The Jewish Fascination with BBQ

April 23, 2017  /  Gilad Atzmon

By Gilad Atzmon

Yesterday we learned that Israeli right-wing activists threw a free barbecue outside a military prison in the West Bank, where Palestinian inmates are currently taking part in a mass hunger strike. Such a barbarian act is pretty revealing. It points to the Israeli activists’ complete lack of human empathy and compassion.

But this fascination with the political impact of burning meat is not exactly a Jewish right wing domain. Bill Weinberg, a NY Jewish ‘progressive’ activist, has been campaigning together with his miniature prog-tribal cell for the last ten days in a desperate attempt to cancel a literature event featuring Stanley Cohen, Prof. Norton Mezvinsky, Michael Lesher and yours truly at Theatre 80 on April 30. Bill Weinberg mounted immense pressure on Theatre Owner Lorcan Otway, to no avail. Otway, a staunch defender of free speech, declared that he won’t surrender to pressure and that the event would go ahead.

Bill Weinberg decided to picket the event and Eugene Onegin*, an alleged ‘Palestinian supporter’, set the Facebook event for the little demo. On top of the utterly violent language, Onegin and Weinberg have been using, like the right wing settlers, the BBQ as a political vehicle. However, as the picture below reveals, it is me whom Onegin prefers to grill.

Why would a ‘Palestinian Supporter’ set a fellow human being into a blaze, why would he symbolically put an author into flames? Why would he perform the ugliest Zionist symptoms? Probably for the same reason west bank settlers are having a BBQ in proximity to hunger strikers. We are, sadly, dealing with a continuum of severe lack in human empathy.

Maybe this is why the conference at Theatre 80 is so important. It is empathy, I presume, that made Lesher, Cohen and Mezvinsky into dissident voices. Similarly, it was the search for compassion that made me into a goy.

https://theatre80.wordpress.com

The Post Political Condition

Trump, Brexit, the Middle East… What Next?

5 pm an extended panel discussion, then a jazz concert from 9 pm

5pm Sunday, 30 April

Theatre 80, 80 St. Marks Place
New York, NY 10003
USA

 

Wave of settler (Jewish terrorist) violence hits Palestinian villages in West Bank

Wave of settler violence hits Palestinian villages in West Bank

Settlers from the radical Yitzhar settlement attack Palestinians in Urif and Huwwara, just one day after Israeli activists were assaulted by masked settlers in the Jordan Valley.

By Yael Marom

A Palestinian women is stretchered away with a head injury after settlers attacked the village of Huwwara, West Bank, April 22, 2017. (Yesh Din)

A Palestinian women is stretchered away with a head injury after settlers attacked the village of Huwwara, West Bank, April 22, 2017. (Yesh Din)

Dozens of Jewish settlers assaulted Palestinians in two separate West Bank villages on Saturday, just one day after settlers attacked and injured left-wing Israelis in the Jordan Valley.

Israelis from the radical Yitzhar settlement carried out two waves of attacks on the village of Urif, near Nablus. Four Palestinians were injured in the initial assault, and although residents of the village alerted Israeli security forces about the violence, the soldiers and police who arrived on the scene simply ordered the attackers away and did not arrest anyone.

Shortly after, an even bigger group of settlers returned to Urif and started attacking again. A building in the village was damaged and car windshields smashed. This time round, the army entered the village, only to fire rubber bullets at Palestinians who were trying to drive the settlers back by throwing stones at them. According to witnesses, the settlers then started uprooting olive trees, even starting a fire.

A few hours later, Israelis from Yitzhar set out for a further round of violence, this time in the village of Huwwara, also close to Nablus. They threw stones, smashed windows and attacked Palestinians, injuring three — including a woman who received a head wound. According to B’Tselem, her injury was serious, although not life-threatening.

Settlers stand atop a hill near the Palestinian village of Urif, which was attacked twice on Saturday, April 22, 2017. (Urif Council)

Settlers stand atop a hill near the Palestinian village of Urif, which was attacked twice on Saturday, April 22, 2017. (Urif Council)

Zacharia Sadeh, of Rabbis for Human Rights, told Local Call that the settlers who attacked Huwwara passed an IDF outpost on their way to the village.

“They should have reported the settlers heading down [to the village], and they could have prevented three people from being hurt,” he said. “The security forces make no effort to stop these attacks on Palestinians, and do nothing to protect the lives of Palestinians.”

On Friday, a group of Israeli activists with Ta’ayush were attacked by masked settlers from the Baladim outpost, also known for its extremism. The activists, who were in the Jordan Valley in order to assist Palestinian shepherds who were under threat of violence from the settlers, were attacked with stones and clubs, leaving five injured.

Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman commented on the violence on Sunday, but only condemned the fact that an Israeli army officer had been attacked by settlers, and ignored the assault on Palestinians. Rabbis for Human Rights, responding to Liberman’s statement, said that while “attacking an IDF officer is indeed serious,” failing to mention the heart of the matter — violence against dozens of Palestinians — “sends the implicit message that attacking Palestinians isn’t no big deal provided [Israeli] security forces aren’t assaulted at the same time.”

Indeed, as is customary in the face of settler violence, the Israeli forces who arrived on the scene felt no obligation to open fire on the Israeli stone throwers, had apparently left their tear gas and rubber-coated steel bullets at home, and suddenly knew how to restrain themselves.

The fact that settlers are allowed to continue their attacks undisturbed reveals, over and over, the shared interests of the landlords of the West Bank’s hilltops, and the armed forces who serve them.

Yael Marom is Just Vision’s public engagement manager in Israel and a co-editor of Local Call, where this article was originally published in Hebrew

Palestine: Settler attack showcases impunity of Jewish extremists

Settler attack showcases impunity of Jewish extremists

In all my years as of activism, I have never seen or experienced such hatred as I did last Friday, when masked settlers attacked a group of Ta’ayush volunteers with clubs and stones.

By Guy Hircefeld

Masked settlers attack Ta'ayush activists near al-Auja, West Bank, April 21, 2017. (Screenshot)

Masked settlers attack Ta’ayush activists near al-Auja, West Bank, April 21, 2017. (Screenshot)

It’s been almost 10 years since I became involved in activism, much of it with Ta’ayush. I very quickly understood that my country is governed by a group of messianic, extreme and violent people whose aim is the establishment of a Jewish state — and that the entire “democratic” system is at their service, no questions asked.

Ta’ayush activists have, over the years, been detained, arrested and harassed. We’ve suffered from varying levels of violence. I thought I’d seen it all in terms of the collaboration between the “democratic” establishment and the messianic radical right, until last Friday, when we were attacked by a group of Jewish terrorists from the Baladim outpost.

Palestinian shepherds living in the al-Auja village have taken their herds to graze on the nearby hill for decades. But physical violence and theft of their sheep began almost immediately after the re-establishment around a year ago of the Baladim outpost, next to the Kochav HaShachar settlement. The Israeli police did nothing in response to complaints submitted by Palestinians, while the shepherds were forced to stop taking their herds to graze on the hill.

So the shepherds from al-Auja approached Ta’ayush to see if we could accompany them when they took their cattle out. We had already been in contact with the police to inform them we’d be in the al-Auja area that Friday to escort Palestinian shepherds, because there was no legal reason that they shouldn’t be able to take their herds out to graze. In response, a member of the security forces visited the village to tell the families they shouldn’t work with Ta’ayush. (It’s worth pointing out that if the police and army did their job, there’d be no need for us to accompany Palestinian farmers and shepherds in the West Bank.)

Nonetheless, we took our first trip out with the al-Auja residents two Fridays ago. After we’d been out for a while, we realized at that we were being watched by seven settlers from the Baladim outpost. We notified the police, telling them we feared there would be violence and asking them to come to the area.

About an hour later we spotted 15 masked Jews armed with clubs running towards us. We again contacted the police and stood facing the settlers, who were around 200 meters away. Half an hour later, we heard a shout of “police!” coming from the outpost, and the gang scattered. What happened next is already well-known — the settlers threw stones at the soldiers who had arrived on the scene.

Government cooperation with the attackers

The same sequence repeated itself last Friday, except that this time the settlers — again around 15 of them, masked and armed with clubs and stones — charged at us, yelling, and started attacking us with their weapons. In all my years as an activist I have never seen or experienced such crazed hatred. And to think — these people come from an outpost of the Kochav HaShachar settlement, which is considered mainstream, and is the former home of Israel’s police commissioner, Roni Alsheikh.

It could have ended far worse than it did. No one arrested the attackers. Several activists were injured in the assault, and we called an ambulance before starting to climb back down the hill. One activist needed stitches in his head. Another had a broken hand from trying to protect the head of the former. A third needed stitches in his hand, and several others were injured as well.

Masked settlers attack Ta'ayush activists near al-Auja, West Bank, April 21, 2017. (Screenshot)

Masked settlers attack Ta’ayush activists near al-Auja, West Bank, April 21, 2017. (Screenshot)

But the saga of the police’s failure to intervene didn’t end there. At one point a police officer announced to the injured activists, who didn’t want to immediately go and complain at the police station, that they were being detained. The police eventually backed off, but demanded that we go and submit a complaint straightaway, claiming that they’d made arrests. In spite of the injuries, and despite medics on the scene recommending that the wounded receive treatment before anything else, we all went to the police station.

