Weekly report on israel’s terrorism on Palestinians (28 March – 03 April 2019)

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations (28 March – 03 April 2019)

 

Israeli forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt)

(28 March – 03 April 2019)

  • Israeli forces continued to use excessive force against the peaceful protestors in the Gaza Strip.
  • Five Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, were killed during the 52nd week of the Great March of Return and Breaking the Siege.
  • 412 civilians, including 67 children, 11 women, 8 journalists, and 7 paramedics, were wounded. The injury of nine of them was reported serious.
  • 3 civilians were wounded after being targeted with a missile fired by an Israeli drone in the northern Gaza Strip.
  • Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian and wounded 8 others, including 5 children in the West Bank.
  • Israeli settlers shot dead a Palestinian civilian and wounded another in southern Nablus.
  • Israeli forces conducted 68 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 3 other incursions into the Gaza Strip.
  • 44 Palestinian civilians, including 7 children and 3 women, were arrested in the West Bank.
  • 16 of them, including 2 children and 3 women, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem.
  • Shooting incidents continued against Palestinian farmers and shepherds in the border areas of the Gaza Strip.
  • Israeli authorities continued to create a Jewish majority in occupied East Jerusalem.
  • Two under-construction residential buildings, parts of al-Andalus pool and club, and a parking lit were demolished.

 

  • Five Shooting incidents were reported against the fishing boats in the Gaza Strip Sea.
  • Israeli forces turned the West Bank into cantons and continued to impose the illegal closure on the Gaza Strip for the 13th consecutive year.
  • Israeli forces established 92 permanent checkpoints and 103 temporary checkpoints in the West Bank.
  • 2 Palestinian civilians were arrested at military checkpoints in the West Bank.

 

Summary

 

Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law in the oPt continued during the reporting period (28 March – 03 April 2019).

 

Shooting:

 

In the Gaza Strip, the Israeli forces continued to use lethal force against the participants in the peaceful protests organized along the Gaza Strip borders, which witnessed the peaceful protests for the 52nd week along the eastern and northern border area of the Gaza Strip. They also continued to use force against Palestinians demonstrating the incursions into the West Bank. In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, and wounded 412 others, including 67 children, 11 women, 8 journalists, and 7 paramedics. The injury of nine of them was reported serious. Meanwhile, 3 other civilians were wounded after being targeted with a missile fired by a drone. In the West Bank, Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian and wounded 8 others, including 5 children, while Israeli settlers shot dead a Palestinian civilian and wounded another.

In the Gaza Strip, during the 52nd Friday of the Return and Breaking Siege March, Israeli forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, while pariciapting in the activities held to commemorate the 43rd anniversary of the Land Day and 1st anniversary of the breakout of the Great March of Return and Breaking the siege on 30 March 2019.

In Gaza City: on the abovementioned day morning, Israeli forces killed Mohammed Sa’ed (20), from al-Shija’iyah neighbourhood, after being wounded with a bullet to the chest that was fired by the Israeli forces at a group of civilians gathered 100 meters away from the western side of the border fence in Malakah area in al-Zaytoun neighborhood, east of Gaza City.  At approximately 15:15, Adham ‘Emarah (17), from al-Sha’af neughbourhood, was hit with a teargas canister to his face and then taken to al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, where his death was announced at 15:30.

In Khan Younis: Israeli forces stationed to southeastern side of the Return encampment opened fire and killed 2 Palestinians identified as Tamer Abu al-Kheir (18), from Hamad Housing Project in Khan Younis, who was wounded with a bullet to the chest, and Belal al-Najjar (17), from Bani Sheila, east of Khan Younis who was wounded with an explosive bullet to the chest, causing lacerations in his abdomen.  On 02 April 2019, medical sources in Naser Hospital in Khan Younis declared that Fares Abu Hajras (25), from Bani Sheila, east of the city, succumbed to wounds he sustained on 30 March 2019.  The abovementioned sustained a bullet wound to the abdomen when he was 20-30 meters away from the border fence in eastern Khuza’ah.

In excessive use of lethal force against the peaceful protesters along the Gaza Strip borders, during the reporting period, Israeli forces wounded 412 civilians, 67 children, 11 women, 8 journalists, and 7 paramedics. The injury of nine of them was reported serious.

 

Injuries in the Gaza Strip from 28 March – 03 April 2019 According to the Governorate

 

Governorate Injuries
Total Children Women Journalists Paramedics Critical Injuries
Northern Gaza Strip 48 14 0 0 1 2
Gaza City 79 0 0 0 1 0
Central Gaza Strip 69 15 6 2 1 2
Khan Yunis 94 23 2 0 2 0
Rafah 122 15 3 6 2 6
Total 412 67 11 8 7 9

 

 

  • As part of airstrikes, Israeli forces drones fired one missile at a group of civilians who were passing by the Shuhadaa’ Cemetery, east of Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip. AS a result, 4 civilians sustained shrapnel wounds in different parts of their bodies.

 

  • As part of targeting the Palestinian fishermen in the sea, the Israeli forces continued to escalate their attacks against the Palestinian fishermen, indicating the on-going Israeli policy to target their livelihoods. During the reporting period, PCHR documented 5 incidents were as follows: 2 incidents off Rafah Shore; 2 incidenta off Khan Yunis Shore, south of the Gaza Strip; and one incident off al-Waha resort shore, north of the Gaza Strip.

 

 

  • As part of targeting the border areas, on 28 March 2019, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of al-Shawka, east of Rafah, opened fire at a number of Palestinian civilians, who were collecting construction aggregates. However, no casualties were reported.

 

  • Om 29 March 2019, Israeli forces opened fire at the border area adjacent to the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, northwest of Beit Hanoun. However, no casualties were reported.

 

  • On 31 March 2019, Israeli forces opened fire at the agrictural lands, east of Gaza Valley village, but no casualties were reported.

 

 

In the West Bank, the Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian while another was shot dead by settlers.  On 02 April 2019, Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian and wounded 2 others when large number of Israeli forces moved into Qalendia refugee camp and Kafr ‘Aqab village, north of occupied East Jerusalem, to carry out an arrest campaign.  Meanwhile, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered at the entrance to the camp and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at the Israeli vehicles and soldiers, who in response fired live ammunition and rubber-coated metal bullets at them.  As a result, Mohammed Dar ‘Edwan (23) was killed and 2 others were wounded.

 

In a new crime of wilful killing committed by the settlers in the West Bank against the Palestinian civilians, on Wednesday, 03 April 2019, 2 settlers killed a Palestinian civilian and wounded another when the settlers opened fire at the one killed near Bita village square on Ramallah-Nablus Street, south of Nablus.

 

Incursions:

 

During the reporting period, Israeli forces conducted at least 68 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 5 other incursions into Jerusalem and its suburbs. During those incursions, Israeli forces arrested at least 28 Palestinians, including 5 children, from the West Bank, while 16 other civilians, including 2 children and 3 women, were arrested from Jerusalem and its suburbs.

 

In the Gaza Strip, on 28 March 2019, Israeli forces moved 100 meters into al-Shokah village, east of Rafah City in the southern Gaza Strip.  They levelled lands in front of the Return encampment and later redeployed along the border fence with Israel.

 

On 03 April 2019, Israeli forces conducted 2 similar incursions in eastern Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip and eastern al-Qararah village, northeast if Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip.

Israeli authorities continued to create a Jewish majority in occupied East Jerusalem.

  • As part of the Israeli house demolitions and notices, on 02 April 2019, Israeli municipality bulldozers demolished an under-construction residential building in Sho’afat in northern occupied East Jerusalem under the pretext of building without a license. The 2-storey building was built on 450 square meters and belonged to ‘Alaa’ and ‘Adnan Hoshiyah.  As soon as the building had been demolished, the Israeli bulldozers destroyed parts of al-Andalus club and swimming pool in the camp.  Mustafa al-Bayaa’, owner of the club, said the bulldozer destroyed parts of the second floor of the 300-square meter club.  They also demolished a parking lot at the entrance to Sho’fat refugee camp.
  • On the same day, the Israeli municipality bulldozers demolished an under-construction residential building in Beer ‘Onah area in Beit Jala under the pretext of non-licensing. The building’s owner said to lawyer Basimah ‘Issa that Jerusalem Municipality refused to license the building under the pretext that it is in an area where construction is prohibited.

Israeli Forces continued their settlement activities, and the settlers continued their attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property

 

  • As part of Israeli settlers’ attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property, on Monday morning, 01 April 2019, settlers punctured tires of Palestinian vehicles and wrote on them and on walls racist slogans near “Pisgat Ze’ev” settlement established on the lands of Beit Hanina village, north of occupied East Jerusalem. Jewish settlers carry out attacks against Palestinian property in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem, within a group titled as “Price Tag”. This  group carry out acts of intimidation amounting to murder attempts, burining and damaging Palestinian lands and property, attacking Isalmic and Christian holy sites and exhumation of graves.

