعودة مراكز الأبحاث والحدّ من هجرة العقول لتقوية الوعي القومي في عالمنا العربي كي لا يكون التطبيع القائم مدخل الى تكريس فكرة القبول بالمحتلّ وتمدّده في كافة العالم العربي».

حمدو: خطابنا للأجيال هو ضرورة التقدّموالتطوّر والنهضة

من جهته رأى الدكتور محمود عزو حمدو أستاذ محاضر في جامعة الموصل «انّ التطبيع مع الكيان الصهيوني يأتي نتيجة النكسات التي مرّت على الأمة العربية وغياب فكرة الأمة بشكل كبير جداً عن المدلولات الإعلامية والسياسية في التداول اليومي في العالم العربي، وأيضاً نتيجة الانتكاسات الكبيرة التي تعرّضت لها بلدان المحور العربي وهي العراق ومصر وسورية كون هذه البلدان كانت تشكل محور الحراك السياسي في المنطقة على مستوى التنسيق لمجابهة العدو الصهيوني، بالإضافة الى ذلك هناك مسألة جداً مهمة وتتمثل في تصاعد الدول الهامشية على مستوى قيادة العالم العربي مثل قطر والبحرين وغيرها وأصبحت تقود كلّ الحراك السياسي المتعلق بعلاقات العرب مع الآخرين وتنتج لوبيات في الدول تعمل ضدّ القضايا العربية.

المسألة الثانية تتعلق بتسويق فكرة انّ هذه المنطقة هي خاصة لليهود دون غيرهم على أساس ديني، ومن ناحية ثانية قامت الدول الكبرى ووكلاؤها بالتسويق لصراع مذهبي (سني ـ شيعي) يتمثل بالدول الخليجية من جهة وإيران من جهة أخرى، وطبعاً لا ننسى الدور التركي الذي يريد التموضع في المنطقة وفق مصالحه».

أضاف: «التدوال الإعلامي العربي يؤثر بشكل سلبي على الشباب لجهة تزوير الوقائع وتحويل العدو الى صديق وبالعكس وهذا أمر واضح بشكل كبير، وانعكس من خلال التطبيع والصور التي نراها على وسائل التواصل وطبعاً استضافة إسرائيليين يتمّ وصفهم بالمحايدين على قنوات تلفزيونية عربية كما فعلت الجزيرة تحت شعار الرأي والرأي الآخر ساهم في تشويش العقول.

والخشية الأساسية ان تتحوّل هذه الأجيال الى أجيال لا تعرف من هو العدو أو ان تتحوّل الى وقود لتصفية الصراعات المذهبية تحت عناوين جديدة، داعش هو صورة من صور الصراع المذهبي في المنطقة، وهناك نماذج كثيرة غيرها.

اهمية هذه التكتلات العلمية انها تعطي روحاً جديدة للعمل العربي والقومي باتجاه مناهضة الكيان الصهيوني ورفض التطبيع معه بأيّ شكل من الأشكال، وعملية التدجين التي تعرّض لها الشباب العربي منذ عام 1990 حتى اليوم لا سيما منذ مرحلة انهيار العراق بعد غزوه عام 2003 ادّت نتائجها بشكل كبير جداً».

وختم: «الصراع الأساسي يتوجب ان يكون في اتجاه كلّ دعاة التطبيع المنبطحين أمام الكيان الصهيوني، الخطاب الذي يجب التوجه به الى الأجيال هو ضرورة التقدّم والتطوّر والنهضة، لا سيما النهضة العلمية لمواجهة كلّ الأعداء المتربصين بالشعوب العربية، كما يجب إعادة إنتاج الرؤية التاريخية للصراع العربي الصهيوني من خلال اعتباره صراعاً بين محتلّ انتهك حقوق الإنسان وصاحب حقّ هو ضحية حقوقه منتهكة.

ويجب التركيز على حالة التفتيت التي مرّت المجتمعات العربية التي أثرت بشكل سلبي، وأيضاً دور وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي في الترويج للإسرائيلي ومواجهتها».

ترجمان: التضامن لا يكون بالشعاراتوالخطب الرنانة

أما باسل ترجمان (كاتب صحافي وباحث سياسي) فقال: «من الأساسي اليوم ان يكون هدف إحياء اليوم الدولي للتضامن مع الشعب الفلسطيني مناسبة للتأكيد على هذا التضامن مع الشعب الفلسطيني وقضيته العادلة وان يتمّ الفصل بين التضامن مع الشعب وبين التضامن وتأييد الحال السياسي الفلسطيني لأنّ الحال السياسي متغيّر بحسب الواقع والظروف، فعند الإعلان عن هذا اليوم عام 1977 كان الحال السياسي الفلسطيني في المستويين العربي والدولي مختلفاً تماماً عن واقع الحال بعد ذلك وصولاً لإقامة السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية وما تبع ذلك من واقع متغيّر لم يفض لإقامة سلام عادل يعيد الحقوق الشرعية للشعب الفلسطيني».

أضاف: «طوال السنوات الماضية كان هنالك حالة استكانة سياسية أفقدت هذا اليوم معناه النضالي وتحوّل لمناسبة بروتوكولية يتمّ فيها تبادل رسائل ومواقف سياسية تعبّر عن أساسيات مواقف الدول تجاه فلسطين وتناسى كثيرون هذا اليوم.

في ظلّ صفقة القرن وانطلاق قطار التطبيع عاد الحديث عن ضرورة إحياء هذا اليوم وإبعاده عن المستوى السياسي التقليدي ليكون مناسبة تضامنية دائمة وثابتة مع الشعب الفلسطيني المحروم من نيل حقوقه التي يعتبرها مناسبة لإنهاء الظلم والتشرّد ورفع آثار العدوان الذي تعرّض له منذ أكثر من سبعين عاماً، وهذا يقتضي ان يتمّ الفصل بين الحال السياسي مهما كانت طبيعة الظروف وبين الواقع النضالي للشعب الفلسطيني لأنّ هذا سيعيد لإحياء هذه الذكرى رونقها ويبعدها عن التوظيف السياسي الآني ويبقيه موعداً ثابتاً لكلّ الشعوب والقوى المحبة للعدل والسلام لتعلن تضامنها بالفعل وليس بالبيانات والخطب مع نضال الشعب الفلسطيني».

وتابع: «السؤال المهمّ ايّ تضامن نريد هل نبحث عن تضامن يرضي الذات ويشبعها فخراً وحديث عن البطولات والأمجاد من الجانبين، الفلسطيني يتحدث عن بطولاته في مقارعة الاحتلال، والأشقاء والأصدقاء يتحدثون عن حبّهم ودعمهم ومناصرتهم لفلسطين وينتهي الحال بإشباع عاطفي لا يغني ولا يسمن عن جوع.

من المهمّ ان تكون المناسبة بعيدة عن الشعاراتية والخطب الرنانة، وان تكون مناسبة حقيقية لتحويل التضامن لفعل نضالي سياسي لدعم الحق الفلسطيني بكلّ الوسائل المتاحة وهي ممكنة وكبيرة وقادرة ان تصنع الفعل المؤثر عربياً ودولياً، وهذا في حدّ ذاته أكبر رسالة نصوغها لمواجهة إعلام الواقع الحالي وتوجهاته بذكاء ودون ان ننجرّ للصدام مع ايّ طرف مهما كان الظرف لأنّ التناقض الرئيسي مع العدو وليس مع اي طرف آخر.

من المهمّ اليوم ان نختار آليات وصيغ جديدة مبتكرة للتخاطب مع أجيال جديدة تحول العالم بالنسبة لها إلى فضاء افتراضي صغير وصار التواصل عبره أحد أشكال وآليات العمل الإعلامي والسياسي والنضالي».

وختم: «هذه الأجيال لديها ميزات التفاعل السريع بحكم سرعة التواصل وانتقال المعلومات، وبالتالي لا يمكن للخطاب التقليدي المعتمد على البيانات والمواقف والخطب الرنانة ان يؤدي المعنى بل يجب التواصل معها وإيصال الرسائل الذكية القصيرة والمتحركة عبر وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي، أيضاً الأجيال الجديدة ليست من أصحاب القراءات المعمّقة او الطويلة وهذا يجعلها بعيدة عن الاستيعاب والتعاطي الإيجابي مع الدراسات المعمّقة او الشروحات المطوّلة ويظهر انّ التأثير عليها ممكن وسهل أكثر بكثير من الأجيال السابقة التي كان للفكر والكتاب والمقال المعمّق تأثير عليها، فيديو ثلاثين ثانية قد يخلق لك ملايين المتعاطفين والمؤيدين بينما دراسة او بحث جدي حقيقي قد لا يقرأه احد، وهذا لا يعني اطلاقاً أن لا يتمّ العمل بالجهد العلمي الحقيقي والبحث الأكاديمي ولكن ضمن أطره الحقيقة واستغلال المساحات الاتصالية الجديدة لإيصال الأفكار الذكية والتفاعل معها لخدمة النضال العادل للشعب الفلسطيني».

غوسطان: دور محوري للاعلام والفضاء الافتراضي

اما ليزا ابراهيم غوسطان (ممرّضة في الصليب الاحمر) الناشطة في منصة طوارئ فلسطين الموجودة في لوزان التي تنقل أخبار الشعب الفلسطيني والتي لا يتمّ تداولها عبر وسائل الإعلام فقالت: «للأسف أصبحنا في زمن حين يسألوننا من أين أنتم ونقول إننا فلسطينيون يجب ان تقترن إجابتنا بالتأكيد أننا لسنا إرهابيين كما يتمّ التسويق في الكثير من الوسائل الإعلامية وبشكل ممنهج لتحويل الضحية الى جلاد. وقد أصبحنا معتادين على هذا الأمر حيث أننا نجيب بطريقة مريحة ومقنعة ونتمكن من تصويب الأمور في إطارها الصحيح وبالتالي يعترف كلّ من يسأل بأحقية قضيتنا الواضحة.

اما في ما يتصل بضرورة مخاطبة الأجيال الشابة فمن البديهي أن نرشدهم الى المصدر الفعلي للمعلومة والذي ينقل الوقائع التاريخية والحديثة دون أيّ تحريف او تزييف من هنا ممكن للإعلام ووسائل التواصل الاجتماعي لعب الدور المحوري في مواجهة الأخبار المغلوطة شرط ان يتمّ استخدامها بوعي».

عساف: نعوّل على الإعلام الحر لإيصال الصوت

اما الدكتور نظام عساف مدير مركز عمان لدراسات حقوق الانسان فقال: «هدف هذه الحملة توجيه رسائل تضامنية مع الشعب الفلسطيني، تعكس مواقف المشاركين فيها من خلال المقالات أو الأبحاث حول مخاطر التطبيع والضمّ، أو تسجيل مقطع فيديو أو رسائل صوتية قصيرة، لتوضيح خطورة الضمّ والتطبيع على الأمن القومي الفلسطيني والعربي من جهة؛ والتأكيد على الثوابت الفلسطينية والعربية في مقاومة الاحتلال وتحرير الأرض الفلسطينية من جهة ثانية؛ والدعوة إلى وقف التطبيع من قبل بعض الحكومات العربية باعتباره يعزز عملية الضمّ الذي تقوم به سلطات الاحتلال الصهيوني في الأغوار الفلسطينية»ز

وأضاف: «أنّ هذه الأنشطة وغيرها ستساهم في الكشف عن زيف الادّعاء بأنّ فكرة التطبيع المطروحة ستمنع الكيان الغاصب من ضمّ هذه الأراضي الفلسطينية، لأنّ هذا التطبيع يتمّ وفقاً لمنطق المحتلّ الذي يعلن مراراً وتكراراً أنه يسعى إلى إقامة «سلام» مع الدول العربية من موقع القوة.

من الطبيعي أن لا تحقق هذه الحملة هدفها بسهولة، لأنّ الإعلام كما ذكرتم في سؤالكم هو إعلام منظم في تسويق فكرة التطبيع، ونحن نعوّل على الإعلام الحر والمنحاز لحقوق الشعب الفلسطيني لإيصال الصوت، و»البناء» نعتبرها نموذجاً، كما تستطيع أن تفنّد صحة هذا الادّعاء من خلال الإشارة إلى حقيقة أنّ معاهدات واتفاقيات السلام التي وقعت سابقاً بين الكيان الغاصب وكلّ من مصر والأردن لم تجلب لهما الازدهار الاقتصادي بل مزيد من المديونية والفقر والبطالة ناهيك عن حقيقة عدم تطبيع الشعبين المصري والأردني معه».

وختم: «مخاطبة الجيل الذي سيطرت عليه سرعة العصر في ظلّ أخبار مغلوطة مع تغييب الوقائع التاريخية يمثل تحدي كبير للحملة، ولذلك طرحت هذه المبادرة على جميع المتضامنين والمناصرين لحقوق الشعب الفلسطيني وسائل وأدوات يتمّ من خلالها توجه رسائل تغذي الجيل الجديد بالحقائق والمعلومات التي تؤكد الرواية الفلسطينية وتفند الرواية الصهيونية حول «أرض بلا شعب لشعب بلا أرض». وفي هذا المجال يفضل استخدام كافة ألوان التعبير الجذابة من مثل الرسم والمسرح والسينما والأغاني والفيديوات القصيرة والرسائل الصوتية وغيرها.

من الطبيعي أن لا يقتصر العمل لاسترجاع حقوق الشعب الفلسطيني على العمل الإعلامي وانما يكون مسنوداً بالعمل الكفاحي والنضالي على كافة المستويات وفي كافة الميادين وبكلّ أشكال النضال التي تحدث انقلابا في موازين القوى تسهم في استرداد الحقوق كاملة غير منقوصة.

Progressive Spirit Podcast: Gilad Atzmon on the Upcoming US Civil War

Gilad Atzmon and the Upcoming US Civil War – John Shuck – Official Website

BY GILAD ATZMON

John Shuck writes: Gilad Atzmon returns to discuss what he sees as a civil war brewing in the United States over dividing lines that are based on identitarian politics. In this educational and informative interview, he elaborates on a recent post of his, It’s Not About Trump or Biden, and he discusses the history of identitarian politics and why the U.S. is so polarized today. He is the author of The Wandering Who: The Study of Jewish Identity Politics and Being In Time: A Post-Political Manifesto. In May 2018 he was on my program that commemorated the 70th anniversary of the Nakba “The Catastrophe” and Palestinian resistance.

More here

All that Juice

 BY GILAD ATZMON

OJ.jpg

By Gilad Atzmon

 If you are upset by the undeniable fact that our greatest scientific minds are failing in their battle against Covid-19, you should be relieved to learn that the West’s greatest minds are momentarily occupied with a way more important battle: the war against antisemitism.

