Sabra and Shatila: The Secret Papers

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Sabra and Shatila, September, 1982, stands as one of the worst single atrocities in modern history. Up to 3500 Palestinians were massacred when Israel’s Falangist proxies surged through the two Beirut camps in September, 1982. Israel sought to dump the blame on to the Falangists. “Goyim kill goyim and they come to blame the Jews,” Israel’s Prime Minister, Menahim Begin, complained. In fact, Israel commanded and controlled the entire operation. The punishment meted out by the Kahan commission of inquiry was derisory. Ariel Sharon, the Israeli ‘defence minister’ was demoted but remained in government, after Begin refused to sack him. Despite his own complicity, Begin was not punished and neither were any of the politicians who had agreed that the camps had to be ‘cleaned out.’ World opinion was outraged, but not even this fearful event was sufficient for Israel to be held to account. Unrestrained, Israel remained free to kill at will.

The secret annex to the Kahan commission has recently made its way into the mainstream. (See Rashid Khalidi, ‘The Sabra and Shatila Massacres: New Evidence,’ Palestine Square, Institute of Palestine Studies, September 25, 2018).   The basic facts are well established, so the interest lies in what these documents tell us about the interplay between the Israelis and the Falangists, and why, ultimately, Sabra and Shatila had to be invaded.

Even before 1948 Israel was setting out to turn Lebanon into a satellite state by playing on the fears of the country’s Maronite Christian community.   In 1958 Lebanon endured its second civil war (second to the Druze-Maronite conflict of 1860).   This war was part of a regional drama involving anti-Nasserism, anti-communism, the overthrow of the monarchy in Iraq and a planned coup attempt in Jordan. No event in Lebanon is ever simply internal, but while the collective ‘west’ and Israel had a big stake in what happened in 1958, the war developed largely as cause and effect between internal factions. By the time the US intervened, sending the Sixth Fleet and landing marines on Beirut’s beaches, these factions had for the moment resolved their differences.

In 1968, against a background of Palestinian resistance from southern Lebanon, Israel destroyed 13 commercial aircraft sitting on the tarmac at Beirut international airport. Lebanon was being warned to control the Palestinians, or else. Of course, given its highly factionalized nature, Lebanon could not control the Palestinians.

In April, 1973, the Israelis infiltrated West Beirut from the sea and killed four leading Palestinian political and cultural (Kamal Nasser, a poet) figures and by 1975 the country was right on the edge. A drive-by shooting at a Maronite church in East Beirut on April 13 pushed it off. The dead included members of the Kata’ib, the Lebanese Falange, a party founded on the Spanish model in the 1930s. Falangist gunmen struck back, shooting up a bus full of Palestinians and the war was on.

As Israel was already involved with the Falangists, as it wanted chaos in Lebanon ending in the defeat of the Palestinians and the destruction of their institutions, the church shooting was very likely a deliberate Israeli provocation. The secret annex to the Kahan commission reveals that by 1975 Israel was holding secret meetings with Falangist leaders, aimed at political and military coordination, towards which end Israel gave the Falangists $118.5 million in military aid (the figure given in the Kahan annex, the true figure possibly being much higher) and trained hundreds of Falangist fighters, in preparation for the war which Israel wanted the Falangists to launch.

Israel maintained its relationship with the Falangists through the civil war. By 1982 there was an “alliance in principle,” as described by papers in the Kahan annex. Trained in Israel up to Israeli military standards, however this is understood, Israel was confident that the Falangist tough Bashir Gemayel, the dominant figure in the Christian umbrella group, the Lebanese Forces (LF), had evolved “from the emotional leader of a gang, full of hatred, into a relatively prudent and cautious political leader.” No doubt this was how Bashir presented himself at meetings with the Israelis, but his actions in the past, and in the future, indicate that he was merely concealing the brutality that still lay within.

In January, 1976, the LF attacked the slum Karantina port district of Beirut, killing or massacring at least 1000 Palestinian fighters and civilians. In June, the Falangists, along with other LF factions, including the Lebanese Tigers of the Chamoun family and the Guardians of the Cedars, besieged the Tal al Za’atar Palestinian camp. Their military equipment included US tanks and armored cars. The camp held out for 35 days before being overrun. Up to 3000 Palestinian civilians were slaughtered.

The Kahan papers include an interesting exchange between Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres, Minister of Defence in 1976, who asked Sharon whether an IDF officer had warned him against sending the Falangists into Sabra and Shatila. Sharon responded that “you” (the Rabin government of 1976 of which Peres was part) had established the relationship with the Falangists and maintained it even after the massacre at Tal al Zaatar:

“You [Peres] spoke of the moral image of the government. After Tal al Zaatar, Mr Peres, you have no monopoly on morality. We did not accuse you, you have accused us. The same moral principle which was raised by the Tal al Za’atar incident [sic.] still exists. The Phalangists murdered in Shatila and the Phalangists murdered in Tal Za’atar. The link is a moral one: should we get involved with the Phalangists or not? You supported them and continued to do so after Tal Za’atar. Mr Rabin and Mr Peres, there were no IDF officers in Shatila, the same way they were absent from Tal Za’atar.” What is left unsaid is that Israel had a ‘liaison office’ at Tal al Za’ater even if IDF officers were not inside the camp.

‘High stature’

The refrain constantly repeated by Israeli intelligence and military personnel in 1982 was that no-one expected the Falangists to behave so badly. They were people of high calibre, people of quality, “men of much higher personal stature than is common among Arabs,” according to the statements made to the Kahan commission.

“I interrogated the Lebanese commanders [all Lebanese ‘commanders’ operated under direct Israeli command],” said Sharon. “I asked them, why have you done it? They looked into my eyes, as I am looking at you and their eyes did not twitch. They said ‘we did not do this, it was not us.’ I am not talking about bums, we are talking about people who are engineers and lawyers, the entire young elite, an intelligentsia, and they are looking into my eyes and saying ‘we did not do it.’

In fact, not just during the long civil war but throughout its invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Israel had abundant evidence of the Falangist capacity for brutality, not just in the massacre of Muslims caught at checkpoints or the Druze in the mountains but in the statements of Falangist leaders. On September 12, two days before he was assassinated, Bashir Gemayel told Sharon that conditions “should be created” which would result in the Palestinians leaving Lebanon.

At the same meeting it transpired that the Israelis had evidence that “as a consequence of Elie Hobeika’s activities” 1200 people had “disappeared.” Hobeika, a senior and extremely brutal Falangist figure, implicated in the CIA attempt in 1985 to assassinate the Shia spiritual leader, Shaikh Muhammad Hussain Fadlallah, was assassinated in 2002 shortly after he announced he was ready to give evidence in a Belgian court about Sharon’s role in the Sabra-Shatila massacres. His car was blown up, his head landing on the balcony of a nearby apartment.

On July 8 Bashir spoke of wanting to bulldoze the Palestinian camps in southern Lebanon. At a later meeting, asked by Sharon “What would you do about the refugee camps?,” he replied “We are planning a real zoo.”

An IDF colonel gave evidence to the Kahan commission that it was “possible to surmise from contacts with Phalange leaders” what their intentions were. If Sabra would become a zoo, Shatila’s destiny was to be a parking lot.

The IDF colonel spoke of massacres of Druze villagers by Elie Hobeika and his men. A document dated June 23 refers to “some 500 people” detained by Christians in Beirut being “terminated.” Nahum Admoni, the Mossad head, who said he knew Bashir well, having met frequently with him in 1974/5, said that “When he talked in terms of demographic change it was always in terms of killing and elimination. This was his instinctive style.” The “demographic change” refers to Bashir’s concern at the size of Lebanon’s Shia population, and its high natural birth date compared to the Christians. To resolve this problem, Bashar said, “several Deir Yassins will be necessary.”