 

 

 

Details

 

  1. Incursions into Palestinian Areas, and Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

 

 

Thursday, 28 March 2019:

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Hebron and stationed in Jabal Abu Roman neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Amer ‘Ayed Abu ‘Aisha (36) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Nablus. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested Yazan Redwan Atef Abu Rmaila (24) and Madin Rabah harbi Dawoud (23) in al-Tour Mount, south of Nablus, taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Halhoul City, north of Hebron, and stationed in al-Tharwa neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Ra’ed Nofal (33) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Sa’ir village, north of Hebron and stationed in al-‘Aroud area. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested ‘Amro Thiab al-Faroukh (23) and Mohammed Saleh al-Faroukh (25), taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Aroub Refugee Camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Wahib Wael al-‘Ajarma (17) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

 

  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Qalqas village, southeast of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Na’im Mohammed Abu Turki (32) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Abu Shkhaidem village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested ‘Ali Moussa Qendah (22), Mohammed Shadi al-Sous (21) and Yasser Nasser al-Sous (26), taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Bireh and stationed in al-Shurfa neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Abd al-Rahman Hussain Ibrahim (23) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 07:30, Israeli forces backed by military vehicles and bulldozers, moved 100 meters into al-Shawka village, east of Rafah, south of the Gaza Strip. The Israeli vehicles combed lands adjacent to the Return Camp. At approximately 12:30, the Israeli forces redeployed along the border fence.

 

  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, east of al-Shawka village, east of Rafah, opened fire and fired tear gas canisters at civilians collecting aggregates, and no casualties were reported.

 

  • At approximately 14:35, an Israeli drone fired one missile at a group of civilians passing near al-Shohada Cemetery, east of Jabalia, north of the Gaza Strip. As a result, three civilians were hit with shrapnel throughout their bodies and then taken to the Indonesian Hospital in Jabalia, where their injuries were reported Moreover, the Israeli forces issued a statement saying that an Israeli drone targeted a Palestinian cell that participated in firing incendiary balloons at the Israeli settlements adjacent to the Gaza Strip.

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (3) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Yatta; Sorif and Deir Samet villages in Hebron.

 

 

Friday, 29 March 2019:

 

  • At approximately 23:30, Israeli forces stationed inside watchtowers at Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing and in its vicinity, northwest of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza Strip, heavily opened fire at the area adjacent to the border fence with Israel. The Israeli shooting caused fear and panic among Palestinian civilians, whose houses are near the area, but no casualties were reported.

 

  • Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (7) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Nablus, ‘Assira al-Qablia and Madama villages, south of Nablus; Beit Ummar, al-Thaherya, Emraish, and Karza villages in Hebron.

 

Saturday, 30 March 2019:

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Salfit. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ibrahim Youssof al-Dik (26) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Kafl Haress village, north of Salfit. They raided and searched a house belonging to ‘Emad Mahmoud ‘Abd al-Hamid al-Qaq (16) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (5) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Mothalath al-Shohada village in Jenin; al-Samou’, Beit Ula, Fqaiqiss, and al-Hadb villages in Hebron.

 

Sunday, 31 March 2019

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Aroub Refugee Camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Adam Mohannad Abu Sham’a (16) and Isma’el Maher al-Shareef (17) and then arrested them. The Israeli forces later withdrew taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 07:30, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel opened fire at agriculture lands, east of Gaza Valley village (Johr al-Dik), southeast of Gaza City. As a result, Palestinian farmers were forced to flee fearing for their lives, and no casualties were reported.

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (5) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Hebron, Sa’ir, Bani N’aim, al-Simia, and Trama villages in Hebron.

 

Monday, 01 April 2019

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Monadel Naji Qabha (24) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Fawar Refugee Camp, south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmad Mohammad Abu ‘Awad (24) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Aroub Refugee Camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Ahmad Nedal Abu Ghazy (19) and Jehad ‘Emad al-Titi (17) and then arrested them, taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Tabaqah village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron, and stationed in al-Beid neighborhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmad Salama Abdul Mohssen Abu Ras (35) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into al-Sheikh neighborhood in Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmad Mohammad al-Baied (30) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (3) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Nablus; Karza and Tarqomia villages in Hebron.

 

Tuesday, 26 February 2019

 

  • At approximately 00:30, Israeli forces moved into Qalqilia. They raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmed Amin Horani (21), and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Shayoukh village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Hassan Ismail ‘Ashour Halayqah (39) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Zabouba village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Taleb Mohammed Jradat (21), and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Khelet al-Moghayer area, south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Anas Lahab al-Tamimi (22) and then summoned him to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Hamza ‘Ali ‘Ayad ‘Awad (19) and then summoned him to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.

 

  • At approximately 01:45, Israeli forces moved into Jalqmous village, east of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mo’awia Taher al-Qerm (24) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Beith Kahel village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Laith Mohammed al-Assafra (21) and then summoned him to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.

 

  • Around the same time, Israeli forces moved into Bitonia, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched a house belonging to Hassan Youssef (65), a leader in Hamas Movement, and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination. It should be noted that Hassan Youssef was a former prisoner in Israeli jails, where he served for 20 years in varying periods.

 

  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli gunboats stationed in the sea, west of Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, pumped water and opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area and chased them. As a result, fishermen were forced to flee towards the shore for fear of being wounded or arrested. Neither casualties nor damage to their boats was reported.

 

  • At approximately 17:30, Israeli gunboats stationed in the sea, west of Rafah, south of the Gaza Strip, heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within nine nautical miles and chased them. The shooting sporadically continued for more than two hours. As a result, the fishermen were forced to flee towards the shore for fear of being wounded or arrested. No casualties among them or damage to their boats were reported.

 

  • Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (9) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: Halhoul; Deir Samet village and al-Fawar Refugee Camp in Hebron; ‘Otra village, southeast of Nablus; al-Moghir, Beteen, Abu Qash, and Sarda Beit Rima villages in Ramallah and al-Bireh.

 

 

Wednesday, 27 February 2019

 

  • At approximately 00:45, Israeli forces moved into ‘Anzah village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Mohammed Walid Brahma (33) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces moved into Jabe’ village, south of Jenin and stationed in al-Mwaress area. They raided and searched a house belonging to Islam ‘Adel Tawfiq Ghananm and confiscated NIS 2500 claiming that “this money funds terrorism.” After confiscating the money, they handed Islam a warrant of the confiscated money and then withdrew from the house and village.

 

  • At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Kaffr Ra’i village, west of Jenin and stationed near Abi Thar al-Ghafari Mosque in the southern neighbourhood. They raided and searched a house belonging to Sana’ Mohammed Monib al-Sayed and then confiscated NIS 2300 claiming that “this money funds terrorism.” After confiscating the money, they handed Sana’ a warrant of the confiscated money despite her rejection to sign it and then withdrew from the house. Moreover, the Israeli forces raided and searched a house belonging to Ahmed Mohanned Isma’il Ya’aqba and then confiscated NIS 2250, 49 JD and 49 $.

 

  • At approximately 02:30, Israeli forces moved into Sires village, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched a house belonging to Adiba Tawfiq Hafeth Mahmoud in the southern eastern neighborhood and then confiscated NIS 600, 10 JD and two checks estimated at NIS 4000.

 

  • At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces backed by five military vehicles moved around 100 meters into the west of the border fence with Israel, east of Deir al-Balah in the Central Gaza Strip. The military vehicles combed the area until 15:00 and headed to the south, east of Khan Younis. They combed and leveled the area and after three hours, they redeployed along the border fence.

 

  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli gunboats stationed in the sea, west of Rafah, south of the Gaza Strip, heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within eight nautical miles and chased them. As a result, fishermen were forced to flee towards the shore for fear of being wounded or arrested. However, no casualties among them or damage to their boats were reported.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces backed by military vehicles moved 100 meters into the east of al-Qarara village, northeast of Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, coming from the east of al-Buraij. The military vehicles combed and leveled lands along the border fence heading to the south. After that, they redeployed along the border fence adjacent to al-Farahin neighborhood, east of ‘Abassan al-Kabira village.

 

  • At approximately 19:30, Israeli gunboats stationed in the sea, west of Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area and chased them. As a result, fishermen were forced to flee towards the shore for fear of being wounded or arrested. However, casualties among them or damage to their boats were reported.

 

  • At approximately 20:20, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Waha shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, south of the Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within three nautical miles and chased them. The shooting sporadically continued for more than two hours. As a result, fishermen were forced to flee towards the shore for fear of being wounded or arrested. However, no casualties among them or damage to their boats were reported.

 

 

Note: During the aforementioned day, Israeli forces conducted (8) incursions in the following areas and no arrests were reported: ‘Araba village, west of Jenin; Beit Forik village, east of Nablus; Hebron, Beit ‘Awa, al-Koum, Ethna, and Sorif villages in Hebron.

 

 

Use of Force against Demonstrations in Protest against the U.S. President’s Decision to Recognize Jerusalem as the Capital of Israel:

 

Israeli forces continued its excessive use of lethal force against peaceful demonstration organized by Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and it was named as “The Great March of Return and Breaking Siege.” The demonstration was in protest against the U.S. President Donald Trump’s declaration to move the U.S. Embassy to it. According to PCHR fieldworkers’ observations, the border area witnessed large participation by Palestinian civilians as the Israeli forces continued to use upon highest military and political echelons excessive force against the peaceful demonstrators, though the demonstration were fully peaceful. The demonstration was as follows during the reporting period:

 

 

Gaza Strip:

 

In the 52nd week of the March of Return and Breaking Siege activities on Friday, 29 March 2019, Israeli forces wounded 18 civilians, including three children, a journalist and a paramedic. The incidents were as follows:

 

  • Gaza City: The Israeli shooting at Palestinian demonstrators resulted in the injury of four civilians, including a paramedic. One of them was hit with a live bullet to the left foot and three were directly hit with tear gas canisters. The wounded paramedic, Hamam Kamal youssof Khadra (27), who works for PRCS, was hit with a tear gas canister to the right foot.