 The Jewish News Syndicate (JNS) reported a few days ago that the Alfred Landecker Foundation (Berlin) launched a new international ‘Decoding Antisemitism’ project to stop hate online using ‘Artificial Intelligence. ’Apparently, the multi-national team comprised of ‘discourse analysts, computational linguists and historians,’ will develop a highly complex, AI-driven approach to identifying online antisemitism. 

 The Jewish news outlet reports that studies have shown that the majority of anti-Semitic defamation is expressed in implicit ways – for example through the use of creative codes such as ‘juice’ instead of ‘Jews. ’The highly sophisticated algorithm is, presumably, designed to scan the net continuously and attribute security alerts to every possible reference to ‘juice.’ However, if you see law enforcement agents surrounding your local grocery shop you should assume that its owner may have issued a complaint to the manufacturer about the integrity of his last orange juice delivery.

 The genius AI application will also spot certain conspiracy narratives or the reproduction of stereotypes, especially through unusual images. I guess that we are referring here to images of an un-named orange who kept his underwear on.  It may as well be that the AI application will be sophisticated enough to trace the exact favourite fruit extract that drives the Open Society Institute.  

 Issues to do with COVID-19 are particularly important as far as the new AI application is concerned due to “the rise in conspiracy myths accusing Jews of creating and spreading COVID-19.” This is no doubt a demanding task for the state of art application, as most Jewish outlets actually openly admit a unique and concerning level of intimacy between Jews/Israel and the virus. Back on 1st April, Zionist outlets were the first to admit that Jews were as much as 8 times over-represented amongst Covid 19 death in Britain, at least in the first days of the epidemic.  As early as the 3rd of March, an Israeli company named Migal was quick to announce that it has the vaccine for Covid-19. The new AI system will have to learn to turn a blind eye to the fact that Jewish outlets openly admit  that Orthodox Jews in New York and in Israel consciously and strategically let the virus spread in their communities as they truly believed (and for a good reason) in herd immunity.

 Dr. Andreas Eberhardt, CEO of the Alfred Landecker Foundation told the Jewish outlet that “Antisemitism and hatred directed against minorities are putting the future of our open society in jeopardy. And the problem is only getting worse in the digital sphere. It’s essential that we use innovative approaches – such as using AI – to tackle these issues head on.” I guess that Dr. Eberhardt is correct and the next obvious question is why are the German academic and his institute  fighting antisemitism in particular rather than fighting hatred in general and universally?

 On my part, I could save the Alfred Landecker Foundation a lot of energy and resources. Instead of adopting a Stasi doctrine, scanning the net, spying on our profiles for poetic expressions and ‘juicy images,’ just ask a few basic elementary questions: why is antisemitism back on the rise? What is it that Israel and its Lobby are doing that is so upsetting to a growing number of people? What is it that we cannot talk about and why?

 I actually believe that one old Zionist text from the late 19th century answers all those questions. Bernard Lazare’s Antisemitism: Its History and Causes attempted to figure out why Jewish history is an endless chain of tragedies and expulsions.

 Lazare believed that if Jews want to dominate their fate they must emancipate themselves from their choseness, that unique racially oriented sense of privilege and exceptionalism.  Zionism in its early version, was for Lazare the way forward. Zionism at the time was distinguished by its total rejection and negation of the Diaspora Jewish culture and identity (Shlilat Ha-galut). When Zionism was a spiritual metamorphic aspiration, the Jews were loved and admired, their Jewish state was even ‘forgiven’ for its colossal crimes against the indigenous people of Palestine (The Nakaba). But when Israel drifted away from its idealistic roots, when it gradually became the ‘Jewish State’, the tolerance towards Israel’s actions and its lobby also started to fade away.

 The Alfred Landecker Foundation may do better using their historians, linguists and computer scientists identifying this shift in the Jewish universe rather than treating the rest of us as suspected bigots. 

Haniyah to Al-Manar: Hamas “Part of Axis of Resistance in Face of Israeli Enemy”

manar-05758980015995804777
Video here

September 8, 2020

Head of Hamas politburo, Ismail Haniyah stressed that the UAE decision to normalize ties with the Israeli enemy is unjustifiable and serves only Trump and Netanyahu, adding that the relations between the Resistance Movement and Saudi Arabia have deteriorated and calling for the release of the Palestinian detainees.

In an exclusive interview with Al-Manar TV Channel, Haniyah emphasized that Hamas is part of the axis of resistance in face of the Israeli enemy, confirming that Syria has always supported the Palestinian cause.

“We hope that Syria regain security and stability as this would support the Palestinian cause.”

Hamas Chief pointed out that the Palestinians must unify against the Israeli settler and annexation schemes, adding the conference held by the  factions comes in this context.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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Between Malek, Shiha, Al-Rahi, and Macron? بين مالك وشيحا والراعي وماكرون؟

By Nasser Kandil

The Patriarch Bishara al-Rahi’s statement that Hizbullah accused him of agency and treachery is most regrettable. Everyone assures that any attempt to learn Hizbullah’s response to the Patriarch’s call for neutrality was met with “No comment.” In her refrain from declaring her opposing perspective to the Patriarch’s stance, Al Mukawama aimed at preventing an interpretation of its position through lenses of sectarian defensiveness, giving lurkers the opportunity of fanning flames, resulting in exchanges of volleys of accusations of agency and treachery.

The invitation is open for the Patriarch to rise above allegations of treachery against him from a Party and a Mukawama, which have a full awareness and appreciation of sensitivities in Lebanon, and who prioritize a diligence about not taking positions, in order to ensure communication respectful of honorifics, including the Bkirki Honorific, and to preserve national unity.

To say that an understanding exists between the Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri and

Al-Sayyed Hassan Nasrullah, to refrain from comments on the Patriarch’s call for neutrality, personally or through their respective party platforms, would not be revealing a secret. In addition, they have both expressed their displeasure towards individual voices and religious, political, and publicity sites which went against their chosen direction.

In view of such diligence and approbation, they would have rightfully expected from Bkirki a reciprocal approach through an invitation for a discussion of her position with all the Lebanese entities, in an effort to promote agreement and harmony, before her declaration. What is occurring today instead, is that the Patriarch’s call transformed into a mudslinging campaign against Al Mukawama and her arms, unjustly relegating to her the responsibilities for and the dire consequences of the multitude of crises Lebanon has been facing.

This declaration provided an opportunity for its exploitation by those lying in wait, through a discourse insinuating that the injurious and demonizing campaign targeting Al Mukawama has gained a solid base through Bkirki’s leadership. The duo’s silence was the utmost they could offer amidst all that, as an expression of care and respect, awaiting reciprocity from the Bkirki Seat, to provide the opportunity for communication about disagreements behind closed doors.

The Patriarch’s call and his speech on the occasion of Lebanon’s Centennial is being presented as a reading about Lebanon’s future and a project for a new contract benefitting from past experiences and present dangers. He refers to a fear that what is meant by a new contract is an invitation to trilateral power sharing, i.e. power sharing on an almost equal basis between Christians, Shias, and Sunnis, rather than current power sharing divided equally between Muslims and Christians in Lebanon. Such expressed fear sounds strange in view of  Speaker Berri’s refusal decades ago of a trilateral power sharing proposal, and Hizbullah’s refusal of  more generous sectarian power-sharing offers as a trade-off for its power which constitutes a major security threat to the Israeli Occupation.

Both parties confirmed and continue to confirm their insistence on the preservation of the position and role of Christians in Lebanon and the region as a fundamental constituency in the Orient, independent of the actual number of Christians in it.  They have repeatedly emphasized the necessity of reassuring this constituent and ensuring all elements of stability for its continued existence. Their belief is that the Orient’s Christians confer an added value to the Orient, and the loss or weakening of this constituent will rob the Orient of its distinctive characteristics.

These two parties who are implied in the “trilateral” accusation have been clear in attaching to every call for the end of sectarianism, another call for a positive Christian partnership which is reassuring to them, on one hand, and provides existential reassurances for Christians, on the other. A discussion is needed among the Lebanese about a new contract on the basic principles held by the duo encapsulated in progress towards a democratic state, unfettered by the federalism of sectarian protectorates, and ensuring guarantees against the transformation of democracy into a tool in the hands of a sectarian majority, shaking the equilibrium between sects or posing an existential threat to them.

The passage of one hundred years on the establishment of the political Lebanon, in the shade of which we stand today, makes it worthwhile to go back to the writings of two great Lebanese Christian thinkers who have had a strong influence on the conceptualization of Lebanon as an entity, and of Lebanese nationalism, and with whom every Christian political speaker affiliates or aligns his or her position with what had been attributed to them. The reference, of course, is to Charles Malek and Michel Chiha, who have drawn the picture for the Lebanese entity and the principles for its political and economic growth, and unequivocally warned of what they considered to be an imminent threat to its being, namely the earth shaking event of the creation of the Occupation State in 1948.

Both Malek and Chiha were terrified for the fate of the Lebanese entity, and called for the Lebanese to be vigilant about a future in an environment of increasing difficulties. They agreed, each from his own perspective, about the dangers associated with that cataclysmic event which made Lebanon a constant target for Zionist expansion, and at risk of structural damage to the culture of coexistence on which it is based. They agreed that this event created nurturing climates for religious prejudices and extremism, which in turn were expected to launch eras of threat to peace between the Lebanese, and geographic locations posing such threats, in the form of consecutive waves.

They stated that the Jewish State, which they described as racist and reliant on the potency of money and power, will constitute an existential threat to a Lebanon weak and helpless by comparison.  They believed that the newly formed entity will pump waves of Palestinian refugees, and as their hopes of return to their homeland became increasingly out of reach, would place at risk the sectarian equilibrium in Lebanon.

Charles Malek, from his position in the United Nations, sent a report in 1949 to Lebanon’s President and Prime Minister in which he went further, pointing out the approach of a Jewish epoch to the area, that Palestine was the mirror for conditions in the Middle East, that the scant influence of the Arabs will result in an increasing “Jewish” influence, and warned against betting on international positions because the West, headed by the Americans, will side with the “Jews.” He stated: “ In every principal conflict between Israeli and Arab interests, America will support  Israeli interests.  I warn strongly against falling blindly into the trap of seductive American construction projects before their full scrutiny and the scrutiny of Jewish connections to them.”  He proposed a countermeasure based on the building up of Arab armies, an Arab renaissance, and a liberation movement led by Lebanon and Syria. He wagered on a role supportive to the Palestinian cause, and aid to Lebanon and the area in the face of the “Jewish” threat, by the Worldwide Catholic Church, led by the Christian Church in the Orient, with Lebanon being its more important base.

Both Malek and Chiha believed, in the first place, that the triad of threats, expansionist, structural, and economic, posed by the Occupation, along with the Palestinian refugee issue, should form an axis for Lebanese policies internally, at the Arab level, and internationally.  Secondly, they pointed to the losing bet on the effectiveness of international interventions without possession of a considerable interest potential and adequate power to enable participation in the big equations, implying that begging for protection from a position of weakness will inevitably result in disappointment. Thirdly, they bet on the leading role of the Church in escalating and reinforcing power resources internally, and moving outward from that position of political, economic, and military strength, to rouse the Worldwide Church, in the hopes of creating a balance protective of Lebanon.  Can anyone say today that the threats no longer exist, or that the effectiveness of the Arab position has increased, or that the laws governing the movement in international relations have changed?

Al Mukawama, capable and competent, liberated and deterred, and became a source of anxiety for the Occupation in regard to its security and existence.  She became one of the manifestations of what Chiha and Malek asked of the Lebanese.  Sage and prudent,

Al Mukawama is the missing link which Bkirki should feel happy to meet halfway, for a complementarity in roles, translated into what should be done for Lebanon’s protection, with differentiation and variation lending strength to positions rather than being problematic. What has come forth instead from Bkirki’s positions only weakens power sources, aborts opportunities for complementarity between politics and power, and whets the appetite of those in wait for the possibility of weakening or isolating Al Mukawama. It fails to attempt seeking guarantees for Lebanon and the Lebanese using the pacification of Al Mukawama as leverage.

The neutrality initiative, even in its “active” form, fails to tell how it will solve the refugee issue in a time of Arab abandonment; how it will protect Lebanon’s economic role in the era of “normalization;” how it will protect Lebanon from the threat of aggression in the times of disintegration of Arab armies; and who will benefit from the weakening of Al Mukawama and from targeting her morale and reputation except lurking Takfeeri Extremism, lying in wait for Lebanon, the Orient, Christians, along with all the other constituents in the area?

Renewal of the Greater Lebanon starts with a dialogue between the Lebanese to form  understandings which address points of defect and invest in power sources.  Bkirki is the first invitee to openness towards Al Mukawama and investment in her sources of power, after Bkirki has clearly seen France coming to acknowledge Al Mukawama as a reality unsusceptible to marginalization or weakening. In making such acknowledgement, France was speaking for herself and on behalf of her allies, whom Bkirki considers as friends and fears Lebanon’s loss of their support.

The French movement confirms that the attention of those friends to Lebanon and lending their aid has come only as a result of the Al Mukawama raising their anxiety about “Israel’s” security and existence. Any reassurance to decrease such anxiety embedded in the  calls for neutrality will only mean that such attention will shift, and any helping hand will be withdrawn and washed from anything related to Lebanon. Perhaps this is the most prominent conclusion Chiha and Malek came to 70 years ago.

بين مالك وشيحا والراعي وماكرون؟

ناصر قنديل

ثوابت يجب عدم نسيانها وأوهام ممنوع السماح بمرورها وتغلغلها في نفوس الناس وعقولهم في النظر للحركة الفرنسيّة التي يقودها الرئيس امانويل ماكرون، حيث يتمّ تمرير كل شيء تحت ضغط الكارثة التي يعيشها اللبنانيون، أولها التوهّم أن فرنسا أم حنون جاءت لتساعد وتسهم في رفع المعاناة عن كاهل اللبنانيين، وثانيها أن إدراك أن السياسة باعتبارها لغة مصالح لا يعني الرفض المطلق لسياسات الآخرين ومصالحهم إذا لم تتعارض مع سياساتنا ومصالحنا، وثالثها أن ما لا يتعارض مع سياساتنا ومصالحنا ويؤسس لنقاط تقاطع لا تجوز إدارته بتساهل واسترخاء لأن المصالح تتراكم وتتغيّر والأطماع لا يردعها إلا حضور الحذر واستحضار القدرة وتحصين القوة. والمشهد اللبناني المقزّز في درجة التهافت أمام الرئيس الفرنسي، وتغيّر المواقف وتبدل الثوابت وتقديم أوراق الاعتماد، أظهر خصال انحطاط ليست حكراً على ما يحلو للبعض وصفه بطبقة سياسية فاسدة، فقد نخر سوس التهافت والانحطاط، صفوف الذين سمّوا أنفسهم ثواراً، والذين قدّموا أنفسهم بدائل، والنخب والكتاب والفنانين، ومن له مصلحة ومن ليس له مصلحة، إلا قلة رفيعة الشأن كبيرة النفس شامخة الأنف، لا عارضت علناً وقدمت الولاء سراً، ولا قاطعت، ولا سوّقت، ولا تهافتت، حالها كحال فيروز التي بقيت تشبه أرز لبنان يحتاجها ماكرون ولا تحتاجه، وتقاطع المصالح يعني لها النديّة، وليس الذل والاسترهان، ولا الزحف والبكاء، والبكاء السياسي والإعلامي، ليس بكاء وجع الناس المفهوم، وبقيت هذه القلة تحفظ سرّ المقام والدور والمسؤوليّة، فشارك بعضها بجدية ومسؤولية واحترام وندية، ولكنه لم يمنع نفسه من متعة التفرج على “الزحفطة” السياسية والإعلامية والاقتصادية و”الثورية” و”المدنية” وغير المدنية”، ولم يكن بعضها موجوداً فتابع عن بُعد وهو يجمع السخرية والألم من درجة هبوط وانحطاط مشهد، هو بالنهاية مشهد وطن لا يفرح محبّوه برؤيته على هذه الحال.