While referring to Bashir’s brutal talk, Admoni said that “at the same time he was a political human being and as such he had an extremely cautious thinking process and thus he avoided taking part in various warlike activities.” The evidence does not bear out the last part of this statement, as Bashar had a long record even before 1982 of engaging in extremely brutal “warlike activities.”

The violence during the Israeli onslaught on Lebanon ran from the Falangists at one end of the spectrum to the extreme violence of Ariel Sharon, including massacres of civilians in Gaza and the West Bank, at the other end. The two extremes met in the middle at Sabra and Shatila and the outcome was predictably catastrophic.

‘Totally subservient’

What must be reaffirmed is that the “cleaning” or “combing” out of Sabra and Shatila was planned, coordinated and commanded by the Israeli military. It was not a Falangist operation with Israel playing some loose supervisory role. It was an Israel operation, involving the intelligence agencies and approved by the Israeli government. The Falangists were trained and armed by Israel and the LF commanders were “totally subservient” to the commander of the Israeli force sent to the camps, the 96th division. The Falangists were told when to enter the camps and when to leave. The Israelis lit up the camps at night with flares so the Falangists could see what they were doing (or who they were killing) and they stood ready to provide medical assistance to wounded men and intervene if they got into trouble.

Any notion that Menahim Begin, the Prime Minister, had no idea what was going on until a later stage has to be discarded. As Sharon remarked at a Cabinet meeting on August 12, “to say that I speak with the PM five times a day would be an understatement.”

Israel had agreed in negotiations with the Americans not to enter West Beirut. The assassination of Bashir Gemayel on September 14 precipitated the invasion of West Beirut the following day, the seizure of key positions and the encirclement of Sabra and Shatila according to a well-prepared plan. The Falangists entered the camps in the early evening of September 16, on Israeli orders, and did not withdraw until September 18, again on Israeli orders.

There were no “terrorists” in the camps, let alone the 2500 Sharon claimed had been left behind after the PLO withdrawal from Beirut in August. There were only civilians and there was no armed resistance from them. The Falangists did their work silently, mostly with knives so that the next victim would not be aware of the fate of the one before him (or her – many of the dead were women and children and even the camp animals were butchered) until it was too late.

The Falangist liaison office was established in the headquarters of the 96th Israeli division, where eavesdropping yielded unspecified “important evidence,” according to the Kahan commission annex. Professional electronic tapping of the Falangist communications network inside the camps was maintained in addition to “improvised” tapping of the conversations inside the HQ of the 96th division. According to the Kahan commission’s annex, the Falangist liaison officer reported “abnormal occurrences” in the camps to several officers only a few hours after the Falangists entered them.

Clearly, statements by intelligence and military personnel that they did not know what was going, or that they did not know until it was too late cannot be taken at face value. There was no gunfire from the camps and no resistance as would have been expected from armed “terrorists.” In this deathly silence, with no bursts of gunfire, and not the slightest sign or sound of armed combat, did the Israelis really think the Falangists were only killing armed men? Furthermore, Sharon had made it clear that he wanted to break up all the Palestinian camps and disperse their inhabitants. A cruel and brutal figure, he was perfectly capable of doing it. What could be better calculated to drive Palestinian civilians everywhere into panicked flight than an even more monstrous Deir Yassin? There may be a lot more evidence about this, textual and graphic, that has not made its way even into the secret annex.

Sharon freely insulted and demeaned the two chief US representatives in Beirut, Ambassador Morris Draper, whom he accused of impudence in demanding that Israel withdraw from West Beirut, and President Reagan’s special envoy, Philip Habib. “Did I make myself clear?,” “Don’t complain all the time” and “I’m sick of this” are samples of his aggression when in their company but as he said of the Americans on another occasion, “I hate them.”

Ghost towns

This remorseless liar claimed that there were no civilians in the camps. “I want you to know that Burj al Barajneh and its vicinity and the area of Shatila and similar places are ghost towns” he insisted, according to the Kahan annex. In August, as the aerial and land bombardment of Beirut approached its peak, he told the Cabinet that “we are not striking at the area where the Sunni Lebanese population resides.” On August 18 he lied again: “Today there is no-one living in the refugee camps. Only terrorists remain in the refugee camps. That is where their positions remain, in the refugee camps. That is where their positions, bunkers and HQs were located, and all the civilians had fled.” In fact, the camps were packed with civilians who had nowhere else to go, while in West Beirut, thousands of Sunni Muslims, Christians, and anyone who was living there, were being killed in air strikes.

At the same time Sharon had the extraordinary gall to present himself as some kind of saviour of the civilian population.   After entering West Beirut he remarked that “in reality we are not looking for anybody’s praise but if praise is due, then it’s ours as we saved Beirut from total anarchy. On September 21, a few days after the Sabra and Shatila massacres, he told the Cabinet that “We prevented a bloodbath.” In fact, the invasion had been a bloodbath from the beginning. By the end of the year about 19,000 people had been killed, almost all of them Palestinian or Lebanese civilians.

Two issues take up numerous pages in the Kahan report annex. One is the speed with which the Israeli army moved into West Beirut after the assassination of Bashir Gemayel. The reason was that the assassination “threatened to bring down the entire political structure and undermine the military plan years in preparation over long months.” Having promised full support, Bashar had ultimately refused to send the Falangists into West Beirut and with this commanding figure dead, the Israelis feared that their invasion was going to fail at the critical moment. With no-one to stop them, Sharon’s imaginary “terrorists” would be free to rebuild their infrastructure.

‘Supreme value’

The other issue is why Israel did not send its own troops into the camps. As expressed in the Kahan papers, “the expected nature of the fighting in the camps did not arouse much enthusiasm for the deployment of the IDF.” There would be difficult fighting “which could result in a lot of bloodshed in a densely populated area, where terrorists who have to be located are disguised as civilians in a hostile environment.” Such an action would involve a large number of casualties and the IDF had no wish to involve itself “in such an unpleasant but necessary military move.”

The deployment of the Falangists instead caused “great relief” to the military: the “supreme value” governing the decision was the desire not to cause IDF casualties. So, Israel’s proxies were sent in to do the dirty work instead.

After being elected president, as he was in a dodgy way in August, Bashir Gemayel had shown he realised he would have to act as one, which meant putting the Lebanese consensus before the alliance with Israel. He would have to work with the Sunnis and Shia and repair the fractured relations with other Maronite factions. He would have to take the interests of Arab states into account.   He could not simultaneously be Lebanon’s president and Israel’s president.   As a senior Falangist figure, Antun Fattal, remarked to Morris Draper on December 13, 1982: “Our economy is dependent on the Arab world and we cannot sacrifice it because of a peace treaty [as demanded by Israel].”

On December 14, Bashar’s successor, and milder brother, Amin, asked Israel to stop all contact with Lebanon, saying that he intended to announce at the UN that Lebanon was occupied by Israel. Like Bashir, he knew he had to respect the Lebanese consensus. By the end of 1982 what Israel had comprehensively demonstrated was that it simply did not understand Lebanon. All it had was brute force. The invasion certainly succeeded in changing the geo-political strategic situation, but not to Israel’s advantage. Yes, the PLO went, but only for Hizbullah to take its place. By 2000 Hizbullah had driven Israel out of the occupied south, in 2006 it frustrated Israel again and by 2018 it had missiles that will cause unprecedented damage if Israel goes to war again. The country Israel regarded as the weakest link in the Arab chain had turned out to be one of the toughest.

