Israeli Apartheid Confirmed

13 May 2021

About me

by Lawrence Davidson 

Part I—The Question Of Apartheid 

It was perhaps 6 or 7 years ago. I was part of a panel, debating on Israel and the Palestinians, that took place at a local (West Chester, Pa) Quaker Friends school. The school had such debates regularly until the administration caved-in to pressure from the Zionist parents of a number of Jewish students. One of these parents debated for the Israeli side. 

This particular event came to mind upon my seeing the latest Human Rights Watch (HRW) report conclusively laying out the apartheid nature of Israel. Here is the connection: just before the debate was to begin the participating Zionist parent tried to make a command decision. No one was to use the term apartheid in reference to Israel. This was because the assertion was, according to him, obviously nonsense. 

I remember at the time thinking, who gave him the right to define the terms of the debate? As it turned out, and this is quite often the case, those supporting the Palestinians knew twice as much history as did the Zionists, and could call upon twice as many facts and examples. Apartheid Israel was shown to be a matter of fact rather than nonsense. I am convinced that Zionist pressure on the school to end future debates was motivated by the additional fact that those supporting the Palestinians so readily won. 

I have run into many other cases like this. The Zionists would debate for a while, but upon realizing that they could not prevail, they opted for enforced silence—that is, attempting to deny their opposition a stage and eventually labelling them anti-Semites. I often wonder if that Zionist parent who did the one-time debate at the Friends school, ever did face the fact that he was wrong about Israel and apartheid. Not because we said he was wrong. He would never have taken our word for it despite the evidence we had at hand. Rather, because an ever greater number of humanitarian organizations, of which HRW is one, journalists and research institutions have thoroughly and repeatedly laid out the facts that make it so. To this one may now add the charge of “medical apartheid.”

And none of us could forget the ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing if most of us were actually informed of the process.

Amidst the predictable resumption of mass resistance from Palestinians in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, The Human Rights Watch report confirming Israeli Apartheid presents the seminal context for what we now witness. 

Part II—Human Rights Watch’s 2021 Report

Here is part of the opening pages of the HRW report:

—“About 6.8 million Jewish Israelis and 6.8 million Palestinians live today between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River. Throughout most of this area, Israel is the sole governing power; in the remainder, it exercises primary authority alongside limited Palestinian self-rule.”

—“Across these areas and in most aspects of life, Israeli authorities methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians. Laws, policies, and statements by leading Israeli officials make plain that the objective of maintaining Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power, and land has long guided government policy. In pursuit of this goal, authorities have dispossessed, confined, forcibly separated, and subjugated Palestinians by virtue of their identity to varying degrees of intensity. In certain areas, as described in this report, these deprivations are so severe that they amount to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.”

—“The prohibition of institutionalized discrimination, especially on grounds of race or ethnicity, constitutes one of the fundamental elements of international law … [over which] the International Criminal Court has the power to prosecute …when national authorities are unable or unwilling to pursue them.”

The report goes on to definitively prove its allegations in 213 pages of depressing detail—all laid out like a damning legal writ. Nor, as suggested above, is this the first time the apartheid nature of Israel been demonstrated. The HRW document was preceded by 16 March 2017 report submitted by UN Economic and Social Commission for West Asia demonstrating Israel’s apartheid nature. Though the report was accurate, the UN Secretary General disavowed it under pressure from the United States and Israel. In May of 2018 a

thorough examination appeared entitled Apartheid Israel, by the journalist Jonathan Cook. This was published by Americans for Middle East Understanding in their journal, The Link (April/May 2018). More recently, a 21 January 2021 report by B’Tselem, Israel’s own premier human rights organization, entitled “A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid,” proved particularly revealing. One should also take a look at the Israeli Apartheid Factsheet, published 12 January 2021 online, by War On Want. 

The Israeli government dismisses all of these fact-based reports as propaganda. This sets up a question of what is real—one that can be readily resolved, one way or another, through objective outside observers. Unfortunately, Israeli behavior over the past decades has shown that, unless you agree with the Zionist interpretation of events, Israel does not consider you objective. Thus, the HRW representative, and many others as well, have been banned from entering the country. This sort of reaction is not just an Israeli tactic. It is typical of countries in the process of undermining the rule of law and destroying human rights. In a very real way, the charge of “it is all, in this case, anti-Semitic propaganda” is itself a form of propaganda design to shut done critics. 

Part III—The Zionist Rationale

The Zionists consistently say that Israel exists to save world Jewry from persecution—from the constant threat of anti-Semitism and another Holocaust. Many still believe this is true and some of a liberal orientation now resort to this rationale to undermine the HRW report. They charge that it will cause the current wave of anti-Semitism to gain greater traction. Such greater traction always leads to a greater fear of another Holocaust. And this fear will only make the Zionists and Israelis dig in their heels. And indeed, the cries of anti-Semitism and Holocaust has always created a smokescreen behind which can be hidden all Israeli sins. Has anyone ever considered that Israel’s abominable behavior, always committed in the name of the community of worldwide Jewry, is itself a major cause of growing anti-Semitism? 

While Zionism might have started out as a strategy to save the Jews, Israel and the Zionists are no longer in the saving business. In point of fact, various Israeli authorities are constantly bickering about who is or isn’t Jewish. What they are now about is the business of national glorification and expansion—carried on in the old 19th century style of racist imperialism. In this effort the Palestinians are the major victims, but all Jews are, if you will, collateral damage. They become denigrated by the behavior of a brutalizing racist regime that simply declares itself acting in their name.

In the process another truth is also brought low—the fact that means ultimately shape ends. And here is the irony of it all: the outcome of apartheid that is now playing itself out in “greater Israel” was all but predetermined by the nature and behavior of Zionism itself.

Part IV—The Predetermined Nature Of Israeli Apartheid

Here are some of the steps and decisions that made today’s apartheid Israel inevitable:

—The aim of the Zionist movement was to found an exclusively Jewish state. Most of the early Zionists were European Jews searching for a way to escape centuries of anti-Semitism. Living in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, their reference point was the ethnically homogeneous nation state. Soon they convinced themselves that Jews could only escape anti-Semitic persecution if they had their own nation state. 

—By the beginning of the 20th century the Zionists had focused on Palestine as their future political, religious, and cultural nation state. This was due to the land’s biblical associations—and despite the fact that many Zionists were of a secular rather than religious orientation. In 1917, they made an alliance with the British government to rally Jewish support for the British war effort in World War I (WWI) in exchange for British support of a “Jewish national home” in Palestine. This alliance was spelled out in the Balfour Declaration.

—Soon thereafter, the British took Palestine from the Ottoman Turks (the Turks were allies of the Germans in WWI). They then allowed Zionist organized immigration to commence. The British told the Palestinian Arabs that Zionist investment would raise the living standards of the land’s non-Jewish residents. In the meantime, the Zionists discouraged any cooperative interaction with the Palestinian Arabs. This was particularly true when it came to use of Arab labor. Jews who had Arab employees were forcefully pressured to replace them with Jewish immigrants.

Between 1914 and 1947 both the Arab and Jewish population of Palestine grew. However, Jewish numbers, even though consistently bolstered by Zionist inspired immigration, were never more than 32% of the total population.

—Given Zionist ambitions and the demographics, the question can be asked, just how they could create a state for one group alone in a land where that favored group was a distinct minority? There were only three direct ways: (1) devising a method to get the Arab majority to move out of the country. (2) creating an unequal political and economic system that marginalized the majority, rendering them politically and economically irrelevant. (3) Committing genocide.  

—Both methods 1 and 2 were employed. The first led to the Nakba, the catastrophic removal of some 700,000 Palestinians, during the 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel. Some of these people fled the fighting, but many were forced out at gunpoint by Israeli forces. In truth, the Nakba never completely came to an end as the ongoing home demolitions and evictions show. The second method followed in two stages for those Palestinians who would still find themselves under direct Israeli rule: (A) the so-called Palestinian Israelis, today numbering close to 2 million people or roughly 21% of the population of pre-1967 Israel. These Arabs have been given Israeli citizenship—actually second class citizenship. They are segregated from Jewish Israelis by  a host of discriminatory practices, among which are inferior housing, schools, and job opportunities. (B) The Palestinians who fell under Israeli control in 1967 and remain so today. These are the residents of the West Bank, Golan Heights and also the Gaza Strip, numbering roughly 5 million people. Most of these Palestinians have been denied Israeli citizenship. They are under the rule of Israeli military authorities or an allied Palestinian authority under Israeli supervision. Internal travel is made difficult for them, their ability to improve or expand their infrastructure is restricted. They are encroached upon by illegal Israeli settlements and harassed by Israeli settlers. Attempts at self-defense or counterattack are seen by the Israelis as terrorist acts.

—Means shape ends. (1) The nature of Zionist goals: the transformation of Palestine into a nation state for Jews alone, (2) undertaken with a group mentality shaped by a memories of European anti-Semitism, the outlook of racist European imperialism, and finally the trauma of the Holocaust, (3) strongly inclined the Zionists toward tactics that precluded compromise and equity with the indigenous Palestinians. (4) When the Palestinians inevitably resisted the Zionists they were cast as Arab Nazis, an image which justified the brutal tactics (suppression and expulsion) already in use. Finally, having conquered Palestine from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River, and shying away from a second mass expulsion as long as the world was watching, the Israelis inevitably fell into apartheid to neutralize the 7 million Arabs under their rule.

Part V—Conclusion

Once you have segregated away those you oppress, the average member of the dominant group can proceed with his or her life in comfortable blindness—literarily not seeing their victims, and remaining purposefully ignorant of the deformed situation that sustains their status, security and wealth. As time goes on all aspects of society (education, employment, media, social norms) come to reinforce this condition. This is the situation in today’s Israel. 

The blindspots can extend to Israel’s Zionist supporters in the diaspora, even if they are otherwise progressive liberals. Take the case of the American Jewish progressive  Peter Osnos, who fears the definitive nature of the HRW report. Why so? Because, he believes, “this report—in detail, length and tone—could be the basis for sanctions against Israel.” As the old Jewish idiom goes, “from his mouth to God’s ears.” However, that is an unlikely prospect. Western governments are so committed to Israel—and steeped in the hypocrisy this requires—that they will simply ignore the HRW revelations, as they did the earlier reports.  

Nonetheless, when you strip away all the ideologically-bred magical thinking, rationalizations, and blindspots, what you are left with is the blatant truth: you cannot impose a foreign group of people, seeking exclusive domination, into a land already populated by a different people, and not end up with a discriminatory and abusive system of rule. And if the abusive system persists something akin to apartheid becomes inevitable. So does periodic mass resistance.

القدس تدلي بصوتها في الانتخابات السوريّة


ناصر قنديل

عاشت المنطقة سنوات الحرب على سورية وهي تنتخب وكانت سورية صندوق الاقتراع الذي وضع فيه الجميع أصواته أموالاً وسلاحاً وفتاوى وتدخلات وحشود المستجلَبين من كل أنحاء الدنيا للقتال في سورية، وصوّت مع سورية بالدم حلفاء مخلصون صادقون، كانوا أقلية، لكنها مع الحق وسورية صارت أكثرية. وكتب النصر لسورية، وليس من باب الصدفة أن يجعل أعداء سورية عنواناً لتصويتهم استهداف الرئيس بشار الأسد والدعوة لرحيله، وأن يحمل محبّو سورية دماءهم وأرواحهم للتصويت مع سورية بنعم للرئيس بشار الأسد. وعندما أدلى الحكام العرب بأصواتهم ضد الرئيس بشار الأسد بكل ما يملكون، لأنه رمز للكرامة العربية وللتمسك بفلسطين والثبات على الحق العربي ومفهوم دولة الاستقلال، كان العرب الأحرار يفعلون العكس للسبب ذاته.

في الصندوق المفتوح للاقتراع على مساحة العالم وعلى مدى السنوات العشر الماضية، صوت الجميع، ولم يكن هناك مرشح يقابل الرئيس بشار الأسد، بل خيار، خيار الفوضى والتقسيم والإرهاب، وخيار الموت والحصار، وخيار تضييع الجولان والتطبيع مع الكيان، لأن الرئيس بشار الأسد مثل في هذا الاقتراع الكوني على مستقبل سورية خيار الوحدة والاستقلال والتمسك بالجولان وفلسطين، وكيان الاحتلال لم يكن محايداً ولا بعيداً عن هذا الاقتراع، فقد أدلى بتصويته مراراً وتكراراً، فمنذ بداية الحرب على سورية أعلن قادة الكيان انحيازهم لخيار إسقاط سورية وجيشها ورئيسها، وأعلنوا تباعاً أن تنظيم القاعدة حليف موثوق، وأعلنوا بغاراتهم أنهم مع تفتيت سورية وإضعافها وتقسيمها وتقاسمها، ويعلنون اليوم بقوة تصويتهم ضد خيار تعافي سورية واستعادة وحدتها.

لم يتأخّر الفلسطينيون عن فعل الشيء نفسه بالتصويت في صندوق الاقتراع المفتوح حول مستقبل سورية، فعندما جاهر بعض الفلسطينيين بدعم الخراب في سورية وشاركوا بصناعته، خرجت في البداية قلة من الفلسطينيين في الجليل تشكل اللجنة الشعبية للدفاع عن سورية وتقدّمتها الناشطة صابرين دياب، التي تمضي حجزاً أمنياً إلزامياً في منزلها منذ شهر تقريباً، لأنها بادرت لتحضير تأبين لائق باسم فلسطين والقدس للراحلين اللواء بهجت سليمان والأستاذ أنيس النقاش علامة التلازم بين فلسطين وسورية والمقاومة، وفي عشرات الاعتصامات رفعت صابرين ورفاقها صور الرئيس بشار الأسد في حيفا والقدس وعشرات المدن والبلدات الفلسطينية، فالفلسطينيون الصادقون بالولاء لفلسطين، أدركوا مبكراً أن التصويت حول مستقبل سورية، ورئيسها، هو تصويت حول مستقبل فلسطين، ولم يتوانوا لذلك عن المجاهرة بصوتهم العالي بخيارهم الواضح بانحياز لسورية وجيشها ورئيسها.