توضح زيارة امانويل ماكرون للعراق وتصريحات وزير الخارجية الأميركية مايك بومبيو، أن الحركة الفرنسيّة محميّة أميركياً، ولا تحظى فقط بالتغطية، بل هي جزء من سياسة أميركية بالوكالة، حيث تحتفظ واشنطن بالخطاب الدعائي ضد إيران والمقاومة، وتتولى فرنسا تبريد جبهات المشرق الملتهبة، بينما تتفرّغ واشنطن لتزخيم حفلات التطبيع العربي “الإسرائيلي” في الخليج، فماكرون المتحمّس لمرفأ بيروت بدا متحمساً لمشروع مترو بغداد، بينما كان الأردن والعراق ومصر يبشرون بمشروع “الشام الجديد” الذي يلاقي نتائج التطبيع الإماراتيّ الإسرائيليّ، بربط العراق عبر الأردن الذي يقيم معاهدة سلام مع كيان الاحتلال، بمرفأ حيفا، أسوة بالإمارات، في زمن خروج مرفأ بيروت من الخدمة، ولا يُخفى أن المشروع الذي قام أصلاً وفقاً لدراسة للبنك الدولي على ضم سورية ولبنان وفلسطين على المشروع قد اعتبر تركيا جزءاً منه، وقد أسقطت سورية ولبنان وفلسطين، واستبعدت تركيا حكماً، وفي زمن التغوّل التركي ورعاية أنقرة للإرهاب وتطبيعها مع الكيان لا اسف على الاستبعاد، وبمثل ما رحبت بالشام الجديد واشنطن وتل أبيب، هرول الرئيس الفرنسي مرحباً باستبعاد تركيا، على قاعدة تناغم مصري فرنسي سيظهر أكثر وأكثر، من ليبيا إلى لبنان، وصولاً للعراق، بحيث تقوم فرنسا بالإمساك بلبنان عن السقوط و”خربطة الحسابات” بانتظار، تبلور المشروع الذي يريد ضم سورية ولبنان معاً في فترة لاحقة، بعد إضعاف قدرتهما التفاوضيّة وعزلهما عن العراق، والمقصود بالقدرة التفاوضيّة حكماً قوى المقاومة وتهديدها لأمن الكيان، وهذا هو معنى التذكير الأميركي بأن المشكلة هي في حزب الله وصواريخه الدقيقة، كما يؤكد بومبيو.

لا مشكلة لدى قوى المقاومة بالمرحلة الانتقالية التي يتمّ خلالها انتشال لبنان من قعر السقوط، ليس حباً ولا منّة ولا مكرمة من أحد، بل خشية انفجار كبير يحول التهديد الإفتراضي للكيان إلى تهديد واقعي، ويأتي بالصين على سكة حديد بغداد دمشق بيروت، هي السكة التي يريدها ماكرون لفرنسا، لكن بعد التفاوض، بحيث تحفظ حدود سايكس بيكو، لكن يتغيّر مضمون التفويض بنقل الوكالة في حوض المتوسط إلى فرنسا، التي منعت من العراق والأردن قبل قرن، لحساب بريطانيا، المتفرّجة اليوم إلى حين. وهذا يكفي للقول إنه بعد فشل الرهان “الإسرائيلي” على نظرية معركة بين حربين كادت تفجّر حرباً، جاءت فرنسا بمشروع تسوية بين حربين، عساها تجعل الحرب الثانية اقتصادية، هدفها إبعاد الصين عن المتوسط، وإبعاد صواريخ المقاومة الدقيقة عن رقبة الإسرائيليين، والمقاومة المدركة للتحديات والاستحقاقات، تعرف ما بين أيديها كما تتقن ذكاء التوقيت.

لا شام جديد بدون الشام الأصلي والقديم، حقيقة يجب أن ينتبه لها ماكرون قبل أن يرتكب الأخطاء القاتلة، فلا ينسى أن التذاكي لا يحل المشكلات الأصلية، وأن روسيا لا تكتفي بالكلمات طويلاً، وأن بريطانيا لا تطيل النوم بعد الظهر.

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Intensified American Diplomatic Activities in the Middle-East

Intensified American Diplomatic Activities in the Middle-East

September 01, 2020

By Zamir Ahmed Awan for the Saker Blog

The U.S. has intensified its diplomatic activities in the Middle-East. After the Secretary of State Pompeo’s tour to six nations in the Middle-East, the Power-Pillar in White House, Jared Kushner, who is Senior advisor and son-in-law of President Donal Trump, along with Senior officials, is on his Middle-East trip currently.

The enhanced focus of the U.S. diplomatic and political engagement in the Middle-east has several objectives as:

On the surface, all efforts are for Israel, as the US is the only supporter of Israel blindly. The U.S. has been exercising its veto powers for Israel on several occasions and extends extraordinary political and diplomatic support, matched with non. It should be understood that, among the three prominent divine religions, Judaism is the oldest one, Christianity is the most populous in the Western World. However, Islam is the third one in its series and the last one of divine religion. A majority of Muslims inhabit the Middle East. The creation of a Jewish state in the heart of the Muslim World was not logical in the first step. The Jewish population in Palestine was only 11 % at the time of planning for the creation of Isreal. Later on, Jewish were shifted to Palestine from various parts of the World; and mostly, the wealthy Jews were motivated and encouraged to purchase land and property from the Arabs.

The Zionist struggle of the late 19th century had led by 1917 to the Balfour Declaration, by which Britain assured an ultimate separate state only for Jews in Palestine. When that former Ottoman province became a British mandate under the League of Nations in 1922, it contained about 700,000 people, of whom only 58,000 were Jews, approximately 11 % only.

Bulk relocation happened during the period of 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. The well-off Jews were buying the property in Palestine. If some patriotic Arabs refuse to sell their property, they face severe consequences like murder, injuries, detention, arrest, hostage, or expelled to exile. The Zionist militias of the Haganah and Irgun killed 5,032 Arabs and wounded 14,760, consequential in over ten percent of the adult male Palestinian Arab population killed, wounded, imprisoned, or exiled. At the end of World War II, the Jewish community in Palestine had increased to 33% of the total population.

The U.N. General assembly, backed by the U.S. and U.K., approved the creation of the state of Israel only limited to 5,500 Square Kilometers in 1947. But The Jews militant grabbed more land from local Arabs in 1948. It created an adversary between Arabs and Israelis. It led to an Arab-Israel War in 1967, and Israel seized even more land from Arabs.

The core reason for unrest in the Middle-East is the irrational creation of the state of Israel. The illogical creation of a Jewish state in the heart of the Muslim World was the root cause of all problems. There are an estimated 8 million Jews all over the World, and out of which 6 million settled in the state of Israel, mostly migrated from Eastern Europe, Africa, Russia, and also from other parts of the World. The settlers were aliens, and not the son of the soil and not the local indigenous people, and furthermore, the expansionist approach of the State of Israel has been pushing Arabs out of their homeland. Millions of Palestinians have lost their home.

The World has a moral stance on the state of Israel that it should be limited to original approved state with an area of 5,500 Square Kilometers, and return the all illegal occupied Arab Land occupied in 1948 and 1967. Furthermore, the State of Israel promises and ensure that it will not hold any Arab land in the future. This principle-stance is in line with the UN Charter, OIC, and Arab-League decision. Most of the nations, including Russia and China, share similar views. But it is only the U.S. who support all irrational acts of Israel blindly. The Secretary of state will lobby for Israel during this trip and may gain more recognition from the Arab World.

Egypt was kicked out from the Arab league in 1979, as displeasure on its recognition of the State of Israel. It is worth citing that six nations founded the Arab League: Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and Syria in 1945 in Cairo, the Capital of Egypt. Later on, the other Arab countries kept on joining the Arab League, and currently, there are 22 members of the Arab League. The prime objective of the Creation of the Arab League was to promote the Palestinian Arab cause. The Arab League opposed the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine in 1947 and implementing a boycott of Jewish State. Especially imposed an oil embargo, which lasted until the Khartoum Resolution in September 1967. The Arab League, in 2002, endorsed a Saudi Arabian Arab Peace Initiative, which called for a full withdrawal by Israel “to the 1967 borders” in return for fully normalized relations.

Egypt signed the Peace Treaty with the State of Israel in 1979, following the 1978 Camp David Accords. The treaty was received with vast controversy across the Arab World, where it was condemned and considered a stab in the back. The sense of outrage was principally strong amongst Palestinians. However, as a result of the treaty, Egypt was expelled out from its own created Arab League in 1979–1989. Syrian President Hafez al-Assad disconnected all relations with Egypt after the signing of the peace deal, and diplomatic relations were not restored until 2005, under the rule of Bashar al-Assad.

Jordan also recognized the State of Israel in 1984, which was also not welcomed by the Arab World, mainly the Palestinian.

Keeping solidarity with the Arab World, the 57-members OIC (The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation), the second-largest organization after the United Nations, spread over four continents, takes a strong stance on Israel and demands the return of Arab Lands which Israel occupied in the 1967 war.

Israel has not been welcomed by the international community, even, in E.U., Russia, and China, in addition to the Arab & Muslim World. However, it enjoys extraordinary support from the U.S. and favors from its creator UK.

UAE (United Arab Emirates) becoming the third Arab state, besides Egypt and Jordan, to fully recognize Israel, after signing a peace deal on August 13, 2020. The U.S. mediated the peace agreement. However, the unofficial interaction began as early as 2010, and cooperation was based on their joint opposition to Iran’s nuclear program and regional influence. Israel opened an official diplomatic mission in Abu Dhabi in 2015, under cover of the International Renewable Energy Agency.

UAE’s decision has shocked the Muslim World, and there was a reaction. The most severe reaction came from Turkey, who is thinking to cut its diplomatic ties with the UAE. Iran is the most affected country, as rival Israel may sit next door in UAE. The growing defense cooperation between Israel and UAE is an alarming and significant threat to Iran. UAE and Israel were not at good terms with Iran historically.

Some of the other Arab countries also shown displeasures. In fact, the Arab World might lose unity and may divide pro and anti-this decisions. It may weaken the unity of the Arab World further. This agreement will have a far-reaching impact, and over time, the outcomes will be visible.

Secondly, the U.S. has lodged a media war against Russia and China. Their controlled media is building a narrative against Russia and China and projecting Russia and China as a severe threat. The Secretary of State also tried to convince the Arab World against Russia and China, building alliances in case of any confrontation in the region. The U.S. is in the habit of forming partnerships and alliances against their adversaries, and in the past, their such approach was successful. Secretary of State also traveled to four countries in Europe to convince them to join the U.S. against Russia and China but failed, and Europe seems more divided on the U.S. stance on Russia and China. It is believed that The U.S. efforts may also divide the Arab-Word into groups pro-America and Anti-America. This may create a space for Russia and China to lead the Anti-American block in the Arab World as well as in Europe.

The third objective is a part of the election campaign for the presidential election. President Trump has determined to re-elect again and can go to any extent. One can expect any abnormal decision from him to win the election. He wanted to prove that his foreign policy is in the best interest of American people “America First.” He is also using anti-Russia and Anti-China card to gain sympathy from the American voters.

Most of the Arab World, especially the oil-rich Gulf countries, is ruled by Kings and dictators, who depend on U.S. support to sustain their rule. But anti-American sentiments are growing immensely. As a matter of fact, the U.S. has widened its objectives in such tours, which makes it more difficult to achieve any significant results. Secretary of State trip failed to convince any other Arab country to recognize Israel. Contrary, the adversary has been enhanced. Either he was unable to persuade the State of Israel to suspend its expansion plans. In contrast, Prime Minister Netanyahu categorically announced that the expansion plans are postponed or delayed only but not canceled or dropped out. He was also not able to convince most of the Arab countries to be part of the Anti-China-Russia alliance. Neither any direct impact on the Presidential Elections to be held in November later this year. His tour was counterproductive. Jared Kushner’s mission may also meet the same fate and no net gain at all.


Author: Prof. Engr. Zamir Ahmed Awan, Sinologist (ex-Diplomat), Editor, Analyst, Non-Resident Fellow of CCG (Center for China and Globalization), National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan. (E-mail: awanzamir@yahoo.com).

Ode to Resistance: Video-Clip from Palestine (Song by Haidar Eid)

Source

August 29, 2020

Ode to Resistance, a Song by Haidar Eid. (Photo: Video Grab)

By Haidar Eid

As Israel continues its bombing of Gaza for the 15th night in a row, while its sole power plant is forced to shut due to Israel’s decision to ban fuel from entering the Strip, and amid the spread of Coronavirus outside quarantine facilities, a new video clip has been produced.

It comes as part of a creative project produced in besieged Gaza, Occupied Palestine, where a group of activists and artists came together in order to highlight:

  1. The Palestine that every refugee is dreaming to return to;
  2. Resistance to Israeli occupation and apartheid; and
  3. The links with progressive Arab forces .

It is an established fact that two million Gazans are trapped in the world’s largest prison. 13 years of Israel’s brutal siege by land, sea and air has devastated every aspect of life in the Strip. 97% of aquifer water is undrinkable, 52% of essential drugs are at zero stock, and over 50% of the population is unemployed. Gazans suffer chronic water, medicine, fuel and food shortages.

Add to this the latest Coronavirus cases that have been reported with only 66 ventilators for the 2 million residents of the strip. Unlike the pandemic all over the world, in Gaza it is allowed to spread simply because apartheid Israel has decided to tighten the medieval siege.

The UN already predicted that by 2020 Gaza would be uninhabitable. And we are already there!