By Jeremy Salt
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ZIONIST-PHALANGIST SLAUGHTER OF 3,500 PALESTINIANS AND LEBANESE SHI’A AT SABRA & SHATILAH 36 YEARS AGO INVOKES THE MEMORY OF ASHOURA

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by Jonathan Azaziah

Sabra and Shatilah Day. Very few sections of the calendar are associated with such sadness and savagery.

First though, a momentary flashback. When the Jewish terrorists who would found the artificial ‘Israeli’ regime began Plan D, i.e. the ethnic cleansing of Palestine aka the Nakba, there were a series of massacres they perpetrated that defied the parameters of humanity and reminded the world that Satan walks the Earth in human form. For Palestine itself, there was Deir Yassin, executed by the Stern and Irgun gangs, as well Dueima, carried out by the Haganah, in which upwards of 100 Palestinians were slaughtered, including children who were beaten dead with sticks and mothers and fathers who were pushed into their homes, locked in and dynamited.

For Lebanon, there’s Salha, where bloodthirsty Jewish colonizers marched 105 Lebanese men, women and children into the village’s small masjid and didn’t stop shooting until everyone was dead, along with Houla, where Jews burned 85 Lebanese civilians alive and ethnically cleansed nearly 11,000 Lebanese from their lands. In modern times, we think of the barbarity displayed in Jenin during the Second Intifada as well as Operation Cast Lead in 2008-2009 and Operation Mighty Cliff in the summer of 2014.

Yet nothing in the history of the usurping Zionist entity compares to the slaughter at aforementioned Sabra and Shatila which began on this day 36 years ago and ended on September 18th. The fanatical and hateful Phalangists, armed to the teeth, financed, trained and logistically supported by ‘Israel’, monstrously and sadistically slaughtered around 3,500 Palestinians and Lebanese Shi’a for 72 hours,engaging in the kind of debauched killing that you’d think only existed in horror movies. Pregnant women with their babies cut out of their stomachs. Men were sliced with knives from their genitals to their throats. Children had their skulls cracked wide open. Corpses were mutilated.

And ‘Israel’ was in the thick of it, not merely overseeing it but directly participating with IOF commandos embedded in the ranks of their proxies and IOF gunnery operators shelling any soul who somehow got away from the butchery. They encircled and sealed off the camps so the carnage didn’t stop. Sharon (Scheinermann), Begin (Biegun) and Shamir (Yezernitsky), the architects of the mass murder, never paid for their crimes in this life. Thankfully though, they’re all now roasting ruthlessly in Saqar while the victims of Sabra and Shatilah are with their Lord (SWT), His Holy Prophet (S.A.W.W.) and His Martyrs (R.A.) in peace.

Think about the atrocities and depravities just described. What comes to mind? If your answer isn’t Ashoura, the 10th day of Muharram, then you’re not pondering hard enough. Imam Hussein (A.S.) and his Caravan were surrounded on every side by Yazid’s (L.A.) mercenaries with zero possibility of escaping. Aba Abdallah (A.S.) himself was tortured and beheaded. His children were maimed and murdered. The women among his partisans were violated before being exterminated. The survivors were forever traumatized though they persevered to sustain the legacy of resistance of Sayyed al-Shouhada (A.S.), like Imam Zayn al-Abideen (A.S.), who cried everyday for two decades to mourn his father and his Ashoura compatriots. The stain of blood and scent of murder permeate Karbala’s sands to this day.

Meditating on all of this, it wouldn’t be farfetched to say that ‘Israel’–the absolute Yazid (L.A.) of our time– and its Phalangists–let’s call them the Army of “Christian” Zionist Shimrs–were using Ashoura as a blueprint in their wanton slaughter of innocents at Sabra and Shatilah, whose streets still reek of death as of right now. After all, we know that ‘Israel’ studies Islamic theology, eschatology and history so it can pervert them and use them to spread fitnah. And those very innocents we brought up, whether they knew it or not, were invoking the Mouqawamah and Sumoud of Imam Hussein (A.S.) and the Karbala 72 by staying on their land and refusing to submit to the occupation of the ‘Israeli’ enemy. Even if it meant being disconnected from life.

That the anniversary of Sabra and Shatilah this year falls right in the midst of Muharram’s first ten days presents the chance for us to reconcile each of the two tragedies and fuse them, turning them into invocations of outrage and a rallying cry to mobilize like-minded, Anti-Parasitic individuals against oppression, tyranny, occupation, colonization and hegemony. As we say often: Remembrance is Resistance.

‘Israel’ and its tools, whether it is the Phalangists of yesteryear or the Takfiri Goy Golem of today, as well as its partners like the megalomaniacal, anti-Shi’a, crypto-Jewish Saudi autocrats, can kill civilians across our region and pretend that such crimes provide security. But in reality, all they’re doing, is delaying their inevitable demise while ingraining militant opposition to their felonious power in the hearts of the pure and Godwary. And when we remember what the Zio-Tumor and whoever serves it did to our people, be they in occupied Palestine or Sabra and Shatilah of Lebanon, Yemen or Syria, Iraq or Nigeria’s Zaria, Iran or occupied Kashmir or beyond, we are pushing back against the drive of the “chosenites” to erect their JNWO on our corpses. We’re putting an imprint on the DNA of the aeons that we shan’t be forgotten.

When we scream “Labaykah ya Hussein (A.S.)!” and “Labayki ya Zaynab (A.S.)!”, we aren’t merely immersing ourselves in the simultaneous, somewhat paradoxical agony and victory of Ashoura 1,338 years ago. Beyond that, we’re declaring that Karbala breathes in every oppressed nation and every oppressed person and that Ashoura is a mindstate of counter-despotism, not solely an excruciating incident in Islamic (and human) history. Sabra and Shatilah are Karbala. And their martyrs are the martyrs of a struggle that has raged between the Imam Hussein (A.S.) of the age and the Yazid (L.A.) of the epoch every year, decade and century since 680. We commemorate their sacrifices today. So tomorrow… We can ink their names in ruby calligraphy on the domes of Sakhra and Aqsa when we send ‘Israel’ to the grave–a fate it was destined to have from the very millisecond it abominably came into illegitimate existence.

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israeli Crimes Against Humanity: Remembering the Sabra and Shatila Massacre

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By Institute for Middle East Understanding,

The Gaza massacre is part of longstanding process of Israeli crimes against humanity. This article describes one of the worst atrocities in modern Middle Eastern history committed against the people of Palestine. This article was first posted on Global Research in 2016.

On September 16, 1982, Christian Lebanese militiamen allied to Israel entered the Palestinian refugee camp of Shatila and the adjacent neighborhood of Sabra in Beirut under the watch of the Israeli army and began a slaughter that caused outrage around the world. Over the next day and a half, up to 3500 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians, mostly women, children, and the elderly, were murdered in one of the worst atrocities in modern Middle Eastern history. The New York Times recently published an op-ed containing new details of discussions held between Israeli and American officials before and during the massacre. They reveal how Israeli officials, led by then-Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, misled and bullied American diplomats, rebuffing their concerns about the safety of the inhabitants of Sabra and Shatila.