القدس التي شهدت في حي الشيخ جراح صولات وجولات المعتصمين يحملون صور الرئيس بشار الأسد والأعلام السورية، وقد زيّنت الأعلام السورية وصور الرئيس الأسد خيم الذين طردوا من منازلهم، وجدران منازل الذي ينتظرون قرارات التهجير، هي القدس التي تنتفض اليوم، وباحات المسجد الأقصى التي سجلت فيها أصوات هؤلاء الأحرار دعماً لسورية ورئيسها هي الساحات التي تشهد اليوم المواجهات البطولية مع جيش الاحتلال، مثلها مثل شوارع وأزقة حي الشيخ جراح، وكما يدرك الاحتلال، يدرك العرب والعالم، استحالة الفصل بين نتائج التصويت الجاري في سورية بعد أيام، والتصويت بالقبضات والأقدام والأرواح والدماء الذي يجري في القدس هذه الأيام، وأن الذين يصوتون هناك سيقررون وجهة التصويت هنا، والعكس بالعكس، وكما قالت السنوات العشر ستقول الليالي العشر.

العرب، والسوريون والفلسطينيون، منهم، يدركون أنهم يخوضون معركة واحدة لها عنوان واحد، أن اليد العليا لكيان الاحتلال تقابلها سورية ضعيفة ومفتتة ومقسّمة، وأن اليد العليا لسورية المتعافية القوية القادرة الواحدة السيدة، يقابله عز وكرامة للعرب وفي مقدّمتهم فلسطين وقدسها، كما يدركون أن بلداً وحيداً ورئيساً وحيداً يمكن أن يشكل تغييراً جذرياً للمعادلة في المنطقة وداخل كل بلد عربي؛ فمع سورية المنتصرة والأسد المنتصر، لا محاور عربيّة ولا صراعات وتصفية حسابات وانتقام، بل محور واحد يردّ الاعتبار للتضامن حول فلسطين، وسند لمصر بوجه مخاطر حروب المياه، وللعراق بوجه الفوضى، وللبنان بوجه الضياع، وسند لبلاد المغرب لعودة الروح للهويّة، وسند لدول الخليج للخروج من إثم التطبيع وحرب العبث في اليمن، ولأن الأمل لدى الشعوب يرتبط بالخيارات الواضحة، فقد أوضحت سورية خيارها ممهوراً بالدم، بأنها مع رئيسها الدكتور بشار الأسد قاعدة صلبة لخيار الوحدة والاستقلال والمقاومة. وهذا لم يغب عن المنتفضين في القدس بصفتهم طليعة الصوت العربيّ الحر، فمنهم من اعتبر صاروخ ديمونا ساعة صفر الانتفاضة، وقال شكراً لسورية وللأسد، ومنهم من قال إن الانتفاضة هي صوت ترجيحيّ في الانتخابات السوريّة لصالح الرئيس الأسد، رغم أنف الكارهين، بمقدار ما هي تصويت ضد تهويد القدس وضياع فلسطين.

مقالات متعلقة

هَبَّة باب العمود طريق لتصويب المسار

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter

عمرو علان

الأحد، 02 مايو 2021 07:31 م بتوقيت غرينتش

بناءً على تقدير موقف واقعي، وقراءة متكاملة للمشهد الفلسطيني بكافة أبعاده، كان قد استشرف البعض منذ بدايات مسار الانتخابات التشريعية الفلسطينية الجديدة بأن يقوم رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية محمود عباس بتأجيلها كما حصل فعلاً. ولسنا هنا بصدد العودة إلى النقاش الذي دار قبل قرار الفصائل الفلسطينية خلا حركة الجهاد الإسلامي حول خوض مغامرة انتخابية جديدة، لا سيما أننا في حضرة هبَّةٍ مقدسيةٍ عظيمة، قد أنجزت في الميدان وتُبشِّر بالمزيد إذا ما استفاقت الفصائل الفلسطينية لا سيما في الضفة والقدس من غفوتها، وتجاوزت ملهاة انتخابات مجلس تشريعي لدولة تخيُّلية؛ ما هي – في حقيقة الأمر – إلا جزءٌ صغير من كلٍ مغتصَب، يرزح تحت سلطة احتلال تتحكم بكل مفاصل حيات ذاك الفلسطيني الذي مازال صامداً على أرضه يقاوم، بما في ذلك انتخاباته وباعتراف رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية، بغض النظر عن وجاهة التبرير الذي ساقه هذا الأخير لتأجيل أو بالأصح لإلغاء الانتخابات التشريعية.

ما شهدته ساحات الأقصى وأزقة القدس العتيقة في الأيام القليلة الماضية يعيد التأكيد على معادلتين: أولاهما كون الشعب الفلسطيني في الضفة والقدس وحتى في أراضي 48 جاهزاً وحاضراً للقيام بحركة شعبية قابلة لأن تتطور وتتصاعد حتى تصل إلى العصيان المدني وانتفاضة ثالثة طال انتظارها. فبمجرد إقدام الاحتلال على المساس بالمقدّسات تراجعت الهموم الحياتية للمواطن الفلسطيني لتأخذ مرتبة ثانية بعد الهم الوطني، فهذا الصامد في أرضه الذي يرى بأُم العين تغوّل الاستيطان، سواءً في الضفة أو عبر المحاولات المستمرة لتهويد القدس، أثبت أنه يدرك طبيعة الصراع وجوهره، ويفهم أكثر من غيره مسؤولياته التي لا يتردد في القيام بها، وكان هذا شاخصاً في مدى رقعة امتداد الاحتجاجات التي شملت بالإضافة إلى القدس أراضي الضفة الغربية ومناطق 48. وقد تجلى الوعي الفلسطيني في طبيعة الهتافات التي صدرت من قبيل “سامع يا صهيوني سامع.. جاي تسكير الشوارع..”، و”مِن أم الفحم تحية.. لقدسنا الأبية..”، و”بلا سلمية بلا بطّيخ.. بدنا أحجار وصواريخ.. يا أقصى إحنا جينا.. والشرطة ما تثنينا..”. ولعل الهتاف الأكثر بلاغة كان “حط السيف قبال السيف.. إحنا رجال محمد ضيف..”، فكان لافتاً أنه لم يُهتف باسم أيٍ من السياسيين سواءً أكانوا من “حماس” أم من “فتح”، بل هُتِف باسم القادة العسكريين والشهداء.

بمجرد إقدام الاحتلال على المساس بالمقدّسات تراجعت الهموم الحياتية للمواطن الفلسطيني لتأخذ مرتبة ثانية بعد الهم الوطني، فهذا الصامد في أرضه الذي يرى بأُم العين تغوّل الاستيطان، سواءً في الضفة أو عبر المحاولات المستمرة لتهويد القدس، أثبت أنه يدرك طبيعة الصراع وجوهره

أما المعادلة الثانية التي أكدت عليها هبّة باب العمود فكانت الخشية الكبيرة لدى العدو من تفاقم الوضع في الأراضي المحتلة، وظهر ذلك جلياً في طريقة تعاطيه مع الأحداث، سواءً أكان مع صواريخ المقاومة التي انطلقت من غزة بشكل محسوب دعماً لهبّة القدس، أو في تعامل شرطة الاحتلال مع المتظاهرين المقدسيين التي على ما يبدو تفادت سقوط شهداء بين المتظاهرين خوفاً من التصعيد.

وتمكن قراءة القلق الأمريكي أيضاً من انزلاق الوضع إلى انتفاضة ثالثة في لغة التصريح غير المألوفة الصادر عن المتحدث باسم الإدارة الأمريكية نيد برايس، حيث أبدى قلق الإدارة الأمريكية من تصاعد العنف في القدس، وطالب بوقف شعارات الكراهية مع الدعوة إلى الهدوء، بالإضافة إلى مطالبة السلطات بحفظ أمن وسلامة جميع من في القدس، على عكس الموقف الأمريكي التقليدي الذي ما انفك عن تحميل الفلسطينيين مسؤولية جرائم الاحتلال مشفوعاً بعبارته الممجوجة بأن لدى “إسرائيل” حق الدفاع عن النفس. ولم تكن هذه صحوة ضمير، بل مؤشرا على إدراكه للنتائج الوخيمة على كيان الاحتلال إذا ما تطورت الاحتجاجات لتصل إلى انتفاضة ثالثة، يُحتمَل أن تعم هذه المرة كل الأراضي المحتلة في القدس والضفة وأراضي 48، ويكون ظهرها محمياً بمقاومة مسلحة قادرة في غزة يدعمها محور مقاومة صاعد بات يغير المعادلات على الأرض، ويمكنه رسم الخطوط الحمر أمام كيان الاحتلال في طريقة تعاطيه مع انتفاضة الشعب الفلسطيني، خطوط حمر وقواعد اشتباك لن يجرؤ الاحتلال على تجاوزها كما بات واضحاً في سلوكه خلال الأعوام القليلة الماضية.

هاتان المعادلتان كانتا الحاكمتين خلال السنوات الثلاث أو الأربع الأخيرة على أقل تقدير وما تزالان، ونُذكّر بهبّة كاميرات الأقصى التي خسرها الاحتلال، والعمليات الفردية وعمليات الطعن والدهس المتكررة ضد المستوطنين، وتراجع نتنياهو عن تنفيذ خطة الضم في الأول من تموز الفائت خوفاً من اشتعال الأراضي المحتلة حسب تقارير أجهزته الأمنية والعسكرية، ناهيكم عن الحذر الشديد لدى الاحتلال من الانزلاق إلى مواجهة جديدة مفتوحة مع المقاومة في غزة، وتوازن الرعب الذي يعيشه المحتل على جبهة جنوب لبنان المحرر أمام حزب الله.

وعليه يصير السؤال المطروح بإلحاح على الفصائل الفلسطينية: أما حان الوقت للبناء على معادلات القوة هذه في الميدان بشكل منظم، مما يؤدي إلى انتزاع تنازلات حقيقية من العدو من قبيل تفكيك المستوطنات في الضفة أو وقف تهويد القدس على أقل تقدير؟

أما حان الوقت للبناء على معادلات القوة هذه في الميدان بشكل منظم، مما يؤدي إلى انتزاع تنازلات حقيقية من العدو من قبيل تفكيك المستوطنات في الضفة أو وقف تهويد القدس على أقل تقدير؟

لدى الشعب الفلسطيني وفصائله اليوم فرصة جديدة واقعية تتمثل بهبّة مقدسية مباركة يمكن تطويرها وتأطيرها، ويمكن من خلالها استعادة وحدة وطنية حقيقية في الميدان بين كل من يؤمن بمقاومة الاحتلال، عوضاً عن اللهث وراء مشاريع لن تؤدي إلا إلى زيادة التشظي في الساحة الفلسطينية كما حصل عقب القرار البائس في التوجه إلى انتخابات تشريعية في ظل الاحتلال وتحت سقف “أوسلو”.

وإذا ما سلمنا بأنه قد ثبُت بالدليل الحسي انقطاع الأمل في قيام السلطة الفلسطينية ورموز التنسيق الأمني بتعديل مسلكهم، عندها يصبح على عاتق الفصائل مع الذين ما زالوا يؤمنون في “فتح” الرصاصة الأولى لا “فتح” القبيلة؛ اجتراح السبل لتفعيل العمل الميداني، لمواكبة تحركات الشارع الفلسطيني المنتفض، وعلى السلطة حينها الاختيار بين أن تكون جزءاً من الشعب الفلسطيني الثائر أو الوقوف على الحياد، وإما أن تستمر بالتنسيق الأمني مع قوات الاحتلال، وعندها لا ملامة على شعبنا إن عاملها معاملة العملاء في الانتفاضتين السابقتين.

وختاماً نُذكِّر بأن تفعيل المقاومة الشعبية الجادة والعصيان المدني كانا من أهم مخرجات اجتماع أمناء الفصائل الأخير المنعقد في أيلول الماضي، فماذا إذن هم منتظرون؟

Historic HRW Report: Israel Committing ‘Crime of Apartheid’ against Palestinians (FULL REPORT)

April 27, 2021

Palestinians cross Israeli apartheid wall. (Photo: via

Human Rights Watch said Tuesday that Israel is committing the crime of “apartheid” by seeking to maintain Jewish “domination” over Palestinians and its own Arab population, an explosive allegation fiercely denounced by Israel.

Currently under investigation by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes, Israel blasted HRW’s accusations as “preposterous and false”, accusing the New York-based group of having “a long-standing anti-Israeli agenda”.

HRW said its finding that Israel is “committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution” against Palestinians was based on robust sourcing including government planning materials and statements by public officials.

The 213-page report finds that the Israeli government is the “single authority” with primary control “over the area between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea”.

Within that territory, there is “an overarching Israeli government policy to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians,” HRW said.


The group said its findings apply to Israeli treatment of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, the blockaded Gaza Strip, annexed east Jerusalem as well as Arab Israelis — a term referring to Palestinians who stayed on their land following Israel’s creation in 1948.

HRW said that while apartheid was initially coined with respect to the institutional persecution of black people in South Africa, it was now a universally recognized legal term.

An apartheid system is defined by “inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them,” according to the Apartheid Convention.