Despite our situation, we, in Gaza have never stopped fighting for freedom and justice. Hence, the video clip. As activists and artists, we cannot stand by while Gaza’s entire population is slowly dying the hands of one of the most sadistic colonial powers.

This is why we wanted to highlight not only the suffering of our people, but their resilience and resistance. Students, children, elderly, shopkeepers, women, girls, worshippers, stone throwers, GFM protesters, fishermen, mothers, fathers…

In addition to being a celebration of Palestinian life and resistance, the clip is a tribute to the late Egyptian singer, Abdulhalim Hafez who was the first to sing these songs during the progressive decades of the 1950’s and 1960’s.

– Haidar Eid is an Associate Professor in the Department of English Literature at the Al-Aqsa University, in the Gaza Strip. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

تحريف التاريخ وتقديم رأس يوحنا لسالومي مناقشة لمقالة سجعان قزي عن الحياد

ناصر قنديل

عندما يكتب الأستاذ سجعان قزي مقالاً تنظيرياً لدعوة الحياد، وهو من الذين يُقال عن قربهم للبطريرك الراعي ودورهم في صياغة مشروعه للحياد، يفترض أن يكون المقال تشريحاً لمعادلات في التاريخ والجغرافيا والسياسة الدولية والإقليمية والمحلية تضيف لدعوة الحياد بعض الرصيد، لكن القارئ سيصدم بأن المقال محاولة تحريفية للتاريخ، باعتماد انتقائي أقرب للنشيد منه للتحليل الموضوعي، فالحديث عن تاريخ لبنان كتاريخ للحياد، يجافي حقيقة أن لا بلد في العالم تاريخه أحادي الوجهة بالحياد أو بالتحالفات، أو الحروب، ولبنان ليس شواذاً عن القاعدة، فلم يسبق منظرو الحياد السويسري والنمساوي الأستاذ قزي بالقول إن تاريخ سويسرا والنمسا تاريخ حياد، بل فعلوا العكس، وقالوا إن تاريخ أزمات البلدين ناجم عن عدم تبني خيار الحياد، الذي نضجت ظروفه الداخلية والخارجية في فترة من التاريخ تزامنت مع تلك الدعوات.

أسهل المهام في قراءة التاريخ هي الانتقائية، لكنها أسوأها، فيمكن بجلب وقائع عن تاريخ أحلاف خارجية كان لبنان في قلبها، كتحالف الأمير فخر الدين مع الأوروبيين بوجه السلطنة العثمانية في مرحلة من حكمه، أو تنصيب الأمير بشير الثاني حاكماً لبلاد الشام بعد غزوة محمد علي باشا ودخوله سراي بيروت، أو السردية المعلومة لانضمام حكم الرئيس كميل شمعون إلى حلف بغداد وطلبه للأسطول الأميركي، أو العلاقة المميزة لحكم الرئيس فؤاد شهاب وتموضعه في حضن المحور الناصري، والاستخلاص من كل ذلك على طريقة الأستاذ قزي، أن تاريخ لبنان الذي كتبته صور بمقاومة الإسكندر وصيدا التي أحرقت نفسها، هو تاريخ حروب ومواجهات ومحاور، والمحرّف للتاريخ وحده يفعل ذلك، لأن تلك ليست إلا البعض وليست كل تاريخ لبنان، كما يمكن لآخرين الاستعانة ببعض التاريخ للقول إن تاريخ لبنان هو تاريخ انقسام وفتن وحروب أهلية، وسيجد الباحث عشرات ومئات المحطات التاريخية لإسناد استنتاجه، لكنه يقع في التحريف لأنه اقتطع البعض وسمّاه الكل. ويعلم أصحاب العلوم ومنهم أصحاب علم التاريخ أن الحديث عن الإطلاق يكذبه استثناء واحد أو شواذ واحد عن القاعدة، فهل فات الأستاذ قزي، كم من المعاكسات التي يسوقها التاريخ أمام ناظريه لفرضيته، التي تصير تحريفا للتاريخ يستسيغه لمجرد غائية مسبقة في قراءة التاريخ، تريد التلاعب بالعقول لادعاء اكتشاف بارود التاريخ، والصراخ بفرحة أرخميدس، لقد وجدتها.

لم تجدها أستاذ قزي، فتاريخ لبنان هو تاريخ تنقل فيه بين حالات فيها الحروب الخارجية والداخلية، وفيها مقايضة السيادة بالحكم الذاتي، وفيها الخضوع للانتداب والاحتلال ومساومته، وفيها المقاومة وفيها الحياد والمحاور، ومن كل لون نصيب، كما هو تاريخ كل المجتمعات البشرية.

أما الحياد اليوم، الأنشودة التي يعرف أصحابها أنها تشبه أنشودة نحن نحب الحياة، والتي يعرفون أن لا وظيفة لها إلا شيطنة خصم، لا تصير دعوة الحياد ذات جدوى إلا بموافقته كشريك في الوطن، إلا إذا كان الحياد بنسخته الجديدة يقوم على الانقسام الداخلي للأوطان، وعلى حد علمنا أن التوافق كان ولا يزال من شروط دعوات الحياد، فالأنشودة تريد توصيف الشريك المقابل في الوطن كمحبّ للموت، وهي تدرك فراغ الحديث عن حب الحياة من أي معنى سياسي، ومثلها تريد أنشودة الحياد شيطنة الخصم بصفته داعية حروب، بينما يدرك أصحاب الأنشودتين أن الحياة والحياد بمعناهما الحقيقي ما كانت لهما فرص لو بقي لبنان تحت الاحتلال الإسرائيلي، بعد تجربة سنوات من مساعٍ للرئيس الكتائبي، الذي حمل خلفيته ذاتها الأستاذ قزي، وشعاره ذاته لعهده، وهو الحياد، الذي يعترف الرئيس الجميل بأنه رهان خائب انتهى بالفشل، لأن الأميركي لا يرى المنطقة إلا بالعيون الإسرائيليّة، ويقول التاريخ إن المقاومة هي التي حررت لبنان من الاحتلال بعد فشل وصفة الحياد، كما يقول إن قوة المقاومة هي التي جعلت الغرب ومن خلفه بعض العرب وكيان الاحتلال، يرتضون للبنان الحياد كعنوان لدعوة الراهن بعدما فشلوا بوضع اليد عليه، ولكن ليس سعياً لسلامه، بل كمشروع حرب بديلة.

الحياد يقوم كما لا يغيب عن الأستاذ قزي، على يقين طرفي الحدود سورية و«إسرائيل»، كما يسمّيهما الأستاذ قزي، بأن صراعهما أو سلامهما يحتاج حياد لبنان، ولبنان في الصراع المقصود هو المقاومة التي تؤرق أمن «إسرائيل» وتطمئن أمن سورية، ولا وظيفة لدعوة الحياد سوى طمأنة «إسرائيل» وإثارة قلق سورية، وبغض النظر عن المعنى السيئ لطلب ما يريح «إسرائيل» ويقلق سورية، يبقى المهم أن الحياد بالنتيجة، لن يلقى قبول «الجارين»، لأن أحدهما رابح والآخر خاسر، وفي الداخل لا يخفي دعاة الحياد وفقاً لمضمون كلام البطريرك صاحب الدعوة، أنه يستهف إضعاف فريق لبناني طائفي، وتصوير لبنان تاريخاً وبيئة لطوائف دون سواها، ومن المصادفات أن هذا الطرف المطلوب إضعافه قد عجزت كل دول العالم القريب والبعيد عن إضعافه، وكل ما تفعله الدعوة هو أنها تضع بعض لبنان في جبهة ومحور يستكملان الحرب ضد هذا الفريق أملاً بتعزيز مصادر قوته للفوز بحرب فشل في كسبها ضد هذا البعض الآخر من لبنان. وأين نبل الحياد هنا، وحقيقته؟

في العائدات المفترضة للحياد كما يقول البطريرك صاحب الدعوة، ويردد الأستاذ قزي، ترغيب بالمال والازدهار، وهما حاجتان لبنانيتان، لكن السؤال هو ببساطة، طالما ليس خافياً أن الحياد يستهدف استرضاء جبهة عالمية إقليمية، تملك المال المنشود وفقاً لأصحاب الدعوة، وتستهدف دفع الثمن من مصادر قوة فريق لبناني تناصبه العداء، فهل يملك أصحاب الدعوة وصفة لمعالجة النتائج العكسية لمشروعهم، القائم على ضمّ لبنان إلى محور غربي خليجي يجاهر بأن القضية الفلسطينية لم تعد ضمن اولوياته، ويتبنى التطبيع مع «إسرائيل» من دون حل هذه القضية، ويجاهر بالدعوة لتوطين اللاجئين الفلسطينيين، إلا إذا كانوا قد قبلوا ضمناً مقايضة التوطين بالأموال، ومثله توطين النازحين السوريين الذين لا يقبل الغرب بعودتهم، وبالتوازي سيتكفل العداء المضمر بالدعوة مع سورية، بقطع الطريق على فرص التعاون معها لإعادتهم؟

السؤال الحقيقي هو لماذا لم يقدم أصحاب الدعوة بدلاً منها، بفتح حوار مع المقاومة التي يسعون لشيطنتها، ويقدمون رأسها على طبق من ذهب للغرب والخليج طلباً للمال كما قدم هيرودس رأس يوحنا، طالما يؤمنون بأن الحياد شرطه التوافق الداخلي، فيكون الحوار بهدف توظيف مصادر قوة المقاومة لضمان عدم التوطين، بوضع السلاح في مقابل حق العودة، ووضع انسحاب المقاومة من سورية مقابل عودة النازحين وإعفاء لبنان من العقوبات، والتزام المقاومة الحياد في صراعات الخليج واليمن والعراق، مقابل إزالة الحظر عن تدفق أموال الخليج والسياح إلى لبنان؟

قد لا ترضى المقاومة بهذه العروض، لكننا كنا سنصدّق بأن خلفية الدعاة وطنية لبنانية حقيقية، وكان هذا ليكون الحياد الحقيقي المحقق للمصالح الوطنية، أو المؤكد لوطنية أصحابه، كمشروع مطروح على الطاولة لتعزيز قوة لبنان وتماسكه الداخلي، تماسك قالت التجارب إنه يبقى أغلى من أي تعصّب لفكرة يتبناها فريق وتتسبب بتعميق الانقسام، مهما كانت الفكرة صحيحة، فكيف إن كانت مبنيّة على تحريف للتاريخ وضعف نظر في الجغرافيا، وتنكّر لألفباء السياسة.

UAE-Israel normalization agreement pours salt on Palestinians’ wound: Emirati activist

“The Emirati-Saudi alliance, in my view, is based on Mohammed bin Zayed’s plan to push Saudi Arabia towards Yemen’s swamp, and the ultimate goal was to weaken it politically and exhaust its economy.”

By Mohammad Mazhari

August 24, 2020 – 11:48

TEHRAN – Abdullah al-Tawil, an Emirati political activist, is of the opinion that “Emirates-Israel normalization agreement pours salt on Palestinians’ wound and it is a bridge over the rubble of the Palestinian cause.” 

Israel and the UAE reached an agreement on August 13 that will lead to the full normalization of diplomatic relations between the two sides.
The deal came after a phone call between United States President Donald Trump, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the crown prince of Abu Dhabi. 

Under the agreement, Israel has promised to suspend the annexation of parts of the occupied West Bank. However, just hours after the announcement Benjamin Netanyahu said he remained committed to the annexation plan.

In this regard, al-Tawil tells the Tehran Times that the agreement will not serve the Palestinians’ interests and won’t stop the annexation of the West Bank.

“This agreement pours salt on Palestinian’s wound, and it is a bridge over the rubble of the Palestinian cause,” says Al-Tawil.

Following is the full text of the interview:

Q: What are the causes or motives that prompted the UAE to normalize ties with Israel?

A: Firstly, I must record my personal position on normalization with Israel.

It was a stab in the back of the Arab nations. Israel denies clearly the rights of the Palestinians on their land and their just cause. 

Regarding the UAE’s reasons for overt normalization of ties with the Israeli regime, it must be pointed out that normalization was not a result of the moment, but rather it was passing quietly under the table.

Secret meetings were held in Abu Dhabi and Tel Aviv, as well as secret talks at a high level. 

Besides the governmental level, there were plans to prepare Emirati people to accept the normalization by the public media and official statements on social media.

The Emirati regime pursues a policy of intimidating the Emirati citizens and restricting them with laws that criminalize the ruler’s criticism accordingly.

The ultimate goal of normalization is to guarantee Mohammed bin Zayed’s chance to reach power in a comfortable way after became notorious for hatching conspiracies and now looking for peace.

Given Turkey’s growing political and military power in the Middle East (West Asia) and the failure of Qatar’s blockade and undermining its mediatory role in the Palestinian cause, the Emirates feels need new allies to protect its interests.

Therefore, it believes in such a normalization agreement, which will form a strong ally for it to protect itself. This is in the level of politics, but economically the Corona crisis greatly affected the UAE’s markets and trades, especially in the real estate field.

Thus, they resorted to Jewish investors and finally tried to satisfy the U.S. administration, whether Trump remains or not because Trump is a lifeline for the Emirati rulers, but if he loses the upcoming election, then they will find a return line to the American Democrats.

Q: How do you assess the reaction of the people in the Arab world, including those on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, to the UAE’s decision to normalize relations with Israel?

A: Arab people as a whole still love Palestine, and their hearts beat with hatred of the Zionist regime which has killed Palestinians and demolished their houses. 

But we are talking about a policy of “destroying the awareness” practiced on the (Persian) Gulf peoples, especially the Emirati people when the Ministry of Tolerance was established.

The ministry tries to teach citizens the arts of tolerance with Hindu religions and Judaism in particular 

So, temples were opened for Hindus and synagogues for Jews. We cannot say that reactions inside the UAE are non-existent, but we can confirm that there are many people who refuse normalization but fear to openly object or reject it, given that what awaits them is an unfair judiciary, secret prisons, and inevitably a large financial fine due to laws that criminalize freedom of opinion.

By the way, there are Emiratis who have created a “resist normalization” association which its aim is to educate the citizens and refuse to sign treacherous agreements and support the Palestinian cause.

As for the (Persian) Gulf states, there are a very large number of those who expressed their objection to normalization. In many countries, the activists have launched tags with their names to refuse normalizing ties with Israel, a very important matter. Awareness at this phase has a critical role, and we wish it will continue.

Q: Do you think that the Emirates’ decision would serve the Palestinian people and the Palestinian cause?

A: Of course, this agreement pours salt on Palestinians’ wounds, and it is a bridge over the rubble of the Palestinian cause.

This agreement will not stop the annexation of the West Bank as explicitly declared by Netanyahu, nor will it restrain the regime which commits crimes against the Palestinians, nor will it ever restore al-Quds (Jerusalem), nor will it give them an independent state. Rather, it is an explicit recognition of Israel over the Palestinian lands and legitimizing the occupier of Jerusalem and the Al Aqsa Mosque.