When we got there we discovered — wonder of wonders — that no one there had any idea what we were talking about. We left without filing a complaint.

There’s nothing I can say about the conduct of the Israeli security forces. They knew what was happening and did nothing, or perhaps were under instructions not to do anything. As for what happens next, we will go back next week, and the week after, and the week after that, until the police do their job and the shepherds can take their cattle out to graze in peace.

This battle is an important part of the struggle over the character of this country, and it’s one we need help with from all who believe in non-violent struggle. The settlers from the Baladim outpost are linked to other acts of violence, vandalism and arson. These are the people who live by and believe in the King’s Torah. It’s regrettable that this weekend the state chose to support and cooperate with this terror group.

Guy Hircefeld is a resident of Jerusalem and an activist with Ta’ayush. This article was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here. Translated by Natasha Roth. 

 

Barcelona Votes to End «Israeli» Occupation & Illegal Settlements

Local Editor

Barcelona City Council passed a historic declaration on Wednesday upholding the right to boycott the “Israeli” entity over its violations of Palestinian rights.

Boycott "Israeli" apartheid protest in Spain

The motion condemns the apartheid entity’s occupation of Palestinian land, calls for the immediate end to the decade-long Gaza blockade and ensures that the city’s public procurement policies exclude companies that profit from “Israel’s” human rights abuses.

It also admonishes the “Israeli” entity for its intransigence in the face of repeated warnings from the international community to stop its illegal colonization of Palestinian land, according to the Catalan daily Ara.

The council recognizes “nonviolent campaigns promoted by Palestinian and international civil society for defending international and human rights law in Palestine” – a clear nod to the BDS movement.

The city joins dozens of Spanish municipalities which have declared themselves “free of ‘Israeli’ apartheid.”

A coalition of Spanish and Catalan boycott, divestment and sanctions [BDS] groups welcomed the vote.

“We celebrate this victory because we believe it to be a great step forward in raising the awareness of the role of local government in the defense of human rights and in breaking the complicity that inherently bolsters apartheid and the occupation of Palestine,” the groups state.

“This resolution is an institutional recognition of civil society demands for an end to complicity in violations of international law through nonviolent struggle, as practiced by the BDS movement,” the groups add.

The city’s recognition of the right to engage in “Israel” boycott activism, at a time when more European governments move to protect such activism, “is a triumph for free speech and democratic rights in Europe,” said Rafeef Ziadah of the Palestinian BDS National Committee.

“It gives further recognition to BDS as an inclusive, inspiring, anti-racist movement rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that upholds the basic principle that Palestinians are entitled to the same rights as the rest of humanity,” Ziadah added.

For years, Spanish and Catalan activists had engaged in direct action against academic and cultural partnerships with “Israeli”-backed institutions.

In 2014, dozens of activists occupied the offices of Catalan government representatives to protest a wave of newly signed academic collaboration deals between the autonomous region and the “Israeli” entity.

The action forced the representatives to agree to examine proposals aimed at ensuring the new deals do not benefit institutions and companies that participate in the entity’s occupation.

More than 350 Catalan academics and university staff backed the action, calling for the boycott of “Israeli” academic institutions.

The “Israeli” regime, meanwhile, has expressed worry over the growing popularity of BDS activism in Spain, especially as larger cities such as Barcelona, led by left-wing mayor Ada Colau, vote to support Palestinian rights.

A 2016 cable from the “Israeli” embassy in Spain described “the phenomenon of anti-‘Israeli’ activity in Spain” as “bothersome and worrisome, but in the past was centered in small cities.”

But the cable warned that Barcelona city council members were considering canceling a sister-city agreement with Tel Aviv, according to The Jerusalem Post.

After Wednesday’s city Council Vote, David Bondia Garcia, a professor of international law and president of the Institut de Drets Humans de Catalunya, a human rights organization, asserted in the newspaper el Periódico that a break in the twinning agreement with Tel Aviv would be the next logical step.

The Barcelona motion comes just two months after pro-“Israel” groups in Spain filed charges against Palestine solidarity activists for calling on a music festival two years ago to cancel a performer who had used his celebrity to fundraise for the “Israeli” army and to support anti-Palestinian causes.

Omar Barghouti, a Palestinian human rights activist and co-founder of the BDS movement, called the charges “legal intimidation.”

israel | barcelona | bds | spain | israeli apartheid

Source: EI, Edited by website team

21-04-2017 | 13:02

Over Passover, Settlers (Jewish Terrorists) Attacked Three Grandmothers. I Was One.

Source

We, three women in our 60s and 70s, wanted to see the settlement reality for ourselves. We got a smaller but bitter taste of the violence and hatred Palestinians in the area experience as routine.

During Passover, I traveled to the West Bank with two other women, all of us members of Machsom Watch, an Israeli human rights group. Our goal was to visit two Palestinian villages: in one, Kafr a-Dik, settlers had recently cut down some olive trees; in the other, Urif, residents had tried to work in their olive groves, but, even though they had arranged this with the army, settlers stopped them from doing so. We wanted to see with out own eyes, rather than reading about, the places where all this had happened. Both villages are less than 10 kilometers east of the Green Line, about 30 miles from either Tel Aviv or Jerusalem.

Accompanied by a resident of Kafr a-Dik, we got as far as the settlement of Alei Zahav, on whose outskirts another settlement, Leshem, is being built. Tractors were working and some kind of a tour was going on, possibly for prospective buyers of what indeed appears to be what will be a lovely neighborhood. (A promo for Leshem on the settlers’ Arutz 7 website calls it “one of Israel’s fastest growing communities…situated on the charming Samarian hilltops…a haven of fresh air and serenity…affordable, top quality homes.”)

But we could not go any farther to reach the village farmlands, because a closure had been imposed on the territories for the duration of Passover, the Feast of Freedom, and our Palestinian guide would not be allowed in.

So we proceded to Urif, a few kilometers northeast. There we met Adel, a young field worker for B’tselem, a human rights organization that works in partnership with Machsom Watch for these tours, and drove to the outskirts of the village, whose lands border the infamously hardline settlement of Yitzhar.

Besides Adel, we were three women in our 60s and 70s. Together we walked up a gentle slope covered with low shrubs and wildflowers to the edge of a ridge overlooking an olive grove below. On the opposite ridge stood the homes of Yitzhar, whose radical yeshiva is a beneficiary of the Kushner family’s charitable donations. We stood there for about 10 minutes, while Adel told us what had happened in the grove about a week before, when Palestinian farmers arrived there by prior arrangement with the IDF. Settlers had come down and threatened them, a clash ensued, the army fired tear gas and the farmers were forced to leave.

We were ready to go back to the car when we saw several figures emerge from the bushes and rocks on the hill opposite – first one, then two, then three people, apparently young men or older teens.

As we watched, some put on masks and started coming down the hill toward us. Knowing Yitzhar’s reputation as one of the most extreme West Bank settlements, with a long history of violent harassment of their Palestinian neighbors, as well as numerous incidents of assaults on the Israeli army and police, I was definitely not interested in any encounter with them. I had come to learn and observe, not to engage in deliberate heroics. Two of us started walking quickly toward the car, while the third, more defiant, stood her ground and watched as they made their way down the hill.

As they came closer, I could see that the leader, who seemed older than the others, had a club or heavy stick in his hand. Then, suddenly, they started throwing stones at us. All three of us women now ran to the car. But Adel picked up a stone, threw it back at them, and made a phone call. 

By the time we reached the car, several men he had apparently summoned by phone from the Palestinian village – including an older man with a white beard, two younger men and a couple of kids – were arriving at the hilltop.  This ended the incident; the settlers, seeing reinforcements, and with no soldiers around to intervene, apparently decided it would be best to withdraw. They retreated up the hill, and we quickly got in the car and drove home.

This had been a routine visit by Machsom Watch, its aim being to witness and bear witness to Israel’s settlement project. We came away with a small but bitter taste of what the Palestinians in the area have to face on a regular basis – in a place where the mere presence of one Palestinian and three women easily identifiable as “leftists” was enough for the neighboring settlers to arm themselves with sticks, stones and hatred.

We returned to Israel through the Shomron Crossing (for Israeli vehicles only), where the suspicious female security guard opened the car door and scrutinized our Israeli ID cards carefully, asking: “Where do you live? Where have you been?” I am still considering my answer.

Carol Cook is a journalist and editor at Haaretz

Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef says non-jews should no be allowed to live in israel & then complains about so called “anti-Semitism”

Sephardi chief rabbi says non-Jews forbidden from living in the Land of israel 

MEANWHILE Chief rabbi urges Netanyahu to speak out against US anti-Semitism …

Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef argues that Jewish law prohibits non-Jews from living in Israel unless they have accepted Noachide laws, adding that some non-Jews live in Israel to serve the Jewish population.