Lead Up

  • On June 6, 1982, Israel launched a massive invasion of Lebanon. It had been long planned by Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, who wanted to destroy or severely diminish the Palestine Liberation Organization, which was based in Lebanon at the time. Sharon also planned to install a puppet government headed by Israel’s right-wing Lebanese Christian Maronite allies, the Phalangist Party.
  • Israeli forces advanced all the way to the capital of Beirut, besieging and bombarding the western part of city, where the PLO was headquartered and the Palestinian refugee camp of Shatila and the adjacent neighborhood of Sabra are located.
  • Israel’s bloody weeklong assault on West Beirut in August prompted harsh international criticism, including from the administration of US President Ronald Reagan, who many accused of giving a “green light” to Israel to launch the invasion. Under a US-brokered ceasefire agreement, PLO leaders and more than 14,000 fighters were to be evacuated from the country, with the US providing written assurances for the safety of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians left behind. US Marines were deployed as part of a multinational force to oversee and provide security for the evacuation.
  • On August 30, PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat left Beirut along with the remainder of the Palestinian fighters based in the city.
  • On September 10, the Marines left Beirut. Four days later, on September 14, the leader of Israel’s Phalangist allies, Bashir Gemayel, was assassinated. Gemayel had just been elected president of Lebanon by the Lebanese parliament, under the supervision of the occupying Israeli army. His death was a severe blow to Israel’s designs for the country. The following day, Israeli forces violated the ceasefire agreement, moving into and occupying West Beirut.

The Massacre

  • On Wednesday, September 15, the Israeli army surrounded the Palestinian refugee camp of Shatila and the adjacent neighborhood of Sabra in West Beirut. The next day, September 16, Israeli soldiers allowed about 150 Phalangist militiamen into Sabra and Shatila.
  • The Phalange, known for their brutality and a history of atrocities against Palestinian civilians, were bitter enemies of the PLO and its leftist and Muslim Lebanese allies during the preceding years of Lebanon’s civil war. The enraged Phalangist militiamen believed, erroneously, that Phalange leader Gemayel had been assassinated by Palestinians. He was actually killed by a Syrian agent.
  • Over the next day and a half, the Phalangists committed unspeakable atrocities, raping, mutilating, and murdering as many as 3500 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians, most of them women, children, and the elderly. Sharon would later claim that he could have had no way of knowing that the Phalange would harm civilians, however when US diplomats demanded to know why Israel had broken the ceasefire and entered West Beirut, Israeli army Chief of Staff Rafael Eitan justified the move saying it was “to prevent a Phalangist frenzy of revenge.” On September 15, the day before the massacre began, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin told US envoy Morris Draper that the Israelis had to occupy West Beirut, “Otherwise, there could be pogroms.”
  • Almost immediately after the killing started, Israeli soldiers surrounding Sabra and Shatila became aware that civilians were being murdered, but did nothing to stop it. Instead, Israeli forces fired flares into the night sky to illuminate the darkness for the Phalangists, allowed reinforcements to enter the area on the second day of the massacre, and provided bulldozers that were used to dispose of the bodies of many of the victims.
  • On the second day, Friday, September 17, an Israeli journalist in Lebanon called Defense Minister Sharon to inform him of reports that a massacre was taking place in Sabra and Shatila. The journalist, Ron Ben-Yishai, later recalled:

    ‘I found [Sharon] at home sleeping. He woke up and I told him “Listen, there are stories about killings and massacres in the camps. A lot of our officers know about it and tell me about it, and if they know it, the whole world will know about it. You can still stop it.” I didn’t know that the massacre actually started 24 hours earlier. I thought it started only then and I said to him “Look, we still have time to stop it. Do something about it.” He didn’t react.”‘

  • On Friday afternoon, almost 24 hours after the killing began, Eitan met with Phalangist representatives. According to notestaken by an Israeli intelligence officer present: “[Eitan] expressed his positive impression received from the statement by the Phalangist forces and their behavior in the field,” telling them to continue “mopping up the empty camps south of Fakahani until tomorrow at 5:00 a.m., at which time they must stop their action due to American pressure.”
  • On Saturday, American Envoy Morris Draper, sent a furious message to Sharon stating:

    ‘You must stop the massacres. They are obscene. I have an officer in the camp counting the bodies. You ought to be ashamed. The situation is rotten and terrible. They are killing children. You are in absolute control of the area, and therefore responsible for the area.’

  • The Phalangists finally left the area at around 8 o’clock Saturday morning, taking many of the surviving men with them for interrogation at a soccer stadium. The interrogations were carried out with Israeli intelligence agents, who handed many of the captives back to the Phalange. Some of the men returned to the Phalange were later found executed.
  • About an hour after the Phalangists departed Sabra and Shatila, the first journalists arrived on the scene and the first reports of what transpired began to reach the outside world.

Casualty Figures

  • Thirty years later, there is still no accurate total for the number of people killed in the massacre. Many of the victims were buried in mass graves by the Phalange and there has been no political will on the part of Lebanese authorities to investigate.
  • An official Israeli investigation, the Kahan Commission, concluded that between 700 and 800 people were killed, based on the assessment of Israeli military intelligence.
  • An investigation by Beirut-based British journalist Robert Fisk, who was one of the first people on the scene after the massacre ended, concluded that The Palestinian Red Crescent put the number of dead at more than 2000.
  • In his book, Sabra & Shatila: Inquiry into a Massacre, Israeli journalist Amnon Kapeliouk reached a maximum figure of 3000 to 3500.

Aftermath

Israel

  • Following international outrage, the Israeli government established a committee of inquiry, the Kahan Commission. Its investigation found that Defense Minister Sharon bore “personal responsibility” for the massacre, and recommended that he be removed from office. Although Prime Minister Begin removed him from his post as defense minister, Sharon remained in cabinet as a minister without portfolio. He would go on to hold numerous other cabinet positions in subsequent Israeli governments, including foreign minister during Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s first term in office. Nearly 20 years later, in March 2001, Sharon was elected prime minister of Israel.
  • In June 2001, lawyers for 23 survivors of the massacre initiated legal proceedings against Sharon in a Belgian court, under a law allowing people to be prosecuted for war crimes committed anywhere in the world.
  • In January 2002, Phalangist leader and chief liaison to Israel during the 1982 invasion, Elie Hobeika, was killed by a car bomb in Beirut. Hobeika led the Phalangist militiamen responsible for the massacre, and had announced that he was prepared to testify against Sharon, who was then prime minister of Israel, at a possible war crimes trial in Belgium. Hobeika’s killers were never found.
  • In June 2002, a panel of Belgian judges dismissed war crimes charges against Sharon because he wasn’t present in the country to stand trial.
  • In January 2006, Sharon suffered a massive stroke. He remains in a coma on life support.

The United States

  • For the United States, which had guaranteed the safety of civilians left behind after the PLO departed, the massacre was a deep embarrassment, causing immense damage to its reputation in the region. The fact that US Secretary of State Alexander Haig was believed by many to have given Israel a “green light” to invade Lebanon compounded the damage.
  • In the wake of the massacre, President Reagan sent the Marines back to Lebanon. Just over a year later, 241 American servicemen would be killed when two massive truck bombs destroyed their barracks in Beirut, leading Reagan to withdraw US forces for good.

The Palestinians

  • For Palestinians, the Sabra and Shatila massacre was and remains a traumatic event, commemorated annually. Many survivors continue to live in Sabra and Shatila, struggling to eke out a living and haunted by their memories of the slaughter. To this day, no one has faced justice for the crimes that took place.
  • For Palestinians, the Sabra and Shatila massacre serves as a powerful and tragic reminder of the vulnerable situation of millions of stateless Palestinians, and the dangers that they continue to face across the region, and around the world.