In short, it is an Emirati-Israeli agreement, and Palestine in this agreement was just a bridge to cross. 

“Mohammed bin Zayed has succeeded in weakening Saudi Arabia by influencing Mohammed bin Salman, who transferred the Emirati experience to Saudi Arabia in the cultural and security level.”

Q: Who actually rules the UAE? What are the main groups that govern the Emirates?

A: After the death of Sheikh Zayed, announcing his death was delayed for many reasons, including disputes among his sons.

I assure you that the phase that preceded the announcement of Sheikh Zayed’s death was that Mohammed bin Zayed managed to rig the process of electing his successor, in which Sheikh Sultan was more entitled.

And according to Sheikh Zayed’s will, Sheikh Khalifa became ruler of Abu Dhabi, and since then, Mohammed bin Zayed has messed with the country’s policies.

In 2011, when the Arab Spring started, Mohammed bin Zayed exploited it to suppress freedoms and restrict society with strict laws.

 Moreover, Mohammed bin Zayed ordered mass arrests of 94 Emirati citizens affiliated to the intellectual and academic classes, and that was to pave his way to fully control the reins of power in the country, especially after Sheikh Khalifa’s illness and absence of him in the media and political scene.

So, the actual ruler in the United Arab Emirates is Mohammed bin Zayed, who controls the country and exerts his influence on all other emirates, whose rulers are unfortunately coward and fearful of his authority.

Q:  What is the secret of the UAE-Saudi alliance? Would you expect Saudi Arabia and Bahrain to follow the example of the Emirates?

A: The Emirati-Saudi alliance, in my view, is based on Mohammed bin Zayed’s plan to push Saudi Arabia towards Yemen’s swamp, and the ultimate goal was to weaken it politically and exhaust its economy to undermine its influence after it was the most important state of the (Persian) Gulf.

Mohammed bin Zayed seeks greatness and fame. Unfortunately, he has succeeded in weakening Saudi Arabia by influencing Mohammed bin Salman, who transferred the Emirati experience to Saudi Arabia at the cultural and security level. Actually, the controls Mohammed bin Salman’s childish impulses.

As for his involvement in the normalization, Mohammed bin Zayed challenged Saudi Arabia for his superiority over the Arab peace initiative that Saudis had signed it, as if he is saying, “Come with me for the peace agreement, Saudi agreement is out of date.”
If Mohammed bin Salman remains in power, sooner or later, Saudi Arabia will, unfortunately, engage in the normalization process.

Bahrain is a dependent state and will inevitably be the first to sign the normalization agreement after the UAE.

We wish the other (Persian) Gulf states to be steadfast in facing pressures and to take a position that immortalizes in history, and when the grandchildren read it, they say that there are Arab countries who have betrayed and there are others that kept the covenant.  

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Susan Abulhawa Embodies the Spirit of Palestinian Resistance in Her New Book: Against the Loveless World

By Miko Peled

Source

Writer and political activist Susan Abulhawa weaves a daring tale of a Palestinian woman’s defiant experience in solitary confinement at an Israeli prison.

Book Review — “I don’t care to be accommodating,” Nahr, the lead character in Susan Abulhawa’s new novel, “Against the Loveless World,” tells us. Perhaps she says this to prepare us or even warn us of what lies ahead. Either way, the statement runs like a thread throughout the entire book.

As the pages of the novel turn and the story of Nahr’s life unfolds, we go through the ups and downs of this Palestinian woman’s unpredictable life. Slowly, as we are gripped by the power of her story, we come to realize that Nahr’s unwillingness to be accommodating is admirable but comes at a heavy price.

Susan Abulhawa is the author of the international bestseller, “Mornings in Jenin,” among other important works of prose and poetry. Personally, I found her newest novel to be daring, honest, and totally unaccommodating. Abulhawa is also a friend of mine, and reading her novel felt a lot like listening to her talk.

A cube

Nahr is an inmate held in solitary confinement at an Israeli prison and she tells us the story from her tiny cell. This is no ordinary cell, the Israeli authorities placed Nahr in a highly sophisticated cell where everything is automated: the light and the shower turn on and off on their own; the toilet flushes at set times and Nahr the inmate needs to accommodate herself to their schedule. She lives in this cell and is unable to tell if it is day or night or what time of day it is.

For reasons that she lays out in the story, Nahr is not permitted to have visitors of her choice but from time to time an international observer, a journalist, or a prison guard come into the cell. It is during these random visits that we see Nahr expressing her unwillingness to be accommodating for the first time.

Tatreez

I can’t decide which metaphor better describes Nahr’s story, so I will use two. The first is a piece of Tatreez, or Palestinian embroidery. The characters in the story are the colors and designs that represent the various towns, villages, and regions of Palestine. It is embroidered over a black cloth, which is Palestine, thus displaying both the immense beauty and unspeakable tragedy of Palestine.

The other metaphor is a cluster of vines that twist and grow around the trunk of a large tree. In Palestine, one sees this often. They are particularly beautiful when they are in full bloom, wrapped around large trunks of tall trees. The stories of Nahr and the people around her are the vines wrapping around Palestine.

Nahr is surrounded by several strong characters, many of whom represent the breadth of the Palestinian experience. Their stories are told through Nahr’s story and together they evoke the powerful emotions that we experience together with her:  innocence, passion, love, and hate, sadness and anger as well as delicately threaded tenderness, yearning, and even compassion. Abulhawa seamlessly weaves Nahr’s personal story and the stories of the other characters into the greater story of Palestine.

The story takes us into two of the largest Palestinian refugee communities in the world, Kuwait and Jordan. We come face to face with Palestinians who became refugees in 1948, and then again in 1967, and then brutally kicked out of Kuwait and turned into refugees again as a result of the first Gulf War. Each time they think they can finally rest, something happens and they are forced to move again. Yet throughout this painful and seemingly endless odyssey their anchor continues to be Palestine.

A story of love

Nahr experiences the full scope of cruelty meted out to women by men, by the patriarchy. Since men’s brutality towards women is not unique to a particular race, nationality, or culture, her experience is universal. And yet, although she suffers greatly at the hands of men, she is capable of feeling and expressing a deep, sincere love for a man.

Against the Loveless World A Novel By Susan AbulhawaThough she speaks to us from a cold, lonely cell in which she is held by Israel, Nahr is able to relay her feelings to one man who she truly loves and who loves her completely. She admits to “a sexual yearning made insatiable by love so vast, as if a sky.”

In one scene Nahr watches the man she loves and describes what she sees, “the guilt, the impotence of seeing those settlements, the anguish over his brother, his mother, the years in prison, the torture, the inability to move.” Then, reflecting on her own sense of helplessness she says, “I wanted to take him in my arms and fix everything,” but, Nahr sums it up “all I could do was help carry the tea glasses.”

Palestine, for those who were torn away from her and for those who care for her, is like a loved one dying of terminal cancer. Hard as we may try, all we can do is watch as she is being eaten away by the cancer of Zionist brutality, and make her as comfortable as possible as she slips away.

Nahr’s pain is deep and real and reading this novel one often forgets that it is, in fact, fiction. She experiences pain as a woman, as a Palestinian, and as a human being. In Nahr’s own words, it is “a cloistered, unreachable, immutable ache.”

The spirit of resistance

Nahr tells us about “the epic fabrication of a Jewish nation returning to its homeland.” She goes on to say that the deceit, “had grown into a living, breathing narrative that shaped lives as if it were truth.”

She describes the Jewish-only settlements that she sees spreading all over Palestine. Entire cities, neighborhoods, and homes of people she knows and loves who were forced to flee their homeland, taken over by Jewish settlers. She describes the silences of older Palestinians who cannot bear to talk about their loss.

But the spirit of resistance is alive in Palestine and Nahr will not stand idly by as others prepare to act. Nahr is enraged by the ruthlessness of settlers and soldiers, tucked away safely in their exclusive, Arab-free colonies. They live on stolen Palestinian land and come out periodically to attack Palestinians with impunity.

Once she realizes that people around her are engaged in acts of resistance, she wants in on the action. Here, once again, we see Nahr unaccommodating, fierce, and willing to face the consequences.

From her solitary cell in an Israeli prison, Nahr recalls Ghassan Kanafani and James Baldwin, two great writers, who, like her, were unwilling to be accommodating. They suffered greatly because of who they were, one a Palestinian, the other a Black American. They both wrote and spoke with unmatched courage and clarity, and although dead for decades, (Kanafani was murdered by Israel in 1972, Baldwin died of cancer in 1987), they remain icons of the struggle against racism, oppression, and colonialism.

Feeling the pulse

Along with Ghassan Kanafani and Ibrahim Nasrallah, Susan Abulhawa’s writing has the rare quality of allowing us to taste the flavor, to smell the fragrance, and to feel the pulse of Palestine. A  true understanding of the Palestinian experience is not possible without reading the work of these three writers.

Israel’s Jewish National Fund Is Uprooting Palestinians – Not Planting Trees

By Jonathan Cook
Source: Jonathan Cook

The Jewish National Fund, established more than 100 years ago, is perhaps the most venerable of the international Zionist organisations. Its recent honorary patrons have included prime ministers, and it advises UN forums on forestry and conservation issues.

It is also recognised as a charity in dozens of western states. Generations of Jewish families, and others, have contributed to its fundraising programmes, learning as children to drop saved pennies into its trademark blue boxes to help plant a tree.

And yet its work over many decades has been driven by one main goal: to evict Palestinians from their homeland. 

The JNF is a thriving relic of Europe’s colonial past, even if today it wears the garb of an environmental charity. As recent events show, ethnic cleansing is still what it excels at.

The organisation’s mission began before the state of Israel was even born. Under British protection, the JNF bought up tracts of fertile land in what was then historic Palestine. It typically used force to dispossess Palestinian sharecroppers whose families had worked the land for centuries.

But the JNF’s expulsion activities did not end in 1948, when Israel was established through a bloody war on the ruins of the Palestinians’ homeland – an event Palestinians call the Nakba, or catastrophe.

Israel hurriedly demolished more than 500 cleansed Palestinian villages, and the JNF was entrusted with the job of preventing some 750,000 refugees from returning. It did so by planting forests over both the ruined homes, making it impossible to rebuild them, and village lands to stop them being farmed.

These plantations were how the JNF earned its international reputation. Its forestry operations were lauded for stopping soil erosion, reclaiming land and now tackling the climate crisis.

But even this expertise – gained through enforcing war crimes – was undeserved. Environmentalists say the dark canopies of trees it has planted in arid regions such as the Negev, in Israel’s south, absorb heat unlike the unforested, light-coloured soil. Short of water, the slow-growing trees capture little carbon. Native species of brush and animals, meanwhile, have been harmed.

These pine forests – the JNF has planted some 250 million trees – have also turned into a major fire hazard. Most years hundreds of fires break out after summer droughts exacerbated by climate change.

Early on, the vulnerability of the JNF’s saplings was used as a pretext to outlaw the herding of native black goats. Recently the goats, which clear undergrowth, had to be reintroduced to prevent the fires. But the goats’ slaughter had already served its purpose, forcing Bedouin Palestinians to abandon their pastoral way of life.

Despite surviving the Nakba, thousands of Bedouin in the Negev were covertly expelled to Egypt or the West Bank in Israel’s early years.

It would be wrong, however, to imagine that the JNF’s troubling role in these evictions was of only historical interest. The charity, Israel’s largest private land owner, is actively expelling Palestinians to this day.

In recent weeks, solidarity activists have been desperately trying to prevent the eviction of a Palestinian family, the Sumarins, from their home in occupied East Jerusalem to make way for Jewish settlers.

Last month the Sumarins lost a 30-year legal battle waged by the JNF, which was secretly sold their home in the late 1980s by the Israeli state.

The family’s property was seized – in violation of international law – under a draconian 1950 piece of legislation declaring Palestinian refugees of the Nakba “absent”, so that they could not reclaim their land inside the new state of Israel.

The Israeli courts have decreed that the Absentee Property Law can be applied outside Israel’s recognised territory too, in occupied Jerusalem. In the Sumarins’ case, it appears not to matter that the family was never actually “absent”. The JNF is permitted to evict the 18 family members next month. To add insult to injury, they will have to pay damages to the JNF.

A former US board member, Seth Morrison, resigned in protest in 2011 at the JNF’s role in such evictions, accusing it of working with extreme settler groups. Last year the JNF ousted a family in similar circumstances near Bethlehem. Days later settlers moved on to the land.

Ir Amim, an Israeli human rights group focusing on Jerusalem, warned that these cases create a dangerous legal precedent if Israel carries out its promise to annex West Bank territory. It could rapidly expand the number of Palestinians classified as “absentees”.

But the JNF never lost its love of the humble tree as the most effective – and veiled – tool of ethnic cleansing. And it is once again using forests as a weapon against the fifth of Israel’s population who are Palestinian, survivors of the Nakba.

Earlier this year it unveiled its “Relocation Israel 2040” project. The plan is intended to “bring about an in-depth demographic change of an entire country” – what was once sinisterly called “Judaisation”. The aim is to attract 1.5 million Jews to Israel, especially to the Negev, over the next 20 years.

As in Israel’s first years, forests will be vital to success. The JNF is preparing to plant trees on an area of 40 sq km belonging to Bedouin communities that survived earlier expulsions. Under the cover of environmentalism, many thousands of Bedouin could be deemed “trespassers”.

The Bedouin have been in legal dispute with the Israeli state for decades over ownership of their lands. This month in an interview with the Jerusalem Post newspaper, Daniel Atar, the JNF’s global head, urged Jews once again to drop money into its boxes. He warned that Jews could be dissuaded from coming to the Negev by its reputation for “agricultural crimes” – coded reference to Bedouin who have tried to hold on to their pastoral way of life.

Trees promise both to turn the semi-arid region greener and to clear “unsightly” Bedouin off their ancestral lands. Using the JNF’s original colonial language of “making the desert bloom”, Atar said his organisation would make “the wilderness flourish”.

The Bedouin understand the fate likely to befall them. In a protest last month they carried banners: “No expulsions, no displacement.”

After all, Palestinians have suffered forced displacement at the JNF’s hands for more than a century, while watching it win plaudits from around the world for its work in improving the “environment”.

PCHR: Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (09– 15 July 2020)

Source

July 17, 2020 3:04 AM  PCHR

Summary

Israeli forces continued to commit crimes and multi-faceted violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, a civilian was killed by Israeli forces while he was walking with his friend in Kifl Hares village.

In addition, the army’s excessive use of force rendered 9 injuries among Palestinian civilians during raids and attacks on peaceful protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Furthermore, Israeli forces continued to arrest and raid the houses of those working with the Palestinian security services in the West Bank.