Omar Shakir, Israel and Palestine director at Human Rights Watch, told AFP there have been warnings for years that “apartheid is around the corner”.

“I think it’s quite clear that that threshold has been crossed,” Shakir said from Jordan.

A US citizen, Shakir was the first foreign national deported by Israel for allegedly supporting an international boycott movement that seeks to isolate Israel, an allegation he denies.

The rights group listed sweeping movement restrictions, land confiscation, forcible population transfer, denial of residency rights and suspension of civil rights as examples of abuses “Israeli authorities have carried out… against Palestinians”.

(The New Arab, PC, Social Media)

The Illusion of a Palestinian Kingmaker in Israel

As we look forward, we shall see yet another Israeli government dedicated to destroying Palestine and its people led once again by Benjamin Netanyahu.


April 14, 2021

MARCH 3: Head of the Joint List Ayman Odeh (2nd L), the members Heba Yazbak (R), Mansour Abbas (L), Mtanes Shehadeh (3rd L), Aida Touma (4th R), Ahmed Tibi (4th L) and Ofer Cassif (2nd R) attend a program in Israel’s northern city of Shefa-Amr on March 2, 2020, after polls officially closed in Israeli general elections. Photo by Mostafa Alkharouf. Anadolu Agency.

There are two things that are certain after Israel’s fourth election in two years: the first is that Benjamin Netanyahu will continue to be Israel’s Prime Minister. The second, that no Arab party will have any part in Netanyahu’s continued reign as PM. These elections had given an undeniable victory to Benjamin Netanyahu. In a strategy that can be seen as divide and rule, Netanyahu has been very successful at dividing his opposition and now he may rule over them as they come begging him for a piece of the pie.

One of the strangest misconceptions that has risen immediately after the results of the elections were announced is that Mansour Abbas, who leads the Islamic United Arab Party will somehow become “kingmaker.” They claim that his vote in the Knesset will tip the scales and that the next Israeli prime minister will be in his debt. This claim stems from a lack of appreciation for the racist Zionist ideology and how, like a thread, it runs through all of Israel’s Zionist political parties, left, right and center.

But who needs a king maker when the king, Benjamin Netanyahu sits on his throne comfortably and unchallenged? In the previous elections, one may recall Netanyahu did face a serious challenge and his decade long tenure seemed as though it was going to end. The President of the State of Israel, Reuven Rivlin, had given the official mandate to form a government to Netanyahu’s challenger, former IDF Chief Benny Gantz. Everyone was sure that Ganz would finally unseat Netanyahu, as he had promised to do in his campaign. He even had the numbers to do it.

VIDEO: Israeli PM decries “coup attempt” in his corruption trial

However, Netanyahu managed to get Gantz to go back on his word to the voters. He agreed to sit in Netanyahu’s government even though this meant destroying the political coalition he had created, which included two other former IDF Chiefs, and the first real challenge to Netanyahu in a decade fizzled away. Gantz ended up working for Netanyahu as Defense Minister and his reputation and following practically disappeared.

He was promised that Netanyahu would vacate his seat when half of his term was over and that Ganz would be Prime Minister for the second half of their term, but really, no one believed that Netanyahu would follow through. In agreeing to sit in Netanyahu’s government Gantz sealed his fate to be a footnote in Israeli politics, and in this last election his party received only eight seats in the Knesset. This is after being a step away from the Premiership.

Netanyahu, having successfully destroyed any chance of another coalition being put together to unseat him now sits comfortably with thirty seats in the Knesset, followed by Yair Lapid’s party with 17 seats.

In the past, Gantz ran as leader of not only his own party but of a coalition of parties that agreed to follow him under the slogan of “No to Netanyahu.” It was that coalition that almost brought Netanyahu down. But it was disbanded when Gantz broke his promise. Netanyahu, having successfully destroyed any chance of another coalition being put together to unseat him now sits comfortably with thirty seats in the Knesset, followed by Yair Lapid’s party with 17 seats.

Read: Gantz, Netanyahu, Bennett and Israeli Politics in a Stalemate

Now the horse training begins. Who will join the government and what portfolio he or she will receive in return? As was said before, there is no better, more politically savvy, and more experienced political horse trader in Israeli politics than Benjamin Netanyahu.

As Netanyahu has already shown, even the most ardent “No to Netanyahu” supporters forget themselves when they are presented with the possibility of getting a seat at his table. In his current government coalition, the one that now sits as a lame-duck government, he even managed to get members of the Labor Party to join him, even though Labor is historically Netanyahu’s biggest opposition.

Breaking the logjam and building a coalition is always a long and tedious process. The Israeli political system allows small parties to wield more political power than the voters had given them because the larger parties need them to seal the deal, and they know it. Historically, the religious parties were the ones who broke the logjam as they were willing to sit with whoever agreed to provide them with their demands.

Just Like in the US, Policing in Israel is Rooted in Racist Violence

April 15th, 2021

By Jessica Buxbaum


In the US, policing can be traced back to nineteenth-century slave patrols. In Israel, security forces have roots in Haganah, a Zionist militia group involved in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

HAIFA, ISRAEL — Israeli state violence manifests in several ways—police killings, home demolitions, displacement and detentions—but each is grounded in the same colonialist ideology spanning decades.

In the U.S., policing can be traced back to the nineteenth century slave patrols designed to control and suppress Black people. In Israel, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and Israeli security agency, Shin Bet, have roots in the Haganah, a Zionist militia group involved in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine (known as the Nakba) before Israel became a state.

The Haganah’s off-shoot organizations—Irgun and Lehi—committed atrocities like the Deir Yassin massacre. On April 9, 1948, these Zionist fighters stormed the village of Deir Yassin, “executed over 100 men, women and children, and then burned their dead bodies.”

Israeli history of the Haganah often tries to separate it from the right-wing Irgun and Lehi paramilitary organizations, but massacres were a core part of the Haganah’s strategy. During the Nakba, the Haganah carried out bombings, executions, and even castration.

Miko Peled, a human rights activist whose father served in the Israeli Army and was part of the Haganah, considers the Zionist group a terrorist organization.

“Their entire existence was to execute the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. So, there’s no way to execute ethnic cleansing other than [by] terrorizing the population,” Peled said, adding:

The Haganah became the Israeli Army after May of 1948, but in terms of their mode of operations and ideology, they were really just the same terrorist organization glorified now as an army.”

Haganah Israel
Zionist militia members walk in front of an Arab hotel bombed by Haganah in Jerusalem, May 6, 1948. Jim Pringle | AP

While the IDF originates from the Haganah, the Israel Police derives from the Palestine Police Force. Established by the British, the organization grew from a primarily Palestinian institution at its founding in 1920 to one mostly comprised of British and Jewish officers by 1948.

Specifically, the Jewish forces dominated the Notrim, a branch of the service defending Jewish settlements. The majority of its members were recruited from the Haganah. The Notrim became what is known today as the Israeli Military Police. Between 1947 and 1948, Palestinian police officers joined Arab forces defending Palestine, while Jewish police collaborated with Zionist militias.

Peled explained that these interconnections between the different police and military forces still exist:

The police, the military, and the Shabak [Shin Bet] all work together. A lot of officers retire from the military and go to the police or the Shabak. They were all raised on the same ideology and the mode of operation is Palestinian lives don’t matter.”

The violence and racist beliefs of slave patrols, the Haganah, and the Palestine Police Force can still be witnessed today in American policing and the Israeli Army.

The police brutality crisis in Israel-Palestine

On March 29, Munir Anabtawi’s mother called police to help subdue her mentally ill son, who had a knife, in their home in the Wadi Nisnas neighborhood of Haifa. The police arrived but instead of diffusing the situation, an officer shot Anabtawi twice in the chest, killing him.

The incident sparked renewed concern over the Israel Police’s treatment of marginalized communities, specifically of Palestinians with and without Israeli citizenship.

Anabtawi, 33, was a Palestinian citizen of Israel. His killing is still under investigation, but the officer who fatally shot him is now back at work after Israel’s Ministry of Justice accepted his claim he shot in self-defense. According to the officer, Anabtawi tried to stab him. A knife was found at the scene.

Munir Anabtawi
Palestinians from the occupied city of Haifa protest following the murder of Munir Anabtawi, March, 30, 2021. Photo | Activestills

Both Public Security Minister Amir Ohana and the Commander-in-Chief of Police have come out in support of the officer.

Alber Nahas, the lawyer for the Anabtawi family, disputes the police’s self-defense reasoning. He argues the police are professionals and should know how to de-escalate a confrontation without killing an individual.

“They could have shot him in the legs, not the chest,” Nahas told MintPress.

The Israel Police placed a gag order on Anabtawi’s case to stop further reporting. Anabtawi’s family requested an autopsy be performed by their own representative. Yet Nahas said the autopsy’s results remain unknown as a result of the gag order.

A day after Anabtawi’s death, crowds waved Palestinian flags outside his family’s home in protest of the police killing.

In recent weeks, massive demonstrations have erupted across Palestinian communities inside Israel over police brutality against Palestinian citizens of Israel and law enforcement’s mishandling of violence stemming from organized crime.

Video footage from a February protest in Umm al-Fahm in northern Israel shows police officers using excessive force against participants. The severe use of tear gas and stun grenades by police resulted in a protester requiring head surgery.

In February, Ahmad Hejazi, a Palestinian citizen of Israel and a bystander, was fatally shot when police opened fire during a crime scene.

These actions have pushed human rights organizations such as Adalah (The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel) and Palestinian members of Israel’s parliament to charge that police officers view Palestinian citizens as enemies of the state.

“The killing of 33-year-old Munir Anabtawi is merely the continuation of the aggressive treatment practiced by the police toward Arab citizens,” Ayman Odeh — head of the Joint List, a coalition of Israel’s main Arab political parties — told the Times of Israel. “The police see Arab citizens as enemies, not equal citizens.”

According to the Mossawa Center, an advocacy organization for Palestinians in Israel, Israeli police have killed 62 Palestinian citizens of Israel, and 47 of those deaths can be attributed to racism. Suha Salman Mousa, Mossawa’s executive director, explained how this violence is rooted in racism.

Since 2000 we see that the chief of police, the police officers, and the whole system are dealing with Arab citizens of Israel in a different way. And this is part of the racism we suffer from. We suffer from racism in the form of police brutality, we suffer from racism in laws approved by the Knesset [Israeli parliament], and we suffer from racism with home demolitions. We suffer from racism in all aspects of life, and one of them is police brutality.”

Black Lives Matter, Palestinian Lives Matter

Last year, in the wake of the horrific police murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd and the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement, Palestine-Israel was having its own Palestinian Lives Matter movement.

On May 30, 2020, Israeli border police fatally shot Iyad Hallak, a Palestinian man with autism, in Jerusalem. The reason for the deadly firing? Officers suspected Hallak was armed. It was revealed after his death that he wasn’t carrying a weapon.

Palestinians and Israeli activists made a connection between Floyd and Hallak’s deaths. Floyd’s face was painted on the Apartheid Wall, the barrier separating the West Bank and Israel. Activists demonstrating against Hallak’s killing in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem held signs reading “Palestinian Lives Matter,” an obvious reference to the ongoing civil rights struggle in the U.S.

George Floyd mural
A mural depicting George Floyd on Israel’s apartheid wall in the Palestanian city of Bethlehem, April 9, 2021. Maya Alleruzzo | AP

Anabtawi’s killing brings back to mind Hallak’s. “[Anabtawi] could have been taken over without live fire, according to his sister,” Palestinian member of the Knesset Ahmad Tibi said. “The names Iyad Hallak and Mustafa Yunis Zel come up again. Very light hand on the trigger.”

Just as Black individuals are seen as suspects by American police, so are Palestinians by Israeli forces.

“Whenever the police see an Arab, he immediately becomes a target,” one of Hallak’s relatives, Hatem Awiwi, told Al-Monitor days after his death.

For Mousa, police violence in the U.S. and Israel-Palestine is the product of a shared pervasive issue: “If you compare it with Black Lives Matter and the police officers in the U.S., it’s racism. It’s almost the same.”

An American-Israeli police alliance

American police killed 1,127 people in 2020 — 28% of those killed were Black; the U.S. population is just over 12% Black.

On the other side of the world — in Palestine-Israel — the numbers tell a similar story. In 2019, 13 people are known to have been killed by the police, 11 of them were Palestinians and two others were of Ethiopian descent.

Despite the difference in statistics, an ongoing exchange of militant practices and abusive tactics entwines the two organizations together.

In 2002, the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) launched a law enforcement exchange between Israeli and American police forces. Its success birthed an official exchange program between the allies, under which every year hundreds of American police officers travel to Israel for training with military and police personnel. Thousands more participate in conferences and workshops led by Israeli officials in the U.S.

According to a 2018 report by Researching the American-Israeli Alliance (RAIA), while the exchanges are touted as an opportunity for American police to partner with a foreign ally and gain invaluable counter-terrorism experience, they actually reinforce discriminatory practices embedded in law enforcement. Specifically, these exchanges enhance strategies of surveillance, racial profiling, and forceful suppression of protests among American police officers. RAIA wrote:

Upon their return, U.S. law enforcement delegates implement practices learned from Israel’s use of invasive surveillance, blatant racial profiling, and repressive force against dissent. Rather than promoting security for all, these programs facilitate an exchange of methods in state violence and control that endanger[s] us all.”

Overall, this “Israelization” of the U.S. police leads to increased militarization of an already heavily militarized police force.

In Israel, citizens are obliged to spend two years in the army. The Anabtawi family’s lawyer said he would like to believe police officers coming from the IDF understand the difference between a citizen and an enemy. Alber Nahas explained:

When you are with the army, you are fighting the enemy. If you are fighting the enemy, it’s easier to shoot, to kill the enemy, but the police should not look at the Arab people, the citizens inside the country, as enemies. So, the government should better educate the police so this doesn’t happen.