البطل حبيب والخائن بشير

البطل حبيب الشرتوني والخائن بشير

ابراهيم الأمين

حيلة من يعاني ضائقة الفعل اليوم، العودة الى قديمه. هي حال «القوات اللبنانية» وفريقها السياسي، بمن فيهم يتامى الجبهة اللبنانية ما غيرها. ليس لدى هؤلاء اليوم من خطاب، أو شعار، أو أغنية، غير ما يعيدنا الى سنوات الحرب الاهلية. لم يتوقف الزمن عند هؤلاء فحسب، بل توقف العقل أيضاً. لا خيال ولا إبداع حتى في عملية إحياء عصبية دينية أو سياسية أو حزبية.

وما من مجد يراه هذا الفريق إلا ما يرونه مجداً، عندما حرقوا البلاد، وقدموها لكل غزاة الكون، من العرب الى الاسرائيلييين الى الاوروبيين والاميركيين. ثم عادوا بعد كل هذا الخراب يتفاخرون بمجدهم ــ جرائمهم، إذ بينما يفترض أنهم يحتفلون أمس بالعدالة التي انتصرت لقضية أكثر رموزهم التصاقاً بالعمالة للعدو، لا يجيدون سوى إرفاقها بالاحتفال بمجازرهم. وهو ما فعلته ستريدا جعجع، عندما قالت إن إعجابها بسمير جعجع نابع من كونه «دعوَس الزغرتاوية»، وهي تتذكر مجرزة إهدن التي هاجم فيها جعجع مع مجموعة من مقاتليه مركز زعامة آل فرنجية، قاتلاً ابنهم طوني وأفراداً من عائلته. تبدو ستريدا في هذه اللحظة مسرورة بإرث يشبه حقيقة «القوات»، ويكشف موروثاً غير منسيّ، فيه ما بقي ثابتاً من عادات وأنماط تفكير لجماعة لم تخرج بعد من عقلها الذي قاد البلاد الى حرب أهلية، يبدو أن هناك من يحنّ الى زمانها!

من يشارك في ملاحقة «الأخبار» في قضية
حبيب، مهما كان موقعه أو اسمه، سنعتبره منتمياً الى فريق «الاحتلال الإسرائيلي وعملائه»

أمس، احتفل بضعة آلاف (في منازلهم) وبضعة مئات (في الشارع) بقرار المجلس العدلي الحكم بالإعدام على المقاومَين البطلين، نبيل العلم وحبيب الشرتوني بجرم اغتيال بشير الجميل. لم يكتفِ المحتفلون باعتباره نصراً، بل طالبوا بأن يكتمل عبر «اعتقال المجرمين»، ثم الذهاب نحو تجريم الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي باعتباره التنظيم الذي ينتمي اليه العلم والشرتوني.

لنضع اللحظة العاطفية لمحبّي بشير الجميّل جانباً. فهذه عوارض لا علاج لها. لكن للرجل إرثه الحقيقي عند لبنانيين، بعضهم كان رفيقاً له في الكتائب أو «القوات»، وبعضهم صار اليوم مستقلاً يندب حظه العاثر، وبعض ثالث التحق بقوى وأفكار مختلفة. لكنهم جميعاً يحنّون الى الزمن الأحب الى قلوبهم، يوم كان بشير الحلم، ويوم وصل الى رئاسة الجمهورية، ثم يوم جاء من أطفأ الحلم بكبسة زر وتوقف الكلام… وهذه العودة مهمة لتوصيف ما حصل بالأمس، وما حصل يومها، وما قد ينعكس علينا في القادم من الايام.

عملياً، يرى هؤلاء أن بشير بطل، ولا يريدون أي مراجعة أو نقد. وعند هذا الحد، يجري تقديس الرجل، ويراد لبقية الناس أن تتصرف على هذا الاساس، بينما لم يكن بشير الجميّل سوى مجرم حرب صغير، وسليل عائلة سياسية اشتهرت بالعنصرية والتعصّب الديني والاجتماعي، وتسبّب حزبها بويلات على المسيحيين ثم على جميع اللبنانيين وعلى المنطقة أيضاً. وكان بشير يمثل ذروة هذا المشروع محلياً، عندما قام بتصفية جميع خصومه المسيحيين، وألزم المعارضين بالطاعة له. ولكن هذه الذروة كان يراد لها أن تكون على مستوى لبنان. ولذلك، لم يكن متاحاً لبشير، بما يمثله، سوى انتظار العدو الاسرائيلي، الذي يتولى سحق الخصوم، قبل أن يتم تنصيبه رئيساً للجمهورية، وهذا ما حصل.

لكن المشكلة أن محبّي بشير، أو المتعاطفين مع قضيته حتى اليوم، يصرّون على تجاهل هذه الحقيقة، وبالتالي، هم لن يفهموا معنى قرار «مقاومة الاحتلال الاسرائيلي وعملائه»، هذه العبارة التي كانت تتقدم أو تذيل بيانات جبهة المقاومة الوطنية وأحزابها، وبالتالي، اعتقدوا أن بشير لا علاقة له بما تقوم به إسرائيل، وأنه خارج الحساب. لكن مثلما فوجئوا هم بمصرعه في وقت سريع، أيضاً فوجئ أنصار المقاومة بقدرات التخطيط والجاهزية العالية عند المقاومين القوميين، عندما نفذوا «حكم الشعب» بإعدام بشير. وحكم الشعب هنا يمثّل غالبية لبنانية، بعكس «حكم الشعب» الذي صدر أمس. ومهما قيل عن القضاء والقضاة، فما صدر أمس حكم يعود الى زمن الحرب الاهلية، والى زمن سلطة كانت تحت وصاية الاحتلال وعملائه. وليس فيه من العدالة شيء.

أمر آخر، يتعلق بنوبة الهستيريا التي تسود الاوساط الاعلامية والسياسية لأنصار بشير، والتي تسعى، بموافقة جهات رسمية لبنانية، لأن تلاحق «الأخبار» والرفيق ايلي حنا، ربطاً بالمقابلة التي نشرت قبل يومين مع البطل حبيب. من المفيد لفت انتباه هؤلاء، الى أنه، وفي قضايا لها بعدها الوطني، فإن «الأخبار» بغالبية العاملين فيها، لا تكترث لكل القوانين والاجراءات مهما كانت السلطة متعسفة، وان أصل استدعاء ايلي الى التحقيق لن نقبله، وسوف نقاومه، وسوف نعتبر كل من يشارك فيه، وزيراً أو قاضياً أو مسؤولاً أمنياً، أنه ينتمي الى فريق بشير في حياته، أي الى فريق «قوات الاحتلال الاسرائيلي وعملائه»… شاء من شاء، وأبى من أبى!

وبما أن المحتفلين بالحكم يريدون إضافة اسم المجرم الى جانب اسم حبيب الشرتوني لاغتيال البطل بشير، ويقولون إن ذلك يحاكي وجدان فئة من اللبنانيين، فمن المفيد القول أيضاً، وبنفس اللغة، إن الحكم على البطل حبيب الشرتوني، لتصفيته مجرم الحرب بشير الجميل، يستفزّ فئة أوسع من اللبنانيين، وإن من لا يتحسّسون وصمة العار على جباههم، رغم كل ما مروا به من ويلات سببها بشير وعائلته السياسية، فإن ما يرونه إنجازاً، هو وسام استحقاق كبير على صدر حبيب ومحبّيه الذين سيظلون يهتفون: لكل خائن حبيب!

الشرتوني مجرم والجميل بريء!!

الشرتوني مجرم والجميل بريء!!