Over the past several weeks, the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, witnessed wide-scale demolitions and distribution of demolition notices of civilian houses and properties as well as confiscation of lands for establishing roads for settlements. This week witnessed an increase confiscation lands decisions, especially in al-‘Isawiya village in occupied East Jerusalem.

This week, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) documented 168 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.

Israeli military shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: On 09 July 2020, Israeli forces shot and killed Ibrahim Mostafa Abu Ya’qoub (33) without justification while he was walking with his friend on a street, 600 meters away from the settlement street so-called “Aber al-Samerah”, in north Salfit. On 13 July 2020, Aseen Mahmoud Hamad Duhair(34), from Rafah, succumbed to wounds she sustained after Israeli warplanes targeted her uncle’s house on 04 August 2014. It should be noted that due the Israeli attack, Duhiar suffered a spinal fracture, causing paraplegia or paralysis.

Israeli forces shot and wounded 9 Palestinians, including a child, in excessive use of force against peaceful protests in the West Bank: 2 in separate incidents in Salfit, 2 in suppression a peaceful protest in Nablus; and 5 were wounded in IOF raid into al-‘Isawiya in occupied East Jerusalem.

In Gaza, 5 shootings against fishing boats were reported; and once against agricultural lands western and eastern Gaza Strip.

Israeli military incursions and detention of Palestinian civilians: The Israeli military carried out 96 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, inciting terror among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 76 Palestinians were arrested, including 5 children. During raids, a Palestinian vehicle was seized.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: The Israeli authorities continued their settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 13 violations, including:

  • East Jerusalem: demolition of 2 houses; 1 self-demolished, a demolition notice given to a building in Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, and confiscation of dozens of dunams.
  • Bethlehem: 2 demolition notices and 2 cease-construction notices distributed, and 3 mixers and a concrete pump confiscated.
  • Salfit: 1000 square meters confiscated upon a military order.
  • Hebron: demolition of a 2-story house comprising of 2 apartments, 70 olive trees uprooted and confiscated, 70-square-long stone chains demolished, agricultural lands levelled, and an agricultural room demolished.
  • Tulkarem: a barrack and a cement wall demolished.

PCHR also documented 2 settler attacks: assault and vandalization on Palestinians’ vehicles in Laban al-Sharqiyia village, and establishing a settlement road in southern Hebron.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement: The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst blockade in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Furthermore, since the Palestinian Authority (PA) ended security coordination with Israeli authorities in May 2020, hundreds of critically ill patients whose condition cannot afford delays in treatment were denied travel. This was amplified by the restrictions put in place by Israeli forces since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic that had already had grave implications on the humanitarian and economic situation of the Gaza Strip population. Recently, a very limited number of individual cases of patients who have obtained medical referrals and financial coverage to Israel were able to travel, and some others referred to Israeli organizations working in the field of health for assistance in coordination.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.
 
1. Violation of the Right to Life and to Bodily Integrity/Shooting

  • On Thursday, 09 July 2020, IOF shot dead a Palestinian civilian without justification while he was walking with his friend in Kifl Hares village. According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 23:00 on Thursday evening, Israeli forces deployed in an olive field in Kifl Hares village, north of Salfit, fired 4 – 5 live bullets at 2 Palestinians who were walking on a street, 15 meters away from the olive field. The olive field is about 600 meters away from a bypass road by Israeli settlers and IOF and links between several Israeli settlements and sites. As a result, Palestinian Ibrahim Mustafa Abu Yaqoub (33), from Kifl Hares village, was shot with a live bullet in his neck. Abu Yaqoub’s friend and two passersby transferred his via a civilian vehicle to Yasser Arafat Hospital, but he died before arriving to the hospital.

“At approximately 13:00 on Thursday, 09 July 2020, I called my friend Ibrahim and informed him that I am on my way to his house in Kifl Hares village in Salfit. We went out and made a phone call with one of our friends and told him that we are going to visit him, but the said that he went to Bedia village. Therefore, we decided to go back to Ibrahim’s house. While we were walking on the street, we heard a sound of gunfire as we were near Ali Saleh Hamad’s house next to olive fields that were about 15 meters away from our place. I thought that the shooting was far away, but Ibrahim suddenly stopped and said: “Haitham call my family and tell them that I got shot”. I was surprised because I thought that the gun fire was around us as IOF fired 4 – 5 sporadic live bullets. Ibrahim said he was shot in his chest and asked me to call his family. I thought he was joking, but I saw his shirt was covered with blood and he fell on the ground. I immediately called his brother. 2 young men, who were in the other side of the street, rushed to me and one of them namely Sari, moved Ibrahim to his vehicle and we all stepped into it. We attempted to leave from the village’s main entrance, but the shooting renewed from the olive field again. We returned to Hares village’s road and took Ibrahim to Salfit Hospital. However, Ibrahim died 10 minutes later and stopped moving as blood came out of his mouth. I later learnt that Israeli soldiers were deployed among the olive field, noting that for the last 5 five days, Israeli forces have been storming the village and deploying between olive trees. Four days ago, an Israeli military vehicle stopped me and an officer said to me, that if stoning did not stop in the village’s main street, they would carry out killings.”

  • Simultaneously, Israeli forces deployed in another olive field in the same village, as they were about thousand meters away of the above-mentioned olive field, opened fire in the adjacent neighborhoods. As a result, a 15-year-old child , from Kifl Hares villages, was shot with a live in his foot while being present adjacent to a house located in the main street, which about 10 meters away from the olive The child was transferred to Istishari Arab Hospital in Ramallah and his injury was classified as moderate. According to Israeli media, IOF alleged that they opened fire in the area after a Molotov cocktails was thrown at “Aber al-Samerah” street, south of the Kifl Hares village.
  • At approximately 01:00 on Friday, 10 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed adjacent to the border fence in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area. Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 11:30 on the same Friday a peaceful protest took part from the center of Asirah northern village, north of Nablus, into lands threatened to be confiscated in al-Marj and Beit al-Zaki areas in Ebal Mount, east of the above-mentioned village. The protest was organized upon calls national factions in Nablus. The participants raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against Israeli forces, settlers, Israeli annexation plan, and the U.S president Donald Trump’s Middle East plan. When the participants arrived at the area, a large number of IOF were waiting for them in the area. The participants performed Friday prayer in the above-mentioned land while Israeli soldiers were surrounding OF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, Hazem Yusuf Taher Yaseen (46), was shot with a sound bomb in his right hand that caused amputation of the middle finger and fracture in his index finger. A 52-year-old man also was shot with a sound bomb in his left leg that caused fracture in his leg’s instep. Another civilian’s leg was fractured after he was pushed by Israeli forces. The wounded civilians were transferred to al-Najah Hospital in Nablus for medical treatment. Many civilians also suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and they received medical treatment on the field. Israeli forces detained Yazan Khalid Yaseen (25), from the same village, severely beat him with their legs and rifles’ butt, dragged him on the ground, and took him to an unknown destination. Yaseen was later released and he referred to al-Najah Hospital for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 13:00 on the same Friday, Israeli forces stationed at the northern entrance to Kufur Qaddoum village, north of Qalqilia, suppressed a protest in which dozens of Palestinian civilians. Israeli forces chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. Many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 14:00 on the same Friday, Israeli forces stationed in the vicinity of a military watchtower established on lands of Kufur Qaddoum village, north of Salfit, fired live bullets at dozens of Palestinians participating in a funeral procession of Ibrahim Mustafa Abu Yaqoub, who was killed by IOF the previous day. Israeli forces chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a 22-year-old young man was shot with a rubber bullet in his right leg.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Saturday, 11 July 2020, Israeli forces stormed al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They deployed in the village neighborhoods, established checkpoints at its entrances and searched vehicles before allowing them to leave the village. In the meantime, a number of young men protested at Al Mahmoud neighborhood’s entrance, west of the village, and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov Cocktails at Israeli soldiers. A large Israeli force immediately stormed the neighborhood, fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at civilians and clashed with them. As a result, 5 civilians were injured, 4 of them were shot with rubber bullets and the fifth was hit with tear gas shrapnel. Two civilians also sustained burns to their faces after Israeli soldiers pepper-sprayed them. IOF arrested Sa’di Mahmoud and his sons Mohammed (23) and Ahmed (20) and withdrew from the village.
  • At approximately 03:00 on Sunday, 22 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of the Gaza Strip, chased and sporadically opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 18:00 on Monday, 14 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Rafah in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 4 nautical miles ). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 22:40 on the same Monday, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of the Gaza Strip, chased and sporadically opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 – 5 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Wednesday, 15 July 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Gaza Valley (Johur al-Dee), south of Gaza city, opened fire at agricultural lands, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 09:50, on the same Wednesday, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Rafah in southern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (6 nautical miles) and fired flare bombs. Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.

II. Incursions and Detentions

Thursday, 09 July 2020:

  • At approximately 12:00, Israeli forces detained Rami Mohammed Ghaith (26), while present near al-Baraq (Wailing Wall) in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, and took him to one of the investigation center in the city.
  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Ras Ateya village, south of Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and detained Tareq Majed Mara’ba (17).
  • At approximately 01:25, Israeli forces moved into Mithlon village southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Majed Hafiz Na’irat’s (53) house, head of health department in Mithlon village, and detained him.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Sa’eer village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched several houses and detained Sowah Atta Jaradat (45) and Wajdi Nayef Mohammed Jaradat (23).
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed in al-Daheya area. They raided and searched Mohammed Salah al-Qawasma’s (24) house and detained him.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Ayman Obaid (21) and Omar Ahmed Mahmoud (16), and detained them.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Betounia, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Fahmi Assi’s house and detained his daughter Ruba Fahmi Assi (18), a student in Birzeit University.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Beit Anan village, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Obaid al-Mutairy (24) and Mo’ath Mujahed al-Mutairy (20), and detained them.
  • At approximately 03:20, Israeli forces moved into al-Beireh, north of Ramallah, and stationed at Um al-Sharayt neighborhood, southeast of al-Beira. They raided and searched Hussain Mohammed Hussain Abu Kwaik’s (65) house, one of Hamas Movement leaders, detained him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Am’ari refugee camp, southeast of al-Beira, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Jamal Mohammed al-Taweel’s (57) house, one of Hamas Movement leaders, detained him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians: Allam Sami Massad (51), Bassam Hassan Tayeh (49), Abdulla Afeef Zakarna (57), and Mazen Mohammed Zreiki (58).
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces reinforced with two military vehicles moved into al-Shoyoukh village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Mohammed Eid Halayqa’s (39) house and no detentions were reported.
  • At approximately 04:30, Israeli forces moved into Qalqilia. They raided and searched Abdul Rahman Mahmoud Hanini’s (24) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 10:00, the Israeli Intelligence Services moved into Beit Hanina, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Shady Saad al-Mtawar’s (44) house, the Secretary of Fatah movement in Jerusalem, and handed him a summons to refer to al-Muskobeya investigation center in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF moved into Khillat Hassan, west of Salfit. They raided and searched Azmi Taha Hamdan’s (24) house and detained him.
  • In the evening of the same day, Israeli forces established a temporary military checkpoint between Ramallah and Jenin, north of the West Bank. IOF detained Mohammed Falah Yousef Owais (26), from Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin. Israeli forces took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (10) incursions in al-Jadida and Siries, southeast of Jenin; Ein al-Bida, east of Tubas in the northern valleys; Silwad in Ramallah; Ein al-Sultan refugee camp and Jericho, in Jericho governorate; Qafin in Tulkarem; Hebla in Qalqilia; Kifl Hares and Derastya in Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Friday, 10 July 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Mahmoud Mohammed Shamisty’s (40) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and detained Amjad Mahmoud Jaber (22) and Malek Haroun Jaber (19).
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Abdullah Sami Dwaik’s (17) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Jaba’ village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Zeyad Zaki Twam’s (25) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 12:00, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tara military roadblock, southeast of Nablus, detained Shady Mahmoud Mohammed Hammad (33), member of the Palestinian National Security, from al-‘Arqa village, west of Jenin. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 20:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Sa’deya neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Tamer Mohammed al-Khalafawi’s (22) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 21:40, Israeli forces established a temporary military roadblock at the entrance of Jebia village, north of Ramallah, stopped Ra’d al-Barghouthi’s (35) car while driving with his friend, Mohammed Ali Saleem (31), and detained them. IOF released them after several hours but confiscated their car, under the pretext of being illegal.
  • Israeli forces carried out an incursion in Tayaseer village, east of Tubas. No detentions were reported.

 
Saturday, 11 July 2020:

  • At approximately 00:40, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank, arrested Ibrahim Samir al-Banna (28), member of the Palestinian National Security, from Askar refugee camp, northeast of Nablus. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Fawwar refugee camp, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Siraj Eshaq Abu Hashhash’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Yatta, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Eissa Ali Abu Arram’s (40) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:40, Israeli forces moved into Ya’bad village, southwest of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Adham Omar Qabha (25), Mohammed Bassam Ba’jawi (35).
  • At approximately 04:10, Israeli forces moved into Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abd Rabbo Khaled Hashash (21) and Fathi Hani Abu Rizq (20).
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces arrested Ahmed Ali al-Mallah (26) while present near Qalqndia refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF took him to an unknown destination.

 
Sunday, 12 July, 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli army, reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Yazeed Mohammed Abu Eisha’s (20) house, in Ras al-Joura neighborhood, and detained him.
  • Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in al-Samoua’ and Dura villages in Hebron governorate; Hares and Kifl Hares villages, north of Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Monday, 13 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Towr neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians; Mohammed Tayseer Abu Sbaitan (29), Ahmed Khaled Abu Ghannam (21), and Mousa Abu Ghannam.
  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Thawri neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mo’taz Waleed Shwaiky’s (18) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Ein al-Lawza neighborhood in Silwan, south of the occupied east Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mousa Na’eem Fatafita’s (33) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Hindaza, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Huthaifa Yasser Abayat’s (23) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into ‘Arraba village, southwest of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians; Ahmed Adnan Suliman Murdai (33), Ja’far Fawzi Abdullah Abu Salah (53), and Hassan Ramzi Hussain Abu Salah (43). IOF released Ja’far Abu Salah in front of “Mafi Dutan” settlement on the entrance of Arraba at approximately 10:00.
  • At approximately 04:30, Israeli forces moved into Abayat village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mahmoud Abdul Karim Ayyad (29) and Mohammed As’ad Nawawra (26), and detained them.
  • At approximately 06:00, Israeli forces moved into Taqoua’, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Salem al-Sabbah’s (24) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces stationed at al-Nafaq military checkpoint, west of Beit Jala, detained Mustafa Kamel Ayesh (21), and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 16:00, Israeli forces stationed at the end of al-Wad street, near Bab al-Majles, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, detained (5) civilians including 3 children. The detainees are: Abdul Rahman Ayman al-Bashiti (16), his brother Hatem (14), Ameer Mohammed al-Malki (19), Mustafa Mousa Abu Sanina (19), and Suhaib Abu Saleh (16).
  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Wad street in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched al-Aseel Deserts store, and detained its owner Jehad Nazmi Abu Sbaih (37).
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in ‘Allar village, north of Tulkarem; Kifl Hares and Hares villages, north of Salfit. No detentions were reported.