Israel's Chief Sephardi Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef, 2015.Israel’s Chief Sephardi Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef, 2015. Lior Mizrahi

israel Celebrates 50 Years as Occupier #BDS

Israel Celebrates 50 Years as Occupier

Photo by SarahTz | CC BY 2.0

Photo by SarahTz | CC BY 2.0

 


Nazareth.

Israel is to hold lavish celebrations over the coming weeks to mark the 50th anniversary of what it calls the “liberation of Judea, Samaria and the Golan Heights” – or what the rest of us describe as the birth of the occupation.

The centrepiece event will take place in Gush Etzion, south of Jerusalem. The West Bank settlement “bloc” enjoys wide support in Israel, not least because it was established long ago by the supposedly left-wing Labour party, now heading the opposition.

The jubilee is a potent reminder that for Israelis, most of whom have never known a time before the occupation, Israel’s rule over the Palestinians seems as irreversible as the laws of nature. But the extravagance of the festivities also underscores the growth over five decades of Israel’s self-assurance as an occupier.

Documents found this month in Israel’s archives reveal that, when Israel captured East Jerusalem in 1967, its first concern was to hoodwink the international community.

The foreign ministry ordered Israel’s ambassadors to mischaracterise its illegal annexation of East Jerusalem as a simple “municipal fusion”. To avoid diplomatic reprisals, Israel claimed it was necessary to ease the provision of essential services to the occupied Palestinian population.

Interestingly, those drafting the order advised that the deception was unlikely to succeed. The United States had already insisted that Israel commit no unilateral moves.

But within months Israel had evicted thousands of Palestinians from the Old City and destroyed their homes. Washington and Europe have been turning a blind eye to such actions ever since.

One of the Zionist movement’s favourite early slogans was: “Dunam after dunam, goat after goat”. The seizure of small areas of territory measured in dunams, the demolition of the odd home, and the gradual destruction of herding animals would slowly drive the Palestinians off most of their land, “liberating” it for Jewish colonisation. If it was done piecemeal, the objections from overseas would remain muffled. It has proved a winning formula.

Fifty years on, the colonisation of East Jerusalem and the West Bank is so entrenched that a two-state solution is nothing more than a pipe dream.

Nonetheless, US president Donald Trump has chosen this inauspicious moment to dispatch an envoy, Jason Greenblatt, to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In a “goodwill” response, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has unveiled a framework for settlement building. It is exactly the kind of formula for deception that has helped Israel consolidate the occupation since 1967.

Netanyahu says expansion will be “restricted” to “previously developed” settlements, or “adjacent” areas, or, depending on the terrain, “land close” to a settlement.

Peace Now points out that the settlements already have jurisdiction over some 10 per cent of the West Bank, while far more is treated as “state land”. The new framework, says the group, gives the settlers a green light to “build everywhere”.

The Trump White House has shrugged its shoulders. A statement following Netanyahu’s announcement judged the settlements no “impediment to peace”, adding that Israel’s commitments to previous US administrations would be treated as moot.

Effectively, the US is wiping the slate clean, creating a new baseline for negotiations after decades of Israeli changes stripping the Palestinians of territory and rights.

Although none of this bodes well, Egypt and Jordan’s leaders met Trump this month to push for renewed talks between Israel and the Palestinians. The White House is said to be preparing to welcome the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas.

Some senior Palestinians are rightly wary. Abbas Zaki, a Fatah leader, fears Trump will try to impose a regional solution on Arab states, over Abbas’s head, designed to “eliminate the Palestinian cause altogether”.

David Ben Gurion, Israel’s founding father, reportedly once said: “What matters is not what the goyim [non-Jews] say, but what the Jews do.”

For nearly a quarter of a century, the Oslo accords dangled an illusory peace carrot that usefully distracted the global community as Israel nearly quadrupled its settler population, making even a highly circumscribed Palestinian state unrealisable.

Now, that game plan is about to be revived in new form. While the US, Israel, Jordan and Egypt focus on the hopeless task of creating a regional framework for peace, Israel will be left undisturbed once again to seize more dunams and more goats.

In Israel, the debate is no longer simply about whether to build settler homes, or about how many can be justified. Government ministers argue instead about the best moment to annex vast areas of the West Bank associated with so-called settlement blocs such as Gush Etzion.

Israel’s imminent celebrations should lay to rest any confusion that the occupation is still considered temporary. But when occupation becomes permanent, it metamorphoses into something far uglier.

It is past time to recognise that Israel has established an apartheid regime and one that serves as a vehicle for incremental ethnic cleansing. If there are to be talks, ending that outrage must be their first task.

A version of this article first appeared in the National, Abu Dhabi.

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