 السبت ٢١ أكتوبر ٢٠١٧ – ٠٢:١٥ بتوقيت غرينتش

بعد 35 عاما من اغتيال الرئيس اللبناني الاسبق بشير الجميل، يصدر القضاء في بيروت حكما بالاعدام والتجريد من الحقوق المدنية على منفذ عملية الاغتيال حبيب الشرتوني والمخطط نبيل العلم، المنتميان الى الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي.

العالم – مقالات

هذا الحكم سيتفهمه الشارع اللبناني والعربي لو كان قد صدر بحق من اغتال قادة المقاومة مثل الشيخ راغب حرب، او السيد عباس الموسوي، او حتى من قام بالتآمر على الجيش اللبناني في معاركه ضد الارهاب، او ان صدر بحق قادة جيش لبنان الجنوبي او ما يعرف باسم (جيش لحد) حتى وان ماتوا. ولكن يكون هذا الحكم صدر بحق من اغتال بشير الجميل يحمل الكثير من علامات الاستفهام لدى الشارع اللبناني والعربي، لانه لا يمكنك ان تفصل ما جرى في لبنان بتلك الحقبة عن العالم العربي، كما انك لن تستطيع ان تفصل ما يجري في سوريا الان عن العالم العربي.

من هو اذا بشير الجميل ولماذا  كل هذه البلبلة حول حكم الاعدام بحق من اغتاله؟ الرئيس اللبناني الاسبق والذي شغل هذا المنصب اقل من اسبوعين اشتهر بقوته العسكرية وتنظيمه لكتائبه بشكل مميز مما جعله مفصلا مهما ومشاركا اساسيا في الحرب الاهلية في لبنان، ولكن شهرته الاساسية كانت في قربه من رئيس وزراء الاحتلال الاسرائيلي الاسبق أرئيل شارون، والذي كان وقتها وزير حرب الاحتلال.

وكان الجميل يزور شارون في الاراضي المحتلة وشارون يزوره ايضا في بكفيا ليضع معه خطة احتلال لبنان، واجتياح العاصمة العربية التي كانت تسمى بباريس العرب بيروت، حيث تم التعرف على جثة بشير الجميل من الخاتم الذي كان قد اهداه له شارون وعليه نجمة داوود وذلك في تصريح للقيادي البارز في الكتائب كريم بقردوني، وطبعا حصل ما خطط له وتم اجتياح لبنان حيث دخل بشير الجميل على متن دبابة اسرائيلية سهلت عبور ميليشياته لارتكاب المجازر واحتلال جنوبه وهو ما ادى لاحقا الى سقوط الالاف من الشهداء والجرحى والمعتقلين حتى خرج هذا الاحتلال على يد المقاومة الاسلامية حزب الله.

في جميع الدساتير العربية والدولية والسماوية ايضا عقاب الخائن القتل، وما فعله الجميل اعتبره حبيب الشرتوني خيانة للبنان والامة جميعها، لانه لا يوجد في العالم جرم اكبر من وضع يدك بيد المحتل وتسهيل دخوله الى بلادك واحتلالها والتنكيل بشعبك وتشريده، فقام الشتروني باغتيال الجميل.

وإنتقاما لبشير تم إعدام والدة حبيب الشرتوني عند باب منزلها من قبل الكتائب، واعدام شقيقة الشرتوني من بعد تعذيبها داخل معتقلات الكتائب، وإحدى أساليب التعذيب كان إرسال لها أصابع والدها وعلى مدة ١٠ أيام الذي أعدم أيضا من بعد بتر أعضاء جسده داخل المعتقلات.

وإنتقاماً لبشير تم إعدام أكثر من ألف شخص في ٤٨ ساعة من قبل الكتائب. وبعد يومين من مقتل بشير قامت الكتائب وجيش لبنان الجنوبي اي جيش لحد والجيش الاسرائيلي بمجزرة صبرا وشاتيلا بحق اللاجئين الفلسطينيين. وذلك دون حسيب او رقيب.

بشير الجميل قام بتصفية خصومه حيث امر بارسال قوات بقيادة سمير جعجع انذاك الى منطقة اهدن وقتل قائد قوات تيار المردة طوني فرنجية ابن الرئيس سليمان فرنجية و عائلته جميعها والمقاتلين التابعين له، وهي الواقعة التي سميت فيما بعد بمجزرة إهدن، وطبعا لم يحاسب بشير او اي شخص قام بهذه العملية.

ويتسائل الشارع العربي انه بعد صدور حكم الاعدام بحق حبيب الشتروني هل يمكن القول انه تم تشريع الخيانة وتجريم المقاومة؟
ويبقى السؤال من يستحق الاعدام حبيب ام بشير؟
ابراهيم شير/ كاتب واعلامي سوري
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سلسلة نشر غسيل | بشير جميّل اللقيط الاسرائيلي : الحلقة الأولى

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مع الاعتذار من حبيب الشرتوني

ستون دقيقة عن اشتشهاد البطل عصام وهر الدين والحكم باعدام البطل منفذ حكم الشعب في العميل بشير الجميل

«أنا حبيب الشرتوني أقر وأنا بكامل أهليتي القانونية بأني نفذت حكم الشعب بحق الخائن بشير الجميل وأنا لست نادماً على ذلك بل على العكس إذا آتى مرة آخرى فسوف أقتله وستصح مقولة لكل خائن حبيب وأبشركم أن هناك ألف ألف حبيب لكل خائن عميل في بلادي».

مع الاعتذار من حبيب الشرتوني

أكتوبر 21, 2017

ناصر قنديل

أنّ عملية الشهيد خالد علوان في شارع الحمراء وعملية الاستشهادي أحمد قصير بتفجير مقرّ الحاكم العسكري «الإسرائيلي» في صور وعملية المناضل حبيب الشرتوني شكّلت ثلاثي الاستنهاض للمقاومة وثقافتها، وثلاثي الانهيار لمشروع الاحتلال،

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– سأكتفي بوضع النقاط على حروف وعينا المتشكّل خلال الاجتياح «الإسرائيلي» للبنان وولادة المقاومة بوجهه، بعيداً عن جدل عقيم حول معاني القوانين واستنسابية تطبيقها، عندما تدخل في زواريب الاسترضاء السياسي والزبائنية بين العائلات الحاكمة، وإعادة إنتاج الحصانة للبكوات بوجه تبعات ارتكابهم لفعل خيانة الوطن، وسقوط حصانة العمل الوطني النبيل والشريف للمقاومين عن أبناء الفقراء والبسطاء والفلاحين إذا مسّوا شعرة من رأس البيك وابن البيك، فكيف إذا صار بلقب رئيس جمهورية، ولا أظنّ أنّ بين اللبنانيين المأخوذين بغير الغريزة العمياء، والخاضعين لفعل العقل وحده، مَن يجادل بكون بشير الجميّل صار رئيساً بقوة الاحتلال، وأنّ وصوله للرئاسة كان من رهانات اجتياح «إسرائيل» للبنان، ولا مَن يناقش في أنّ الطريق الدستوري للمحاكمة بتهمة الخيانة العظمى مغلق بقوة التركيب السياسي المريض، وبقوة حضور الاحتلال، وأنّ كلّ حكم قضائي هو ثقافة ورسالة، وأنّ محاكمة حبيب الشرتوني هي خلاصة مضمون سلّم القيم الذي يحكم لبنان اليوم بعيون التاريخ والأجيال القادمة، فما هي الرسالة التي يحملها الحكم اليوم؟