Because the statistics are saying to us that there are more Arabs who were killed by policemen than non-Arabs. And this shouldn’t be accepted as a human being.”

مواقف تضامنية مع الصحافية صابرين دياب ورفض إقدام الاحتلال على احتجازها قسرياً في منزلها Solidarity with the journalist Sabreen Diab and rejecting the occupation’s forced detention in her home

مواقف تضامنية مع الصحافية صابرين دياب ورفض إقدام الاحتلال على احتجازها قسرياً في منزلها


أعلنت الحملة الأهلية لنصرة فلسطين وقضايا الأمة، في بيان انه «منذ أسبوع والصحافية المناضلة صابرين دياب من قرية طمرة في فلسطين المحتلة عام 1948، تتعرّض للاحتجاز القسري في منزلها من قبل سلطات الاحتلال الصهيوني، وذلك لمنعها من ممارسة أي نشاط وطني أو قومي في مواجهة الاحتلال ودعم قضايا الأمة ورموزها».

وأشارت الحملة في بيان إلى أنّ «هذا الاحتجاز القسري يأتي بحجة وضعها تحت التحقيق بعد استدعائها من سلطات الاحتلال عشية فعالية هامة كانت تنظمها المناضلة صابرين مع عدد من الشخصيات الوطنية في فلسطين تأبيناً للراحلين الدكتور اللواء بهجت سليمان (من سورية) والمثقف الرؤيوي أنيس النقاش (من لبنان) على قمة جبل الطور المطلّ على الأقصى».

وأكدت الحملة تضامنها مع دياب ودعت كلّ الهيئات القومية والإنسانية والحقوقية داخل فلسطين وعلى المستوى العربي والدولي إلى التحرك للتضامن معها ومع الأسرى والمعتقلين».

كما دعت إلى أوسع مشاركة في اللقاء التضامني عبر تطبيق (الزوم) الذي دعت إليه لجنة دعم الصحافيين (مقرّها جنيف)، تضامناً مع الصحافية دياب وسائر الصحافيات والصحافيين الفلسطينيين المعتقلين في السجون الإسرائيلية، في الساعة التاسعة من مساء اليوم الخميس (توقيت فلسطين).

من جهته دعا المحامي عمر زين الأمين العام السابق لاتحاد المحامين العرب، رئيس المنظمة العربية للدفاع عن الصحافيين وسجناء الرأي، منسق عام اللجنة الوطنية للدفاع عن الأسرى والمعتقلين في سجون الاحتلال الصهيوني إلى التحرك تضامناً مع الصحافية صابرين دياب.

وقال زين في بيان أمس «إنّ سلطات الاحتلال الصهيونية أقدمت على فرض الإقامة الجبرية على الصحافية الفلسطينية العروبية المناضلة صابرين دياب ومنعتها من أيّ اتصال، وذلك في محاولة لتعطيل أيّ فعالية أو نشاط تقوم ب، وآخرها فعالــية تأبين اللواء السفير الدكتور بهجــت سليمان والمناضل الكبير أنيس النقاش، التي كان مقررا إقامتها  في جبل الطور المطلّ على القدس، بمشاركة حشد من الشخصيات الوطنية الفلسطينية.

وإذ أدان هذا الإجراء التعسّفي الصهيوني الجديد من قبل سلطات الاحتلال التي تواصل جرائم الاغتيال والاعتقال والتهجير والاستيطان الاستعماري في عموم الأرض الفلسطينية، دعا زين كلّ الاتحادات والمنظمات المعنية بحرية الصحافة وحقوق الإنسان الى التحرك للإفراج عن الصحافية صابرين وعن كلّ المعتقلين والأسرى في سجون الاحتلال، مؤكداً قيام المنظمة العربية للدفاع عن الصحافيين وسجناء الرأي واللجنة الوطنية للدفاع عن الأسرى بإجراء الاتصالات اللازمة على المستويين العربي والدولي للضغط على سلطات الاحتلال لوقف ممارساتها العدوانية ضدّ الشعب الفلسطيني البطل بما فيها ما يجري من هدم منازل أهالي الشيخ جراح وحي البستان في القدس، وحارة خان الأحمر في إطار تهويد الأرض الفلسطينية وإقامة المستعمرات الصهيونية مكانها

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

Solidarity with the journalist Sabreen Diab and rejecting the occupation’s forced detention in her home


This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is %D8%B5%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%86-%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%A8-1-483x470.jpg

The Civil Campaign to Support Palestine and the Nation’s Issues announced in a statement that “A week ago, patriotic journalist, Sabreen Diab, from the village of Tamra in Palestine occupied in 1948, has been subjected to forcible detention in her home by the Zionist occupation authorities, in order to prevent her from practicing any patriotic or national activity in the face of the occupation and support for the nation’s causes and its symbols. ”

The campaign stated in a statement that “this forced detention comes under the pretext of placing it under investigation after being summoned by the occupation authorities on the eve of an important event that was organized by the militant Sabreen with a number of national figures in Palestine in memory of the late Dr. Major General Bahjat Suleiman (from Syria) and the visionary educator Anis Al-Naqash (from Lebanon) on the summit of Mount Al-Tour overlooking Al-Aqsa ».

The campaign affirmed its solidarity with Diab and called on all national, humanitarian and human rights organizations inside Palestine and at the Arab and international levels to move in solidarity with her and with the Palestinian prisoners and detainees.

It also called for the widest participation in the solidarity meeting through the application of (Zoom) called by the Journalists Support Committee (based in Geneva), in solidarity with the journalist Diab and all the Palestinian journalists and journalists detained in Israeli prisons, at nine o’clock in the evening, Thursday (Palestine time).

For his part, lawyer Omar Zain, the former Secretary General of the Arab Lawyers Union, called on the head of the Arab Organization for the Defense of Journalists and Prisoners of Conscience, and the General Coordinator of the National Committee for the Defense of Prisoners and Detainees in the Zionist Occupation Prisons to act in solidarity with the journalist Sabreen Diab.

Zain said in a statement yesterday, “The Zionist occupation authorities imposed house arrest on the Palestinian Arab journalist, Sabreen Diab, and prevented her from any contact, in an attempt to disrupt any activity she undertakes, the last of which is the memorialization event of Major General Ambassador Dr. Bahjat Suleiman and the great fighter Anis Al-Naqqash, which was scheduled to be held on Mount Tur, overlooking Jerusalem, with the participation of a crowd of Palestinian national figures.

Condemning this new Zionist arbitrary measure by the occupation authorities that continue the crimes of assassination, arrest, displacement and colonial settlement throughout the Palestinian Territory, Zain called on all unions and organizations concerned with freedom of the press and human rights to take action to release the journalist Sabreen and all detainees and prisoners in the occupation prisons, affirming that The Arab Organization for the Defense of Journalists and Prisoners of Conscience and the National Committee for the Defense of Prisoners to conduct the necessary contacts at the Arab and international levels to pressure the occupation authorities to stop their aggressive practices against the heroic Palestinian people, including the demolition of the homes of the people of Sheikh Jarrah and the Al Bustan neighborhood in Jerusalem, and the Khan al-Ahmar neighborhood within the framework of Judaizing the Palestinian land and establishing Zionist colonies in its place.

Related Articles

When Islam and Judaism Make Friends…


islam judaism.jpg

by Gilad Atzmon

On Thursday evening at 8pm, every Israeli news channel broadcasted live primetime televised speech delivered by the new Israeli kingmaker, Mansour Abbas, the Leader of the Israeli Islamic party, Ra’am.  

“Now is the time for change,” the conservative Muslim leader told his Hebrew-speaking audience, in Hebrew.

Abbas seems to be the only one who can save Netanyahu’s political future. He knows it and uses the moment to deliver a message of reconciliation and coexistence.

“I carry a prayer of hope, and the search for coexistence based on mutual respect and genuine equality,” Abbas told his Jewish listeners. “What we have in common is greater than what divides us.”

The history of the Israeli Arab conflict reveals that it is always the Arabs who lead dramatic reconciliatory moves and it is only right-wing governments that can positively react to such moves.

Abbas isn’t the first Palestinian to advocate the idea of coexistence and possible reconciliation. In 1974, Yasser Arafat stood in front of the UN Assembly offering an olive branch to Israel and its supporters. He urged his listeners, “do not let this branch fall from my hand.”  

The Israeli-Arab communist party Hadash has been preaching the value of coexistence for decades, however within the context of the vanishing Israeli Left, their voice has had close to zero impact on Israeli politics.

Abbas knows that he is in a pivotal and historic position. He knows that many Israeli Arabs are behind him and he wants to materialise the power they bestowed on him.

“I, Mansour Abbas, a man of the Islamic Movement, am a proud Arab and Muslim, a citizen of the state of Israel, who heads the leading, biggest political movement in Arab society.” Abbas told the Israelis, ‘forgetting’ to mention that he is also a Palestinian.  

Many Palestinians, Israeli-Arabs and peace lovers see Abbas as a “traitor.” I actually believe that not many Palestinian leaders have been as shrewd as him.  I can assure you that a potential Netanyahu government dependent on Abbas’ support is not going to drop bombs on Gaza. It will think twice before it sends its American made planes to attack Syria and it may even stop pushing for a war against Iran. I am actually pretty excited by the idea of a right-wing Israeli government committed to the appeasement of Mr. Abbas.


But some Israeli Jews were also upset by Abbas’ speech. Religious Zionist party leader MK Bezalel Smotrich said on Friday that his party will not sit in a government dependent on any support from Ra’am. On Thursday night, just after Abbas’ televised speech, Smotrich reportedly refused to communicate with Netanyahu.  It is important to mention that Ra’am have also ruled out a coalition with the Religious Zionist party.

And here is the most spectacular news about Abbas and his initiative. The Orthodox Jewish parties clearly prefer bonding with a Muslim party over the Israeli Identitarian Left. Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky, the senior ultra-Orthodox spiritual leader of the United Torah Judaism alliance, declared yesterday that Ra’am is more than a legitimate party. The rabbi reportedly announced that “as far as safeguarding Jewish tradition is concerned, it is better to go with the representatives of the Arab public, than with the representatives from the left.”

Those who follow the shift in the Israeli society in the last five decades have noticed that religion is a growing factor within both the shrinking Jewish majority and the growing Arab minority. In both Jewish and Arab societies it is religion that produce the answers that were left unresolved by the big ideologies, Zionism, Israeliness and the so-called ‘Left alternative.’

I guess that if the fear of the Left in its current Identitarian rendition is enough to bridge the divide between Islam and Judaism, maybe identiterianism isn’t such a bad thing after all; it is certainly a harmonious catalyst.


Israeli Politics and the Metaphysics of the Shtetl



by Gilad Atzmon

The ongoing political stalemate in Israel brings to mind an old recycled Jewish joke that reads as follows:

Q: How many synagogues are needed in a village with one Jew?

A: Two, one to go to and one to boycott!

Self identified Jews, and especially non-religious one, are hardly defined by what they are but mostly by that which they oppose. They are basically defined by means of negation: the list of ideas, thoughts, philosophies and people whom they reject, contest and boycott.

This unique state of being describes accurately the political paralysis in Israel. Roughly two-thirds of Knesset members are hard-core right wingers. They agree with PM Benjamin Netanyahu on pretty much every crucial political matter including the most radical chauvinist interpretations of Jewish nationalism. In a normal civilized democracy this would be enough to form the strongest possible government.  But in Israel they are already preparing for their fifth consecutive election, as they have failed to form a stable government in the last three years.

Like in the old Jewish joke they boycott each other. Netanyahu’s past allies such as Avigdor Lieberman and Gideon Sa’ar, who are actually to the right of Netanyahu, are committed to one goal: stopping the most popular Israeli right-wing politician. They prefer to join Netanyahu’s bitterest enemies in the vanishing Israeli ‘left’ just to make sure that Netanyahu finally disappears from the political arena. They will use every political maneuver to topple the man who, more than anyone else, transformed Israel into a right-wing regional superpower. Not many can deny that it is Netanyahu who reduced some world decaying powers into Israel’s obedient remote colonies.

How are we supposed to interpret this animosity within Israeli politics? How is it possible that right-wingers are determined to destroy their political twins? The genius philosopher Otto Weininger observed in his book Sex and Character that what we hate in others is that which we despise in ourselves.  According to Weininger, this is why the most dedicated homophobes are often latent gays themselves. Similarly, according to Weininger, the most devoted Jews-haters are themselves Jews. 

It was Otto Weininger’s brilliant observation that helped me grasp that it was me whom I hate the most. It was Weininger who helped me realize that the most profound study of Jewish ID politics may be achieved by means of self-reflection. It was Weininger who explained why it is that the Jews who contributed to humanity the most (such as Jesus, Spinoza and Weininger himself) were often described by fellow Jews as ‘self-haters.’  It is more than likely that those who despise Netanyahu within the Israeli political realm actually hate in Netanyahu that which they despise in themselves. They are all deeply compromised; Netanyahu is just slightly more gifted in being compromised. He harnessed this gift into an astonishing political career.  

Netanyahu, in the most peculiar way, has brought to light everything the state has tried to conceal and suppress. It is Netanyahu that transformed Israel into a ‘Jewish State,’ understanding already in the 1990s that it is actually ‘Jewishness’ that unites Israeli Jews, as opposed to an ‘Israeliness’ that means less and less as time goes by. It was this realization that created that most resilient bond between Netanyahu and the Israeli orthodox parties. But Netanyahu is an elastic political character; when he realized that a coalition of ‘the Jews’ is not enough to win him the election he successfully bonded with the Islamic Party (Ra’am).