 

  • Northern Gaza Strip: The Israeli shooting, which continued from 15:00 until 19:00, at the Palestinian demonstrators resulted in the injury of ten civilians, including two children. Nine of them were hit with live bullets and shrapnel and one was directly hit with a tear gas canister. The injury of one of them was reported serious

 

 

  • Central Gaza Strip: At approximately 17:00, two civilians were injured, including a 13-year-old child, from al-Buraij. The wounded child was hit with a live bullet to the lower limbs.

 

  • Rafah: At approximately 21:00, Israeli stationed along the border fence with Israel adjacent to the Return Camp, east of al-Shawka, east of Rafah, fired live bullets and tear gas canisters at dozens of young men demonstrated in the area. As a result, two civilians, including a journalist, were injured. The wounded journalist, Mohammed Samih Hassan Abu Sultan (22), who works for the Pioneers of Truth Network, was hit with live bullet shrapnel to the abdomen.

 

 

On Saturday, 30 March 2019, coinciding the 43rd anniversary of Land Day and the 1st anniversary of the Great March of Return and Breaking Siege, Israeli forces killed four Palestinian civilians, including two children, and injured 394 civilians, including 64 children, 11 women, 7 journalists, and 6 paramedics. The Injury of eight of them was reported serious. The incidents were as follows:

 

Gaza City: At approximately 07:00, Israeli forces stationed along the border fence with Israel, opened fire at civilians, who were around 100 meters away from the border fence in Malaka area in al-Zaitoun neighborhood, east of Gaza. The Israeli shooting resulted in the injury of Mohammed Jehad Jawdat Sa’d (20), from al-Shuja’eya neighborhood. Jehad was hit with a live bullet to the chest and taken to al-Shefa Hospital in Gaza City. Moreover, at approximately 07:30, medical recourses announced Jehad’s death.

 

At approximately 13:00, the activities of the 43rd anniversary of Land Day and the 1st anniversary of the Great March of Return and Breaking Siege started in the east of Malaka Square, east of al-Zaitoun neighborhood. Despite the peaceful demonstration, the Israeli forces heavily opened fire and deliberately and randomly fired live and rubber bullets at participants. At approximately 15:15, Adham Nedal Saqer ‘Emara (17), from al-Sha’af neighborhood, was hit with a tear gas canister to the face. Adham was taken to al-Shefa Hospital in Gaza City. Moreover, at approximately 15:30, the medical resources announced Adham’s death. The Israeli shooting at the demonstrators resulted in the injury of 75 civilians. Thirty-eight of them were hit with live bullets, five were hit with rubber bullets and 42 were directly hit with tear gas canisters. In addition, a camera belonging to a journalist, Saber Ibrahim Shehda Nour al-Din, was hit with a tear gas canister  that damaged it.

 

Northern Gaza Strip: the Israeli shooting, which continued from 12:00 until 18:00, at Palestinian demonstrators resulted in the injury of 38 civilians, including 12 children and a paramedic. Two of them were hit with rubber bullets and 36 were directly hit with tear gas canisters. The wounded paramedic, Mohammed Nahed Rashid ‘Atallah (31) who works for the Civil Defense, was hit with a tear gas canister to the neck.  It should be noted that an ambulance belonging to al-‘Awda Hospital, which belongs to Health Work Committees, was hit with a tear gas canister to the left door and sustained damage.

 

Central Gaza Strip: The Israeli shooting at Palestinian demonstrators, which continued until 18:00, resulted in the injury of 67 civilians, including 14 children, six women, two journalists, and a paramedic. Fourteen of them were hit with live bullets and shrapnel, five were hit with rubber bullets and 48 were directly hit with tear gas canisters. The injury of two of them was reported serious.

 

It should be noted that on Tuesday, 02 April 2019, medical resources in Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis announced that Faris Youssef Fares Abu Hagras (25), from Bani Suhaila village, east of Khan Younis, succumbed to his wounds. At approximately 15:00, Fares was hit with a live bullet to the abdomen, while he was standing 20-30 meters away from the border fence with Israel, east of Khoza’a. He was taken to a field medical point and then to Nassr Hospital, where his injury was reported serious. Faris underwent three surgeries and was admitted to the ICU until he succumbed to his wounds.

 

The wounded journalists were identified as:

 

  • Mohammed Mosbah Mahmoud Balour (39), who works as a reporter for al-Aqsa Network, was hit with a rubber bullet to the lower limbs.
  • Mohammed Rebhi ‘Atallah Abu Hayah (23), who works as a photographer for al-Aqsa Network, was hit a rubber bullet to the lower limbs.

The wounded paramedic, Mohammed Hassan Deeb al-Wassifi (45), works as a volunteer paramedic in the Civil Defense.

 

Khan Younis: The shooting of Israeli forces stationed east and southeast of the Return Camp resulted in the killing of two civilians identified as:

  • Tamer Hashem ‘Issa Abu al-Khair (18), from Hamad City in Khan Younis, was hit with a live bullet to the chest. At approximately 15:55, Tamer was taken to European Hospital due to his critical condition. Doctors attempted to save his life, but their attempts failed so that at approximately 19:00, his death was declared.
  • Belal Mahmoud Sha’ban al-Najar (17), from Bani Suhaila village, east of Khan Younis. At approximately 15:15, he was hit with an explosive live bullet to the chest resulting in lacerations in the abdomen. PCHR’s fieldworker took photos and a video showing that while a number of paramedics was raising their hands, they went to Belal after he was wounded around 20 meters away from the border fence with Israel and took him to an ambulance as his condition was serious. They then took him to a field medical point and then to the Algerian Hospital. After that, they referred him to Gaza European Hospital in Khan Younis. Doctors attempted to save his life, but their attempts failed so that at approximately 22:00, Belal’s death was declared.

 

The Israeli forces opened fire and fired tear gas canisters at Palestinian demonstrators resulting in the injury of 94 civilians, including 23 children, two women and two paramedics. Fourty-one of them were hit with live bullets and shrapnel while 53 were directly hit with tear gas canisters. The wounded paramedics were identified as:

  • Khaled Moussa Fssaifess (21), from Bani Suhaila, who works as a volunteer for Elite Medical Team, was hit with a teargas canister to the right foot.
  • ‘Amer Khaled Madi (25), from Khan Younis Camp, who works as a volunteer for Palestine Red Crescent Society, was hit with a rubber bullet to the face.

PCHR’s fieldworkers said that the Israeli forces increased the sniper-positioning points and raised the sand berms on which the snipers position, enabling them to see clearly and completely the area, where the protestors spread, and deep into the Return encampment.

 

Rafah:  the Israeli shooting, which continued from 13:00 until 18:00, at Palestinian demonstrators resulted in the injury of 120 civilians, including 15 children, 3 women, 2 paramedics, and 5 journalists. Sixty-nine of them were hit with live bullets and shrapnel, 51 civilians were directly hit with tear gas canisters. The injury of six of them was reported serious. The wounded paramedics were identified as:

  • Amin Jehad Mohammed al-Balbaishi (30), who works for the Military Medical Services, was hit with a tear gas canister to the head.
  • Esra’ Mohammed Mershed al-Qadi (23), who works as a volunteer for Abdullah- Pulse of life Team, was hit with a tear gas canister to the left leg.

The wounded journalists were identified as:

  • ‘Alaa’ ‘Abd al-Fatah Ibrahim al-Namla (35), who works for al-Quds Network, was hit with a tear gas canister to the left leg.
  • Mohammed Omar Qandeel Qandeel (30), who works as a freelance journalist, was hit with a tear gas canister to the right leg.
  • Belal Fawzi Sha’ban al-Derbi (20), who works for the Pioneers of Truth Network, was hit with a tear gas canister to the face.
  • ‘Abdullah Mahmoud Khamis al-Ranteessi (24), who works as a freelance journalist, was hit with a tear gas canister to the back.
  • ‘Ata Bassel Mohammed Fojo (21), who works for Sama al-Quds Network, was hit with a tear gas canister to the right leg.

 

 

West Bank:

 

  • Following the Friday prayer, on 29 March 2019, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders headed to the lands of al-Sahl area, east of al-Moghir village, northeast of Ramallah, to peacefully protest against the Israeli settlers’ attempt to confiscate and seize the lands. When the demonstrators arrived at the area, Israeli soldiers fired live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, four children were injured. Two of them were hit with live bullets and the other two were hit with rubber bullets.

 

 

  1. Continued closure of the oPt

 

Israel continued to impose a tight closure on the oPt, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

 

Gaza Strip

 

Israeli forces continuously tighten the closure of the Gaza Strip and close all commercial crossings, making the Karm Abu Salem crossing the sole commercial crossing of the Gaza Strip, although it is not suitable for commercial purposes in terms of its operational capacity and distance from markets.