– من الزاوية المنطقية ارتكاب جرم التعامل مع العدو وخدمة سياساته والعمل على تحقيق أهدافه يصير أخطر، كلما ارتفعت المكانة التي يحتلّها مرتكب الجرم في بنية المجتمع وهيكلية الدولة ومؤسساتها، ومنطقياً يجب أن ترتفع العقوبة بالتناسب مع ارتفاع حجم الخطر المترتّب على ارتكاب الجرم ذاته، وأعلى مراتب الجرم بالتعامل هي التي ترتكب من موقع رئيس جمهورية، والذي يصير في لبنان هو العكس تماماً، فجرم سعد حداد وأنطوان لحد أكبر من جرم بشير الجميّل، وربّما جرم عريف في جيش العملاء تحت إمرة حداد أو لحد أكبر من جرمهما، فكلّما صار العميل برتبة أعلى وينتسب لمكانة اجتماعية أقرب لقيمة البكوات ورتب الشرف الإقطاعية، وصارت بالتالي خدماته للعدو أخطر وأكبر، صغر جرمه ولو كان خطره أكبر وضرره أكثر، لا بل صارت ملاحقة مَن ينفذ به حكم الشعب، واجبة ولا تموت بتقادم الزمن.

– من الزاوية المنطقية أيضاً عندما يقع بلد تحت الاحتلال، يُمنع إجراء أيّ تغيير في المواقع الدستورية تشتمّ منه رائحة التأثر بما نتج عن الاحتلال، فكيف عندما يجلب الاحتلال النواب بدباباته وتحت تهديد عملائه لانتخاب مرشحه الرئاسي الوحيد بلا منافسة، ويُصاب نواب بالجروح، ويُنتخب المرشح الأوحد الذي تكتب عنه صحافة العدو علناً كحليف وصديق، ويقيم حفل التهاني العائلي بحضور جنرالات الاحتلال. وفي مثل هذه الأحوال يستحيل الرهان على اشتغال آليات دستورية لعزل الرئيس المنتخب بحراب المحتلّ، كما تشكّل الدعوة لترك الرئيس التابع للاحتلال في منصبة يخدم المحتلّ دعوة لتحقيق أهداف الاحتلال. فما هي بالضبط الدعوة التي وجّهها المجلس العدلي للمواطن حبيب الشرتوني ورفاق جيله الذين رأوا جريمة الاحتلال والتعامل مع الاحتلال من موقع رئاسة الجمهورية، والرسالة المماثلة للأجيال القادمة تجاه خطر مماثل، أن تدع الرئيس يُتمّ المهمة وتدع الاحتلال ينعم بالنعمة، أليست الوظيفة الأصلية للأحكام القضائية ثقافة؟ فما هي الثقافة التي أراد القضاة توجيهها؟ دعوا الاحتلال يحقق أهدافه كي لا تحاكَموا لاحقاً وتدانُوا، لأنّ الاقتصاص ممن تعامل مَنْ هم دون الرئيس لن يؤثر طالما بقي الرئيس، والاقتصاص من الرئيس إذا تعامَلَ يُدينكم، حتى لو ارتكب الخيانة العظمى فهو طالما لا يُحاكَم بتهمتها، فلا يُدان بارتكابها، أليست هذه هي الثقافة التي يطبّقها نظامنا في جرائم الفساد، الرؤوس الكبيرة لا يطالُها قانون، وإنْ طالَها الشعب يحاسَبْ ويُدَنْ.

– من الزواية المنطقية ليس أشدَّ من توهين وإضعاف للحال الوطنية من تعامل رئيس جمهورية مع محتلّ، وليس أشدّ من رفع معنويات المقهورين في ظلّ الاحتلال كمثل النيل من أعلى رموز التعامل معه، وإصابة مشروعه في الصميم، ويعرف كلّ أبناء أجيال المقاومة التي قاتلت المحتلّ أنّ عملية الشهيد خالد علوان في شارع الحمراء وعملية الاستشهادي أحمد قصير بتفجير مقرّ الحاكم العسكري «الإسرائيلي» في صور وعملية المناضل حبيب الشرتوني شكّلت ثلاثي الاستنهاض للمقاومة وثقافتها، وثلاثي الانهيار لمشروع الاحتلال، وأنّ إدانة حبيب الشرتوني اليوم تشبه إدانة مفترضة لخالد علوان وأحمد قصير بتهمة حيازة السلاح والمتفجّرات من دون ترخيص وتأسيس جماعة مسلّحة خارج التشكيلات النظامية للدولة. فأيّهما يوهن الروح الوطنية ويُضعفها، فعلُ المقاومين أم الأحكامُ التي تنال من شرف المهمة التي أدّوها، وارتقى بها الوطن إلى مراتب الشرف والكرامة لتليقَ به المقاومة؟

– الحكمُ على حبيب الشرتوني لا يُقاس بمفاعيله العملية، بل بنتائجه الثقافية. ومضمون الرسالة التي يحملها لمنظومة القيم التي يُدار الحكم على أساسها، في أعلى مراتب العقل، حيث يتولّى القضاة الكبار النظر في الأمر، ولو كنّا في بلد آخر يريد كتابة تاريخه عبر أحكام قضاته، بدلاً من كتابة مجاملات العائلات التي تتداول الحكم وتدير النظام، وتقيم الحصانات لبعضها البعض، لكانت المحاكمة فرصة لفتح ملف تلك المرحلة، وبالحدّ الأدنى كان الحكم المقبول، اعتبار ظروف الانتخاب الرئاسي مشتبهاً في صحتها وقابلة للطعن، وشروط الإحالة للمجلس العدلي غير مستوفاة، واعتبار العملية وجهاً من وجوه الصراع الذي تداخل فيه القتال ضدّ الاحتلال بماضي الحرب الأهلية واصطفافاتها، وشمول الفعل بقانون العفو.

– سؤال بريء:

لماذا لم تتمّ محاكمة حبيب الشرتوني خلال وجوده في سجن أمين الجميّل لسنوات؟ أليس لأنّ حالنا الوطنية كانت أفضل؟ وكان التجرّؤ على المقاومين دونه الكثير من التهيّب والخوف والرهبة؟ وكانت ثقافة النفاق تخجل من نفسها أكثر؟

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من المذبحة نبت مجد المقاومة

صابرين دياب

سبتمبر 18, 2017

هكذا دورات التاريخ، من حدث الموت يكون نبت الحياة، ربما تصحّ لنا قراءة مذبحة صبرا وشاتيلا بهذه الأداة التي ابتكرها الإنسان الفلسطيني لفهم الحياة وإنجاز الاستمرار وتخليد فلسطينيته بالعمل والإنتاج.

لكن القناع الآخر المختلف للبشرية، أيّ القتل، قد واكب الجوهر الحقيقي للبشرية – وجه الإنسان – وبينهما كان وسيبقى التناقض، ولعلّ الفاشية اللبنانية، الكتائب ولفيفها، والصهيونية والسلطة الأميركية، خاصة المحافظين الجدد، هم التعبير الحقيقي عن القناع، في مواجهة وجه التاريخ.

شعبنا الفلسطيني وأحرار لبنان ومختلف الأمم، التي تعرّضت للمذبحة الممتدّة على مرّ تاريخ البشرية، وكانت مذبحة صبرا وشاتيلا المذبحة الشاهد الأشدّ وحشية على امتداد المذبحة ضدّ فلسطين، من دير ياسين والدوايمة والطنطورة وكفر قاسم والحرم الإبراهيمي، إلى العديد العديد، وهي التأسيس للفوضى الخلاقة في ثوب القاعدة وداعش والوهابية بالطبع، حيث فتح الوحش الغربي فكّيْه لتبيّن أنيابه الداعشية وتنغرس في بدن الأمة.