 
Tuesday, 14 July 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Anas Awni Abu Balaha’s (25) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Barqin village, west of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Abdullah Hasan Soboh’s (19) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces moved into al-Jadida village, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Thafer Sami Zaqouq’s (20) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:50, Israeli forces moved into Silwad village, northeast of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mujahed Ayed Flaih’s (28) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces moved into Hizma village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Hasan al-Khateeb’s house and detained his sons, Hamada (30) and Omar (24).
  • Israeli forces carried out (3) incursions in Hebron, Sa’eer, and Yatta, in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

 
Wednesday, 15 July 2020:

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Kafr Ein village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Hussam Yousef al-Barghouthi’s (30) house house and detained him.
  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Silat al-Thuhr village, south of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Jarrah Abdullah Hantouli (25) and Mofeed Fathi Za’rour (35), and detained them.
  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Urif village, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Khaled Mustafa Sbbah’s (22) house and detained him.
  • At approximately 03:30, Israeli forces infantry unit moved into Beit Rima, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Saleem Rasem al-Rimawi’s (36) house and detained him. It should be noted that al-Rimawi is a former prisoner in the Israeli prisons for 9 consecutive years.
  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into Deir Abu Mish’al village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Wael Mohammed Atta (27) and Taha Hussain al-Barghouthi (29), and detained them.
  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Kobar village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided anmd searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Maher al-Barghouthi (26) and Fladimir Majed al-Barghouthi (45), and detained them.
  • At approximately 05:20, Israeli forces moved into Ramallah, and stationed in al-Masayef neighborhood, in the northern side of the city. They raided and searched Husni Mohammed Dars’s (47) house and detainedhim. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • Israeli forces carried out (6) incursions in al-Nabi Saleh, Deir al-Swadan, Um Safa, ‘Aroura, and Berzeit, in Ramallah; and Burin village, south east of Nablus. No detentions were reported.

 
III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

a. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 09:00 on Friday, 10 July 2020, Israeli authorities notified to demolish parts attached to 2 inhabited houses in al-Walajah village, west of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Activist Ibrahim ‘Awadallah said that Israeli forces notified Ahmed Mohammed ‘Awadallah and Mohammed ‘Abdullah Rabah to demolish parts attached to their houses in ‘Ain Jowizah area, under the pretext of non-licensing. ‘Awadallah added that the notification gave the houses’ owners until next Sunday to implement it, or they will bear the demolition costs. It should be noted that ‘Ain Jowizah area is exposed to a settlement attack, including demolishing houses and retaining walls and stop construction works in other houses.
  • At approximately 13:00 on the same day, Israeli forces moved into Um Rokba area and distributed notices to stop construction works in 2 inhabited houses located in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. The first 330-square-meter house belongs to Nader ‘Abed al-Salam Salah, and the second 500-square-meter house belongs to Mohammed Mahmoud Salah. Also, IOF detained 3 mixers and a concrete pump from Mohammed’s house.
  • On Sunday, 12 July 2020, Israeli Municipality staff raided al-Tahan family’s facility in Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. The municipality staff informed the family to evacuate the facility comprising of 3 apartments as a prelude to demolish it. Weal Tahan clarified that the Israeli Municipality issued a demolition notice against the facility built in 1990, under the pretext of non-licensing. He added that in 1993 the municipality issued a decision to confiscate the land for the “public benefit” and began pursuing the family after construction on their land. Tahan added that many hearings were held to stop demolition and confiscation, but in vain. Tahan said that the municipality imposed a fine of NIS 260,000 on the family and they paid it. Tahan pointed out that 5 families lived in the facility.
  • On the same day, Bahaa’ ‘Adnan Zaytoun implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished his house in Bir Ayoub neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Zaytoun said that the Israeli Municipality threatened him to pay heavy fines if its staff implemented the demolition. He added that his 75-square-meter house sheltering 6 persons, including 4 children, was built 4 years ago. It should be noted that since the beginning of this year, Israeli authorities forced 25 Jerusalemite families to self-demolish their houses or they will pay the demolition costs. Regarding the Israeli Municipality staff, they demolished 31 houses in occupied East Jerusalem since the beginning of 2020, in addition to 11 facilities and an under-construction house. Israeli authorities imposed many obstacles on Jerusalemites citizens and refused to license their houses.
  • On Monday, 13 July 2020, Israeli Municipality staff hanged eviction notices on dozens of dunams in al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of being state owned-lands. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Isawiya Follow-up Committee, said Israeli police officers accompanied with the Israel Lands Administration staff hanged notices on Palestinian lands confiscated in 1967. Parts of these lands were given to Hadasah Hospital to establish parking and other facilities, and were given to expand “French hill” The owners of these lands are prohibited from using the rest of their lands. Abu al-Humus clarified that the dunams belong to ‘Eliyan, Mostafa, Derbas, Abu Reyalah, Darwish, Mahmoud, and ‘Obaif families. Abu al-Humus added that the notices ordered the owners to demolish and remove all constructions and trees from the land. It should be noted that Israeli authorities recently distributed dozens of eviction notices in al-‘Isawiya village for settlement expansion.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Monday, 13 July 2020, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Bereen, southwest of Bani Na’iem village, east of Hebron. The Israeli Civil Administration officers handed Ya’qoub Ishaq Ya’qoub Burqan and As’ad Yousef Burqan final demolition notices against their under-construction house (120 sqm). The notices gave them 7 days to challenge. It should be noted that the Israeli authorities notified the mentioned civilians on 07 June 2020 to stop construction works in their house comprising of 2 apartments and gave them until 17 June 2020 to challenge. Fareed Burqan, Head of the Village Council, said that;
    “I went with the owners of the house to the Israel Lands Administration Department in order to challenge the decision, but Israeli soldiers there prevented us from entering, under the pretext of the Coronavirus pandemic.”
  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-‘Adisa area, south of Sa’ir village, north of Hebron. The soldiers were deployed in the area while the Israeli Civil Administration officers cut Yousef Isma’il Yousef Jaradat’s 70 olive trees plated 5-10 years ago and confiscated them. This land is located within a land of 350 dunams, adjacent to “Kiryat Arba ” settlement, east of Hebron, and Israel considers it as state-owned land. It should be noted that Jaradat was previously handed a seizure notice by Israeli forces.
  • At approximately 09:30, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet al-‘Eidah area, east of Hebron. The Israeli bulldozer demolished a 70-meter-long stone chains and levelled Nemer Fahmi Mostafa Jaber’s 2-dunam land, under the pretext of being state-owned land. The losses were estimated at NIS 40,000. It should be noted that Israeli authorities distributed eviction notices on 17 March 2020.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Boq’ah area, east of Hebron. IOF leveled Mohammed Mostafa ‘Awwad Jaber’s agricultural land (1.5 dunams), under the pretext of being state-owned land and near the bypass road (60) and “Kiryat ‘Arba’” and “Karsina” settlements. It should be noted that on 05 July 2015, Israeli authorities demolished stone chains surrounding the agricultural land. On 03 May 2015, the Israeli authorities notified Jaber to vacate the agricultural land within 45 days and return it to its previous status, under the pretext of being state-owned land, or he will pay the eviction costs to the Israeli authorities. During the previous years, Jaber had obtained a land reclamation project from the agricultural labor committees, which included a 10-dunam plot of land, a water well, barbed wire and stone chains. The Israeli bulldozers demolished the water well and stone chains and razed the agricultural land. They also confiscated irrigation networks, fertilizer, generator, and pesticide spraying machine. At the beginning of 2014, Jaber reclaimed the land at his own expense and rebuilt part of the chains that had been destroyed by IOF, but the Israeli Civil Administration Department issued new notifications against the land, so he bulldozed it for the 2nd time.
  • At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces moved into ‘Izbet Shofa village in eastern Tulkarem, where they demolished a barrack and a cement wall surrounding ‘Amer Mohammed Hamed’s parking. Also, Israeli forces demolished another wall surrounding Malek Abu Safiyia’s land, under the pretext of being in Area C.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Wednesday, 15 July 2020, Israeli military construction vehicles demolished Ghassan Mostafa Shoqirat’s residential house in al-Mokaber Mount area, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Shoqirat (24) said that Israeli forces moved into Shoqirat neighborhood, closed the area surrounding his 120-square-meter house and demolished it. Shoqirat clarified that Israeli forces handed him a fine and withdrew later.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers move into Beit Marsam village, west of Dura, southwest of Hebron. Israeli forces demolished Mahmoud ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Sharha’s 60-square-meter agricultural room built of bricks and tin plates. Al-Sharha’s losses were estimated at NIS 24,000. It should be noted that the Israeli Civil Administration Department handed al-Sharha a cease-construction notice on 02 June 2020, and handed him a demolition notice on 03 July 2020.

b. Israeli Settler Violence

  • At approximately 03:00 on Thursday, 09 July 2020, Israeli settlers, from “Price Tag” groups, attacked al-Laban al-Sharqiyah village, southeast of Nablus. The settlers attacked Palestinian civilians’ vehicles parked in front of their owners’ houses and on the village streets. Also, they vandalized the vehicles with racist slurs and punctured the tires of 8 of them before leaving. PCHR keeps the names of affected persons.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli settlers, under Israeli army protection, built a new road connecting between “Ma’oun” settlement and a dairy farm established on Palestinian confiscated lands in Um Zaytouna area, east of Yatta in southern Hebron. Israeli forces seized these lands upon the Israeli Military Order No. 59 “Order Concerning State Property (Judea & Samaria)” (1967) established the ‘Custodian of Government Property’ to take control of land owned by the Jordanian Government (occupied in 1967).

Documentary: ‘Steal of the Century’ (Part 1)

Source

July 8, 2020

The documentary ‘Steal of the Century’ aims to provide the context leading up to Trump’s so-called peace plan, coupling together Palestinian voices with what International Law has to say about the issue. (Photo: Video Grab)

The ‘Steal Of The Century’ (Part 1) is a documentary by Robert Inlakesh, filmed on the ground in occupied Palestine, investigating the peace process, Donald Trump’s proposed ‘Deal of the Century’, and why the Palestinian people have unanimously rejected it. It also seeks to show the brutality of the occupation under which the Palestinian people live, as well as a brief look into the history of Palestine-Israel.

‘Steal of the Century aims to provide the context leading up to Trump’s so-called peace plan, coupling together Palestinian voices with what International Law has to say about the issue.

The documentary series is also built around the themes of the “final status issues”, as they are referred to, namely; borders, Jerusalem (al-Quds), Settlements, and refugees. The focus is also placed on issues, which fall under these categories.

Featured in the documentary are exclusive interviews with Ahed Tamimi, Jana Jihad, Issa Amro and others.

Credits:Cameraman: Hamde Abu RahmaEditing and Graphics by: Dias MussirovFeaturing the song: ‘The Farthest Mosque’ by Waheeb NasanProduced, Written and Directed by: Robert Inlakesh


كفى تحاملا على الأخوة الفلسطينيّين والسوريّين

معن بشور 

خطاب التحريض العلني أو الضمني على الأخوة الفلسطينيين والسوريين، كما خطاب التحريض الطائفي والمذهبي ضد هذا المكوّن اللبناني أو ذاك، ليس مرفوضاً لأسباب وطنية وقومية وأخلاقية وإنسانية فحسب، بل مرفوض لأسباب تتصل بالاستقرار اللبناني، والاقتصاد اللبناني، أو ما تبقى من اقتصاد لبناني…

فالتحريض على أي جماعة لبنانية أو مقيمة في لبنان يؤدي إلى إثارة مخاوف وهواجس عدة تشكل بدورها التربة الخصبة لأي مشروع فتنوي أو إرهابي أو تقسيمي يهدد البلاد، بل إنّ التحريض نفسه هو عامل التفجير الأساسي الذي دفع لبنان، بأبنائه والمقيمين على أرضه أبهظ الأثمان بسببه..

فالجميع يعلم أنّ الفلسطينيين موجودون في لبنان، بغير إرادتهم، وأنهم يناضلون منذ عشرات السنين، ويقدّمون الشهداء بعشرات الآلاف، من أجل العودة إلى بلادهم، وما من أمر يعيق عودتهم إلى بلادهم سوى إدخالهم في حروب مع الشعوب المضيفة التي من المفترض أن تخوض إلى جانبهم معركة العودة والتحرير…

فإسقاط التوطين، الذي نص الدستور اللبناني في مقدّمته على رفضه، معركة مشتركة بين اللبناني الذي لا يتحمّل وجود هذا العدد البشري على أرضه المحدودة المساحة، والمحكومة بجملة اعتبارات معقدة، والفلسطيني الذي يؤكد، ولو كان يقيم في أغنى بلدان العالم، أن لا أرض عنده أغلى من أرض فلسطين، ولا وطن أعز من الوطن الفلسطيني.. ولا كرامة له إلا في وطنه الأمّ…

فهل التحريض بين يوم وآخر ضد الفلسطيني يؤدي إلى مقاومة التوطين، أم أنه يسهل من خلال الفتنة تحقيق مشروع التوطين نفسه، وقد قلت في بداية التسعينيات من القرن الماضي في ندوة عقدها المنتدى القومي العربي في دار الندوة إنّ “فتنة التوطين تؤدي إلى توطين الفتنة”، ولعل ما شهدناه في لبنان من حرب فتنويّة امتدت أكثر من 15 عاماً هو أكبر دليل على عبثية هذا التحريض وخطورته التفجيرية..

ولن ندخل هنا في تعداد إسهامات الأخوة الفلسطينيين “اللبنانية”، على صعيد العلم والثقافة والإبداع والاقتصاد والأعمال، ومساهمتهم عبر العاملين من أبنائهم في الخارج بإرسال تحويلات مالية كبيرة كانت أحد موارد لبنان من العملة الصعبة، فلقد كانت مقالة الأستاذ طلال سلمان “الفلسطينيون جوهرة الشرق الأوسط” رائعة في إبراز دور الفلسطينيين في النهضة اللبنانية العامة خير معبّر عن هذه الحقائق.

أما الأخوة السوريون، فهم أيضاً ضحايا حرب كونية لعينة استهدفت بلدهم، ودمّرت دولتهم، وحاصرت دور وطنهم وموقعه التاريخي والجغرافي معاً، وهم كانوا دائما شركاء مع اللبنانيين في مراحل نهوضهم، سواء كعمال كادحين أو كمتمولين كبار، كما أنّ سورية كانت تفتح ذراعيها لكل لبناني، وإلى أيّ جماعة انتمى، ممن كانت ظروف صعبة تدفعه إلى مغادرة بيته لأشهر أو سنوات.

وبدلاً من أن نكتفي بالحديث عن العبء الذي يشكله وجودهم في لبنان، وهو بالتأكيد عبء حقيقي رغم المليارات من الدولارات التي دخلت إلى الخزينة من الخارج لإغاثتهم، يجب أن نسعى لوضع اليد مع الحكومة السورية لتأمين العودة الآمنة والكريمة لهم، خاصة أنّ بلادهم الحمدلله قد نجحت في إعادة الأمن إلى الجزء الأكبر من ربوعها، وأن نضغط بكلّ الوسائل على القوى الخارجية، وهي معروفة للجميع، وفي مقدمها الولايات المتحدة وأدواتها، والتي تحول دون عودتهم إلى بلادهم في محاولة منها لاستخدامهم في أجندات “مواصلة الحرب” على سورية بأشكال جديدة، وزعزعة الاستقرار فيها، وهناك أكثر من سيناريو يجري تداوله بهذا الصدد..

ثم ألا يدرك أصحاب الخطاب التحريضي، على اختلاف مواقعهم، أنهم يزرعون أحقاداً بين شعوب تربطها عبر القرون وشائج قربى وروابط أخوة، ومصالح مشتركة، فتعيش المنطقة بأسرها أجواء توتر دائم وتفجر مستمر، يكون لبنان ضحيتها الأولى، لا سيما أنّ بوابته إلى العمق العربي والإقليمي هي البوابة السورية. وانّ مطامع العدو الصهيوني في أرضه وكيانه ونفطه ليست خافية على أحد.

إلا ان أخطر ما في الخطاب التحريضي، المنتشر هنا وهناك، هو حين يساوي أصحابه بين الوجود المدني الفلسطيني والسوري، وهو وجود اضطراري كما يعرف الجميع، وبين الاحتلال الإسرائيلي والمشروع الإرهابي التدميري، وكلاهما ثمرة مشروع أكبر يستهدف وحدة مجتمعنا، واستقرار بلادنا، وتدمير مقومات نهوضنا.

وهذا الخطاب الذي لا يميّز بين الجلاد والضحية هو كما يعرف الجميع، خطاب غير أخلاقي وغير إنساني، وغير عادل في الوقت نفسه.

أما الذين يعتقدون أنّ الخطاب التحريضي، طائفياً كان أم مذهبياً أم عنصرياً، قد يحقق لهم مكاسب سياسية أو انتخابية، مشابهة لما كان يحصل في السابق، فهم مخطئون جداً، لأنّ ظروف اليوم هي غير ظروف الأمس، علماً أنّ نتائج خطاب الأمس التحريضيّ لم تأتِ سوى بالوبال على لبنان وعلى أصحاب هذا الخطاب نفسه.. وإلى الجماعات التي يدّعون حمايتها.

من المعروف أنّ “أول الحرب كلام” وأنّ من يطلق كلامه على عواهنه إرضاء لعصبية أو غريزة أو جماعة، إنما يسيء إلى نفسه أولا وإلى الجماعة التي ينتمي إليها ثانياً، وإلى وطننا الغالي لبنان دائماً…

قليلاً من التبصّر يا أولي الألباب، فالتبصّر وحده طريقنا لمنع التفجر.

الأمين العام السابق للمؤتمر القومي العربي

الحياد ومخاطر الدعوة إليه في لبنان؟

العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط

في خضمّ ما يعانيه لبنان من حصار أميركي، وانقسام داخلي ومخاطر متعددة العناوين من صحية (كورونا) ومعيشية مع تفشي البطالة وتفلت الأسعار، ووضع أقل ما يُقال فيه إنه من أسوأ ما شهده لبنان منذ إنشائه بقرار من المفوض السامي الفرنسي في العام 1920، في خضمّ هذا الوضع المأسوي البائس أطلق البطريرك الماروني لأنطاكية وسائر المشرق من لبنان مواقف تتعلق بواقع لبنان ومستقبله بناها على مقولة «الشرعية المصادرة» داعياً إلى حياد لبنان، الحياد الذي يرى فيه علاجاً لكلّ ما يعتور لبنان من مآسٍ وما يتهدّده من مخاطر. فهل الحياد يشكل فعلاً علاجاً لأمراض لبنان ويمكن اعتماده؟

للإجابة على هذا السؤال نبدأ أولاً بالتوقف عند معنى الحياد وطبيعته وشروطه المحددة في قواعد القانون الدولي العام وقانون النزاعات المسلحة والعلاقات الدولية، تلك القواعد التي تقول بان حياد الدولة يكون واحداً من ثلاثة: أولها الحياد العسكري، او الحياد المؤقت وثانيها الحياد الاتفاقي او الحياد الدائم، وثالثها الحياد الإيجابي عبر الانضواء في تكتل دولي محايد بين معسكرين دوليين متصارعين ولذا يسمّى «عدم انحياز»، وقد تبلور عملياً في حركة عدم الانحياز التي شكلها في منتصف القرن الماضي الثالوث المصري الهندي اليوغسلافي (عبد الناصر، نهرو، تيتو) وكان لبنان عضواً فيها ولا يزال رغم أفول شمسها وتراجع دورها حتى شبه الاضمحلال بعد تفكك الاتحاد السوفياتي وما سبقه من غياب القادة التاريخيين الثلاثة الذين شكلوها، وبالتالي إنّ الدعوة إلى الحياد المتقدّم الذكر والمسمّى أيضاً بالحياد الإيجابي لا يعني بأيّ حال هذه الحركة أو ما يشبهها ويبقى أن تكون الدعوة إلى حياد مؤقت أو دائم.

بيد أنّ الحياد المؤقت أو كما يسمى أيضا الحياد الحربي هو موقف تتخذه دولة ما بإرادتها المنفردة التي لا تتوقف عند إرادة الأطراف المتواجهة في نزاع عسكري، موقف تحفظ فيه الدولة علاقتها السلمية العادية بكل الأطراف من دون أن تنحاز لأي منهما ودون ان يشكل أي منهم خطراً عليها او يقتحم إقليمها لاستعماله في الحرب ضد الطرف الآخر. أي تعلن الدولة حيادها بنفسها وتتخذ من التدابير ما يقفل إقليمها بوجه كافة الأطراف، وتحفظ علاقاتها السلمية المتوازنة مع الجميع، فهل هذا ممكن في حالة لبنان الراهنة؟

قبل الإجابة نعرض للحياد الدائم او الحياد التعاقدي، الذي يختلف عن الأول لكونه لا يمكن أن يبرم بإرادة منفردة او يعطي مفاعيله دون ان ترضى الدول الأخرى به اقله الدول التي لها مصالح مع الدولة المزمع إعلان حيادها، فإعلان هذا الحياد وإحداث مفاعيله يشترط عرضاً (إيجاباً) من الدولة، وقبولاً من الدول الموجّه اليها ثم إبرام معاهدة يوقعها الجميع تنشئ حالة حياد الدولة المعنية. فإذا قامت هذه الحالة وجب احترامها، او فرض حمايتها لذا يجب على الدولة المعنية ان تمتلك القوة العسكرية الكافية للدفاع عن نفسها وعن حيادها.

فإذا راجعنا حالة لبنان على ضوء ما تقدّم نجد انّ إقامة حياد مؤقت او دائم تتطلب في الحد الأدنى إرادة وطنية جامعة تقرره، وقوة عسكرية مانعة لتحميه، وعلاقة سلمية مع كل دول الجوار والإقليم موسومة بعدم وجود صراعات معها حول أي من المصالح، ويُضاف اليها في حالة الحياد الدائم، قبول الدول المعنية به للتمكن من توقيع اتفاقية الحياد كما تفرض قواعد القانون الدولي العام، فهل تتوفر هذه الشروط في الحالة اللبنانية؟

نبدأ بالإرادة الوطنية الجامعة، ونرى ان اللبنانيين منقسمون عمودياً بين فئتين رئيستين، فئة تفاخر بالانتماء إلى الأمة العربية وتعتبر نفسها جزءاً منها، وفئة لا تستسيغ فكرة الانتماء ولا ترتاح إلى ممارستها، ويضاف إلى ما تقدّم وجود من يعيش انتماءه إلى الأمة الإسلامية أيضاً فضلاً عن العربية وهؤلاء يرفضون فكرة الحياد بين أمتهم وبين أعدائها لانهم يعتبرون مصالح الأمة هي مصالحهم، وهنا نذكر بموقف هؤلاء المعترض أصلاً على فكرة قيام لبنان المستقلّ عن محيطه ويرون أن قبولهم بالدولة المستقلة بعد زمن لا يعني تنازلهم عن انتمائهم، وعليه لا ينتظر من هؤلاء القبول بفكرة الحياد التي تترجم بالنسبة لهم انسلاخاً عن جسم الأمة عربية كانت او إسلامية، واعتقد انّ صاحب طرح الحياد انتبه إلى هذه الثغرة ولطف طرحه بالقول «بالحياد مع الاستمرار بالاهتمام بالقضايا العربية المشتركة». ولكن هذا التلطيف وهذا التراجع لا يغني ولا يسمن، فالحياد له قواعده وضوابطه فأما ان تلتزم ويكون الكيان محايداً أو لا تلتزم ولا يكون، أما سياسة «النصف نصف» فهي تلاعب على الألفاظ لا يعتدّ به، ولنقل صراحة ان تشكل إجماع لبناني على الحياد بمفهومه القانوني أمر مستحيل الآن وهنا ننوّه بموقف الرئيس العماد ميشال عون الذي واجه به صاحب الطرح قائلاً «الحياد يستلزم وفاقاً وطنياً» كلمة مختصرة قد تكون كافية لنعي الطرح كله.

أما الشرط الثاني المتمثل بامتلاك القوة الدفاعيّة اللازمة لحماية الحياد، قوة تكون وحيدة لا شريك لها على الأرض اللبنانية أي إقامة الجيش القادر على حماية لبنان، فهذا أمر شبه مستحيل الآن ويصعب تحققه في المستقبل في ظل 3 عوامل تحكم الوضع اللبناني أولها القرار الغربي بمنع لبنان من امتلاك تلك القوة التي تقيد التحرك الإسرائيلي وتمنع «إسرائيل» من تحقيق مطامعها في لبنان، ثانيها وضع لبنان المالي الذي يحول دون شراء الأسلحة والتجهيزات اللازمة لبناء منظومة دفاع مجدٍ، والثالث انقسام لبنان حول فكرة التحوّل إلى أسواق السلاح البديلة، وبالتالي يجد الجيش اللبناني نفسه محاصراً بضيق ذات اليد، والقيود الغربية، ورفض داخلي للبدائل ما يبقيه من غير سلاح يُعتدّ به لمواجهة المخاطر وتبقى القوة الدفاعية الرسمية الكافية حلماً لا يطال وتكون الحاجة إلى الحلّ الاحتياطي المتمثل بالمقاومة الشعبية أمراً لا مناص منه كما يرى رئيس الجمهورية العماد عون أيضاً، الأمر الذي يرفضه صاحب فكرة الحياد. وهنا انقسام آخر.

أما شرط إقامة علاقة سلمية متوازنة مع دول الإقليم لا عداء فيها فإنه أيضاً أمر مستحيل، فجيران لبنان اثنان دولة سورية الشقيقة، والكيان الصهيوني العدو الغاصب. واذا كانت العلاقة مع سورية محكومة بعوامل الأخوة والصداقة وبالاتفاقيات المبرمة معها والتي تنص على أنها علاقات مميّزة كما ورد في اتفاقية الطائف، فإنّ العلاقة مع «إسرائيل» عكس ذلك تماماً، فـ «إسرائيل» عدو للأمة التي ينتمي اليها لبنان ولا يغيّر من طبيعة هذه العلاقة إقدام بعض العرب على الصلح والتطبيع معها، كما أنها عدو للبنان تغتصب حقوقاً وتطمع بحقوق ومصالح في البر والبحر أرضاً وثروة وتنتهك السيادة وتهدّد مستقبل لبنان وجوداً ودوراً ووظيفة. وأيّ حياد يطرح قبل أن نستنقذ حقوقنا ومصالحنا من براثن «إسرائيل» يكون فيه انتحار ذاتي وخدمة للعدو، حقيقة وعاها صاحب الطرح كما يبدو وألمح إليها متأسفاً بالقول «للأسف… إسرائيل عدو» وطبعاً أسفه لا يقدّم ولا يؤخّر في طبيعة العلاقة بل إنه ينسف فكرة الحياد التي يطرحها.

وأخيراً نصل إلى فكرة قبول الحياد من قبل مجموعة الدول المعنية بالعلاقة مع لبنان، وهو قبول يشترط استباقه بأمرين، تصفية العلاقة والنزاعات حول المصالح البينية ثم عرض (إيجاب) يتقدّم به لبنان من اجل ان يستدعي القبول والموافقة عليه من قبل الطرف الآخر. وهنا نجد ان ما يحكم علاقة لبنان بـ «إسرائيل» جملة ملفات خطيرة منها توطين الفلسطينيين والخروج من الأرض اللبنانية المحتلة والاعتراف بالحدود البرية دون مناورة لإعادة ترسيمها والإقرار بالحدود البحرية دون الطمع بمساحات من منطقة لبنان الاقتصادية، فهل تقر «إسرائيل» بهذه الحقوق؟ نسارع للقول طبعاً لا. وها هي صفقة القرن تؤكد بكل وضوح انّ الحلّ الذي تطرحه يطيح بمصالح لبنان تلك، وبالتالي أي سلام يبتغى مع «إسرائيل» في ظل أطماعها تلك؟ أما سورية فيكفي ان نعود معها إلى مواقف سياسية أعلنت من قبل مسؤوليها لنجد أنها كلها تقطع برفض القبول بحياد لبنان ما يقود إلى القول إن الجوار غير جاهز للقبول بهذا الحياد أي يتعذر قيام الحياد الاتفاقي او الحياد الدائم.

حقائق اعتقد أن على مَن طرح الحياد ان يتوقف عندها، وبالتالي يكون من الأفضل له وللبنان ان يتجنب طرحاً مستحيلاً في مثل هذا الظرف بالذات، إذ لن يكون للطرح أثر او مفعول إلا زيادة الانقسام والتشرذم وإضافة ملف خلافي جديد تستفيد منه أميركا في خطتها الرامية لإنتاج فراغ سياسي مترافق مع الحصار والتجويع المنتج للفتنة والاقتتال الداخلي والممهّد لعدوان «إسرائيلي» على لبنان.

*أستاذ جامعي – خبير استراتيجي

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