Israeli forces have continued to apply the policy, which is aimed to tighten the closure on all commercial crossings, by imposing total control over the flow of imports and exports.

 

Israeli forces have continued to impose a total ban on the delivery of raw materials to the Gaza Strip, except for very limited items and quantities. The limited quantities of raw materials allowed into Gaza do not meet the minimal needs of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip.

 

Israeli forces also continued to impose an almost total ban on the Gaza Strip exports, including agricultural and industrial products, except for light-weighted products such as flowers, strawberries, and spices. However, they lately allowed the exportation of some vegetables such as cucumber and tomatoes, furniture and fish.

 

Israel has continued to close the Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing for the majority of Palestinian citizens from the Gaza Strip. Israel only allows the movement of a limited number of groups, with many hours of waiting in the majority of cases. Israel has continued to adopt a policy aimed at reducing the number of Palestinian patients allowed to move via the Beit Hanoun crossing to receive medical treatment in hospitals in Israel or in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israel also continued applying the policy of making certain civilian traveling via the crossing interviewed by the Israeli intelligence service to be questioned, blackmailed or arrested.

 

Movement at Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom) crossing, southeast of Rafah, is designated for the movement of goods

 

  • Note:Due to technical reasons, we could not obtain the official statistics from the department responsible for issuing the statistics

 

Beit Hanoun (“Erez”) crossing, in the north of the Gaza Strip, is designated for the movement of individuals, and links the Gaza Strip with the West Bank.

 

 

 

 

 

 Movement at Beit Hanoun (“Erez”) crossing

(19-25 March 2019)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  • Following table illustrates temporary and permanent checkpoints and arrests at these checkpoints in the West Bank from 28 March- 03 April2019:
Governorate Permanent temporary Temporary checkpoints Closed Roads Arrested persons
Jerusalem 13 7
Nablus 10 15 2 2
Jenin 5 3
Ramallah 11 17 4
Tulkarm 7 3 1
Tubas 2 3 1
Salfit 3 9 1
Qalqiliyia 5 6 4
Hebron 20 31 9
Bethlehem 11 9 2
Jericho 5
Al-Karama Crossing
Total 92 103 24

 

 

Arrests at Military Checkpoints:

 

 

  • At approximately 18:00, on Sunday, 31 March 2019, Israeli forces stationed at Beit Fourik checkpoint, east of Nablus, arrested ‘Aref Ayman Haj Mohammad (18), from Beit Fourik, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 14:00, on Tuesday, 02 April 2019, Israeli forces stationed at Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, Thaer Waleed ‘Amer (33), from Kafr Qallil, south of Nablus, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

 

A Civilian Killed and Another Injured by Israeli Settlers, South of Nablus

 

  • In a new crime of willful killing, which Israeli settlers carry out against Palestinians civilians, on Wednesday, 03 April 2019, two settlers killed a Palestinian civilian and injured another when they opened fire at the first civilian near Bita village square in Nablus-Ramallah Street, south of Nablus. According to PCHR’s investigations, eyewitnesses and DVR’s footage, at approximately 08:32, on Wednesday, 03 April 2019, Mohammad ‘Abdul Mon’im Abul Fattah (23), from Khirbet Qeis in Salfit, arrived at Beita village square, crossed the street, stood between two waste containers near al-Tamimi Gas Station, and threw stones at two Israeli settlers’ cars that were on the way. Moreover, he threw stones at a third car with an Israeli registration plate, which came from Howara village to Za’tara checkpoint. The car stopped at the square and the driver opened fire at him, hitting him directly with a live bullet and forcing him to take cover under the settler’s car. As a result, a civilian namely Khaled Salah Mohammad Rawajha (23) was hit with a live bullet, which penetrated his left waist. Khaled was then taken to Rafidia Surgical Hospital in Nablus to receive treatment. Meanwhile, a truck with Israeli registration plate arrived at the place. The driver then stepped out of his truck carrying a gun and shot Mohammad dead, together with the other settler. Following his death, Israeli forces arrived and locked down the area. Furthermore, an Israeli ambulance arrived and took the Mohammad’s corpse to an unknown destination. Following that, the Israeli forces raided an automobile repair shop, watched the surveillance (DVR’s) footage and deleted the footage from 08:32 to 10:00 to hide their crimes.

 

Killings and Shootings:

 

  • At approximately 03:00, on Thursday 02 April 2019, a large number of Israeli forces backed by several military vehicles moved into Qalandia refugee camp and Kafr ‘Aqab village, north of occupied East Jerusalem. In conjunction with closing Qalandia checkpoint on both sides, the Israeli forces deployed along the main street adjacent to Qalandia refugee camp, which leads to Kafr ‘Aqab, and raided a residential building in “Sekal intersection” area. They then moved into Qalandia refugee camp via the main entrance. They raided and searched several houses belonging to Moteir family, from which they arrested three brothers namely Yusif (34), Ibrahim (31) and Rajab No’man Muteir (26), taking them to an unknown destination. Meanwhile, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered at the camp’s entrance and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at the Israeli forces and military vehicles. The Israeli forces immediately fired live and rubber bullets at them. At approximately 04:30, clashes reached al-Matar Street adjacent to the camp. The Israeli forces heavily opened fire at the Palestinian young men. As a result, two Palestinian civilians were hit with live bullets to the lower limbs. Moreover, the Israeli forces opened fire at Mohammad ‘Ali Dar ‘Adwan (23) at a close range (as shown in a video posted on social media). As a result, he was hit with several bullets to the chest. They then arrested him though he was in a critical condition. They later handed him to the Palestinian medical personnel to be taken to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah after he was declared dead.
    Israel commander of Ramallah, Qalandia refugee camp and Kafr ‘Aqab, known as “Captain Hossam” on social media, said that during the police and soldiers’ activity in the area, dozens of Palestinian young men threw pipe bombs at the soldiers, resulting in clashes between them. As a result, Mohammad ‘Ali Dal ‘Adwan was killed.
    After Mohammad’s funeral procession, violent clashes broke out between dozens of Palestinian young men and the Israeli forces at the entrance to Qalandia refugee camp near Qalandia military checkpoint. The Israeli forces fired live and rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, two Palestinian civilians, including a child, were hit with rubber bullets and were then taken to Palestine Medical Complex to receive treatment.
    In their statement, Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said that their personnel were in the area when the clashes broke out between the Palestinian young men and the Israeli forces near Qalandia military checkpoint. PRCS added that their personnel transferred a child, who was hit with a rubber bullet to the head, and another civilian, who was hit with rubber bullets to the cheek, to the hospital to receive treatment. Furthermore, the Palestinian Health Ministry said that the two civilians injured with rubber bullets were transferred to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah and clarified that they are in a stable health condition.

 

 

  • Efforts to Create A Jewish majority

 

 

Israeli forces escalated their attacks on Palestinian civilians and their property. They have also continued their raids on al-Aqsa Mosque and denied the Palestinians access to it:

 

 

Arrests and Incursions:

 

  • At approximately 01:00, on Thursday, 28 March 2019, Israeli forces moved into Shu’fat Refugee Camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested Mahmoud Amjad Jaber (22) and Mohammad ‘Abdullah ‘Amer (19), taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Bostan neighborhood in Silwan, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched a house belonging to Khader ‘Oda and then arrested his children Ahmad (12) and Jom’a (13), taking them to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Suwana neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched a house belonging to Majdi Mahmoud Abu Ghazala (28) and then arrested him, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 09:00, on Thursday, 28 March 2019, Israeli police arrested ‘Arafat Najeeb (32), a guard of al-Aqsa Mosque, while he was in the mosque’s yards. They then took him to a detention center. Few hours later, they released ‘Arafat after handing him an order that denies him access to al-Aqsa Mosque for two weeks.

 

  • On 29 March 2019, following the Friday prayer, Israeli forces arrested three mothers of Palestinian prisoners after they got out of al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. Eyewitnesses said that that the families of Palestinian prisoners organized a sit-in in al-Aqsa yards after the Friday prayer in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons. After the families got out of the mosque, the Israeli forces arrested three women namely Kholoud Na’eem al-A’war, Iman al-A’war and Najah ‘Oda.

 

  • At approximately 15:00, on Saturday, 30 March 2019, Israeli forces arrested Yazan ‘Emad Syam (22) while he was walking in Salah al-Deen Street, in central occupied East Jerusalem, taking him to an unknown destination.

 

  • At approximately 10:00, on Sunday 31 March 2019, Israeli police arrested Wessam Khaled al-‘Araj (28), a guard of al-Aqsa Mosque, in front of al-Rahma Gate prayer area in al-Aqsa Mosque yards in occupied East Jerusalem under the pretext of opening the gates to the prayer area. They then took him to a detention center in occupied East Jerusalem. It should be mentioned that the Israeli police has denied more than 20 guards of al-Aqsa Mosque access to the mosque until today on grounds of opening the gates to al-Rahma Gate prayer area, considering it as an action that opposes the police’s orders to keep them closed.