In a very short time ahead of the last election, Netanyahu managed to break the Israeli-Arab’s rising political power, with Ra’am separating from the United Arab List.  If Netanyahu manages to form a government at this stage, it is almost certain that he will do this with the support of the Islamic Party. Some Jewish nationalist parties on the far right of Bibi’s ‘potential’ coalition have declared that governing with the Islamist party is unimaginable. Yet the Jewish orthodox party Shas announced that the possibility of uniting with Ra’am isn’t at all a remote option. Again we see a repetition of the synagogue joke above. The Jewish Orthodox prefer to sit with pious Muslims rather than with Jewish LGBTQ enthusiasts of the pseudo-Left type.  

The Israeli Left is obviously made of the exact same material as their orthodox twins.  The so-called ‘Left’ party Meretz already signaled that it is willing to sit in a coalition with the ultra-right Sa’ar and Bennett just to make sure that Netanyahu is ousted. They will join one Synagogue just to boycott the other.

One may wonder at this stage whether this absurd theater is a manifestation of some tribal irrational behavior. I don’t believe it is. The entire Israeli political establishment benefits from the current political chaos. Netanyahu knows that his lawyers will manage to postpone his trial indefinitely as long as Israel is heading towards elections. His Likud Party members also know that without Netanyahu at the helm, their party would evaporate into dust.

Netanyahu’s enemies in the Right know that the public do not believe in them or their abilities, and with good reason. Centrist parties are also a vanishing political power. The disappearance of Netanyahu and the rise of a wall-to-wall right-wing coalition is a death sentence for them. The Israeli Left doesn’t even deserve our attention as it is nonexistent by now and what is left out of it is treacherous to every recognized left value. Israel’s Left is more concerned with Identitarian matters and LGBTQ fights than anything that is remotely working class-related, labour and social oriented or concerned with Israeli-Arab reconciliation.

The truth of the matter is that everybody around Netanyahu expected him to win this election and form a coalition. The image of ‘success’ in the ‘fight against Covid’ was orchestrated by Netanyahu in the most profound manner and even this didn’t translate into a victory. The truth of the matter is that for Netanyahu and the rest of the Israeli political world, the continuing paralysis is a survival strategy.  

This detachment between the masses and their oligarchs is not new to the Jewish universe. This is exactly how the Shtetl, the Diaspora Jewish town, was run. In the Shtetl, the rich and the oligarchs married their daughters to the young rabbinical protégés just to form a very successful bond between wealth and authority. Consequently, the history of the Jewish Ghetto is a story of a great divided society of a cognitive and social partition between the people and the elite, between the ‘Rothschilds,’ so to say, and the rest: “hewers of wood and drawers of water.”

Israel was born to amend the Jewish fate and correct the Jewish Diaspora’s destiny. It was made into a reality by left-leaning Zionist ideologists and agitators who vowed to equalize Jewish society, to make Jews ‘people like all others.’ They tried to defy capitalism with labour, agriculture and new ethics. But the reality of the Jewish State proves the complete opposite. In just a few decades Israel has morphed into the worst shtetl of them all.  It manifests every aspect Zionism vowed to eradicate. It is corrupted, divided and run by an aloof society that cares for itself and itself alone. 


Yair Lapid Meets Mansour Abbas in Bid to Reach Coalition Agreement

March 29, 2021

Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid on Sunday met with Head of the Ra’am Party Mansour Abbas to discuss forming a coalition government, Israeli media reported.

Abbas, according to Ynet News, presented his movement’s demands to Lapid. The demands included scrapping the Nation-State Law, having the freedom to vote on pro-LGBT bills, freezing the Kaminitz Law, recognizing unrecognized Arab towns in the Negev, and fighting crime among the Arab community in Israel.

Both Abbas and Lapid issued brief statements following their meeting, stating that they had agreed to continue their communications.

Following Tuesday’s election, Ra’am has emerged as a kingmaker as both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Lapid’s Yesh Atid lacked enough seats in the Knesset to enable either party to form a coalition government.

Right-wing pro-Netanyahu hardliners, including Head of the Fascist Religious Zionism Party Bezalel Smotrich, have rejected joining a coalition including Arab MKs or reliant on an Arab party.

This also came following a Likud meeting with Abbas, during which they discussed prospects of the latter’s participation in a Likud-led government.

Ynet News reported that Abbas met with Lapid after realizing that joining a right-wing government may not be a viable option, pointing out that his meeting with Lapid came after several postponements.

The bloc consisting of Likud and its pro-right-wing parties have 59 seats out of 120. The left-wing, along with the anti-Netanyahu parties, has 57. Abbas, the current kingmaker, has five seats.

(MEMO, PC, Social Media)

Israeli Violence in Arab Cities Reaches Intolerable Levels

By Lucas Leiroz de Almeida

Global Research, March 12, 2021

All Global Research articles can be read in 27 languages by activating the “Translate Website” drop down menu on the top banner of our home page (Desktop version).


Much is said in the international media about the Palestinian issue, but the internal ethnic crisis in Israel is ignored. Levels of violence against Arabs in Israeli territory have increased exponentially and this has led to the revolt of several social leaders in these Arab communities. The Israeli authorities justify their violence on the basis of a “policy to combat organized crime”, but, in fact, this rhetoric has been used simply to cover up the killings of Arab youth and children.

On March 10, in a shootout in the Arab-Israeli city of Jaljulia, Muhamad Abdelrazek Ades, a 14-year-old teenager was murdered and his friend, Mustafa Osama Hamed, a 12-year-old child, was injured and is hospitalized in serious condition. Local residents accuse the police of having acted negligently and shot indiscriminately at the population. A member of the Muhammad’s family said the boys left the house at the time of the shooting and were hit by about 20 shots at close range. The case would be tragic if it were unique, but this is a growing phenomenon. Muhammad has been the 23rd fatal victim of Israeli police violence against Arab citizens since the beginning of this year.

More and more young Arabs in Israel are dying in police operations carried out with malpractice and neglect. The head of the Jaljulia city hall, commenting on the case, said that the violence against the Arab community exceeded all possible limits and that the country is at a real civil war. In fact, the situation is one of absolute insecurity for the Arabs. For them there are no laws or guarantees, just endless violence.

The case of Muhammad and Mustafa triggered revolt in the Arab community. Israeli police, on the other hand, respond to criticism only by stating that it was “a mistake” and emphasizing that the families of the youth were involved in organized crime. And, in fact, this has been the practice of the Israeli authorities in cities with an Arab majority: systematically exterminating young people whose families are supposed to be involved in the crime. The high degree of marginalization and exclusion to which the Arabs are subjected on Israeli soil makes organized crime a recurrent practice in some of these communities, especially with regard to economically motivated crimes. However, the Israeli police does not act to combat such crimes using intelligence techniques or investigating the real offenders, but simply systematically exterminating members of these communities, in an act of true ethnic and social cleansing.

Apartheid in Israel

Police violence is also intense when Arabs take to the streets to protest and claim their civil rights. In Umm al Fahem, in northern Israel, protests have been almost daily. In a recent demonstration, the number of 10,000 participants was reported, a record for popular demonstrations in these regions. The reason for such an exponential increase is certainly due to the fact that weeks ago, in protests with a much smaller number of participants, police officers wounded 35 protesters, even though the acts were peaceful. In the same vein, after Muhammad’s death, a general strike was declared in Jaljulia. The unnecessary violence of the police only encourages more and more people to take to the streets and with this an endless cycle of popular dissatisfaction and police brutality emerges.

In institutional politics, the Arab community is agitated as much as possible. Community members in Parliament have publicly condemned the recent attacks. The Arab Deputy Aida Touma Silman made harsh statements against the Israeli police, but also emphasized the importance of fighting organized crime, saying that Arab criminals are also responsible for the killings. Although combating all forms of crime is necessary in any region of the planet, it is important to note the high degree of asymmetry in police violence. There is nothing that can explain how a child is shot 20 times at close range simply because his family is involved with criminal organizations.

In parallel to the unrest, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced last week that his government will invest around 45 million dollars to combat violence in the Arab cities. The Arab community leaders did not interpret the government’s attitude as positive, as they rightly believe that this money will be used not to improve social rates in these cities, but to further arm the police and generate more chaos and violence.

In fact, international society remains silent on this, when it should not. Tel Aviv is responsible for the death of every Arab youth. When the policemen who executed the shots against children are spared from any punishment, the state practically takes part in favor of the violence.


Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.

This article was originally published on InfoBrics.

Lucas Leiroz is a research fellow in international law at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.

Featured image is from Palestine Solidarity Campaign

Palestinians outraged by Israeli police complicity with criminal gangs

By VT Editors -March 7, 2021

Palestinian citizens of ‘Israel’ protest in the city of Umm al-Fahm on March 5, 2021 against spiraling levels of crime and the Israeli police inaction to tackle violence. (Photo by Anadolu news agency)

Spiraling levels of crime and violence in Palestinain communities as well as the Israeli police’s inaction to curb violence has outraged Palestinian citizens of Israel, prompting tens of thousands of them to express their resentment by staging a mass demonstration.

The protesters took to the streets in the city of Umm al-Fahm, located 20 kilometers (12 miles) northwest of Jenin, on Friday in what some reporters described as the largest rally against violence and organized crime in the Israeli-occupied territories since the 1980s.

The protesters managed to converge on Umm al-Fahm, even though Israeli military forces had blocked main roads leading to the city.

The demonstrators carried Palestinian flags and placards condemning the Israeli police racism and complicity with criminal gangs.

They said Israeli security forces refused to crack down on powerful criminal organizations in the occupied territories.

“Police are preventing people from coming to Um al-Fahm because they are scared by both the protestors and criminal organizations,” head of the Joint List, a political alliance of four Arab-dominated parties in Israel, Ayman Odeh, told reporters.

Early in February, thousands of Palestinian citizens demonstrated in several towns in support of 22-year old Palestinian Ahmed Hijazi, who was killed during a shootout between Israeli police forces and masked gunmen.

Hijazi was studying for an exam with his friend and neighbor Dr. Mohamed Armoush when they heard the sound of bullets outside. When they peeked through the window, Hijazi was killed and Armoush was wounded.

The incident drew condemnation from several Arab members of the Israeli parliament (Knesset) and rights groups.

Haifa-based rights group Adalah condemned Hijazi’s killing at the time.

“For too long, Israel has ignored the issue of internal violence within Arab communities and has not taken any measures to curb violence,” Adalah wrote.

“The situation has become disastrous, leading to police invasions of Tamra (city) – the most recent of which turned deadly,” it added.

In recent years, there has been a steep rise in crime and violence in Arab communities across the occupied territories.

Since the beginning of 2021, 22 Arabs have died in violent incidents.

According to Israeli police, 113 murders took place in Arab communities in 2020, making it the deadliest year yet.

In 2019, 91 Palestinian citizens were killed as a result of violent crimes, accounting for 71% of the 125 homicide victims in the occupied territories, where the community makes up about 21% of the population.

The Palestinian children of Karmiel know what Israeli apartheid is

Orly Noy is a journalist and a political activist based in Jerusalem.

Orly Noy

3 December 2020 11:09 UTC

The nation-state law has been invoked to reject a petition by students for reimbursement of their bus fares to Arabic-language schools

An Israeli flag flies in the northern city of Karmiel on 3 November (AFP)

Less than a day after Israel’s nation-state law was approved by the Knesset, Haaretz published a commentary by Jonathan Lis addressing its practical significance. “The nation-state law is mainly a symbolic measure designed to enshrine national values in a basic law,” he wrote.

Considerable commentary of this nature was heard at the time: Israel is defined as a Jewish state, with all the concomitant discriminatory ramifications. Many sought on that basis to mute criticism of the new law. Others understood that the law, officially legalising apartheid within Israel’s borders, would be more than merely symbolic.

Lawyer Hassan Jabareen, founder of the legal defence group Adalah, whose petition against the law has been pending for more than two years, described it nicely to me at the time: If hitherto Arab citizens could turn to the courts for help in fighting discrimination in the name of the law, from now on the legal system itself can validate apartheid, also in the name of the law.

Confiscated land

A 30 November article in Haaretz proves just how correct Jabareen’s point was, as the Krayot Magistrate’s Court recently cited the nation-state law as grounds to reject a petition from Arab children in Karmiel seeking reimbursement for their bus fares to Arab schools outside the town, since there are no Arab schools in Karmiel.

“Karmiel, a Jewish city, was founded to strengthen Jewish settlement in the Galilee,” Senior Registrar Yaniv Luzon wrote in his decision. “Establishing an Arabic-language school … [and] funding school transportation for Arab students, for anyone who needs it anywhere, could change the demographic balance of the city and damage its character.”   

The experience of more than seven decades proves that the Israeli legal establishment is an integral part of the system of Jewish superiority

It might be worth noting the founding circumstances of the “Jewish city” of Karmiel, whose character the chief registrar is so concerned about: Karmiel was established in 1964 on land confiscated from surrounding Arab villages.

Karmiel is one of more than 700 communities the state has built for the Jewish population since Israel’s founding, compared with none built for the Arab population – apart from a few towns in the Negev designed for the orderly resettlement of Bedouins whose lands the state coveted.

Though the two populations have grown at a similar rate since 1948, the apartheid land-use policy, which confiscates land from one population to build towns for the other, has so constricted Arab towns geographically that many of their residents have been forced to find housing in nearby Jewish towns.

But apartheid is unhappy with that too, apparently. It does not want Arabs in Jewish towns, and it also does not want to let them live on their own lands, separately. On the one hand, outright theft; on the other, a sense of superiority and racial purity.