في صبرا وشاتيلا وقف الطفل الفلسطيني الأعزل والمرأة والشيخ، بين فيض دموع ترحيل الفدائيين، غيلة وغدراً ومساومة، وبين سكين شارون وعملائه، الممتدّة بطول المكان من البنتاغون وحتى الكنيست!

ورُوي للأجيال اللاحقة عن كثير من الكذب، حول التعاطف والعواطف! لم يبكِ على الفلسطيني أحد! الا أهلُه في الدم والإنسانية الصافية، فأيّ مشهد عجيب هذا؟ قبل المذبحة ويوم المذبحة وحتى اللحظة، مطلوب رأسك أيها الفلسطيني، لأنّ المطلوب أرضك! حتى اليوم بل اليوم، وهذا الأهمّ، يرتجف الصهيوني أمام هول المقاومة، فيأتيه الوهابي راكعاً طائعاً متطوّعاً، ليغدر بالقديس الذي نبت على أرض المذبحة!

غادرت المقاومة، وحبلت الأرض بالمقاومة، وجاء الجديد أعلى وأشدّ عزيمة من القديم، ولم يتغيّر شيء، لا يزال جعجع يبكي شارون، ويستورد أدواته للقتل، وقد اندمج كلاهما في شخص واحد، وحين لا تقوى يده النجسة على فعل القتل المباشر، يلجأ للغدر!

وفي النهاية، إنه لبنان الذي يضمّ بين جنباته أشدّ التناقضات تناحرية وحِدَّةً: سيد المقاومة وأداة المذبحة جعجع وأضرابه! لبنان أصغر بقعة جغرافية تتكثف فيها أشدّ التناقضات تناحراً، بقعة تتعايش فيها نقائض لا يُحيط بفهمها أعتى الفلاسفة، وجه وجوهر التاريخ الحياة مقاومة، وقناع التاريخ…

الفاشي لا يتعايش، بل يركع للقوة والحذر والوعي، يطعن في الإعلام المريض لأنه لا يقوى، وحين يقوى سيقتل، وبين كونه لا يقوى وحتى يقوى يلدغ، ولا بدّ أن يغدُر.

المجد لدماء صبرا وشاتيلا…

المجد للدم الفلسطيني الذي لن تشربه الأرض!

كاتبة وناشطة فلسطينية

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On the 35th Anniversary of Sabra and Shatila: The Forgotten Refugees

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By Dr. Swee Chai Ang | Arab America | September 13, 2017

This September will be the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Sabra-Shatila Massacre in West Beirut. Three thousand unarmed refugees were killed from 15-18 September 1982.

I was then a young orthopedic trainee who had resigned from St Thomas Hospital to join the Christian Aid Lebanon medical team to help those wounded by Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. That invasion, named “Peace for Galilee”, and launched on 6 June 1982, mercilessly bombarded Lebanon by air, sea, and land. Water, food, electricity, and medicines were blockaded. This resulted in untold wounded and deaths, with 100,000 made suddenly homeless.

I was summoned to the Palestine Red Crescent Society to take charge of the orthopedic department in Gaza Hospital in Sabra- Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, West Beirut. I met Palestinian refugees in their bombed out homes and learned how they became refugees in one of the 12 Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. Before this encounter, I had never heard of Palestinians.

They recounted stories of being driven out of their homes in Palestine in 1948, often fleeing massacres at gunpoint. They fled with whatever possessions they could carry and found themselves in neighboring Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.

The United Nations put them in tents while the world promised they would return home soon. That expectation never materialized. Since then the 750,000 refugees, comprising half of the population of Palestine in 1948, continued to live in refugee camps in the neighboring countries. It was 69 years ago that this refugee crisis started. The initial 750,000 has since grown to 5 million. Palestine was erased from the map of the world and is now called Israel.

Soon after my arrival, the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation) evacuated. It was the price demanded by Israel to stop the further relentless bombardment of Lebanon and to lift the ten-week military blockade. Fourteen thousand able-bodied men and women from the PLO evacuated with the guarantee by Western powers that their families left behind would be protected by a multinational peacekeeping force.

Those leaving were soldiers, civil servants, doctors, nurses, lecturers, unionists, journalists, engineers, and technicians. The PLO was the Palestinians’ government in exile and the largest employer. Through evacuation, fourteen thousand Palestinian families lost their breadwinner, often the father or the eldest brother, in addition to those killed by the bombs.

That ceasefire lasted only three weeks. The multinational peacekeeping force, entrusted by the ceasefire agreement to protect the civilians left behind, abruptly withdrew. On September 15, several hundred Israeli tanks drove into West Beirut. Some of them ringed and sealed off Sabra-Shatila to prevent the inhabitants from fleeing. The Israelis sent their allies; a group of Christian militiamen trained and armed by them, into the camp. When the tanks withdrew from the perimeter of the camp on the 18 September, they left behind 3,000 dead civilians. Another seventeen thousand were abducted and disappeared.

On the 35th Anniversary of Sabra and Shatila: The Forgotten Refugees

Our hospital team, who had worked non-stop for 72 hours, was ordered to leave our patients at machine-gun point and marched out of the camp. As I emerged from the basement operating theatre, I learned the painful truth. While we were struggling to save a few dozen lives, people were being butchered by the thousands. Some of the bodies were already rotting in the hot Beirut sun. The images of the massacre are deeply seared into my memory: dead and mutilated bodies lining the camp alleys.

Only a few days before, they were human beings full of hope and life, rebuilding their homes, talking to me, trusting that they would be left in peace to raise their young ones after the evacuation of the PLO. These were people who welcomed me into their broken homes. They served me Arabic coffee and whatever food they found; simple fare but given with warmth and generosity. They shared their lives with me. They showed me faded photographs of their homes and families in Palestine before 1948 and the large house keys they still kept with them. The women showed me their beautiful embroidery, each with motifs of the villages they left behind. Many of these villages were destroyed after they left.

Some of these people became patients we failed to save. Others died on arrival. They left behind orphans and widows. A wounded mother begged us to take down the hospital’s last unit of blood from her to give to her child. She died shortly afterward. Children witnessed their mothers and sisters being raped and killed.

The terrified faces of families rounded up by gunmen while awaiting death; the desperate young mother who tried to give me her baby to take to safety; the stench of decaying bodies as mass graves continued to be uncovered will never leave me. The piercing cries of women who discovered the remains of their loved ones from bits of clothes, refugee identity cards, as more bodies were found continue to haunt me.

The people of Sabra Shatila returned to live in those very homes where their families and neighbors were massacred. They are a courageous people and there was nowhere else to go. Afterwards, other refugee camps were also blockaded, attacked and more people were killed. Today, Palestinian refugees are denied work permits in 30 professions and 40 artisan trades outside their camps. They have no passports. They are prohibited from owning and inheriting property. Denied the right of return to their homes in Palestine, they are not only born refugees, they will also die refugees and so will their children.

But for me, painful questions need to be answered. Not why they died, but why were they massacred as refugees? After 69 years, has the world already forgotten? How can we allow a situation where a person’s only claim to humanity is a refugee identity card? These questions have haunted me and they have yet to receive answers.

Dr. Swee Chai Ang is a Consultant Orthopaedic Surgeon and founder of Medical Aid for Palestinians. She is the author of: “From Beirut to Jerusalem,” published by The Other Press.

 

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