 

  • At approximately 09:00, on 02 April 2019, Israeli police arrested two young men, from Jerusalem, for opening al-Rahma prayer area gates in al-Aqsa Mosque yards in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, taking them to their detention centers. Islamic Endowment Department “Awqaf” said that the Israeli police arrested Basshar Najeeb (19) and Tawfiq Najeeb (21) in front of al-Rahma Gate prayer area. They added that they were arrested for opening the gates to al-Rahma Gate prayer area for prayers and were then taken to Israeli detention centers in the Old City. Moreover, they stressed that the Israeli police raided al-Qibli Mosque though a number of al-Aqsa guards tried to prevent them. As a result, altercations broke out. Meanwhile, 38 Israeli settlers protected by 31 Israeli police officers and intelligence raided al-Aqsa Mosque.

 

 

Notices and House Demolitions:

 

  • At approximately 08:00, on Tuesday, 02 April 2019, Israeli Civil Administration bulldozers demolished three facilities in Shu’fat refugee camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. According to PCHR’s investigations and eyewitnesses, at approximately 08:00, on Tuesday, 02 April 2019, in large numbers, Israeli forces accompanied with bulldozers and backed by an Israeli helicopter moved into Shu’fat refugee camp, from “Ras Khamees” suburb. The Israeli forces deployed on the camp’s streets. The bulldozers then started to demolish a residential building belonging to Hawshia’s family near the annexation wall that separates the camp from “Pisgat Ze’ev” settlement. ‘Alaa Hoshia said that the 450-square-meter building that ‘Adnan Hoshia and he own is comprised of two under-construction floors. He stressed that the demolition came without any prior notices and the court gave them until 10 May 2019 to carry out the self-demolition order. Hoshia added that they started to build in mid-2018 and the Israeli municipality issued a decision to stop construction works and demolish the building at the beginning of 2019. He mentioned that the Israeli municipality staff handed him an order to pay “demolition fees” estimated at NIS 150,000-200,000. Moreover, ‘Adnan Hoshia, the second owner of the building, was hit with two rubber bullets to the leg and chest when he tried to be present in the vicinity of the building at the time of its demolition. Furthermore, he was handed a notice for investigation. Following the demolition, Israeli bulldozers demolished parts of al-Andalus Club and swimming pool in the camp. Mostafa al-Baya’, owner of the facility, said that the bulldozers demolished parts of the second 300-square-meter floor and then stopped the demolition under the pretext that there was a “decision to stop the demolition”. Al-Baya’ also pointed out that the building was established in 2013 and at the beginning of 2019; the Israeli municipality issued a decision to demolish it and was then frozen until the end of April 2019. Al-Baya’ also added that the building is comprised of two floors: the first is a swimming pool while the second is a club. Parts of the club were demolished, leaving the building completely damaged and in an unusable condition. Khader al-Debes, Head of the Committee against the Annexation Wall and Settlement Activity, said that the Israeli bulldozers leveled a parking lot at the entrance to Shu’fat refugee camp.

 

  • At approximately 08:30, Israeli bulldozers belonging to the Israeli Municipality demolished a residential building under construction in Be’r ‘Ona area in Beit Jala City, under the pretext of non-licensing. The building’s owner, Bassema Mohammed ‘Issa (54), who works as a lawyer, said that Israeli forces along with Municipality’s staff and two bulldozers raided her residential building, which is still under construction. She also said that she has attempted to obtain a building license for her building, but the Municipality of Jerusalem refused, claiming that construction is prohibited in the area where the building was established. Bassema added that she received a demolition notice from the Israel Civil Administration and Magistrate and District Courts, and then from the Supreme Court in Jerusalem. She also said that she refused to implement the self-demolition decision on 01 April. Bassema knew from Israeli authorities that she will be fined with around NIS 300,000 if she did not self-demolish the building. It should be noted that Be’r ‘Ona area belonged to Bethlehem Municipality during the Jordanian administration in the West Bank before 1967, but the Israeli authorities annexed it to the municipal borders  of Jerusalem.

 

 

Settlement activities and attacks by settlers against Palestinian civilians and property

 

 

Israeli forces’ attacks:

 

 

  • At approximately 10:00, on Sunday, 31 March 2019, Israeli forces backed by two military vehicles and a vehicle of the Israeli Civil Administration moved into al-Jawaya, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. An Israeli Civil Administration officer handed the houses’ owners two demolition notices for a house and a barrack built of tint plates under the pretext of non-licensing. The two-story house of 140 square meters house belongs to Abdul Mutalib Hammad Mohammad Jawaj’a and the 120-square-meter barrack belongs to Moussa Hassan al-Shawaheen. It should be noted that the two notices gave both owners seven days to appeal.

 

 

Israeli settlers’ attacks:

 

  • At morning hours on Monday, 01 April 2019, Israeli settlers punctured Palestinian vehicles’ tires and wrote on it and on the walls racist slogans near “Pisgat Ze’ev” settlement established on Beit Hanina village’s lands, north of Occupied East Jerusalem. Eyewitnesses said that a group of settlers attacked the Palestinian vehicles near “Pisgat Ze’ev” settlement and punctured their tires. The eyewitnesses added that the settlers wrote racist slogans on some of the vehicles and on the walls. The Israeli police said in its statement that walls and vehicles belonging to Palestinians sustained damage near “Pisgat Ze’ev” It should be noted that the Israeli settlers carry out attacks against Palestinian property in the West Bank and Occupied East Jerusalem within the so-called “Price Tag” group. This group carries out intimidation acts that may amount to murder attempts, burning and damaging Palestinian lands and property, attacking Islamic and Christian holy sites, and exhumation of graves.
  • Recommendations to the International Community

 

PCHR warns of the escalating settlement construction in the West Bank, the attempts to legitimize settlement outposts established on Palestinian lands in the West Bank and the continued summary executions of Palestinian civilians under the pretext that they pose a security threat to the Israeli forces. PCHR reminds the international community that thousands of Palestinian civilians have been rendered homeless and lived in caravans under tragic circumstances due to the latest Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip that has been under a tight closure for almost 11 years. PCHR welcomes the UN Security Council’s Resolution No. 2334, which states that settlements are a blatant violation of the Geneva Conventions and calls upon Israel to stop them and not to recognize any demographic change in the oPt since 1967.  PCHR hopes this resolution will pave the way for eliminating the settlement crime and bring to justice those responsible for it. PCHR further reiterates that the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, are still under Israeli occupation in spite of Israel’s unilateral disengagement plan of 2005.  PCHR emphasizes that there is international recognition of Israel’s obligation to respect international human rights instruments and international humanitarian law.  Israel is bound to apply international human rights law and the law of war, sometimes reciprocally and other times in parallel, in a way that achieves the best protection for civilians and remedy for the victims.

  1. PCHR calls upon the international community to respect the Security Council’s Resolution No. 2334 and to ensure that Israel respects it as well, in particular point 5 which obliges Israel not to deal with settlements as if they were part of Israel.
  2. PCHR calls upon the ICC this year to open an investigation into Israeli crimes committed in the oPt, particularly the settlement crimes and the 2014 offensive on the Gaza Strip.
  3. PCHR Calls upon the European Union (EU) and all international bodies to boycott settlements and ban working and investing in them in application of their obligations according to international human rights law and international humanitarian law considering settlements as a war crime.
  4. PCHR calls upon the international community to use all available means to allow the Palestinian people to enjoy their right to self-determination through the establishment of the Palestinian State, which was recognized by the UN General Assembly with a vast majority, using all international legal mechanisms, including sanctions to end the occupation of the State of Palestine.
  5. PCHR calls upon the international community and United Nations to take all necessary measures to stop Israeli policies aimed at creating a Jewish demographic majority in Jerusalem and at voiding Palestine from its original inhabitants through deportations and house demolitions as a collective punishment, which violates international humanitarian law, amounting to a crime against humanity.
  6. PCHR calls upon the international community to condemn summary executions carried out by Israeli forces against Palestinians and to pressurize Israel to stop them.
  7. PCHR calls upon the States Parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC to work hard to hold Israeli war criminals accountable.
  8. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to fulfill their obligations under article (1) of the Convention to ensure respect for the Conventions under all circumstances, and under articles (146) and (147) to search for and prosecute those responsible for committing grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions to ensure justice and remedy for Palestinian victims, especially in light of the almost complete denial of justice for them before the Israeli judiciary.
  9. PCHR calls upon the international community to speed up the reconstruction process necessary because of the destruction inflicted by the Israeli offensive on Gaza.
  10. PCHR calls for a prompt intervention to compel the Israeli authorities to lift the closure that obstructs the freedom of movement of goods and 1.8 million civilians that experience unprecedented economic, social, political and cultural hardships due to collective punishment policies and retaliatory action against civilians.
  11. PCHR calls upon the European Union to apply human rights standards embedded in the EU-Israel Association Agreement and to respect its obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights when dealing with Israel.
  12. PCHR calls upon the international community, especially states that import Israeli weapons and military services, to meet their moral and legal responsibility not to allow Israel to use the offensive in Gaza to test new weapons and not accept training services based on the field experience in Gaza in order to avoid turning Palestinian civilians in Gaza into testing objects for Israeli weapons and military tactics.
  13. PCHR calls upon the parties to international human rights instruments, especially the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to pressurize Israel to comply with its provisions in the oPt and to compel it to incorporate the human rights situation in the oPt in its reports submitted to the relevant committees.
  14. PCHR calls upon the EU and international human rights bodies to pressurize the Israeli forces to stop their attacks against Palestinian fishermen and farmers, mainly in the border area.
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The Brink-a film review by Eve Mykytyn

April 04, 2019  /  Gilad Atzmon

Introduction by GA: Steve Bannon is probably the most unpopular character as far as progressives and liberals are concerned. People who like to see themselves at the Left side of the political spectrum  regard Bannon as a vile hateful character as well as a rabid antisemite. Yet, symptomatically or even tragically, those who detest Bannon shy away from tackling his populist mantra. This is rather concerning considering the fact that Bannon has proven to be a shrewd political tactician and even a kingmaker. It is probably Bannon who carries the prime responsibility for Trump’s successful presidential campaign. Those who are fearful of Bannon revert to name-calling: they slalom in between his ideas with the hope that no one notices. They do their best to avoid anything that may evoke thinking or resemble reasoning.  It is not a secret that those who currently claim to advocate social justice are apparently too fearful to engage with substance but they fail to do so in the name of social justice.  