‘Equal rights as individuals’

Back in the day, when the nation-state law was brought before the Knesset, its initiator, Avi Dichter, made the following appeal to Arab citizens: “You will be able to live as a national minority among us and enjoy equal rights as individuals, but not equality as a national minority.” 

Now, Senior Registrar Luzon clarifies, based on the nation-state law, even “living among us” is not a real option, because maintaining Jewish demographic superiority is an explicit goal of the law itself. That is, even if theoretically the Arab residents of Karmiel were prepared to send their children to the city’s Jewish schools – where they would be exposed to racist, militaristic indoctrination that, among other things, normalises the occupation – that would not be a solution. Their very presence in the city is unwanted, and fighting against it is considered legitimate and lawful.

Protesters denounce Israel’s nation-state law in the village of Jatt in October 2018 (AFP)
Protesters denounce Israel’s nation-state law in the village of Jatt in October 2018 (AFP)

The person who ought to have been battling for the rights of these students who petitioned the court for help is Education Minister Yoav Galant, who voted in favour of the nation-state law. Given the court’s decision, it is worth noting again the deception in the distinction made by Dichter between individual rights and national rights for Palestinian citizens. 

Has the massive confiscation of land belonging to Arab citizens been done on an individual or a national basis? Is the discrimination against Arab students carried out on an individual or a national basis? Is abandoning the security of Arab citizens and ignoring their victimisation by organised crime an individual or a national trend? Is preventing Arab families from making their homes in Jewish towns via residential screening committees happening on an individual or a national basis? 

Just one service was accomplished by the nation-state law for the public discourse in Israel, and that was tearing the mask away from all these manipulative and false distinctions.

Persecuting Palestinian identity

The children of Karmiel did not petition the court to allow them to wave a Palestinian flag or sing the Palestinian anthem in the city’s streets. They petitioned for the right to live in their city and study at a school where their language is spoken, and where they will not be viewed as inferior citizens. The court made it clear that their Palestinian identity makes them inferior and unwanted; that their very existence is a threat, by law.Why acknowledging Israeli apartheid is not enough

The country’s Arab citizens are persecuted for wanting to be who they are. Their Palestinian identity is what makes them, in the eyes of the Zionist government, less than fully reliable citizens. The intra-Zionist argument is only about limits to their rights, which are never material and are always conditional.

True, institutional and racist discrimination against Arab citizens of Israel existed even before the nation-state law. But with its passage, the parliament of Israel proudly proclaimed the legitimacy of the state’s apartheid foundations. Apartheid became the law of the land.

Although many petitions against the nation-state law are still pending, the experience of more than seven decades proves that the Israeli legal establishment is an integral part of the system of Jewish superiority. It is the gatekeeper. In that sense, Luzon has simply done what is expected of him.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Read More »

Escalating the Demographic War: The Strategic Goal of Israeli Racism in Palestine

November 4, 2020

Racist graffiti on the walls of a Palestinian property in the West Bank. (Photo: via Social Media)

By Ramzy Baroud

The discussion on institutional Israeli racism against its own Palestinian Arab population has all but ceased following the final approval of the discriminatory Nation-State Law in July 2018. Indeed, the latest addition to Israel’s Basic Law is a mere start of a new government-espoused agenda that is designed to further marginalize over a fifth of Israel’s population.

On Wednesday, October 28, eighteen members of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) conjured up yet another ploy to target Israeli Arab citizens. They proposed a bill that would revoke Israeli citizenship for any Palestinian Arab prisoner in Israel who, directly or indirectly, receives any financial aid from the Palestinian Authority (PA).

Worthy of mention is that these MKs not only represent right-wing, ultra-right and religious parties, but also the Blue and White (Kahol Lavan) ‘centrist’ party. Namely, the proposed bill already has the support of Israel’s parliamentary majority.

But is this really about financial aid for prisoners? Particularly since the PA is nearly bankrupt, and its financial contributions to the families of Palestinian prisoners, even within the Occupied Territories – West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza – is symbolic?

Here is an alternative context. On Thursday, October 29, the Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, revealed that the Israeli government of right-wing Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, plans to expand the jurisdiction of the Jewish town of Harish in northern Israel by 50 percent. The aim is to prevent Palestinians from becoming the majority in that area.

The contingency plan was formulated by Israel’s Housing Ministry as a swift response to an internal document, which projects that, by the year 2050, Palestinian Arabs will constitute 51 percent of that region’s population of 700,000 residents.

These are just two examples of recent actions taken within two days, damning evidence that, indeed, the Nation-State law was the mere preface of a long period of institutional racism, which ultimately aims at winning a one-sided demographic war that was launched by Israel against the Palestinian people many years ago.

Since outright ethnic cleansing – which Israel practiced during and after the wars of 1948 and 1967 – is not an option, at least not for now, Israel is finding other ways to ensure a Jewish majority in Israel itself, in Jerusalem, in Area C within the occupied West Bank and, by extension, everywhere else in Palestine.

Israeli dissident historian, Professor Ilan Pappe, refers to this as ‘incremental genocide’. This slow-paced ethnic cleansing includes the expansion of the illegal Jewish settlements in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and the proposed annexation of nearly a third of the Occupied Territories.

The besieged Gaza Strip is a different story. Winning a demographic war in a densely populated but small region of two million inhabitants living within 365 sq. km, was never feasible. The so-called ‘redeployment’ out of Gaza by late Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, in 2005 was a strategic decision, which aimed at cutting Israel’s losses in Gaza in favor of expediting the colonization process in the West Bank and the Naqab Desert. Indeed, most of Gaza’s illegal Jewish settlers were eventually relocated to these demographically-contested regions.

But how is Israel to deal with its own Palestinian Arab population, which now constitutes a sizeable demographic minority and an influential, often united, political bloc?

In the Israeli general elections of March 2020, united Arab Palestinian political parties contesting under the umbrella group, The Joint List, achieved their greatest electoral success yet, as they emerged as Israel’s third-largest political party. This success rang alarm bells among Israel’s Jewish ruling elites, leading to the formation of Israel’s current ‘unity government’. Israel’s two major political parties, Likud and Kahol Lavan, made it clear that no Arab parties would be included in any government coalition.

A strong Arab political constituency represents a nightmare scenario for Israel’s government planners, who are obsessed with demographics and the marginalization of Palestinian Arabs in every possible arena. Hence, the very representatives of the Palestinian Arab community in Israel become a target for political repression.

In a report published in September 2019, the rights group, Amnesty International, revealed that “Palestinian members of the Knesset in Israel are increasingly facing discriminatory attacks.”

“Despite being democratically elected like their Jewish Israeli counterparts, Palestinian MKs are the target of deep-rooted discrimination and undue restrictions that hamstring their ability to speak out in defense of the rights of the Palestinian people,” Amnesty stated.

These revelations were communicated by Amnesty just prior to the September 27 elections. The targeting of Palestinian citizens of Israel is reminiscent of similar harassment and targeting of Palestinian officials and parties in the Occupied Territories, especially prior to local or general elections. Namely, Israel views its own Palestinian Arab population through the same prism that it views its militarily occupied Palestinians.

Since its establishment on the ruins of historic Palestine, and until 1979, Israel governed its Palestinian population through the Defense (Emergency) Regulations. The arbitrary legal system imposed numerous restrictions on those Palestinians who were allowed to remain in Israel following the 1948 Nakba, or ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

In practice, however, the emergency rule was lifted in name only. It was merely redefined, and replaced – according to the Israel-based Adalah rights group – by over 65 laws that directly target the Palestinian Arab minority of Israel. The Nation-State Law, which denies Israel’s Arab minority their legal status, therefore, protection under international law, further accentuates Israel’s relentless war on its Arab minority.

Moreover, “the definition of Israel as ‘the Jewish State’ or ‘the State of the Jewish People’ makes inequality a practical, political and ideological reality for Palestinian citizens of Israel,” according to Adalah.

Israeli racism is not random and cannot be simply classified as yet another human rights violation. It is the core of a sophisticated plan that aims at the political marginalization and economic strangulation of Israel’s Palestinian Arab minority within a constitutional, thus ‘legal’, framework.

Without fully appreciating the end goal of this Israeli strategy, Palestinians and their allies will not have the chance to properly combat it, as they certainly should.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA) and also at the Afro-Middle East Center (AMEC). His website is

Ex-IOF Cmdr.: By Responding With Force to 2nd Intifada “Israel” “Won the Battle But Lost the War”

Ex-IOF Cmdr.: By Responding With Force to 2nd Intifada “Israel” “Won the Battle But Lost the War”

By Staff, Sputnik

“Israel” has learned a lot from the second intifada, which erupted in September 2000, says a retired colonel, who back then served as deputy commander of the combat intelligence corps. The primary lesson was to prevent a repeat of such bloody events, something that the “Israeli” entity has managed to master.

It was a decision that sparked mass protests against the entity, triggering a fire.

Twenty years ago, on 28 September, then head of the “Israeli” entity’s opposition Ariel Sharon paid a visit to al-Haram Sharif [Temple Mount] in al-Quds [Jerusalem].

The official reason for the visit was to inspect the construction work that has been done in the area, but Palestinians regarded it as an attack on their holiest of holies and didn’t want it to go unnoticed.

A day after the visit, the Palestinian Authority [PA] announced three days of mourning and the fire of the Second Intifada, or the Palestinian popular uprising, lit by Sharon, started spreading, just 13 years after the first intifada.

Protests in Jerusalem inspired more protests by Palestinians across the West Bank and even Arabs within Israel. In the eight days following the visit, 13 Palestinians were killed amid violent clashes with Israeli security forces. Hundreds on both sides were wounded.

No Surprise

But the events didn’t catch the entity’s military by surprise.

Miri Eisin, now a retired colonel, who back then served as deputy commander of combat intelligence corps, says the army has been preparing for a possible Palestinian uprising from late 1990s, collecting information and following the Palestinian leaderships’ movement.

For her, as well as the security apparatus she represented, the question was not if the riots would start but rather when and what would ignite them.

Apparently, Sharon’s visit provided that spark, but Palestinian leaders have admitted that that was only an excuse and that the violent uprising would have happened regardless, with or without his move.

The entity’s response was quick and harsh, and Eisin says that magnitude probably “ignited an additional cycle [of violence]” that could have been avoided otherwise.

“In the first few months we were harsh against different types of events that started the intifada. They were instigating and we were responding”.

Programed to Respond with Force

During that time, the “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF] fired back at young people that threw stones at “Israeli” soldiers and responded violently in clashes with the Palestinian security forces.

It also rounded up and jailed hundreds of those who planned attacks or simply those who obstructed regular life, filling up “Israeli” prisons with Palestinian inmates.

Back then, Eisin admits, the IOF was programed to treat such events as a security challenge, and cared little about the media factor and the public diplomacy that has been used by the Palestinians to tilt international opinion in their favor.

As a result, “‘Israel’ was winning the battle but losing the war,” because while the entity was effective in combating Palestinian operations, it was condemned far and wide in the international arena.

The mass media gave the Palestinian riots a central stage in their coverage, whereas NGOs were scrutinizing the entity’s conduct and published reports on its human rights violations.

During the years of fighting, the “Israeli” entity lost more than 1,100 people. Over 8,000 were injured in Palestinian operations.

اللجنة الفلسطينيّة للدفاع عن سورية تشكر بوتين السفير الروسيّ: سنزيد دعم ‏دمشق لمواجهة «قيصر»‏ وسأشارك معكم في تظاهرة ‏أريحا ضدّ الضمّ


شكلّت اللجنة الشعبية للدفاع عن سورية في فلسطين المحتلة، وفداً شعبياً ورسمياً، ضمّ رموزاً في الحركة الوطنية الفلسطينية والحركة الأسيرة والحراك الشبابي، شملت شخصيات مناضلة، من الداخل المحتلّ عام 48 ومن القدس المحتلة والضفة الغربية، لزيارة السفارة الروسية في رام الله، لتجديد الشكر لجمهورية روسيا الاتحادية، على مواقفها التاريخية والإنسانية الثابتة إزاء الحق الوطني الفلسطيني والحق الوطني السوري، لا سيما في ظلّ التحدي الكبير الذي يواجهه السوريون والفلسطينيون تحت جرم «قانونين» صهيوأميركيين، (قيصر) في سورية و(الضمّ) في الضفة الغربية.

(التتمة ص8)

وقدّم القيادي الفلسطيني عباس زكي، صورة كاملة عن مجمل الأوضاع الفلسطينية، وكيفية مواجهة قانون الضمّ، كما تحدث عن أهمية الدعم الروسي لسورية لتعزيز صمودها أمام المشاريع الصهيوأميركية التدميرية، وشدّد على أهمية الوحدة الوطنية التي بدونها لا يمكن أن يتخلص الشعب الفلسطيني من محتله، وأكد أهمية الموقف الروسي الداعم للحق الفلسطيني والسوري.

وقال زكي: انّ الشعب الفلسطيني تجاوز قيادته لأنه أكبر منها، وهدا الشعب الجبار يستحق كلّ أشكال الدعم، ونتمنّى أن تكون مظاهرة أريحا غداً الاثنين (اليوم) نقطة فاصلة للحراك الشعبي الفلسطيني، للتعرّف على قوّته وحجمه.

وشرح مدير مركز القدس للاستشارات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية، والقيادي في هيئة العمل الوطني في القدس، وعضو اللجنة الشعبية زياد الحموري، ظروف القدس المحتلة والمقدسيّين في ظلّ سياسة التهويد، وشرح بإسهاب بعض المشاريع الأخيرة التي تنفذها دولة الاحتلال في القدس للفصل بين أحيائها العربية وتشتيت التواصل بينها، وأشار بالتفصيل إلى سياسة إفقار أهل المدينة الأصليين، وأهمية دعم صمودهم وإفشال المخططات الاستعمارية المجرمة، مؤكداً أنها ذاتها أهداف المحتلّ وسيده الأميركي، في دمشق وكلّ سورية.