 In the following film review Eve Myktyn tells us about Alison Klayman’s The Brink.  Mykytyn went to the film hoping to learn more about Bannon but it seems she left the cinema knowing more about Klayman’s phobia of the man. If those who call themselves progressives want to sustain relevance, sooner or later they will have to engage in a proper intellectual exchange as name calling, misquoting and crude editing tactics do not do justice to social justice. 

A film review by Eve Mykytyn

Steve Bannon may well be, as he is often called,  the ‘architect of evil.’  But Alison Klayman’s mystifying documentary, The Brink, which sets out to “[use] Bannon’s own words and behaviors to reveal his hypocrisy and expose the danger he poses to liberal democracy”  fails to show Bannon as hypocritical or dangerous.

The film’s opens begins with Bannon talking about a journey he made to World War II’s concentration camps. He notes that the Birkenau concentration camp was built using the finest of German engineering and wonders how ordinary Germans could get together and plan such a site. Perhaps Klayman felt that she couldn’t cut this otherwise disconnected scene because it showed Bannon to be an anti Semite, although he was simply musing about how a concentration camp came to be built. Is any question about any aspect of the Holocaust verboten? Apparently so, The Forward  interprets Bannon’s remarks as: “rhapsodiz[ing] about the precise engineering of one of the most evil thing humans have ever created, the Birkenau extermination camp.”

Instead, of engaging with Bannon’s avowedly nationalist politics, much of the film is devoted to a fly-on-the-wall view of Bannon’s daily routine. Bannon eats and drinks (a combination of  Red Bull and a disgusting mess of green ‘diet’ juice), speaks at rallies, poses for photos, meets with nationalist leaders in Europe, touts his propaganda movie, and texts and talks endlessly on the phone: so much film time is devoted to the quotidian aspects of Bannon’s life that the shrewd and divisive political operative is reduced to boring.

Klayman attempts to score a point by asking Bannon where he is, so that she can report that he is on an airfield for private planes. Is Bannon’s not particularly luxurious private plane, filled with his allies and journalists really relevant to the larger debate?

The film follows Bannon to Toronto where he appears for a formal debate with David From on the proposition that the “future of western politics is populist, not liberal.”  This is finally the real debate. Is it ‘country first’ or do we have a responsibility to all without regard to borders? The debate can be found here (the first 10 minutes of chatter can be skipped): the exchange between two articulate men whose views are antithetical to each other is well worth the time. Tellingly, The Brink does not show the debate, instead we see the effects that Bannon’s presence evokes. The protests outside the debate are portrayed as huge and scary, inside Bannon gently confronts hecklers, whose poor behavior he comically attributes to an ‘ex-wife.’  That’s it. The Brink apparently feels no need to counter Bannon’s views or even better, simply show From’s effective dissent.

 

When the film does allow Bannon to articulate his thesis, it is in a brief scene in which Bannon is speaking to a rally. In it, Bannon states that the benefits of citizenship should be distributed only to citizens, without regard to race, religion or sexual preference.  This is the core of the populist nationalist movement that helped elect Donald Trump and has scored victories in Britain, France, Belgium and Sweden.  Bannon’s current project is to knit together like-minded counter globalists from Europe and the United States.

The Brink’s opposition to nationalist populism is left to Guardian reporter Paul Lewis who accuses Bannon of using “anti-Semitic tropes,” then interrupts Bannon’s denial. Bannon insists that there’s nothing nefarious about using the term “globalist” or criticizing George Soros for the NGOs he funds. Vogue claims Bannon uses the term globalist “with a wink and a nod…as a stand-in for Jews.”  Bannon’s movement is opposed to globalism. Is there a non anti Semitic way to oppose globalism?

Just  in case anyone failed to understand the intended message, the film ends with a stirring homage to the current crop of new representatives with the background picture of Washington, DC lit in rainbow hues. Apparently, a diverse group of new congressmen and women is a refutation of Bannon and what he stands for, too bad that The Brink fails to explain why that may be so.

My battle for truth and freedom involves some expensive legal services. I hope that you will consider committing to a monthly donation in whatever amount you can give. Regular contributions will enable me to avoid being pushed against a wall and to stay on top of the endless harassment by Zionist operators attempting to silence me.

source: https://www.evemykytyn.com/reviews/2019/4/3/review-of-the-brink

Denote

Is Anti Semitism A Symptom Of Measles?

ortodox.jpg

By Eve Mykytyn

The New York Times reported that: “An Outbreak Spreads Fear, of Measles, of Ultra Orthodox Jews, of Anti Semitism.” The Times’ reporting on a measles outbreak focuses not on the negative health effects of measles or on the risk that others will contract the disease but on the sensitivities of the Hasidic community and the as yet unsubstantiated fear that the outbreak might increase anti Semitism.

Rockland County, a northern exurb of New York City, has one of the largest concentrations of Hasidic Jews in the United States. Since October, there have been 157 confirmed cases of measles in the county. County health officials said that after the first cases of measles were contracted by people who had traveled to Israel the disease spread to the children of ultra-Orthodox families who were not vaccinated.  In November, the county instituted “exclusion orders” that barred unvaccinated children from attending schools with low vaccination rates.

Last Tuesday, County officials declared a state of emergency, barring unvaccinated children from public places, including restaurants, shopping centers, houses of worship and schools. County spokesman, John G. Lyon, said there would not be any active enforcement of the emergency rule. “There won’t be police officers… outside of grocery stores. Nobody’s going to ask anyone to see their vaccination records or medical history.” He explained that  the order was intended as an incentive for people both to vaccinate their children and to cooperate with the health department’s efforts to contain the outbreak.

Hasidic leaders said they feared an invasion of their community by the authorities under the guise of public health. Aron Wieder, an Hasidic Rockland County state legislator, complained that he had learned about the order from news reports, and that Hasidim had been excluded from the decision-making process. Of course, the decision was made by health authorities and no communities should have been or were consulted. But Wieder warned that people “who are true haters, will take advantage of this type of situation and it just pours fuel on the fire.”

Wieder claimed that he has fielded ‘nonstop phone calls’ from fellow Hasidim fearful of being vilified. “The conception that is out there is completely distorted, and that is, that the Orthodox community for the most part don’t vaccinate their children, and that is not true.” Wieder said that the county executive had a’ moral obligation’ to defend the Hasidic community against accusations of spreading measles. Which I suppose means that Wieder believes that the county executive has a moral obligation to correct the accurate observation that the Hasidim are the ones spreading measles. (larger outbreaks are occurring in Hasidic communities in New York City). There have been measles outbreaks in other states as well, and not all are linked to Hasidic communities.

Steve Gold, the chairman of the Jewish Community Relations Council for the Jewish Federation of Rockland, shared Mr. Wieder’s concerns, saying the move by county officials risked exacerbating the anti-Semitism that already existed in the area before the measles crisis. He pointed to anti-Semitic episodes, citing a 2017 incident of swastikas spray-painted on trees. “I think it just opened up the door for everybody to say whatever they wanted to say,” Mr. Gold said. “And they’re putting, the way it looks right now, 100 percent blame on the Orthodox community.”

This outbreak of hysteria by the Hasidim over possible anti Semitism resulting from their own behavior, is in part a continuation of the existing tensions between the Hasidim and their neighbors in this formerly exurban environment now marred by high density developments. The divisions are primarily the result of the battle over schools and school funding.  The Hasidim, who do not use the public schools, have managed to gain control of local school boards. Funding for the public schools has been cut and money has been siphoned to yeshivas. It is possible that where the Hasidim see anti Semitism, what they are really seeing are the consequences of their own treatment of their neighbors.

source: https://www.evemykytyn.com/writing/2019/4/2/is-anti-semitism-a-symptom-of-measles

Serious question: What is Zionism?