وتحدّث حسين أبو خضير، والد شهيد فجر القدس محمد أبو خضير، عن طريقة إحراق نجله البطل محمد وهو حي، من قبل مستوطني المحتلّ النازيين، وأشار إلى أهمية فضح الوجه النازي لدولة الاحتلال، وتعريته أمام العالم الحر والضمير الإنساني، ولفت إلى أهمية دعم الصمود السوري في مواجهة المخططات الصهيونية والأميركية، لأنّ سورية هي الداعم الحقيقي لمقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني المشروعة.

وأكد منير منصور، رئيس الحركة الأسيرة في الأراضي المحتلة عام 48، انّ الدعم الروسي للسوريين والفلسطينيين، هو مصلحة روسية الى جانب مصلحة الشعب الفلسطيني الوطنية والقومية، لأنّ إفشال المخططات الأميركية هو مصلحة عليا للإنسانية جمعاء، وأكد أنّ الرهان يكون أولاً على أصحاب الأرض والأوطان المهدّدة، لكن الشعوب المظلومة، في عوز لحلفائها المخلصين. وأضاف منصور أنّ مناضلي شعبنا الاحرار ينظرون الى روسيا نظرة المتعلّق بالأمل، كما نظرة الشعب الفلسطيني الى حلفائنا الأوفياء والحقيقيين، ويحق للشعب المناضل أن يتأمل خيراً بدولة عظمى كروسيا نحترمها ونقدّرها.

ونوّه طاهر سيف، عضو المكتب السياسي لحركة أبناء البلد في المحتلّ 48، الى ضرورة ان تعرف روسيا، كذب دولة الاحتلال، وان تطلع عبر الهيئات الفلسطينية على ما تقوم به تفصيلاً على الأرض، ليس فقط في الضفة والقدس بل في الأرض المحتلّة عام 48 أيضاً، وهذا الاطلاع من قبل سفارة روسيا في فلسطين، سيضيف الكثير من المعلومات في جعبة روسيا عن الوجه الحقيقي لدولة الاحتلال.

من جهته أعرب السفير الروسي د. غوتشا بواتشيدزة عن سعادته البالغة بلقاء الوفد، وإصراره على هذا اللقاء رغم تعليمات وزارة الصحة الروسية بعدم الاجتماع بعدد كبير من الأشخاص، بسبب فيروس «كورونا»، وقال:

صمود الشعب الفلسطيني ووحدته أمر يهمّ روسيا بكلّ مؤسّساتها، ونحن نعمل بقوة على وحدة الشعب الفلسطيني، ونحن ندعم الصمود الفلسطيني في القدس والضفة قولاً وفعلاً، حتى صمود المسجد الأقصى ندعمه وكنت في زيارة خاطفة الى المسجد منذ فترة قصيرة، وسوف أتوجه غداً الاثنين (اليوم) الى المظاهرة الفلسطينية في أريحا، ولن نتخلى عن الشعب الفلسطيني.

وفي الشأن السوري، أكد السفير بواتشيدزة أنّ روسيا بلد مسالم تاريخياً، لم تعتد على ايّ دولة ولا احتلت أي دولة، وتدخلها في بعض الدول كسورية هو تدخل شرعي، لأنه بطلب من قيادة الدولة الشرعية لحفظ أمنها واستقرارها، من مشاريع تفتيتها وتجزئتها، التي باتت واضحة. وفي سورية جيش قوي على الأرض يحتضنه الشعب السوري، ما شجع التدخل الروسي، لمساعدته في حماية وطنه.

وحول قانون قيصر قال السفير إنّ الدعم الروسي لسورية لن يتراجع بل سيزداد، ورحب بشدة برسالة اللجنة الشعبية الموجهة للرئيس بوتين، وقال: رسالتكم محلّ اهتمامنا واهتمام قيادتنا، وسوف تصل للرئيس بوتين بأسرع وقت ممكن، وكونوا على ثقة بأنّ روسيا لن تخذلكم.

وشارك في الوفد: الناشط البارز في الحراك الشبابي محمد قادري، وعضو المكتب السياسي لحزب الشعب الفلسطيني فدوى خضر، وسهى أبو خضير، والدة شهيد فجر القدس.

وفي نهاية اللقاء، قدّم الوفد درعاً رمزية للسفير باسم اللجنة الشعبية للدفاع عن سورية.

وفي ما يلي النص الكامل لرسالة اللجنة الموجهة إلى الرئيس بوتين :

«فخامة رئيس جمهورية روسيا الاتحادية العظيمة

الرئيس فلاديمير بوتين الموقّر

تحية الكفاح والثورة، من الشعب الفلسطيني، إلى فخامتكم ومكانتكم الرفيعة

بفخرٍ واعتزازٍ شديدين، نتوجه إلى فخامتكم، بأسمى آيات التقدير، على الموقف التاريخي والإنساني الثابت، لجمهورية روسيا الاتحادية العظيمة،، إزاء الحق الوطني الفلسطيني المُشرّع، والحق الوطني السوري الشرعي، في مواجهة القوانين الإمبريالية الأميركية، والصهيونية النازية، آخرها، (قانون قيصر) في سورية الشقيقة، و(قانون الضم) في فلسطين المحتلة، وهو أحد مشاريع (صفقة القرن).

إننا في اللجنة الشعبية للدفاع عن سورية في فلسطين – طلاباً، كادحين، مثقفين، مناضلين، ومسؤولين – نهيب بفخامتكم، مواصلة دعم قضايانا العادلة، ونصرة شعبيْنا المظلوميْن، في فلسطين وسورية، أمام الأطماع الأميركية والصهيونية، تلك الأطماع الرامية، إلى التخلّص من القضية الفلسطينية، وإسقاط الدولة السورية الوطنية الشرعية، المتمثّلة بفخامة الرئيس بشار الأسد، لتعجيل التخلّص من القضية الفلسطينية، ولتسريع تحقيق مآرب الإمبريالية الأميركية والصهيونية، في منطقة الشرق الأوسط.

فخامة الرئيس المفدّى بوتين، الذي نجلّه ونحبّه

إنّ التواصل الوطني الفلسطيني، مع السفارات الروسية في فلسطين المحتلة، لم ينقطع منذ تسعة أعوامٍ مضت، وسنستمرّ في هذا التواصل الرائع، ريثما يتحقق النصر السوري فالفلسطيني.

ونحن ندرك أن فخامتكم، هو الرهان الأول والأساس، على صمود وإرادة الشعبيْن السوري والفلسطيني الصامديْن، في وجه التحدّيات الراهنة والقاسية، لكننا، نحتاج حلفاءنا التاريخيين المخلصين لدعم صمودنا، لا سيما، دعم صمود شعبنا في سورية، في التصدّي لِـ (قانون قيصر) الجائر والظالم، بحق الشعب والدولة على السواء.

فخامة الرئيس فلاديمير بوتين

نحن في فلسطين، قوى وطنية ونضالية، تنضوي تحت راية اللجنة الشعبية للدفاع عن سورية، نستبشر بفخامتكم وعدلكم وشجاعتكم وإنسانيتكم خيراً.

نرجو لجمهورية روسيا الاتحادية العظيمة، ولفخامتكم، دوام التقدّم والقوة والازدهار، ودوام التميّز، ومحبة شعوب الأرض المظلومة والمناضلة لكم».

جنرالات تل أبيب يتصدّرون المشهد و«أزعر الحارة» ‏يخرج من السباق

محمد صادق الحسيني

‏تفيد أخبار فلسطين المحتلة بأن قائمة أزرق أبيض بزعامة بني غانتس أي جنرالات تل أبيب قد تمكنوا من تجميع 61 صوتاً من اعضاء الكنيست الصهيوني لمصلحتهم ما سيمكنهم عملياً من نيل جائزة التكليف بتشكيل الحكومة الإسرائيلي.

‏وهذا يعني أن «أزعر الحارة» نتن ياهو فقد حظوظه في حكومة الوحدة الوطنية التي كان ينادي ويتشدّق بها بحجة مكافحة كورونا…!

‏من جهة أخرى صحيح أن محاكمته قد تأجلت لأيار المقبل إلا أن ذهابه الى السجن صار أقرب مع هذا المسار الجديد الذي أخذته لعبة شد الحبل بين تياري الشاباك الذي يكاد يمثله بني غانتس ويعلون واشكينازي، والموساد الذي ظل يشكل على مدى العقدين الماضيين بمثابة عصا أزعر الحارة نتن ياهو…!

المعلوم أن غانتس سيحصل على التكليف الرئاسي لتشكيل الحكومة بتوصية 61 نائباً، وهم 15 القائمة (العربية) المشتركة + 7 قائمة ليبرمان + 6 تحالف حزب العمل وميرتس = 61 نائبًا

فهل سينجح غانتس في تشكيل الحكومة؟

ثمّة من يقول بأن أمام مشهد عصابة تل أبيب 3 خيارات:

إقامة حكومة ضيقة. وهذا خيار شبه مستحيل لأن هناك اعضاء داخل تحالفه يعارضون اقامة حكومة بدعم خارجي (الأصوات العربية).

تشكيل حكومة وحدة مع الليكود يتناوب على زعامتها مع نتن ياهو. وهو أمر سقط من خلال اقتراح غانتس على نتن ياهو بمنح العرب في مثل هذه الحكومة 3 حقائب هي الصحة والسياحة والمعارف، المعارف التي لن يقبل الصهاينة المتطرفون «المتدينون» الا ان تكون من حصة حلفاء نتن ياهو أي حاخامات الكيان الصهيوني كما كانت دوماً. وهو الأمر الذي يعرفه غانتس تماماً كما يفترض إنما طرحه على نتن ياهو ليحرجه فيخرجه …!

انشقاقات في أحزاب اليمين والمتدينين قد تنضم لتحالف غانتس .

القانون سيمنح غانتس لتشكيل الحكومة مهلة 4 أسابيع في المرحلة الأولى ثم أسبوعين، وإن لم يفلح يتم تكليف نتن ياهو وهو أمر بات مستبعد مع قرار ليبرمان العلمانيّ التاريخيّ للانضمار الى تكتل غانتس – اليسار، وهو ما يبدو عليه بأنه جاء بضوء أخضر روسي وربما أميركي أيضاً، بهدف تجاوز مرحلة نتن ياهو البهلوانية الهوليودية الفاشلة …

أياً تكن احتمالات مسار الحكومة الإسرائيلية المقبلة إلا أن القدر المتيقن أنها أخرجت أزعر الحارة من السباق، وقربت احتمالات دخوله السجن بعد محاكمة أيار المقبلة، ما لم يطرأ تحوّل كبير في مسارات المعادلة الإقليمية الدولية التي تبدو أنها مرآة عاكسة لتشقق وانقسام الدويلة والمجتمع الإسرائيلي عمودياً وأفقياً بعد عقود من الادعاءات الزائفة بأنهم رمز الدولة النموذج للديمقراطية في عالمنا العربي والإسلامي، الرمز الذي يتمّ تهشيمه وتهميشه مع كل انتصار تسجله قوى التحرر والمقاومة العربية والإسلامية من غزة الى بيروت الى دمشق الى طهران فبغداد وصنعاء والقادم من الأيام يحمل الكثير من المفاجآت ..!

والله بالغ أمره، ولكن أكثر الناس لا يعلمون,

بعدنا طيبين، قولوا الله.

قانون حرمان نتنياهو من الحكم بيد الفلسطينيين…؟

د. عصام نعمان

لكي يفوز في الانتخابات احتاج بنيامين نتنياهو إلى أصوات أكثرية الناخبين اليهود. لكن ليبقى رئيساً للحكومة يحتاج الى موافقة أقلية من النواب الفلسطينيين. في انتخابات الكنيست الأخيرة نال نتنياهو من أصوات اليهود أكثر من منافسيه، لكنه لم يفز وحلفاءه بالأكثرية النيابية اللازمة لتأليف الحكومة. يلزمه لتكوين الأكثرية المطلوبة انشقاق نائبين أو ثلاثة من أحزاب منافسيه وانضمامهم الى تكتله البرلماني اليميني.

هذا الاحتمال ممكن، لكنه صعب التحقيق. لضمان حرمان نتنياهو من تأليف أوّل حكومة بعد الانتخابات، يسعى منافسوه لتكوين أكثرية مضادة وقادرة على سنّ قانون في الكنيست يقضي بمنع النائب الموضوع قيد التحقيق بتهم جنائية من تولي رئاسة الحكومة. لا سبيل الى تكوين هذه الأكثرية إلاّ بمشاركة النواب الفلسطينيين الـ 15 من أعضاء القائمة (العربية) المشتركة، فهل يشاركون؟

الفلسطينيون، جمهوراً ونواباً، يكرهون نتنياهو لأنه صهيونيّ عنصريّ متعصّب ويمارس وحزبه اليميني أبشع صنوف التمييز ضدّهم. لكن فريقاً من منافسيه اليهود الصهاينة لا يقلّ عنه تعصّباً وسوءاً. أبرز هؤلاء بني غانتس، زعيم تحالف «أزرق أبيض» (33 مقعداً) وأفيغدور ليبرمان، زعيم حزب «إسرائيل بيتنا» (7 مقاعد).