April 01, 2019  /  Gilad Atzmon

Introduction by GA: In the following  article John Carville digs into the belly of the beast. He questions the validity of the dichotomy between the ‘J’ and the ‘Z.’  He calls to launch a critical study of different aspects of Jewish culture, politics, identity and power. In 2011 I published The Wandering Who? A Study of Jewish Identity Politics. The book was denounced by Zionists and Jewish anti Zionists alike as it proclaimed that since Israel defines itself as the Jewish State it is Jewishness (rather than Zionism) which we must understand first.  In the book I offered a solution to some of  the questions raised by Craville. I contended that instead of asking ‘what Jews are’ or even ‘what Judaism is,’ we should study what are the set of ideologies, precepts and philosophies that people who self identify as Jews adhere to. In my work, Jews are neither a biological continuum nor they are a religious collective. In The Wandering Who Jewishness proves itself to be an elastic identitarian construct.  

We have learned to accept that we are living in a post truth era.  But here is the good news: the more is invested in suppressing the truth, the more the truth is keen to unveil itself.

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Serious question: What is Zionism?

By John Carville

If Zionism was the political movement to establish a homeland for the Jewish people in the Middle East, then surely it achieved its goal and the term ceased to have meaning in terms of defining the objectives of a political movement.

Alternatively, if Zionism then morphed into support for the continued existence of a Jewish state in the Middle East, then the only point of view what would not be Zionist would be the one that calls the Jewish state illegitimate and calls for it to be dismantled. Yet there are few political voices that call for such an approach, and governments that have referred to the Jewish state as illegitimate have been demonized for doing so. Clearly, such a view is regarded as a fringe one.

So, what is Zionism today? Is everybody who does not declare Israel to be an illegitimate state that should be dismantled and the land given back to its dispossessed people a Zionist? Would that not make nearly everyone a Zionist? And, if so, does that not deprive the term of any meaning whatsoever?

This is not just semantics. Clearly, considerable effort goes on, particularly within movements like BDS and the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, to imprint the mantra into people’s minds that it is “Zionism not Judaism” that is responsible for the ongoing plight of the Palestinian people; and that, more importantly, we should not ask any questions about the role of Judaic teaching or ideology in attempting to understand what motivated and continues to motivate the supporters of what is now a genocidal apartheid state that openly defines itself as a “Jewish state” in the Middle East. If it is Zionism and not Judaism that is the problem, then clearly we need to understand what Zionism is (and, relatedly, whether it is rooted in Jewish religious teaching). And if Zionism turns out to be an empty concept, then we should be asking ask what are the ideological underpinnings of Israel’s brutal treatment of the Palestinians (and the lack of action on the part of the international community in that context) for more than 70 years.

Personally, I reject the “Zionism is not Judaism” approach and see that we are being fobbed off with nonsense. It seems clear that this wonderfully popular term “Zionism” is now devoid of content. Either no one is now a Zionist (because the goal of Zionism was achieved via the Catastrophe of 1948) or almost everyone is a Zionist (because there are very few people who would declare that the Jewish state should be dismantled and returned to its dispossessed owners). And,as Israel Shahak argued eloquently in his important and insightful work Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years, I would suggest that we cannot begin to understand Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians without examining the roots of Judaic thinking and Jewish identity in the ethnically and religiously discriminatory doctrines of Judaic religion, which has shaped the Jewish mindset for most of its history. It seems, however, that Shahak’s writing continues to reap far less attention than it merits.

Yesterday, I attended a social evening organized by BDS Granada. Towards the end of the evening, I spoke to a couple of members, who seemed very nice people, but they instantly became uncomfortable when I made this point, namely, that we cannot understand Israel’s ongoing genocide against the Palestinians without looking at its ideological roots and justification in the Jewish religion. ‘Oh no,’ they said, ‘that is dangerously close to anti-Semitism. Zionism is not Judaism,’ etc. Then their Jewish friend popped up and, well, let’s just say things went downhill from there.

Clearly, the topic continues to be both policed and silenced within many circles. It is thus no surprise that the activities of the many nice people within the BDS movement and various PSC collectives have failed to gain any real traction over the last decades, when discussion of issues highly relevant for understanding the problem continue to be policed and rendered taboo out of fear of offending Jewish feelings. And while I agree that there is always a need to respect the feelings of others in all forms of discourse, this needs to be balanced against many other needs, including the right to free speech – especially when the matter involves attempts to resolve ongoing crimes against humanity being committed against a specific collectivity, in this case the Palestinian people. To say that we cannot understand the roots of Israel’s ongoing genocide without examining the doctrines of Judaic teaching over the centuries is not to call for violence or discrimination against people who identify as Jews (and there are various different mechanisms of identification involved here, which merit considerable academic analysis in themselves). Nor is it an attempt to say that all people who identify as Jewish are involved in or support the illegal, oppressive and discriminatory actions of the Jewish state. Attempts to suggest otherwise violate our right to and need for free and open discourse on matters of great importance. Furthermore, discourse about justifications of violence in religious texts have taken place without problem in the context of other religions such as Buddhism, Christianity and Islam (and also, “Hinduism”, though this term is something of a misnomer for the various traditions that are usually grouped together under this name).

Like Professor E Michael Jones, who has also sought to open up discourse surrounding Jewish thinking so that we might understand what is going on in our world, I have never advocated violence against any specific collectivity. And, like Gilad Atzmon, too, I reject racially or biologically based generalizations to examine questions related to the political and social influence of Jewish power and ideology in our world. I have lost count of the amount of times I have had to explain that to talk about discriminatory and supremacist teachings at the core of Judaic teaching does not mean that all individuals who identify as Jewish are as equally influenced by such doctrines. Jewish thought runs the gamut from the belief that all human beings (including non-Jews) should have the same rights and be valued and treated equally to the view that non-Jews have Satanic souls, that only Jews have a Higher Soul that comes from God, and that the non-Jew exists only to serve the Jew like a clever beast of burden, with a vast range of shades in between representing various attempts to reconcile (or not) the notion of being a “chosen people” with a private covenant with their own god (hence the commandment that ‘thou shalt not have other gods before me’) and own set of laws, on the one hand, with the Enlightenment ideals of universalizable morals and the equality of all human beings, on the other. Certainly, there are many people who identify as Jews today who would seek to distance themselves from views espoused by groups such as that of the powerful ultra-Orthodox sect Chabad that it is only Jews that have a Higher Soul, or that expressed by the chief rabbi of the Sephardic community that Gentiles exist only to serve Jews. On the other hand, in noting that, we must also recognize that such an egalitarian strand within Jewish thinking is a relatively recent phenomenon, stretching back only to the post-Enlightenment period, when many Jews sought to break free of the strict mental and social control of the rabbis that had sought to keep them segregated from the rest of humanity in ghettos for so long. And the deep traces of the ancient religious teachings can still be found, and thus merit serious examination, even within today’s secular Jews. As the joke has it, and not without some merit, many secular Jews say they don’t believe in God that but still seem to think He granted them their “promised land”.

Leaving all that aside for now, though, the fact that there exist individuals who identify as Jewish but who reject (consciously or otherwise) the discriminatory ideology of Judaic teaching does not mean that we cannot or should not be allowed to talk meaningfully about the role of supremacist and genocidal teachings within Jewish thought as a Jewish phenomenon as a whole, just as the fact that there are many Americans who have opposed US exceptionalism throughout history does not mean that we cannot or should not be allowed to talk meaningfully about American exceptionalism. This should be fairly obvious. Even in the recent farcical allegations of Russian collusion made against the Trump campaign, no one suggested that all Russians were colluding with Trump, or that Trump’s team was colluding with all Russians. It’s quite simple really. The fact that there are people who see themselves as Jewish who reject (to greater or lesser degree) Jewish supremacist ideology and activity does not mean that we cannot and should not be allowed to talk about supremacist and genocidal thinking within Jewish ideology and religious teaching, nor to examine how far such thought influences events in the social and political sphere. And the fact that so much effort goes into attempting to prevent us from doing so should set off red warning lamps in the minds of any true defender of freedom of speech and academic enquiry.

I thus repeat my claim from a day or two ago, that we need (but of course will not get for what should be by now obvious reasons) full academic recognition of a critical discourse on questions related to Jewish identity, Jewish thinking and Jewish power. We might perhaps call such discourse Critical Jewish Studies. And it should be understood by any legitimate scholar of integrity that Critical Jewish Studies is not anti-Semitism, and that any attempt to silence such studies or discourse on such grounds would represent a violation of principles of free enquiry that any true academic should seek to defend, as well as of the natural law right to freedom of speech.

My battle for truth and freedom involves some expensive legal services. I hope that you will consider committing to a monthly donation in whatever amount you can give. Regular contributions will enable me to avoid being pushed against a wall and to stay on top of the endless harassment by Zionist operators attempting to silence me.

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The Golan: A Disastrous Trump Declaration

The Golan: A Disastrous Trump Declaration

The Golan: A Disastrous Trump Declaration

For the indigenous people of the Levant, three major “Declarations” have brought them historic, catastrophic damage. The “First Declaration” was God giving the land of the “Indigenous People” to the “Chosen People”. The “Second Declaration”, widely referred to as “The Balfour Declaration”, was the 1917 decision by the British Government to establish a “national home for the Jewish people” in the “Indigenous People’s” Palestine. The “Third Declaration”, was Trump’s announcement this week, illegally, immorally and at the expense of the “Indigenous People”, granting the Israeli-Occupied Syrian Golan to the “Chosen People”, the Jews.

Two thirds of the Syrian Golan have been occupied by Israel since the 1967 War. After the War, Lord Caradon, the British ambassador to the UN, sponsored a resolution, supported by Arthur Goldberg, the American ambassador, which was adopted unanimously by the Security Council as Resolution 242. In its preamble, Resolution 242 asserts the “inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”. An operative paragraph calls upon Israel “to withdraw from territories occupied” in the War. Irrespective of the controversy as to whether “withdraw from territories” means all the territory or part of the territory, the Resolution asserts the principle of Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Syrian Golan. This resolution was subsequently followed by Security Council Resolution 338, adopted after the Arab-Israeli 1973 War, reaffirming the principles enunciated in resolution 242. Other resolutions were adopted affirming the principle of Israeli withdrawal from occupied territories.

Following the Madrid Conference of 1991, peace negotiations commenced between Israel and Syria based on the “Land for Peace” formula. The basis for negotiations presumed Israeli withdrawal from the Golan and peace between the two states. In addition to the formal and public negotiations between the Syrian and Israeli delegations, there were many secret ‘Track Two Diplomacy’ negotiations in which I personally participated. Some of the Israelis I encountered were very close to the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. All the Syrian-Israeli negotiations were based on the premise of Israeli withdrawal from the Golan for peace; which implied, very clearly, an Israeli admission that the Golan is occupied Syrian territory. This admission by Israel lasted for 52 years.

Irrespective of the truth, morality, legality, American national interest and in violation of International Law, international consensus, and a multitude of UN resolutions, Netanyahu recently, and suddenly, decided that the Golan belongs to Israel. This was further ratified by the farcical tweet of US President Donald Trump. The tragic content of this declaration may only, arguably, be matched by its medium of delivery; Twitter. Trump’s con job of a tweet stated: “After 52 years it is time for the United States to fully recognize Israel’s Sovereignty over the Golan Heights, which is of critical strategic and security importance to the State of Israel and Regional Stability!”

To add further insult, a resolution was submitted to the US Congress stating: “It is in the United States national security interest to ensure that Israel retains control of the Golan Heights […]” The fate of the resolution is not in doubt, particularly in view of the Jewish control of the Congress; it has been said that Congress is “Israeli occupied territory”

Netanyahu’s ludicrous claim that the Golan belongs to Israel and Trump’s ratification and complicit lunacy raises two very dangerous concerns. First, if the Golan belongs to Israel, and it liberated two thirds of it in the 1967 War, as Netanyahu claims, it stands to reason that the remaining one third of the Golan “occupied” by Syria also belongs to Israel and should be liberated. Second, since there is no international border within Syria and the Golan, a province, Netanyahu and Trump may equally – once again – unilaterally, illegally and immorally designate any Syrian contiguous territory as part of the Golan. The two have now formally set a dangerous global precedent, which de facto renders any global order, including International Law and the United Nations, irrelevant.

Since the Israeli occupation of the Golan, no Israeli government or American administration ever hinted that the Golan is sovereign Israeli territory. The Israeli governments, with American support, always expressed the willingness to withdraw from the Golan in exchange for peace; the contentious point was always the line of withdrawal. During the Syrian-Israeli peace negotiations, the Syrians were not willing to surrender even a small fraction of the Golan. Trump’s handing over of the Syrian Golan to Israel is the last nail hammered in the coffin of the peace process.

Reflecting on this dangerous and destabilizing regional development, I cannot help but wonder if Netanyahu claims sovereignty over the Syrian Golan, what is to stop him from claiming the historically and religiously more relevant Judea and Samaria. What is to stop Trump from ratifying and enforcing these claims. As according to Judaism, God’s promises of Judea and Samaria would mean an eventual Israeli annexation of the West Bank and the establishment of “Great Israel” from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.

What the ‘under-investigation’ conmen, Netanyahu and Trump, have done, and the US Congress will follow soon, is not a panacea for regional stability; it is a road map for permanent upheaval: The paradox of an irresistible force colliding with an immovable object.

How Much Pro-Israel Money Politicians Attacking Ilhan Omar Received

March 31, 2019  /  Gilad Atzmon

How Much Money Israel Lobby Gave Politicians Attacking Ilhan Omar. You watch this entertaining video and make up your mind as to whether it is about the ‘Benjamins’ or not…

Why is ‘Cultural Marxism’ so offensive?

March 30, 2019  /  Gilad Atzmon

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BY Gilad Atzmon

Earlier this week former Brexit minister Suella Braverman referred to ‘Cultural Marxism’ in a speech. All hell broke loose immediately. The former minister was attacked by the usual Jewish and Zionist pressure groups, ranging from The Board of Deputies (BOD) to Hope not Hate to the usual compromised Labour politicians.  However, unlike our caricature of an opposition leader who grovels on demand, Mrs Braverman kept her dignity intact. She didn’t see any point to retract, apologise or promise not to repeat the phrase as the BOD demanded.

One may wonder why ‘Cultural Marxism’ is so offensive to some?

Because ‘Cultural Marxism’ is obviously truthful and precise in its capacity to encapsulate a crucial and disastrous transition in the evolvement of 20th century Left thinking.

As opposed to traditional Marxism that theorizes over the necessary condition toward social change by means of class struggle, ‘Cultural Marxism’ aims to introduce a change by cultural shift. At a certain stage some (neo) marxists and socialists were clever and honest enough to accept that the revolution wasn’t going to happen. The working class couldn’t be bothered and even if they could, they were too busy attending their jobs. The revolution had to be facilitated by different means.

Antonio Gramsci, probably the father figure of cultural Marxist thought, contended that bourgeois hegemony was reproduced in cultural life through the media, academia and religious institutions to ‘manufacture consent’ and legitimacy. The proletarian struggle for control of the means of production, according to Gramsci, could only succeed once an alternative culture replaces the bourgeois cultural hegemony. For Gramsci it was a ‘counter-hegemonic’ struggle – advancing alternatives to dominant ideas of what is normal and legitimate.

Gramsci didn’t see his desired cultural shift materialising. He died prematurely, jailed in Mussolini’s Italy. However, Gramsci’s ideas were adopted and developed by a list of thinkers including Wilhelm Reich and the Frankfurt School’s leading icons: Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, Max Horkheimer, Erich Fromm and others. As it seems, these thinkers who have had a tremendous impact on contemporary Left and progressive thinking have something in common: they were Jews of Germanic origin.

By now the picture starts to become clear. The contemporary Left is dominated by a Jewish-influenced school of thought that preaches a constant struggle against hegemonic discourses such as traditional family values, the church, the male, the ‘white’ and so on. This school of thought also advocates against elementary liberties such as freedom of speech, evidenced by the popularity of no-platforming. It is hardly a secret that the above school of thought is a complete dismissal of every conservative value and Mrs Braverman was both astute and correct in calling a spade a spade: “as Conservatives, we are engaged in a battle against cultural Marxism…”

Mrs Braverman was accused of ‘anti-Semitism,’ despite the fact that she didn’t refer to Jews. By their unwitty actions, once again, Jewish pressure groups actually admitted that ‘Cultural Marxism is indeed a Jewish-influenced school of thought, otherwise it is impossible to conceive what was anti-Semitic in Braverman’s statement.  Braverman was also blamed for repeating a ‘phrase used by mass murderer Anders Breivik,” as if referring to a term used by a mass murderer is an approval of a murderous act.

I guess that this is the right point to introduce a twist into this entire saga. It is crucial to mention that the right-wing thinkers who popularised the usage of ‘Cultural Marxism’ were actually Jewish and even ultra-Zionists. The first amongst them is Andrew Breitbart, who was dedicated to the exposing of the Neo-Marxist menace.  Not far behind him in his attack is the horrid right wing ultra-Zionist David Horowitz. It is not exactly a secret that in his manifesto Breivik refers to David Horowitz’s Freedom Centre. For those who fail to remember, Breivik also quoted Jewish writer Melanie Philips’ criticism of Neo Marxist’s attitude to immigration:   “It (immigration) was a politically motivated attempt by ministers to transform the fundamental make-up and identity of this country (Britain). It was done to destroy the right of the British people to live in a society defined by a common history, religion, law, language and traditions.” (Melanie Phillips, as quoted by mass murderer, Anders Breivik, in his manifesto).

Andrew Breitbart is the man who popularised the phrase ‘cultural marxism.’

I didn’t see Jewish pressure groups, the BOD, Hope not Hate or Labour MPs trying to silence Andrew Breitbart, David Horowitz or Melanie Philips. I guess that Jews and Zionists controlling the opposition and criticising Cultural Marxism must be a kosher adventure.

In Being in Time I argue that it isn’t totally surprising that Jews often dominate the dissent to Jewish cultural and ideological symptoms.  If choseness, for instance, is a Jewish political/cultural symptom, it may as well be possible that self-hatred and even universalism are just metaphysical antibodies. If Cultural Marxism is a Jewish-influenced school of thought, it shouldn’t take us by complete surprise that it is also Jewish writers such as Horowitz, Philips and Breitbart who bring the anti antidotes to light.


My battle for truth and freedom involves  some expensive legal services. I hope that you will consider committing to a monthly donation in whatever amount you can give. Regular contributions will enable me to avoid being pushed against a wall and to stay on top of the endless harassment by Zionist operators attempting to silence me.

Donate

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