غانتس يدعو الى اعتماد «صفقة القرن» كما لضمّ أجزاء من الضفة الغربية إلى «إسرائيل». ليبرمان يصف القائمة المشتركة بأنها طابور خامس. رئيس القائمة المشتركة أيمن عوده ردّ على غانتس داعياً إياه إلى التراجع عن تصريحات كان أعرب فيها عن دعمه لتأليف حكومة ذات أغلبية يهودية، ولضمّ أجزاء من الضفة الغربية الى «إسرائيل». كما ردّ على ليبرمان بموقفٍ صارم: معارضة أيّ حكومة ائتلافية توافقية إذا كانت تضمّ هذا العنصري الفاقع.

تحالف أحزاب العمل و «جيشر» و»ميرتس» (7 مقاعد) أعلن بالتفاهم مع تحالف «أزرق أبيض» (33 مقعداً) اعتزامهما اتخاذ جميع الإجراءات اللازمة لمنع نتنياهو من مواصلة تولي رئاسة الحكومة بينما هو ملاحق بتهم جنائية وبالفساد. مع موافقة حزب «إسرائيل بيتنا» (7 مقاعد) على دعم مشروع قانون يقضي بمنع نتنياهو من شغل منصب رئيس الحكومة، فإنّ مجموع المقاعد التي يشغلها هؤلاء (47 مقعداً) تبقى قاصرة عن تكوين الأكثرية المطلوبة (61 مقعداً من مجموع مقاعد الكنيست الـ 120) لإقرار قانون إبعاد نتنياهو عن رئاسة الحكومة. لضمان ذلك يقتضي إقناع نواب القائمة المشتركة بالانضمام الى مؤيدي القانون المطلوب.

نواب القائمة المشتركة مستعدّون، بطبيعة الحال، لدعم أيّ إجراء يؤدّي الى إقصاء نتنياهو اليميني العنصري. فقد خاضوا الانتخابات الأخيرة تحت هذا الشعار وعبّأوا الجمهور العربي معتمدين على عدائه الغريزيّ لكلّ عنصرية وعنصري في المشهد الإسرائيلي الداخلي. لكن تعاونهم مع سائر خصوم نتنياهو في هذا السبيل يتطلّب الوفاء ببعض الشروط، وربما ببعض الضمانات ايضاً. ذلك أنّ بعضاً من هؤلاء الخصوم لا يتوانى عن ممارسة سلوكية عنصرية فاقعة ضدّ الفلسطينيين.

مترسملاً على اتحاد غير مسبوق بين مختلف أطياف المجتمع السياسي العربي ضدّ الأحزاب والتكتلات الصهيونية العنصرية، ومعلناً باسم كتلة نيابية بـِ 15 مقعداً أضحت في الواقع ثالث أكبر حزب في الكنيست، أكّد أيمن عوده انّ القائمة المشتركة لن تتنازل عن دورها كمجموعة شرعية فاعلة في ميدان السياسة الإسرائيلية. معنى ذلك أنّ القائمة العربية ستستخدم حجمها الوازن في الكنيست للحصول على تنازلات سياسية واجتماعية مهمة من سائر الأحزاب والتكتلات، ولا سيما الوسطية واليسارية منها.

لعلّ التنازلات المطلوبة ستتركز في الميدان الاجتماعي لا سيما حيال قضايا المساواة أمام القانون، ووقف التمييز ضدّ العرب عند تطبيق قانون مخالفات البناء، والتوظيف، وممارسة الحقوق السياسية. الى ذلك، قد يوفّق قادة القائمة المشتركة في حمل بعض أحزاب الوسط واليسار على تقليص الالتزام بمضمون «صفقة القرن»، لا سيما حيال مشاريع الاستيطان والضمّ وفرض «سيادة إسرائيلية» إضافية على بعض الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة، وفي مقدّمها غور الأردن.

يبقى أنّ أهمّ ما يمكن أن ينتج عن تعاون القائمة المشتركة مع خصوم نتنياهو في الكنيست هو تمرير القانون الموضوع من أجل حرمانه من تولي منصب رئيس الحكومة طالما هو ملاحق بتهم جنائية. ذلك سيؤدي الى مفاعيل ثلاثة وازنة: إقالته فوراً من رئاسة الحكومة، وتعزيز مضابط الاتهام ضدّه لدى قضاة التحقيق ومن ثم لدى المحكمة، والدفع باتجاه إجراء انتخابات رابعة خلال سنة واحدة او ما يزيد عنها قليلاً. ولا شك في أنّ اجتماع هذه المفاعيل يتيح لمعارضي نتنياهو الفرصة والقدرة على إضعافه في أوساط الناخبين عموماً والحؤول، تالياً، دون سيطرة أحزاب اليمين العنصرية والمستوطنين على الكنيست أو على الحكومة. كما أنّ ذلك يُسهم في مشاغلة حكام الكيان الصهيوني، قليلاً أو كثيراً، عن شنّ حروبٍ صغيرة أو كبيرة على قطاع غزة وسورية ولبنان.

فيديوات متعلقة

مقالات متعلقة

لا لـ «أسرلة» وعي الأجيال…لا لانتخابات الاستعمار

صابرين دياب

عندما يدور الحديث عن السكان الأصليّين – الفلسطينيين في فلسطين التاريخية – يتبادر الى الذهن القومي العربي الحقيقي، المنتصر الى فلسطين جذرياً، أنّ الفلسطينيين المتجذرين في الجليل والمثلث والنقب والساحل، هم جزء هامّ وأصيل من الحركة الوطنية التحررية الفلسطينية، ولا يتردّد في التعامل معهم على هذا الثابت والأساس المقدّس، بينما يسارع القومي العربي المائع، الى اعتبارهم «عرباً فلسطينيين داخل دولة إسرائيل»، مهما لمّعوا بعبارات بلاستيكية للتغطية على الكلمة البلاء «إسرائيل»! ايّ انّ واقع هؤلاء العرب السياسي، يحتم عليهم الانسجام مع هذا التعريف، وهو تعريف الأحزاب العربية المشاركة في انتخابات كنيست الاستعمار «الإسرائيلي»، والتي حوّلت الصراع مع المستعمر، من صراع على الوجود الى صراع من أجل حقوق مدنية بخسة، واستطاعت هذه الأحزاب أن تميّع النضال الوطني، وخفّضت سقفه الى مستوى لا يتناغم مع حجم الواقع والحقيقة الدامغة، أنّ الجليل والساحل وكلّ الداخل أرض محتلة، وليست أرضاً «إسرائيلية» قائمة الى جانب دولة فلسطين في الضفة وغزة! لولا بعض القوى الوطنية الثورية في الداخل التي تجتهد بكلّ إمكانياتها المحدودة، على حماية الوعي الوطني الفردي والجمعي للجماهير، بضرورة عدم الاستسلام لهذا النهج المتأسرل، الممارس من قبل الأحزاب العربية في الوطن المحتلّ، وذلك بالرغم من هجوم الفلسطينيّين المتأسرلين او المعترفين بالكيان، وبالرغم من تقصير وتآمر بعض الإعلام القومي عليها.

والسؤال الملحّ: ما الذي يدعو بعض الأوساط العربية والقومية، الى التصفيق والتسويق للأحزاب العربية الزاحفة واللاهثة الى شرعنة كنيست المحتلّ وشرعنة وجود دولة الاحتلال، واعتبار الجليل والساحل والنقب والمثلث «أراضي إسرائيلية»!؟

كيف يناهضون التطبيع مع المحتلّ بينما يتعاظم دعمهم المبتذل لتلك الأحزاب الزاحفة نحو «الأسرلة»!؟

كيف ينادون بعودة اللاجئين، وهم يعترفون أنّ أرض البروة، الرويس، الدامون، اقرث، برعم، الشجرة، ميعار، كويكات، خبيزة، اللجون، لوبيا، بيسان، الغابسية وأكثر من 450 قرية مهجّرة، تنتظر أهلها، فضلاً عمن هُجّروا من قراهم ومدنهم التي لم تدمّر في الداخل المحتلّ! هي أراض اسرائيلية! هل يجرؤ أيّ عضو كنيست عربي، أن يقول إنّ بيسان أو البروة هما قريتان فلسطينيتان محتلتان!؟ هل يجرؤ أحدهم على القول إن الجليل محتلّ، وإنّ يافا محتلة!

وما أقلّ هيبة الكاذب والمنافق، حين يتفنن بالتقاط مكبّرات الصوت، ليخطب في الناس عن مفهوم الوطنية، ويبيعهم أوهاماً، أو حين يملأ الشاشات تكاذباً وتحايلاً وميوعة وتهريجاً!

هذا التكاذب والتناقض بين خطابهم المعلن، وبرامجهم السياسية الفعلية، يتطلب وقفة جادة وحازمة، للجم ترسيخ سياستهم ونهجهم «المتأسرل»!

صاحب الأرض الفلسطيني في أراضي الـ 48، ليس مضطراً لأن يعترف بالمستعمر الإسرائيلي، ويشرعن احتلاله لأرضه، كي يحصل على «حقوق» مدنية بخسة!

فالاستعمار على طول مرّ التاريخ، كان ملزماً بتوفير احتياجات الشعوب المحتلة، من طبابة وتعليم وخدمات حياتية ضرورية، وتوفيرها حق وليس منّة من المستعمر أو إنجازاً من معترف به! بل أظهر التاريخ انّ كلّ من يتعاون مع المستعمر ويعترف باغتصابه لأرضه هو خائن!

انظروا الى أين أوصلنا العبث والفوضى الداعمة للمعترفين! يقسمون الولاء لدولة الاحتلال ويجالسون ويصافحون زعماء وجنرالات المحتلّ، ويزاملونهم في وكر «الشرعية الإسرائيلية»، ثم يُنظر اليهم كثوريين!

عندما زار أفيغدور ليبرمان الولايات المتحدة، قبل نحو عشرة أعوام، سألته صحافية أميركية السؤال التالي:

أنت متهم بأنك تمارس سياسة التمييز العنصري، ضدّ «الأقلية العربية في إسرائيل»، فأجابها مع ضحكته المبتذلة: «أدعوك لزيارة الكنيست ذات مرة، لتشاهدي جلسة لها، ستلاحظين بنفسك، أنّ الصوت العربي فيه، أعلى من الصوت اليهودي»، وأنا شخصياً تعرّضت لهجوم عنيف من قبلهم داخل الكنيست وخارجه»!

هذه هي بالضبط، وظيفة أعضاء الكنيست العرب، تجميل الوجه العنصريّ القميء لدولة الاحتلال، وإظهار الكنيست خاصتها «كبرلمان ديمقراطي غير عنصري»! والاحتلال لا يستطيع أن يقدّم الكنيست للعالم، بدون تمثيل لـ «الأقلية العربية» في الوطن المحتلّ، ذلك انّ العالم، يعلم انّ فيه نسبة من السكان الأصليين، تقدّر بمليون ونصف المليون فلسطيني!

وقد أظهرت السنوات الأخيرة، بشكل لا لبس فيه، انّ الحراك الشعبي في الوطن المحتلّ، كان له الفضل الأول والأكبر، بتحصيل الحقوق والمطالب – على سبيل المثال وليس الحصر – تجميد مشروع برافر، وإسقاط مشروع البوابات الالكترونية في المسجد الأقصى، ومواجهة مشاريع هدم المنازل العربية، التي لم تتمكّن صيحات وزعقات الأعضاء العرب في الكنيست من منع هدم بيت عربيّ واحد، والتصدّي الوحيد الفعّال هو الشارع والنضال الميداني.

إنّ مشروع «أسرلة» الجماهير العربية، وإخضاعها لسياسة ونهج «الأمر الواقع»، والعمل على تخفيض السقف النضالي لها، وحصره في عمل ميداني «قانوني مرخّص» من أجل حقوق مدنية، وزعيق في أروقة الكنيست الصهيوني، يتطلب تضافراً لجهود الحركة الوطنية الثورية في الداخل المحتلّ، لا سيما أنها تفتقر لكلّ أشكال الدعم، وعلى رأسها، الدعم الإعلامي، من أجل رفع منسوب الوعي الوطني، والعمل على انخراط السكان الفلسطينيين الأصليين، في عمل نضالي ثوري شامل، يتناسب مع كارثة استعمار الأرض والهوية! أما المدعومون «إسرائيلياً وخليجياً وأوسلوياً و»أنجزياً» (من ngo) وإعلامياً، فقد تمكّنوا من عرقلة المشروع الثوري التحرّري في الداخل المحتلّ.

إنّ أكثر ما تحتاجه الحركة الوطنية في الوطن المحتلّ عام 48، هو المساندة الفكرية والمعنوية والإعلامية، من قبل محيط فلسطين وكلّ الوطن العربي.

بات لزاماً على كلّ القوى القومية والثورية، التعامل مع الداخل المحتلّ، كجزء هامّ انْ لم يكن الجزء الأهمّ من فلسطين المحتلة، قولاً وفعلاً، وألا تجد جهة ما، ايّ مبرّر لدعمها لأيّ طرف في الداخل المحتلّ، يهرّج ويستخفّ بعقول الأجيال الناشئة، ويبيع الأجيال ديباجات من التكاذب والخداع في موسم انتخابات المستعمر، ولا يعتبر أراضي 48 انها أرض محتلة، ويكتفي بفلسطنة أراضي 67! وألا يتركوا هذا الجزء، تحت لواء مشروع «الأسرلة» وأربابه، الذي ابتدأ بالاستسلام لاحتلال واغتصاب الأرض، وصار التصويت للكنيست «الإسرائيلي» ومنحه الشرعية، عملاً وطنياً وثورياً!

الطريق صعب، لكن يبقى الإيمان بانتصار هذا الدرب.. أقوى من كلّ الصعاب.

تحيا فلسطين حرة، من المي للمي…

Kevin Barrett and Gilad Atzmon on Netanyahu’s Indictment-Press TV, The Debate


We explored the political options and global consequences of the current Israeli crisis…

%d bloggers like this: