Arab leaders offered Assad help in lobbying the west to lift crushing economic sanctions, despite Washington’s disinterest in loosening its grip on Damascus
Arab leaders are offering Syrian President Bashar al-Assad a deal that includes billions of dollars for reconstruction efforts and a pledge to lobby the west to lift sanctions in exchange for “[asking] Iran to stop expanding its footprint in the nation,” according to Arab and European officials that spoke with the Wall Street Journal (WSJ).
Other conditions set by the leaders of the unnamed Arab nations include a pledge from Damascus to engage with opposition and rebel groups, accept Arab troops to “protect returning refugees,” and crack down on the captagon drug trade.
The secret talks reportedly gained momentum following the devastating earthquakes that struck Turkiye and Syria last month, killing 6,000 in the Levantine nation alone.
Nonetheless, a Syrian government adviser told the WSJ that Assad “has shown no interest in political reform or a willingness to welcome Arab troops.” Western powers have also made little effort to lift crushing sanctions or stop politicizing humanitarian aid deliveries.
Last month, US State Department spokesman Ned Price urged the international community not to let humanitarian assistance to Syria be accompanied by normalization, stressing: “[Washington’s] position on the Assad regime has not changed.”
The talks between Damascus and Arab leaders are reportedly backed by Saudi Arabia, which recently agreed to restore ties with Iran in a China-brokered deal. In recent weeks, Saudi officials have called for an end to the isolation of Syria to allow a response to its dire humanitarian crisis.
“There is a consensus building in the Arab world that the status quo is not tenable. And that means we have to find a way to move beyond that status quo,” Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud said earlier this month.
European and Arab officials also confirmed to the WSJ that Syria’s regional reintegration would be high on the agenda at the next Arab League summit, set to be held later this year in Saudi Arabia.
In recent weeks, Jordan and Egypt sent their foreign ministers to Damascus for their first diplomatic visits since the war erupted in 2011.
Cairo in particular is spearheading a reconciliation plan which proposes restoring relations between Syria and Arab states to pre-2011 levels, returning Syria to the League of Arab States, and negotiating the deployment of joint “Arab forces” on the Syrian-Iraqi border, according to exclusive information made available to The Cradle.
Other Arab nations responsible for fueling the war in its early stages, such as Tunisia, have announced plans to restore diplomatic ties.
Even before the earthquake hit, Arab nations had slowly started to rebuild ties with Syria after more than a decade of war and isolation, citing the failure of the US-sponsored war and concerns about Iran’s growing presence in the country.
Despite these concerns, Iran has welcomed progress between Syria and the Arab world. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kanaani called it “a realistic approach” and “a positive step toward Islamic solidarity.”
Damascus has repeatedly denied “inaccurate reports about Iranian military forces in Syria” and asserts that “the number of Iranian advisors in Syria does not exceed 100.”
Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud (photo from archive).
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah denied on Tuesday divergence between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, saying reports that have made such claims are “overdramatized” and “far from the truth.”
Speaking to the press in London, he said: “All decisions in OPEC and OPEC+ are made through very extensive dialogue between all the partners … Every statement I see that is made on the record from all of the partners in OPEC+ reflects that consensus.”
“We always say that we are committed to a stable market … (the minister of energy) feels the market doesn’t need any production changes until the end of the year,” Bin Farhan said.
He made his remarks on the sidelines of his participation at round-table talks organized by Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank.
On the Saudi-Iranian ties, the Saudi FM said, “We are open to dialogue with Iran.”
Moreover, the FM revealed that dialogue is ongoing about Syria’s return to the Arab League, “but it is too soon to talk about that.”
“An engagement in order to address these concerns is necessary. And that may well lead eventually to Syria returning to the Arab League et cetera. But for now, I think it’s too early to discuss,” he told reporters.
“I can say that … that there is a consensus building in the Arab world, that the status quo is not tenable. And that means we have to find a way to move beyond that status quo,” said Bin Farhan.
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, (3rd R) meets with a delegation representing various Arab parliaments in Damascus on February 26, 2023. (File photo by SANA)
Tehran says a recent visit by Arab parliament speakers and senior legislators to Syria is a positive step toward Islamic solidarity, emphasizing that dialogue and regional approaches can solve the woes in the region.
“The recent progress in relations between Arab countries and Syria, including the visit by Arab parliamentary delegations to Damascus to express solidarity with Syria following the recent devastating earthquake, in addition to being a realistic approach, is a positive step toward Islamic solidarity,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kan’ani tweeted on Tuesday.
He added that regional countries will be able to resolve their problems through “dialogue and regional mechanisms” if they act realistically, adopt an independent national stance, and pay no heed to the demands of the hegemonic powers.
The high-profile Arab lawmakers arrived in Damascus on Sunday amid attempts by certain countries, above all Iraq, to restore Syria’s membership in the Arab League, more than a decade after it was suspended from the 22-member bloc.
Egypt’s Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry also arrived in Damascus on Monday in the first such visit by a top Egyptian diplomat since the foreign-sponsored militancy erupted in Syria more than a decade ago.
In a meeting with President Assad, the top Egyptian diplomat reaffirmed his country’s solidarity with Syria and its preparedness to continue supporting Syrians in the aftermath of the devastating February earthquake.
In a meeting with the Arab Inter-Parliamentary Union later on Sunday, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad said, “The delegation’s visit to Syria today means a lot to the Syrian people as it indicates the support to the Syrians … who are exposed as a result of the terrorist war and the repercussions of the earthquake.”
According to the latest figures, more than 50,000 were killed by the disastrous earthquake that hit Turkey and neighboring earlier this month.
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In November 2022, Saudi Arabia formally changed its stance on Syria. Saudi Arabia is the political powerhouse of the Middle East, and often shares positions on foreign policy and international issues with the UAE, which has previously re-opened their embassy in Damascus.
“The kingdom is keen to maintain Syria’s security and stability and supports all efforts aimed at finding a political solution to the Syrian crisis,” Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan told the November Arab League summit in Algeria.
Syria was suspended from the Arab League in 2011 following the outbreak of conflict instigated by the US, and portrayed in western media as a popular uprising of pro-democracy protesters.
Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit said, “The developments in Syria still require a pioneering Arab effort. It is necessary to show flexibility from all parties so that the economic collapse and political blockage can be dispelled. Syria must engage in its natural Arab environment.”
The next Arab League summit will be held in Saudi Arabia, and there is a possibility of Syria once again taking its seat at the round table.
On January 16, the Syrian Foreign Ministry agreed to resume imports from Saudi Arabia after over a decade of strained relations, and Syria planned to import 10,000 tons of white sugar. This development signals a new beginning between the two countries.
Saudi and the Syrian tribes
The Arab tribes in the north east of Syria have traditionally had strong ties with Saudi Arabia, and have received support from the kingdom. The tribes have opposed the ethnic cleansing and forced displacement of Arab villages which the US-led YPG militia has conducted for years. Even though Saudi Arabia has been viewed as a US ally in the past, this has changed since the US military has supported the Marxist YPG who have oppressed Syrians who are not Kurdish.
The US occupied oil wells in north east Syria may come under attack by Arab tribes who are demanding their homes, farms and businesses back from the US-supported YPG. Some analysts foresee the US troops pulling out of Syria after the Kurds find a political solution with Damascus.
Turkey and Syria repair relationship
Turkey and Syria have begun steps to repair their relationship, which ended after Turkey supported the US-NATO attack on Syria for regime change, and hosted the CIA operations room funneling weapons and terrorists into Syria, under the Obama administration.
Russia is brokering the reconciliation between Erdogan and Assad, which began with the Moscow hosted meeting of the three defense ministers, and a meeting between the three foreign ministers is upcoming.
The developments between Turkey and Syria are being watched by Iran. Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian said his country was “happy with the dialogue taking place between Syria and Turkey.” Amirabdollahian will travel to Damascus on Saturday for talks with Syrian Foreign Minister Mekdad.
Iran is looking to establish a new role in the recovery process in Syria. President Ebrahim Raisi will visit both Turkey and Syria soon, his first visit to Turkey since taking office two years ago. While analysts see Saudi Arabia and Iran as antagonists, some feel the kingdom will ultimately realize they have to work with Iran in Syria and Lebanon. Iran is part of the region and can’t be excluded from the geo-political sphere.
Saudi Arabian reforms
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) said on April 27, 2021 that the country was undergoing a sweeping reform which would restructure the role of religion in Saudi politics and society. The process began a few years before he became crown prince, but under his leadership it has accelerated. Islamic institutions in the Kingdom have seen changes in procedure, personnel, and jurisdiction. All of these reforms are in line with the future vision of the country.
Some analysts feel the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1960s eventually gave rise to support for domestic religious institutions, and eventually led to funding of religious activities abroad, while religious leaders at home wielded power over public policy.
Vision 2030
Saudi King Salman, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, and his son, MBS have a plan for the country which is known as Vision 2030. MBS is also Prime Minister and Chairman of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs.
The days of unlimited oil and markets are in the decline. Education, training, and employment opportunities are the stepping stones to building a thriving country and MBS is determined to plan for a long future of growth and innovation.
MBS
The Crown Prince is young and has new ideas. He is instituting sweeping reforms to the society which have included more rights and freedoms for women. He has championed projects to place Saudi Arabia as a tourist destination, year round golf and soccer venue, and encouraged cultural arts such as musical productions. MBS is breaking the mold: no longer will Saudi Arabia be a breeding ground for Radical Islam.
Extremist preachers
Saudi Arabia had hosted many extremist preachers. Some were featured on satellite TV channels located in Saudi Arabia, and others were local preachers, authors, or scholars. Some had traveled abroad preaching in pulpits and exporting their hatred and sectarian bigotry.
One of the most famous preachers was Muhammed Al-Arifi, who has had an electronic surveillance device attached to him by Saudi intelligence agents, after they seized all of his social media accounts. His last tweet is said to be on May 6, 2019, when he had 20 million followers, and 24 million likes on Facebook, which ranked him as tenth in the Arab world and in the Middle East. The kingdom is shutting down clerics who are extreme.
In 2014, Great Britain banned Arifi from entering the UK following reports that was involved in radicalizing three young British citizens who went to Syria as terrorists.
A YouTube video in 2013 showed Arifi preaching in Egypt and prophesying the coming of the Islamic State. Egyptian TV reported Arifi meeting with the former Muslim Brotherhood prime minister Hisham Qandil in his office.
Arifi is best remembered for his statement on the media Al Jazeera in which he called for jihad in Syria and supported Al Qaeda.
Adnan al-Arour is another extremist preacher who had appeared regularly on two Saudi-owned Salafist satellite channels. Arour was originally from Syria before settling in Saudi Arabia, and in the early days of the Syrian conflict he would stand up on camera, shake his finger, and called for his followers to ‘grind the flesh’ of an Islamic minority sect in Syria and ‘feed it to the dogs’.
These extremist preachers made it clear that the battles being waged in Syria had nothing to do with freedom or democracy, which the western media was pushing as the goal. The truth was the conflict in Syria was a US-NATO attack for regime change and utilized terrorists following Radical Islam, who fought a sectarian war with the goal of establishing an Islamic State in Syria.
The previous Crown Prince
Muhammad bin Nayef Al Saud (MBN) served as the crown prince and first deputy prime minister of Saudi Arabia from 2015 to 2017. On June 21, 2017 King Salman appointed his own son, MBS, as crown prince and relieved MBN of all positions.
MBN met with British Prime Minister David Cameron in January 2013. He then met with President Obama in Washington, on 14 January 2013. The discussion focused on the US-NATO attack on Syria and its support from Saudi Arabia.
In February 2014, MBN replaced Prince Bandar bin Sultan, then intelligence chief of Saudi Arabia, and was placed in charge of Saudi intelligence in Syria. Bandar had been in charge of supporting the US attack on Syria. Bandar had been trying to convince the US in 2012 that the Syrian government was using chemical weapons. However, research has shown that the terrorists used chemical weapons to push Obama into a military invasion, based on his speech of ‘The Red Line’.
In March 2016, MBN was awarded Légion d’honneur by French President François Hollande, another partner in the US-NATO attack on Syria.
On February 10, 2017, the CIA granted its highest Medal to MBN and was handed to him by CIA director Mike Pompeo during a reception ceremony in Riyadh. MBN and Pompeo discussed Syria with Turkish officials, and said Saudi Arabia’s relationship with the US was “historic and strategic”. Just months later in June MBS would depose MBN and strip him of powers, in a move considered to be “upending decades of royal custom and profoundly reordering the kingdom’s inner power structure”.
US diplomats argued that MBN was “the most pro-American minister in the Saudi Cabinet”. That is what brought MBN down. The days of blindly following the US directives are over in Saudi Arabia. MBS has refused to bow down to Biden when he demanded an increase in oil production. The Vision 2030 that MBS developed does not include financing failed wars in the Middle East for the benefit of the Oval Office. MBS has a strained relationship with Biden, and he wears it as a badge of honor.
Saudi role in the Syrian war
Saudi Arabia played a huge role in the large-scale supply of weapons and ammunition to various terrorist groups in Syria during the Syrian conflict. Weapons purchased in Croatia were funneled through Jordan to the border town of Deraa, the epi-center of the Syrian conflict.
At the height of Saudi involvement in Syria, the kingdom had their own militia in Syria under the command of Zahran Alloush. The Jaysh al-Islam are remembered for parading women in cages through the Damascus countryside prior to massacring them.
In summer 2017, US President Donald Trump shut down the CIA operation ‘Timber Sycamore’ which had been arming the terrorists fighting in Syria. About the same time, Saudi Arabia cut off support to the Syrian opposition, which was the political arm of the terrorists.
Richard Dearlove, former head of MI6, expressed his view at the time that “Saudi Arabia is involved in the ISIS-led Sunni rebellion” in Syria.
Syria has been destroyed by the US and their allies who supported the attack beginning in 2011. Now, Turkey and Saudi Arabia are looking to find a solution which will help the Syrian people to rebuild their lives. Both Turkey and Saudi Arabia have turned away from past policies which found them supporting the conflict in Syria at the behest of the US. There is a new Middle East emerging which makes its own policies and is not subservient US interests.
Steven Sahiounie is a two-time award-winning journalist
Tomorrow, the Foreign Ministers of Turkey and Syria will meet in Moscow. This is the highest level meeting between the two countries who have been on opposite sides of the US-NATO war on Syria for regime change since 2011.
The outcome of that meeting, and the expected follow-up meeting between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, may form the basis for the recovery of Syria, circumventing the UN resolution 2254, which has failed to produce results.
The US has lost the war, but has used armed militias to remain occupying parts of Syria, and to impose a stalemate which prevents a peaceful solution and recovery for Syria. America is no longer the only superpower, and decisions made in the new Middle East no longer depend on orders from the US State Department.
Erdogan is up for re-election in June and faces heavy opposition. The economy is dismal, and people blame the Syrian refugees for lost jobs and social ills. Erdogan and the opposition promise to send the refugees packing.
The Turkish export market to Syria in 2011 represented half of the entire global export market for Turkey. That was lost when Damascus banned all Turkish imports because of their participation in the war on Syria. Erdogan could get the Syrian market restored by repairing the relationship.
In order to win re-election, Erdogan proposes a rapprochement with Assad. The US has voiced its displeasure at any attempt of any country to repair relations with Syria. However, Erdogan will not be swayed by US opinion or threats, in light of the fact that the US supports, trains and supplies weapons to the Kurdish militia (SDF and YPG) linked to an internationally banned terrorist organization (PKK), which have killed thousands in Turkey over three decades of terrorism. The Kurds know that Turkey is a much more important ally to the US, and the US will never fight Turkey to save the Kurds. Former US envoy to Syria, James Jeffrey, told the Kurds they should repair their relationship with Damascus for protection. The US never supported a “homeland” for the Kurds.
Syria and Turkey are united in their goal to demilitarize the Kurdish northeast of Syria. Syria and Turkey share a common enemy (the Kurds), and a common ally (Russia). This may be the basis of forming a new foreign policy between the two neighbors.
Syria
Syrian officials have met with Turkish officials and Arab Gulf officials. Some Arab embassies in Damascus were re-opened, and Assad made a visit to the UAE.
The Assad administration in Damascus controls the vast majority of the Syrian territory. The exceptions are: Idlib province in the northwest is under the occupation of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a Radical Islamic terrorist group which was the former Al Qaeda branch in Syria, and the Kurdish administration region in the northeast under the occupation of about 600 US troops and two local Kurdish militias (SDF and YPG) which follow a communist political ideology first promoted by the jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan.
Syria and Russia have been prevented from attacking and liberating Idlib from terrorist control. The US uses the three million civilians living under occupation as human shields to prevent attack. The US and its allies in the UN demand that the UN food and medical supplies be delivered to Idlib. The civilians are being fed and clothed, but the terrorists and their families are as well. The international community is supporting the welfare of the terrorists, who are there at the behest of the US, to prevent peace and recovery in Syria. Despite the UN protocol which demands all UN members to fight Al Qaeda, or their affiliates, anywhere on earth, the US and Turkey have circumvented the protocol and use the terrorists as guards of the political stalemate which the US imposed on Syria.
The US
America has maintained an iron grip on Syria through the use of US sanctions and a brutal military occupation which has prevented the Syrian citizens from fuel for transportation and home heating, and to generate electricity. Syrian houses, hospitals, schools and businesses have between 15 minutes to 1 hour of electricity in four intervals per day because of the US imposed sanctions, which have not affected the Syrian government, but have brought the Syrian people to desperation. Kidney dialysis machines require electricity constantly. A gasoline powered generator can suffice when there are blackouts, but the US sanctions also prevent the importation of gasoline. How can Syrians survive?
Despite Richard Haass writing in 1998 that US sanctions are ineffective and immoral against civilians, the US State Department hangs on to sanctions as a tool for regime change.
Iran
Iran and Syria have been united in their resistance to the occupation of Palestine Golan Heights and Shebaa Farms. Iran stood firmly with Syria during the US-NATO attack on Syria because it is a key in the land route from Iran to Lebanon. Recently, there are some cracks appearing in the relationship between Damascus and Tehran. Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s meeting in Damascus was postponed recently. Some experts feel Iran has been asking too much of Syria, and with new opportunities for improved relations with the Arab Gulf and Turkey, Syria may be taking time to evaluate its options.
Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Arab countries want to see Iran out of Syria. As long as Iran is in Syria the Israeli airstrikes will continue, which have been deadly and destructive.
There were 32 Israeli raids in 2022 that destroyed and struck 91 targets, including civilian infrastructure, buildings, weapons caches and vehicles. Eighty-eight military personnel were killed and 121 wounded in the attacks.
Perhaps this may explain why the US takes no action against Saudi Arabia even when there have been deadly issues, or when Biden asked the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) to pump more oil, and he refused.
MBS is making huge reforms, which includes loosening restrictions on women, and creating new tourism and international sports opportunities.
MBS and Netanyahu are united in a common issue: to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, despite Iran insisting on wanting nuclear capabilities for peaceful purposes, such as energy production and medical research. Netanyahu has stated one of his main priorities in office will be to normalize relations with Saudi Arabia.
The Arab League
The upcoming Arab League Summit will take place in Saudi Arabia, traditionally scheduled yearly in March. Depending on the outcome of meetings between now and spring, Syria could possibly be reinstated and occupy their seat at the table. Big changes have been taking place in the region involving the relations between Arab countries and the US, China and Russia. Saudi Arabia is in the driver’s seat and will use their hosting of the summit to project their ranking as the Middle East’s power broker.
Israel
Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen has announced that the next Abraham Accords summit will be held in Morocco in March 2023.
The US had brokered in 2020 the Abraham Accords for the normalization of relations between Israel, Morocco, the UAE and Bahrain. Later, Sudan joined the accords. Areas of shared interests are: defense, investment, agriculture, tourism, and energy.
The meetings and realignments between Syria and Turkey, mediated by Russia, may produce lasting changes in the Middle East, and bring enemies together as new friends. The Israeli occupation of Palestine will continue to be the primary cause of instability and violence in the region. It fuels religious extremism and terrorism. If Israel values the establishment of relations with their Arab neighbors, they must first look at their closest neighbors in Gaza and the West Bank. The Middle East and the world wait for a peace summit to begin the process of peace for Israel and Palestine, and the host country will not likely be the US.
Steven Sahiounie is a two-time award-winning journalist
The 31st Arab Summit opens with Tunisian President Kais Saied who hoped that the summit in Algeria would find solutions and bridge rifts.
Arab ministers and delegates in Algeria
Arab League summit kicked off on Tuesday in Algeria, with the participation of 16 Arab presidents, including the leaders of Tunisia, Qatar, Sudan, and Egypt.
The summit opened with Tunisian President Kais Saied who hoped that the summit in Algeria would find solutions and bridge rifts.
Saied affirmed that Algeria exerted strained efforts to maintain unity among Arabs.
He further stressed that the right of Palestine must be reiterated in all conferences and meetings to make sure it is never absent.
Elsewhere in his remarks, Saied noted that President Tebboune’s efforts were crowned with bringing the Palestinians together and achieving national reconciliation.
Tebboune: We will demand the UNGA to recognize Palestine as an independent state
During his speech at the 31st regular session of the Arab League’s Council at the summit level, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune shared Saied’s stance on Palestine, stressing, “Our central and core cause is Palestinian, which is subject to elimination attempts through the Israeli occupation’s practices.”
“We will demand the General Assembly of the United Nations to recognize Palestine as an independent state,” he added.
Historically, Algeria has entertained good diplomatic with Palestine and is one of the Arab countries to reject the normalization of ties with “Israel”.
The Algerian President also stressed that the crises in Libya, Syria, and Yemen require a solution and demand prioritizing national reconciliation to reach peaceful and consensual solutions over anything else.
Tebboune urged the formation of a committee to support the Palestinian cause, emphasizing that “Palestine must be granted full membership at the United Nations.”
Furthermore, he stated that the roots of crises in Libya, Syria, and Yemen need to be addressed.
Tebboune concluded by expressing hope that practical solutions and necessary decisions will be the outcomes of the summit.
Aboul Gheit: Several Arab countries living in dire security conditions
The Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit said the Arab countries “are in urgent need of dealing with the ongoing crises.”
During his speech at the 31st Arab Summit on Tuesday, Aboul Gheit pointed out that “several Arab countries are living in dire security situations, such as terrorism, militias, armed groups, and parties that foment sedition and meddle in the Arab countries’ affairs.”
He pointed out that “the world stands still and does not advocate the two-state solution,” claiming that “the Arabs insist on the establishment of the Palestinian state based on the 1967 border.”
“We call on all the countries in the world to join my peaceful goals for the sake of the inclusion of Palestine and obtaining full membership at the United Nations,” Aboul Gheit said.
The Secretary-General added, “We want this summit to be a true summit of unity and restoration of the Arab willpower.”
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Viktor Mikhin The next summit of the League of Arab States (LAS), whose participation has been confirmed by the heads of state of numerous Arab countries, will be held in Algiers in early November. On the agenda, of course, are primarily issues related to the reconciliation of a number of Arab countries and their consolidation in the face of various external threats. However, the Arab media and even politicians are already saying that no breakthroughs can be expected from the summit, as the Arab League has lost its once-authoritative status in recent years.
Arab leaders have held two consecutive high-level meetings in 2019. In the spring, they met in Tunisia at the annual Arab Summit. In May, they met again in Mecca at the invitation of Riyadh for an extraordinary Arab summit. At issue was Saudi Arabia’s and other Persian Gulf Arab countries’ concern about Iran’s regional policies and opposition to Tehran’s plans to increase its activities in a number of countries in the Arab world. The 31st ordinary Arab summit is now scheduled to be held in Algiers on November 1, with a concluding session on November 2. The Algerian government wanted the summit to take place on the anniversary of the outbreak of the 1954 Algerian Revolution, which led to Algeria’s independence from France in July 1962.
Some fears are related to domestic political developments in Algeria, while others stem from Algeria’s relations with other Arab countries, which are not without nuances of disagreement over the choice of a common Arab and regional policy. This concerns the events in Libya, the position on the problems in North and East Africa, including the situation in Western Sahara, and the position on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).
Syria is another major stumbling block given Algeria’s determination to rejoin the Arab League system after being expelled from it in 2011. At the time, this was done under the far-fetched pretext of the alleged use of force by President Bashar al-Assad to quell discontent among some segments of the population. Afterward, incidentally, it was found that the Persian Gulf countries and the West, led by the United States, had a hand in stirring up passions there. Then the situation turned into an endless civil war in which foreign fighters actively participated on the side of the Syrian opposition, generously paid by the same Persian Gulf Arabs.
It is worth remembering that the world and Arab countries look distinctive today than they did in 2019 when the last Arab summit was held. The world has changed since then, and not only the Covid-19 pandemic, but also a host of other Arab, Middle Eastern, and international events have changed the overall context in which the Algiers Summit will take place. Three major international developments are expected to influence discussions at the Arab Summit.
The first, in chronological order, is the change of government in the United States. After four years of foreign policy by former US President Donald Trump, who tried to move away from old problems that had plagued previous administrations, current US President Joe Biden has returned to an interventionist US foreign policy based on forming new military alliances while strengthening existing ones, such as NATO. The second major event was the war in Ukraine, which was prepared and unleashed by the West under the leadership of the United States to bleed and damage Russia. The third is the growing US-China tension over Taiwan, also initiated by the United States. These three events have had and continue to have a direct impact on the Arab world, and they are clearly not favorable to the Arabs. This concerns both the issue of food security and the high energy prices affecting Arab states that are not oil producers, such as Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia, Morocco, and some others.
From a regional perspective, there have also been fundamental changes in the Arab country’s relations with Israel, Turkey, and Iran, which will undoubtedly impact the work and conclusions of the Arab Summit. For example, building on Trump’s diplomacy, Israel signed the so-called “Abraham Accords” with four Arab countries in the second half of 2020. The previous Trump administration spoke of the Arab-Israeli normalization process as being deliberately separated from the Palestinian issue, to the detriment of the Palestinians and the prospects for peace between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. While the Biden administration advocated for a two-state solution in Israel and Palestine from day one, it refrained from using its influence with the Israelis to resume peace talks with the Palestinians that ended in April 2014.
While Trump in May 2018 roughly withdrew the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), a nuclear agreement between Iran and a group of 5+1 countries, and pursued a strategy of “maximum pressure” on Iran, the Biden administration has worked assiduously to join the JCPOA under a formula known as “control over control.” This means that the United States will join the agreement if Iran is the first to meet all of its obligations. But if the “control over control” formula is implemented, followed by the lifting of some sanctions, the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, will be very concerned about what the Iranian government will spend the billions of dollars that will flow to Iran as a result of the resumption of oil sales. Will Tehran spend the money on developing the Iranian economy, or will it fund pro-Iranian regimes in the Arab world? If the latter, how will the US respond, and will Washington be able to side with the Saudis?
Turkey will also have to face a fierce controversy, as many Arabs see positive developments in Turkish-Arab relations despite the reassessment of Turkey’s strategy in the Middle East, Libya, or the Eastern Mediterranean. Ankara has now significantly tightened its policy in the Arab world, reminding left and right of its “right” as heir to the Ottoman Empire. This presupposes, Erdoğan says, Turkey’s leadership role in the created joint Arab Union. But here there will be clear opposition from Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf countries, given Erdoğan’s recent flirtations with Iran, which is the main enemy of Persian Gulf Arabs.
The Algiers summit also comes after the end of the boycott of Qatar by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain and the resumption of diplomatic relations between these countries. One of the most positive results of this intra-Arab reconciliation was the official visits of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi to Qatar and the official visit of the ruler of Qatar to Egypt last July. Clearly, this much-needed reconciliation will have a positive impact on the Arab Summit discussions and decisions, both politically and economically. At the same time, the Arabs are taking into account the huge gas reserves in Qatar and its ability to export gas to the Arab states.
In addition, special attention is being paid to the situation in Lebanon, Iraq, Libya, Sudan and Tunisia. The Arab world is interested in helping these countries manage them successfully. The financial issue will be one of the main topics of the summit, and here the Persian Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, are likely to have a weighty say. In any case, this summit will provide Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud with an excellent opportunity to strengthen and expand his authority in the Arab League and throughout the Arab world.
As for the situation in Libya, Arab leaders are expected to call on Libyan political factions to resolve the ongoing crisis in their country by holding free and fair elections. Experts warn that this must happen as soon as possible to prevent Libya from reverting to the violence that nearly tore the country apart three years ago.
The next summit of Arab states in Algiers should prove that the Arab world is united and seeks only Arab solutions to Arab problems. And this requires the unity of all countries in the region. Will the ambitious Arab leaders be able to speak with one voice, or will everyone pull the covers over themselves? — the upcoming Arab League summit will clearly show this.
After more than a decade of a foreign-backed regime-change war, exploitative Turkish and US occupation, and repeated Israeli attacks on its territorial integrity, Syria has come a long way from the regional and international isolation intended to topple the government of President Bashar al-Assad.
Of the Arab states that suspended diplomatic relations with Damascus 11 years ago at the start of the war, most have since re-established their envoys in the Syrian capital, such as Bahrain, Kuwait, the UAE, and Oman, or have re-established security and political dialogues, as in the case of Saudi Arabia.
Going against the grain
However, a notable exception to this current of normalization with Syria has been Qatar. The tiny, resource-rich Persian Gulf state was the first Arab country to shutter its embassy in Damascus and has consistently opposed the idea of Syria’s re-admission to the Arab League following its suspension in the early days of the war.
This unwavering stance has been recently reiterated by Qatar’s ruler Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani in light of efforts by Algeria to include Syria in the upcoming Arab League summit in November.
Nevertheless, the invitation extended by Algiers was politely turned down by the Syrian government so as to “to unite the Arab ranks facing the challenges posed by the current situation,” according to Algeria’s foreign ministry.
The feeling is mutual
It is difficult, if not impossible, to find a single Syrian official eager to talk about relations with Doha. This, in spite of Syria’s policy of maintaining open communication with Arab states, including with Saudi Arabia which funded opposition militants in the Syrian war.
Yet Damascus has been adamant that it has no intention or desire to restore relations with Qatar, considered to be a hostile country by the Syrian authorities for its continued support for Al-Qaeda affiliate Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) and other terrorist organizations in northern Syria.
Qatar was one of the first foreign entrants into the Syrian conflict, bank-rolling armed factions in coordination with the CIA, including the precursor to Al-Qaeda affiliate Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, Jabhat al-Nusra.
Doha’s role was even acknowledged by the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), which stated In 2016 that the Nusra Front “probably received logistical, financial and material assistance from the elements of the Turkish and Qatari governments.”
These allegations can be traced to the ruling House of Thani. In 2020, Issam al-Hana, a Moroccan leader of al-Nusra arrested in Iraq revealed that Qatari Sheikh Khaled Suleiman was financing the group with more than a million dollars a month.
Qatar also found itself implicated in a high-profile British court case in 2021, in which the state’s ruling elite and institutions had allegedly “funnelled millions” of dollars to al-Nusra.
In May 2022 fresh charges were made in the US against prominent Qatari institutions accused of wiring $800,000 to an ISIS “judge” who ordered the beheading of American journalists Steven Sotloff and James Foley.
Cooperation or containment?
From President Assad’s ascension to power 22 years ago, up until the March 2011 onset of the Syrian crisis, Syrian-Qatari relations had made great political and economic strides. This, in stark contrast to the strained ties between Damascus and Riyadh, particularly after the assassination of the Saudi-backed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005.
During the height of relations between Syria and Qatar, senior officials made frequent visits, the two sides exchanged diplomatic and political support, joint companies were established, and the Qataris opened more than one bank in Damascus.
Qatar was not alone in working hard to develop its relations with Syria. Turkey, another key supporter of the Syrian militancy whose troops currently occupy the Syrian north, also enjoyed positive commercial and political relations with the Assad government prior to 2011.
Bassam Abu Abdallah, former cultural attache at Syria’s embassy in Ankara, and current Al-Watan columnist, told The Cradle that:
“It turned out that all the steps of Qatari and Turkish rapprochement before the war were part of an American plan to contain Syria and pass the Qatari gas pipeline through its territory to Turkey and then Europe, which is what President al-Assad was aware of. After the US discovered the difficulty of containing Syria, the decision was taken to overthrow the regime and divide the country, and this is one of the reasons for the war. Unfortunately, Qatar, with its money, media, and support for terrorist groups, spearheaded this conspiracy, and still is.”
The Muslim Brotherhood
An informed Syrian official told The Cradle about a meeting in November 2011 between then-Foreign Minister Walid Al-Moallem and three senior Syrian Foreign Ministry officials (Deputy Minister Faisal Al-Miqdad, Chancellor Buthaina Shaaban, and Ambassador Yousef Ahmed) and the then-Emir of Qatar Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani.
“Throughout the meeting, the emir sat like an emperor, legs spread, preaching about reforms and democracy, and what Syria should do, and in the end he spoke of a partnership with the Muslim Brotherhood in power. It was a very bad meeting,” the official explained.
The official added that after the meeting, the scene in Damascus became clear:
“The Americans placed the Syrian file in Qatar’s custody in the first phase of the war. Al-Jazeera engaged in a media war, Qatari money flowed to the armed opposition, and Doha opened its hotels to host the Syrian opposition. The Qataris believed that with the money they could bring the Muslim Brotherhood to power in the entire Arab world, and they bear a great responsibility for the destruction of many Arab countries such as Syria and Libya.”
However, an Arab diplomat who asked for his identity not to be revealed, shares a different view, telling The Cradle that:
“The bad relationship between Qatar and Syria began when the Syrians did not know how to benefit from the Qatari role, did not listen to advice, and refused to involve the Muslim Brotherhood in power. The Qataris have repeatedly tried to open a dialogue between the regime and the opposition, but President al-Assad did not want to make any reforms and concessions.”
The diplomat points out that “Qatar supported the Syrian opposition within an international and Arab coalition.”
Continued hostility
To date, the Qataris have not shown any hint of goodwill toward Damascus. For Syrian officials, the hostile Qatari role continues, albeit at a slower pace after it became clear that its regime-change project had failed.
Former Qatari Foreign Minister Hamad bin Jassim, in more than one television interview about Doha’s role in the war on Syria, described it as “prey over which a group of hunters are fighting.”
Columnist Abu Abdallah says “it is sufficient to listen to Hamad bin Jassim’s confessions that Qatar paid $140 billion to finance the war, to realize the great Qatari role in destroying Syria and killing its people.”
He points out that the Qatari media war against Syria continues unabated, and Doha still hosts opposition television stations and digital media platforms that incite violence against the Syrian state.
Who is really isolated?
It should be noted that Syria’s intensity of hostility toward Qatar applies neither to the rest of the Persian Gulf states, nor to security or political contacts with Ankara. “Turkey is a big country and a major player in the region, while Qatar is a puppet of the Americans,” says Abu Abdallah, also a founder of the Syria-Turkey Friendship Movement.
“Relations with the United Arab Emirates and the Sultanate of Oman were not cut off in the first place, and they have returned to normal with Bahrain, and there are security and political contacts and talks with Saudi Arabia,” he said, explaining:
“Prince Mohammed bin Salman said in a meeting with a senior Syrian official that he was not responsible for the [Saudi] policies of the past, and that he was ready to restore relations. The desire of the two sides to communicate, in addition to the Russian role, helped break the ice, and one of the results of that was the end of the Saudi-armed and funded Jaysh al-Islam militant group in Syria. But it is certain that the hard-line US position towards Syria and the Qatari role is what hinders progress in relations with Saudi Arabia.”
On the other hand, according to the Arab diplomatic source, Qatar is benefiting from the US and its western allies’ position – and “even from the Saudi position” – to put some brakes on the Arab push toward normalization with Syria.
He claims that “the Saudis, and not only Qatar, do not want to develop the relationship with Damascus. It is difficult to accept Syria as it was without significant changes and without the implementation of international resolutions.”
In the past years, some third parties have tried to mediate between the Syrians and the Qataris – at whose behest is unclear: “The Iranians and the Russians tried. But President Assad is very strict on this matter, and they understand the rightness of our position,” another Syrian official reveals.
Can we witness a transformation in Syrian-Qatari relations soon? “Nothing is impossible in politics – and in light of rapid international and regional changes,” he muses. “But nothing is currently in sight. This is a very complicated issue and depends on the steps taken by the Qataris, starting with stopping support for terrorism, followed by other necessary steps towards Syria.”
At present, Doha’s normalization with Damascus remains unlikely. The recent momentum toward rapprochement with Syria by Hamas and even Turkey – if successful – would leave their mutual ally Qatar as the only regional state without a pathway back to Damascus.
Only Doha can judge whether its continued hostility is worth the cost of shunning a historic Arab giant. The longer the rift, the higher the price of return.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.
Algeria’s strong anti-colonial stance and ties to Russia, Syria and Iran ensures that the upcoming Arab League Summit in Algiers will be anything but business-as-usual
Algeria will be taking the political centre stage in the Arab world when it hosts the 31st Arab League Summit on 2 November, the first after a three-year pandemic hiatus.
As a former revolutionary state – once at the forefront of resistance against the western settler-colonialism of the twentieth century, and still today a champion of Arab resistance – it is no surprise that majority-Sunni Algeria continues to take positions that are at odds with those of western-backed Sunni Arab governments of West Asia and North Africa.
Algeria’s principles that irk the region’s pro-west monarchies include its vehement opposition to Zionism, support of the Palestinian cause, insistence on maintaining relations with Iran, and engagement with Syria, with Algiers adamantly demanding that the Syrian state be readmitted to the Arab League.
Diplomacy or distraction?
The host country is pinning great hopes on the success of this summit for several reasons, the most important of which is its desire for a major event that restores vitality to Algerian diplomacy.
The state’s regional clout had receded during the years of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s prolonged illness and death, which inhibited his ability to exercise his duties. During this period, widespread street protests thwarted Bouteflika’s plans to extend his presidential term, ultimately bringing down his administration.
By hosting the summit, Algiers seeks an opportunity to shine regionally and highlight its diplomatic reach, distracting Algerians from the daily grind they’ve endured for years. It is a formula Iraq’s prime minister has used to some degree of success.
In this context, Algeria’s leaders have ensured the summit coincides with the 68th anniversary of the launch of their revolution against colonial France, and have planned an elaborate series of political, cultural, youth and artistic activities to burnish Algeria’s image as a regional powerhouse.
These are intended to project the North African state as the new ‘Mecca of Arab diplomacy,’ just as it remains a hub for liberation movements across the Global South and the ‘Mecca for revolutionaries’ since the 1960s.
It’s not such a wild idea. Algeria has come into play in recent years, not just for championing popular Arab worldviews, but for its geopolitical choices that are now in ascent. Like Syria, Algeria’s military is heavily invested with Russian equipment, training, and know-how. The energy-producing state is also receiving windfall profits from skyrocketing fuel and gas prices globally. And the increasing Russian, Iranian and Chinese (RIC) influence in West Asia – concurrent with the receding US presence – places Arab Algiers in a strong starting position.
Energy and food security
Recent global and regional developments, however, may make this Arab League meeting one of its most complex summits. The reverberations of Russia’s military operations in Ukraine just as the world began to emerge from the repercussions of the pandemic, have added a slate of pressing issues to Algiers’ table in November.
The impact of these two events have reshuffled geopolitical cards everywhere, and caused a global energy crisis that has placed several nations on the brink of severe economic and food crises.
In the unlikely scenario that the war in Ukraine ends before this year’s Arab Summit, its impact will remain on the top of the agenda. On the economic level, oil and gas prices will be a priority for both energy-producing and energy-consuming Arab countries, with expectations that the price of a barrel of oil will exceed $160 if the situation continues as is.
Another important agenda item is food security – especially vital crops such wheat and maize. It is expected that the summit will study the possibility of inter-cooperation to develop agriculture within regional states, with the hope that the studies will not remain as ink on paper as is the usual outcome of these gatherings.
Algeria calls for Syria’s return
Syria’s return to the Arab League after its highly politicized and unprecedented suspension in 2011 is another important challenge facing the summit. Algeria, which has maintained good relations with Damascus, has been adamant that Syria should be re-admitted to the League.
Algiers’ position is supported by several Arab countries such as Tunisia, Lebanon, Iraq, the UAE and Bahrain. But Syria’s return depends on buy-in from the remaining members too – with Qatar playing spoiler to Damascus’ regional rehabilitation. This too may change in time, as even Doha’s close Turkish allies are working toward normalizing relations with the Syrian government.
Syria’s membership was suspended at a highly-irregular emergency meeting of Arab foreign ministers in Cairo in November 2011. The move came after the Syrian government failed to implement the terms of the “Arab initiative” that gave President Bashar Al-Assad an unrealistic two weeks to conduct a political dialogue with the opposition, form a “national unity government” within two months, and conduct early presidential and parliamentary elections.
Arab League Secretary General Ahmed Aboul Gheit has said Syria’s participation in the upcoming Arab summit “is still subject to an Arab consensus,” which has not yet been achieved.
It does not seem that the countries that demanded the suspension of Syria’s membership will agree to its return as long as the conditions of suspension still exist. In turn, Damascus is unenthusiastic about returning to the League before certain Arab countries apologize for their material support of the Syrian armed opposition.
In fact, on 4 September, in a phone call with his Algerian counterpart Ramtane Lamamra, Syrian Foreign Minister Faysal Mikdad appeared to unilaterally bow out from the November summit, saying he “prefers not to raise” Syrian’s readmission to the League at this time.
Mikdad said his decision was made to keep the Arab focus on more urgent issues facing the region: “[To] contribute to uniting the Arab world and ranks in facing the challenges posed by the current situation at the regional and international levels.”
Israel’s presence at Algeria’s border
The most pressing diplomatic issue for Algiers though has been its fallout with neighboring Rabat, particularly following the latter’s decision to resume relations and sign defense agreements with Tel Aviv, which has heightened security concerns in Algeria.
It remains to be seen whether Morocco will participate in the summit after Algiers severed diplomatic relations with Rabat in August 2021.
At the heart of the neighbors’ spat is a territorial dispute in the Western Sahara. Both states have long been at odds over this sparsely-populated desert terrain where the Algiers-backed Polisario Front is seeking independence from Rabat’s rule. Morocco, in turn, is believed to have secured Washington’s recognition of its ‘sovereign claim’ to the Western Sahara in exchange for normalizing relations with Tel Aviv.
Morocco fears that, as the summit’s host, Algeria will be able to advance the momentum on this contentious issue and win over other Arab states to its side.
With the escalation in tension between the two countries, Algerian political writer Ahmed Boudaoud expects Morocco to be absent from this summit or reduce its level of representation: “especially with the assurances of Algerian officials that their country’s position will not change as long as the reasons that led to the diplomatic rupture between the two countries persist.”
In order to legitimize the diplomatic and economic estrangement with Rabat, Algeria may insist at the summit on issuing a statement condemning the wave of Arab normalization with Israel.
But such a statement will not be unanimously approved as long as there are influential countries, in addition to Morocco, with which Israel has peace treaties, such as Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Sudan and Bahrain.
Unwavering Palestinian solidarity
As is customary in all Arab summits, the Palestinian issue is given priority on the agenda – though typically without any practical measures that actually support Palestinians and their oft-neglected cause.
But Algerian President Abdel Majid Tebboune made a special gesture toward Palestinians in an attempt to reconcile key factions at the summit, particularly Fatah and Hamas.
On 6 July, Tebboune brought together Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and the head of the Hamas’ political bureau, Ismail Haniyeh, during their attendance at the 60th anniversary celebrations of Algeria’s independence.
Despite the meeting being praised as “historic” after years of estrangement, the gloomy looks on the faces of those present, and the statements issued thereafter, indicated that reconciliation is far from being achieved.
The limits of Algerian diplomacy
The situation in neighboring Libya, around which both regional and European schisms are intensifying, will be another important issue expected to be discussed in Algiers.
Algeria seeks to consolidate Arab consensus around the adoption of a “Libyan-Libyan solution” which rejects any external interference that might hinder the unification of the Libyan parties and disrupt the course of upcoming presidential elections.
Some Arab countries such as Morocco, however, have accused Algeria of interference in Libya with the intention to dominate its neighbor’s political discourse – taking particular aim at Algiers’ own diplomatic shortcomings in Libya and its failed mediation attempt in the Egyptian-Ethiopian dispute over the Renaissance Dam.
Cracks in Arab “unity” will also appear in discussions on the growing Iranian and Turkish influence in a number of Arab countries.
Given the significant Arab differences over basic regional and global issues, and the preoccupation of each of states with their internal problems and priorities, the Algeria summit will likely be similar to the summits that preceded it: Luxurious receptions, resonant speeches, projects, plans, and decisions that expire the moment participants return to their respective countries.
Although swimming against a powerful tide of Arab states still servile to western diktats, an Algeria noted for its revolutionary struggle toward genuine independence will not entirely be faulted for sticking to its principles. Instead, Algiers will be able to collect its ‘summit success’ from the popular sentiment of the Arab street, which still shares its worldview stances.
Tehran – August is a big month for Hezbollah as the resistance movement marks both the 40th anniversary of its founding or the Forty Springs, and the anniversary of the 2006 victory over “Israel.”
There is still a lot the world doesn’t know about the latter, which is why Al-Ahed News sat down with former Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki and gained interesting insights into what transpired behind the scenes 16 years ago.
Mottaki was Tehran’s top diplomat during the 2006 “Israeli” aggression. He reveals the circumstances of his presence in Lebanon during the war, and talks about a phone conversation between him and Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and the commander of the Quds Force martyr General Hajj Qassem Soleimani.
Mottaki also underscored Iran’s firm support for the resistance movements based on the principles of Islam that were established by Imam Ruhollah Khomeini following the triumph of the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
July 2006: Saudi Arabia is a political arm of the aggression
Mottaki begins by recounting an important conversation he had in the early days of the war.
“At the beginning of the barbaric aggression, I called Saudi Foreign Minister Saud Al-Faisal at the time, and I spoke to him about the aggression and about this part of Lebanon being attacked, assaulted by the enemy, while heinous massacres were perpetrated.
I told him that something must be done, and the Arabs and Muslims must move and hold an Islamic conference and another in the League of Arab States to discuss a response to the Zionist aggression.
The answer he gave me was that ‘Hezbollah is gambling in the region.’
His response proved to me that Saudi Arabia was fully aware of this attack and was preparing for it. While Hezbollah was enduring a Zionist military aggression, Saudi Arabia was providing the political groundwork for this aggression.”
Mottaki in Lebanon and contact with the leadership of the resistance
Asked about how he risked his life to visit Lebanon during the aggression, Mottaki said, “The Iranian Supreme National Security Council at the time – which was reviewing the developments of the Zionist invasion of Lebanon on a daily basis – agreed that the Minister of Foreign Affairs would visit Lebanon. The Secretary General of the Council at the time, Dr. Ali Larijani, informed me of this decision. We immediately prepared for the visit and headed to Syria. From there, we headed to Beirut by land.”
Upon his arrival in Beirut, Mottaki’s first order of business was to see the battlefield report, and accordingly, he established contact with the leadership of the resistance.
“I was able to have a telephone conversation with His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and the martyr Lieutenant General Hajj Qassem Soleimani, who was accompanied by Sayyed Nasrallah at the time. They told me that things were under control, and we had complete superiority on the battlefield. They also assured me that the resistance would be victorious in this war, because the Zionist entity could not defeat us in this guerrilla warfare.”
On that visit, Mottaki carried with him to Lebanon “the decision of the Supreme National Security Council to declare the Islamic Republic’s support for the resistance and the Lebanese government in the face of the Zionist aggression. Our position was clear, and I delivered it to the then Lebanese Prime Minister, Fouad Siniora. The message to the resistance was that we stand by you in all fields.”
Between the battlefield and negotiations
Mottaki also touched on the differences between French and British diplomacy.
“The British wanted to communicate with us during the aggression, but we did not have any direct contact with them.
They lacked accurate information, so they miscalculated the capabilities of the resistance. Therefore, when they sensed the steadfastness of the resistance, they became tense and fearful. As for the French, they were more active and realistic in this regard. They came to Lebanon and expected the course of things, and when I met the then French Foreign Minister Mr. Douste-Blazy in Lebanon, the focus of my discussion with him revolved around convincing France that “Israel” will not win this war. As soon as they realize this fact, it makes a big difference.”
The former Iranian foreign minister believes that “this war changed the course of things, especially after it led to the defeat of the Zionist entity and the victory of Hezbollah.”
He points out that “at the beginning of the war, the Zionists managed to convince the Americans that the war would go in their favor and that they would destroy Hezbollah once and for all. That is why they refrained until the middle of the war from participating in any initiative to stop it, waiting on the aggression to be resolved in favor of Tel Aviv.”
Hajj Qassem and the Ummah
Mottaki recalls a meeting, which was held in the holy city of Mashhad in the presence of Major General Soleimani.
“Grand Ayatollah Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei was in Mashhad, and Hajj Qassem came at that time from Beirut. A number of officials attended to meet the Imam. Hajj Qassem had a battlefield map in his hand. He explained the latest developments in the field during the war with the Zionist enemy. He conveyed a message from Imam Khamenei addressing Sayyed Nasrallah and the resistance. The letter read: ‘Tell our friends and brothers in Lebanon to recite Dua al-Jawshan.’ The supplication had a great impact on the situation on the ground. This meeting with the Imam was unique, where all officials of different ranks were personally present.”
“It will take years and years for our people first, then the peoples of the region and the world to realize the value and role of Hajj Qassem Soleimani,” Mottaki added.
“Hajj Qassem was the defender of the Ummah who had the interests of his brothers, his countrymen, and fellow human beings at heart.
“Hajj Qasim was the beacon of justice and the preserver of justice in the world. Hajj Qassem was the enemy of the unjust regime that controls the political and international relations in the world. He believed that jihad for the sake of Islam is the highest thing in life, and there is nothing above Islam.
He believed that the school of Islam was comprehensive, complete, and obligatory to manage human societies. Hajj Qassem believed that if two people are companions in the same direction, then one must be the emir of the other. Therefore, he strongly believed that society needs a just, righteous leader and jurist, so he considered that Wilayat al-Faqih is the centerpiece of the cohesion of human societies.
Hajj Qassem was convinced that Wali al-Faqih’s belief in the people was not just a belief based on the contemporary democratic style, but rather an ideological belief stemming from the bottom of the heart. Hajj Qassem believed in these constants with his entire being.”
Mottaki concludes his interview with Al-Ahed by referring to the final years of Lieutenant General Soleimani’s life.
“In the final years of his life, Hajj Qassem was not interested in anything from this life. He did not cling to it, and he was seeking martyrdom and departing to the other world to see the one and only deity. The last years of his life are the best evidence of his longing for martyrdom, and he fulfilled his dream.”
It seemed all but a done deal: Israel is finally managing to bend the Arabs to its will, and Palestine is becoming a marginal issue that no longer defines Israel’s relations with Arab countries. Indeed, normalization with Israel is afoot, and the Arabs, so it seems, have been finally tamed.
Not so fast. Many events continue to demonstrate the opposite. Take, for example, the Arab League two-day meeting in Cairo on July 31 – August 1. The meeting was largely dominated by discussions on Palestine and concluded with statements that called on Arab countries to reactivate the Arab boycott of Israel, until the latter abides by international law.
The strongest language came from the League’s Assistant Secretary-General who called for solidarity with the Palestinian people by boycotting companies that support the Israeli occupation.
The two-day Conference of the Liaison Officers of the Arab Regional Offices on the Boycott of Israel praised the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, which has been under intense western pressures for its unrelenting advocacy of international action against Israel.
One of the recommendations by Arab officials was to support Arab boycott initiatives in accordance with the Tunis Arab Summit in March 2019, which resolved that “boycott of the Israeli occupation and its colonial regime is one of the effective and legitimate means to resist.”
Though one may rightly cast doubts on the significance of such statements in terms of dissuading Israel from its ongoing colonization schemes in Palestine, at least, it demonstrates that in terms of political discourse, the collective Arab position remains unchanged. This was also expressed clearly to US President Joe Biden during his latest visit to the Middle East. Biden may have expected to leave the region with major Arab concession to Israel – which would be considered a significant political victory for the pro-Israel members of his Democratic Party prior to the defining November midterm elections – but he received none.
What American officials do not understand is that Palestine is a deeply rooted emotional, cultural and spiritual issue for Arabs – and Muslims. Neither Biden, nor Donald Trump and Jared Kushner before him, could easily – or possibly – alter that.
Indeed, anyone who is familiar with the history of the centrality of Palestine in the Arab discourse understands that Palestine is not a mere political question that is governed by opportunism, and immediate political or geopolitical interests. Modern Arab history is a testament to the fact that no matter how great US-Western-Israeli pressures and however weak or divided the Arabs are, Palestine will continue to reign supreme as the cause of all Arabs. Political platitudes aside, the Palestinian struggle for freedom remains a recurring theme in Arab poetry, art, sports, religion, and culture in all its manifestations.
This is not an opinion, but a demonstrable fact.
The latest Arab Center Washington DC (ACW) public opinion poll examined the views of 28,288 Arabs in 13 different countries. Majority of the 350 million Arabs continue to hold the same view as previous generations of Arabs did: Palestine is an Arab cause and Israel is the main threat.
The Arab Opinion Index (AOI) of late 2020 is not the first of its kind. In fact, it is the seventh such study to be conducted since 2011. The trend remains stable. All the US-Israeli plots – and bribes – to sideline Palestine and the Palestinians have failed and, despite purported diplomatic ‘successes’, they will continue to fail.
According to the poll: Vast majority of Arabs – 81 percent – oppose US policy towards Palestine; 89 percent and 81 percent believe that Israel and the US respectively are “the largest threat” to their individual countries’ national security. Particularly important, majority of Arab respondents insist that the “Palestinian cause concerns all Arabs and not simply the Palestinians.” This includes 89 percent of Saudis and 88 percent of Qataris.
Arabs may disagree on many issues, and they do. They might stand at opposite sides of regional and international conflicts, and they do. They might even go to war against one another and, sadly, they often do. But Palestine remains the exception. Historically, it has been the Arabs’ most compelling case for unity. When governments forget that, and they often do, the Arab streets constantly remind them of why Palestine is not for sale and is not a subject for self-serving compromises.
For Arabs, Palestine is also a personal and intimate subject. Numerous Arab households have framed photos of Arab martyrs who were killed by Israel during previous wars or were killed fighting for Palestine. This means that no amount of normalization or even outright recognition of Israel by an Arab country can wash away Israel’s sordid past or menacing image in the eyes of ordinary Arabs.
A most telling example of this is how Egyptians and Jordanians answered the AOI question “Would you support or oppose diplomatic recognition of Israel by your country?” The interesting thing about this question is that both Cairo and Amman already recognized Israel and have diplomatic ties with Tel Aviv since 1979 and 1994, respectively. Still, to this day, 93 percent of Jordanians and 85 percent of Egyptians still oppose that recognition as if it never took place.
The argument that Arab public opinion carries no weight in non-democratic societies neglects the fact that every form of government is predicated on some form of legitimacy, if not through a direct vote, it is through other means. Considering the degree of involvement the cause of Palestine carries in every aspect of Arab societies – on the street, in the mosque and church, in universities, sports, civil society organizations and much more – disowning Palestine would be a major delegitimizing factor and a risky political move.
American politicians, who are constantly angling for quick political victories on behalf of Israel in the Middle East do not understand, or simply do not care that marginalizing Palestine and incorporating Israel into the Arab body politic is not simply unethical, but also a major destabilizing factor in an already unstable region.
Historically, such attempts have failed, and often miserably so, as apartheid Israel remains as hated by those who normalized as much as it is hated by those who have not. Nothing will ever change that, as long as Palestine remains an occupied country.
– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website iswww.ramzybaroud.net
Hezbollah Media Relations issued the following statement:
Hezbollah strongly denounces the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces’ invasion of the al-Aqsa Mosque’s courtyards, their brutal attacks against the Palestinian worshippers, and their aggressive behavior towards the people of al-Quds, as well as torturing them and vandalizing their properties.
Hezbollah expresses solidarity with the uprising Palestinian people in the occupied al-Quds, who are defending the sanctity of al-Aqsa Mosque, and hails the braveness of the Palestinian people and their heroic confrontation of the ‘Israeli’ terrorism machine.
Hezbollah finds that the ‘Israeli’ forces’ practices represent a grave violation of the sanctity of al-Aqsa Mosque that harms more than a billion Muslims and provokes all the free people of the world.
Hezbollah urges the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab League, and Arab and Islamic countries and peoples to carry out their religious and moral duties by confronting these terrorist practices and by backing our people of al-Quds by providing them with all possible means of support.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov hoped for the restoration of Syria’s membership in the Arab League, saying Arab nations would be able to reunify their positions and resolve their differences if Damascus is readmitted to the organization.
Lavrov made the remarks during a press conference with the foreign ministers of Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, and Sudan — members of the Arab Contact Group on Ukraine — in the Russian capital city of Moscow on Monday.
“We expressed our hope for Syria’s return to the Arab League. The issue will be resolved as soon as possible as it will help Arabs unify their positions in the region and the whole world,” Lavrov said.
The Arab League suspended Syria’s membership in November 2011, citing an alleged crackdown by Damascus on opposition protests. Syria has denounced the move as “illegal and a violation of the organization’s charter.”
The Arab republic was one of the six founding members of the Arab League in 1945. In recent months, an increasing number of countries and political parties have called for the reversal of its suspension from the Arab League.
Early this year, the secretary general of the central committee of the Palestinian Fatah political party denounced the suspension as “disgraceful” for the entire Arab world, especially as the war-ravaged country is a founding member of the regional organization.
Speaking at a press conference in the Syrian capital of Damascus on January 10, Jibril Rajoub added that Syria must return to the Arab League.
He said that his visit to Damascus at the head of a high-ranking Palestinian delegation is a turning point in light of the ‘Israeli’ regime’s stepped-up aggression and attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause.
Rajoub noted that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas plans to visit Syria in the near future, extending his gratitude to the Syrian people and leadership for their hospitality towards Palestinians living there and for their firm stances vis-à-vis the Palestinian cause despite all the difficulties they have gone through over the past years.
In all the geopolitical salvos issued left and right last week, nothing was less expected than the visit of Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad to the UAE. It is a strong sign of the Persian Gulf’s dissatisfaction with its US ally.Photo Credit: The Cradle
If any good has come out of the Ukraine war for the Arab world, it is the diminished status and influence of the US in West Asia. Washington is losing many of its traditional allies in the region, especially in the Persian Gulf, and this trend looks like it will accelerate.
Four recent developments illustrate this.
First, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s visit to the UAE on Friday. The warm welcome laid on for him by its leaders was a slap in the face of the US administration, its strongly stated objections to the visit, and its sanctions aimed at de-legitimizing the Syrian government.
Second, the growing defiance of US hegemony by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, OPEC’s two largest oil producers. Most notable was their rejection of US President Joe Biden’s pleas to increase oil production in order to push down prices and provide extra supplies to enable western sanctions of Russian oil and gas imports.
Third, the failure of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s visit – on Washington’s behalf – to Abu Dhabi and Riyadh, where he conveyed veiled threats to the two countries should they fail to toe the western line on Ukraine, join in imposing economic sanctions on Russia, or break their oil production agreements with it.
Fourth, Saudi Arabia’s invitation to China’s President Xi Jinping for an official visit and Riyadh’s openness to pricing its oil sales to Beijing in yuan. This signals that the kingdom and possibly other Gulf states may be willing to join the new global financial system Russia and China are developing as an alternative to the western one.
Of the four developments, the reception accorded to President Assad in Abu Dhabi and Dubai was the clearest sign of this Gulf rebellion against the US and its domination. The visit didn’t need to take place now; that it did shows more about the mood in the Gulf centers of power than anything else.
Moreover, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have reportedly declined to receive US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, who is keen to follow up Johnson’s visit to try to succeed where he failed.
Instead, in a snub seen around the world, the UAE’s foreign minister Sheikh Ahmad Bin Zayed visited Moscow for talks with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov. The public show of bonhomie they displayed was bound to rub salt into the American wound.
The timing of Assad’s trip – on the 11th anniversary of the start of the US-led war on Syria aimed at toppling its government, and three weeks into the Russian invasion of Ukraine – and the UAE’s indifference to the angry US reaction, are further signs of the start of divorce proceedings with an abusive partner that fleeces and cheats on its allies.
Assad’s visit to the UAE provided important gains for both countries and their leaders. It broke Syria’s official isolation in the Arab world and heralded the breaking of the US embargo imposed on the country. This caps a broader process of Arab ‘normalization’ which is set to see Damascus regain its membership of the Arab League and role in collective Arab decision making, and take part in the Arab summit to be held in Algiers in November.
This bold step also benefits the UAE in many ways. It helps offset the hugely negative impact on its image that resulted from its signing of the so-called Abraham Accords and enthusiastic courtship of the Israeli enemy.
Building bridges of trust and cooperation with the Axis of Resistance via Syria, Iran’s closest ally, could also help the UAE and Saudi Arabia find ways out of their quagmire in Yemen. It may be no coincidence that Riyadh is proposing to host an all-party Yemeni dialogue and has officially invited the Houthi Ansarullah movement to take part.
In short, what we are seeing today are manifestations of a revolt against US hegemony in the Arab world by the axis of Arab ‘moderation’ led by the Egyptian-Emirati-Saudi trio. It is open for other Gulf and Arab states such as Iraq, Algeria, and Sudan to join should they wish. This new axis may take clearer shape at the Algiers summit in the fall.
The process of Arab normalization with Israel is bound to slow down. It is the most grievous error that normalizing countries – old and new – could have made, and should be halted completely. But there is optimism in this regard, as turning against the US also implies turning against Israel.
Meanwhile, Assad’s presidential plane, which over the past decade has only flown to Moscow and Tehran, looks set to do a lot more traveling in the coming weeks and months. Its next destination after Abu Dhabi could be Riyadh or Cairo, despite the best efforts of the US to bar its way.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.
بمقدار ما كانت زيارة الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد الى دولة الإمارات متوقعة بعد سلسلة الخطوات الإماراتيّة نحو دمشق، والتي توّجتها زيارة وزير الخارجية الإماراتي إلى سورية ولقائه بالرئيس بشار الأسد، جاءت الزيارة صدمة قاسية لكل الذين راهنوا على سقوط سورية، الذين اعتبروا رغم الانتصارات السورية، أن استمرار القطيعة العربية معها تعبير عن بقاء الأمل بإضعاف سورية مجدداً، وهم يعلمون أن الإمارات في قلب مركز صناع قرار القطيعة العربي مع سورية الذي يمثله الخليج، وأنها ليست دول هامشية في الخليج، فهي والسعودية كانتا ولا تزالان ثنائي صناعة القرار، رغم حضور دول مستقلة كعُمان، ودول تناصب سورية العداء تلبية لرغبة تركية كحال قطر، وميزة الإمارات التي غالباً ما تنسق مع السعودية في التفاصيل، أنها تملك هامشاً من الحركة أوسع من الهامش السعودي، وأنه رغم ما قد يصدر من واشنطن والرياض حول خطوتها، فإنها الأقرب الى النبض الفعلي لهما، كما يقرأ الكثيرون خطواتها في التطبيع مع كيان الاحتلال، أو أن الإمارات هي الأقل بعداً عن الرغبة بالخصومة مع الرياض وواشنطن، وقد وضع الكثيرون خطواتها بالانفتاح على إيران ضمن هذا السياق الاستباقي لنجاح الحوار الأميركي والسعودي مع إيران، ولذلك فإن ما لا يمثل توجهاً مستقبلياً للرياض وواشنطن، لا تبادر إليه أبو ظبي، إلا إذا اطمأنت أنه لا يقع ضمن دائرة الخطوط الحمر التي تتسبب بالبعد عنهما، ولذلك كانت الزيارة صدمة قاسية على هؤلاء المراهنين ضد سورية، وخصوصاً ضد رئيسها، وعلى رأسهم قادة تشكيلات التورط في الحرب على سورية الذين تصدّروا واجهات المعارضة السورية، وطالما استمتعوا كثيراً بالإقامة في منتجعات وفنادق السبعة نجوم في دبي وأبوظبي، شعروا بانتهاء صلاحيتهم وقد تحولت الزيارة الى الصحن الرئيسي على مائدة احتفالاتهم بذكرى ما سموه ذات يوم بـ «الثورة السورية».
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الزيارة تعبير عن نقلة نوعية في العلاقات بين الحكومتين، تقول إن التقدم إلى الأمام خطوة كبيرة بات حاجة ملحة، لكلتيهما، من دون ان يعني ذلك تغييرا في التموضع الأصلي لدولتين لا تتخذ فيهما الخيارات بالارتجال والانفعال، فلا الإمارات بوارد مغادرة محور واشنطن والرياض، ولا سورية بوارد فك تحالفها مع طهران وموسكو، وبمثل ما لا يبدو خيار التطبيع الإماراتي مع كيان الاحتلال مطروحا لإعادة النظر، تبدو سورية أشد تمسكاً بموقعها القيادي الفاعل في محور المقاومة، بينما قد تشهد مناطق تباعد أخرى بين دمشق وأبو ظبي على الطاولة، بصفتها مواضيع تباعد يحتاج حلفاء الفريقين في الإقليم لتلاقي دمشق وابوظبي كنقطة بداية لحلحلتها. فمن جهة طهران الذاهبة للفوز بنصرها النووي مجدداً، والراغبة بتجاوز ملفات التصعيد مع الجيران في الخليج، ومن جهة الرياض التي تدرك حجم تأثير حرب أوكرانيا على تراجع الاهتمام الأميركي والغربي بأزمات المنطقة، وفي مقدمتها حرب اليمن، وتدرك ان واشنطن لم تقم حساباً لتحفظاتها على الاتفاق النووي مع إيران، وتدرك بالتالي ان كلفة التفاهمات الإقليمية تبقى أقل من كلفة انتظار الحلول السحرية الدولية، بل إن في الرياض توجهاً يقول إن صناعة موقع خليجي يتناسب مع موقع الخليج في سوق الطاقة، وفي ضوء قراءة التوازنات الدولية الجديدة، يستدعي مسافة في منطقة وسط تبتعد بنسبة معينة عن واشنطن، وتقترب بنسبة أخرى من بكين وموسكو، وثمة من يقول أكثر من ذلك، إنه يلتقي مع دعوات الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد منذ أكثر من عقد الى قراءة المتغيرات الدولية، ووقع المنطقة في فراغ استراتيجي، والإيمان أنه بمستطاع الخليج وإيران وسائر العرب تشكيل قطب جاذب على درجة عالية من الاستقلال، وهو مضمون دعوة الرئيس الأسد يومها لصيغة دول البحار الخمسة، قزوين والبحرين الأسود والأحمر والبحر المتوسط والخليج.
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عشية التحضيرات للقمة العربية في الجزائر، يأتي لقاء القمة السوري الإماراتي، مليئاً بالحديث عن الوضع العربي، والحاجة للتلاقي، والتفكير بصورة مختلفة ومشتركة لاستعادة الدور العربي في السياسات الإقليمية، وتقول الإمارات، إن سورية ركيزة من ركائز الأمن العربي، وتعلن الدعوة لخروج القوات الأجنبية غير الشرعية من الأراضي السورية، والتمسك بحق الدولة السورية بسيادتها الكاملة على أراضيها واستعادة وحدتها، وسط مؤشرات تشير الى تبلور موقف خليجي يضع الانسحاب التركي من سورية كشرط لتطبيع العلاقات الخليجية التركية، وقناعة تقوم على اعتبار سورية جسر ثقة يمكن له التأسيس لعلاقة استراتيجية غير نفطية مع روسيا والصين، يدخل ضمنها الحصول على شبكات صواريخ اس 400 وبناء مفاعلات نووية سلمية، وبيع النفط بسلة عملات تنهي حصرية اعتماد الدولار، وحوار آمن مع إيران، تدخل فيه كل التفاصيل المتصلة بالأمن المتبادل في الخليج، انطلاقاً من التعاون لإنهاء حرب اليمن، التي تقول بعض المؤشرات ان المبادرة الخليجية غير المكتملة تمثل أحد التعبيرات الأولى عن الاقتراب من صياغة موقف خليجي جديد يلاقي إيران في منتصف طريق، ربما يكون مطلوباً من سورية والإمارات صياغته.
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اللقاء الإماراتي السوري، هو من جهة تعبير عن اعتراف إماراتي بالنصر السوري، واستعداد إماراتي لتشكيل رأس جسر للاعتراف العربي بهذا الانتصار، وسيكون من السخافة بمكان مطالبة سورية من موقع خلافات كثيرة أخرى مع الإمارات إدارة الظهر له، وبالمقابل فإن هذا اللقاء بمثل ما انه لا يعني تراجعاً سورياً عن أي من ثوابتها، خصوصاً تجاه فلسطين والمقاومة، فهو لا يعني انتقال الإمارات إلى محور المقاومة، وبمقدار ما يستحق اللقاء التنويه والإشارة، فهو لا يكفي للتخلي عن اللغة النقدية لسياسة الإمارات، على الأقل في ملفي التطبيع وحرب اليمن، ولو أن البعض كان ينتظر لحظة نهاية القطيعة الإماراتية السورية ليسارع في تقديم أوراق اعتماده في أبوظبي لحسابات مالية لا سياسية ولا مبدئية، يعرفها الإماراتيون جيداً، لكن الحريصين على تحسين شروط الواقع العربي واثقون بأن للانفتاح على سورية عائدات قد لا يتوقعها أصحابها، ومنها تنفس هواء مشبع بالكرامة العربية قد يبدأ بريح شمالية، لكنه سينتهي حكماً بالهواء القبلي المنعش، الآتي من فلسطين، وحتى ذلك الحين سنبقى نقول إن التطبيع خطيئة وليس مجرد خطأ.
جاء اجتماع المركزي ليُرتِّب مرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس، وليُسهِّل وصول رموز التعاون مع الاحتلال – على شاكلة ماجد فرج وحسين الشيخ – إلى قمَّة الهرم في سلطة أوسلو بعد غيابه.
في البدء، كان القرار الفلسطيني المستقل. حُكي آنذاك: يحصل هذا الأمر حتى لا يقدّم النظام الرسمي العربي تنازلاتٍ للكيان الصهيوني من دون اعتبارٍ لأصحاب الحق الأصيل، فصار بعد ذلك شعار النظام الرسمي العربي: نقبل بما يقبل به الفلسطينيون.
يَخشَى الكيان الصهيوني على استقرار سلطة أوسلو بعد غياب عباس
ومن دون الدخول في نقاشٍ حول وجاهة نظر من قال بفكرة القرار الفلسطيني المستقل، قامت بعد ذلك منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، “الممثل الشرعي والوحيد” للشعب الفلسطيني، بالتوقيع على أوسلو، معترفةً بالكيان الغاصب، ومتنازلةً عن 87% من الأراضي العربية الفلسطينية المحتلة، وتاركةً في مهب الريح مصير ذاك الجزء من الشعب الفلسطيني الذي هُجِّر من دياره في العام 1948، وهي تنازلاتٌ ما كان ليجرؤ النظام الرسمي العربي على تقديمها، لتتوالى بعد ذلك حفلات الاعتراف العربية الرسمية بالكيان الغاصب، ولسان حالهم يقول: لن نكون ملكيين أكثر من الملك.
وفي خضمّ هذا كلّه، كانت مساعي الهيمنة على قرار منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية مستمرةً من قبل حركة “فتح”، وكانت تُحقِّق تقدماً، لتُختزَل منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية في فصيلٍ فلسطينيٍ واحدٍ بدلاً من أن تكون ممثلاً للكلِّ الفلسطيني.
وفي إثر دخول منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية مرحلة أوسلو – المقيتة الذكر – أُنشئت سلطة الحكم الذاتي المسماة السلطة الفلسطينية، ليدخل الوضع الفلسطيني مرحلة أخرى من الانحدار، حتى وصلنا إلى أن يتآمر على أبو عمار، زعيم حركة “فتح” ومؤسّسها، بعضٌ من بطانته، كي يغتاله الإسرائيلي بالسمّ، في جريمة اغتيالٍ تجاهلتها السلطة، مبرّئةً بذلك الإسرائيلي منها.
بعدها، تولى محمود عباس رئاسة السلطة الفلسطينية، ليبدأ باختزال كلٍّ من منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية وحركة “فتح” ذاتها بسلطة أوسلو. وقد نجح في ذلك نجاحاً تحسده عليه كل الأنظمة العربية! فقد أجهز على ما كان قد بقي من منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، وحوَّله فعلياً إلى مجرد اسمٍ ليس له كيانٌ حقيقيٌ في أرض الواقع، يستحضره كختمٍ متى احتاج إليه.
ليس هذا فحسب، فقد نجح عباس في الانحدار بسلطة أوسلو إلى دركٍ تفوَّق فيه على فصائل السلام وروابط القرى مجتمعين، فما معنى أن يصير التخابر مع العدو من أجل حراسة المستوطنات في الضفة، وتأمين المغتصَبات في فلسطين 48، والسهر على أمن قُطعان المستوطنين فيهما وراحتهم، واجباً “مقدَّساً” عند محمود عباس وسلطة أوسلو؟
واليوم، جاء اجتماع المجلس المركزي الفلسطيني الأخير الذي عُقِد في 6 شباط/فبراير 2022، ليشكّل سقطةً جديدةً في مسار هذا التدهور المستمر، فطامة الشعب الفلسطيني لا تنحصر في إصرار عباس على عقد اجتماع المركزي فحسب، رغم مقاطعة الأغلبية الفلسطينية له، إذ قاطعه كلٌ من حركتي “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين”، إضافةً إلى عدم رضا أجنحةٍ من حركة “فتح” ذاتها، بل كانت الطامة الكبرى في المغزى من عقد هذا الاجتماع، وفي مخرجاته التي كانت معروفةً مسبقاً.
يَخشَى الكيان الصهيوني على استقرار سلطة أوسلو بعد غياب عباس، بسبب التجاذبات الحادة في أوساط حركة “فتح”، ولا سيّما بعد فقدان السلطة وفريق التنسيق الأمني فيها الكثير من شعبيتهما عقب معركة “سيف القدس”، وبسبب تغول السلطة في التعاون مع الاحتلال ضد المقاومين الفلسطينيين ومصالح الشعب الفلسطيني، ففي استمرار التنسيق الأمني مع الكيان الصهيوني مصلحةٌ عليا للاحتلال وحفظٌ لأمن المستوطنات والمستوطنين.
وقد جاء اجتماع المركزي ليُرتِّب مرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس، وليُسهِّل وصول رموز التعاون مع الاحتلال – على شاكلة ماجد فرج وحسين الشيخ – إلى قمَّة الهرم في سلطة أوسلو بعد غيابه. حصل كل هذا برضا الاحتلال ومباركته، إذ عُيَّن حسين الشيخ، الأكثر التزاماً بنهج التنسيق الأمني، في منصب أمين سر اللجنة التنفيذية، ما يمهد الطريق أمامه لرئاسة سلطة أوسلو مستقبلاً. وهكذا، وصلنا إلى اختزال سلطة أوسلو أيضاً بفريق التنسيق الأمني، وتم ترتيب القيادة لمرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس برضا الاحتلال ومباركته!
لكن ما غاب عن حسابات الصهاينة في رهانهم على مجموعة التنسيق الأمني هو وجود شعبٍ فلسطينيٍ حيّ ضاق ذرعاً بسلطةٍ باتت نسخةً مكررةً من جيش “لحد” بصورةٍ مفضوحةٍ. ولا أدلّ على وصول الشارع الفلسطيني إلى هذه الحالة إلا عمليات إطلاق النار التي قام بها مؤخراً مقاومون من كتائب شهداء الأقصى التابعة لحركة “فتح” ذاتها، ناهيك بفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية المتمسكة بخيار المقاومة في الأساس.
وكان البيان المشترك الَّذي صدر عقب اجتماع المجلس المركزي عن حركتي “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين”، والذي رفض الاعتراف بشرعية انعقاد المجلس المركزي وقراراته، ودعا إلى تشكيل قيادة موحدة للمقاومة الشعبية، مؤشراً على شكل المرحلة القادمة.
وغاب كذلك عن حسابات الصهاينة تبدُل أحوال الإقليم، واختلال موازين القوى فيه لمصلحة حركات المقاومة العربية والإسلامية في عدة ساحاتٍ، وتراجع السطوة الأميركية في الإقليم والعالم عموماً، ما يشكِّل رافعةً لحركات المقاومة في الداخل الفلسطيني، ويجعل الرهان الإسرائيلي على استمرار سلطة أوسلو بما وصلت إليه رهاناً خاسراً.
إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً
We speak to Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad’s political advisor Bouthaina Shaaban. She alleges that the US has been working with ISIS to demographically change Syria and make way for a Syrian Kurdistan, the US’ theft of Syrian oil and natural resources, Israeli bombing of Syria, Syria’s inclusion into China’s Belt and Road Initiative and much more.
شهد العام الأول من إدارة الرئيس الأميركي جو بايدن، تبلوراً لمجموعة من المعالم التي ترسم ملامح الحركة السياسية الأميركية، رغم الارتباك والتشوش المخيمين على كواليس صناعة القرار الأميركي، وقد شهدنا تسخيناً للكثير من الملفات الإقليمية حول العالم، سواء ما رافق حرب اليمن أو الضغوط على لبنان أو التشدّد تجاه سورية وصولاً للتجاذب الساخن حول أوكرانيا، بحيث بات الحديث عن الحاجة للتفرّغ للصين، مجرد عامل ذرائعي لتغطية ضعف القدرة على فرض الإرادة، ليبقى الثابت عكس ذلك كله عبر ما اتخذته ادارة بايدن من قرارات ترسم سياقاً استراتيجياً يصعب كسره. وهنا يقع الانسحاب الأميركي من أفغانستان، والمسار التفاوضي الذاهب نحو التفاهم حول الملف النووي الإيراني، وتبدو دول المنطقة التي حجزت مقاعدها للعب دور الوسيط بين واشنطن حول ملفات المنطقة الساخنة مدعوة لتشغيل محركاتها استعداداً لمرحلة جديدة.
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حاولت قطر تاريخياً ان تتصدر هذه الأدوار ونجحت في مراحل كثيرة بلعبها، وشكلت لقاءات الدوحة التي انتهت حول لبنان بصياغة تفاهم فتح الطريق لانتخابات رئاسية ونيابية، عام 2008، أبرز تجليات هذا النجاح، بالاستناد الى علاقة خاصة أقامتها قطر مع سورية. ومنذ التموضع الحاد والنافر لقطر في الحرب على سورية أصيب الموقع القطري بالتضعضع، رغم إعادة الوصل مع إيران ومحاولة لعب دور في الملف النووي الإيراني أو في العلاقات الخليجية الإيرانية، ولكن بالنتيجة باءت المحاولات القطرية بالفشل في الحصول على دور في المفاوضات الأميركية مع إيران. ويبدو أن أمير قطر قد تبلغ في زيارته الحالية لواشنطن بضرورة الكف عن التحرك لحجز مقعد في هذا الملف. فالملف يتولاه الرئيس الأميركي مباشرة، والمفاوضات الجارية لا تحتمل المضاربات والمزايدات، وكانت قطر قد تبلغت موقفاً سعودياً رافضاً لأي مسعى للوساطة في التفاوض مع إيران، بعدما حجز هذا المقعد للعراق.
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الملفات التي كان أمير قطر يبحث عن تفويض أميركي بإدارة الوساطات حولها تتسع بحجم أزمات المنطقة، من سورية الى اليمن وصولا للبنان، وحاصل النتائج الصادم لقطر هو أن المهام قد توزعت ولا مقعد بينها لقطر. فقطر وسيط غير مقبول في سورية، وغير مؤهل في اليمن، وغير نافع في لبنان، وقد أثبتت سلطنة عُمان أهليتها لقيادة التفاوض حول الملفين السوري واليمني، حيث ترحّب الدولة السورية بمساعي مسقط، ومثلها يفعل أنصار الله، وصولاً لحد أقرب للاشتراط بحصر التفاوض بمعبر إلزامي يمر بمسقط، من كل من دمشق وصنعاء. وزيارة وزير خارجية عمان الى سورية ليست للمجاملة والتضامن فقط، وهي جزء من مسار للدور العماني في ترتيبات تطال العلاقات السورية بالجامعة العربية من بوابة التحضير للقمة العربية المقررة بعد شهرين في الجزائر، وبالغرب من بوابة ملفات عودة النازحين وإعادة الإعمار والحل السياسي، واليمنيون الذي تلقوا إشارات عن إمكانية قيام الكويت بالعودة لدور راعي التفاوض قالوا إنهم يفضلون عُمان، وإن الكويت التي لعبت دور الوسيط في مرات سابقة في الملف اليمني ففقدت فرصها للعودة اليه بعدما تخلت عن الحياد تجاه الدول الخليجية التي تقود الحرب على اليمن. وهنا يجب الربط بين استحالة لعب الكويت لدور الوسيط في الشأن السوري، وتراجع الفرص الكويتية للعودة الى دور الوسيط في اليمن، وبين تقدّم الكويت للمشهد حول لبنان، وتكليفها بمهمة الوسيط فيه. والوساطة هنا هي وساطة ستظهر مع الأيام أنها مسار تفاوضي وليست مجرد إملاءات تهديدية وإنذار بالإذعان بلسان دول الخليج. ويسأل أمير قطر، وماذا تفعل الدوحة؟
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الجواب الأميركي إن الدور الذي أعطي لقطر في مرحلة ما بعد الانسحاب من أفغاستان نقلها من الإقليمية الى العالمية. وهذا يجب أن يكون موضع تقدير قطريّ، ويترجم بحمل الأعباء المالية للنهوض بأفغانستان منعاً لتجذر الإرهاب فيها مجدداً، وينتظرها اليوم دور «عالمي» مشابه قبل نشوب حرب في أوكرانيا، عليها الاستعداد له بالتموضع في خانة توفير بدائل الغاز لأوروبا في حال تعرّضها لخطر تدفق الغاز الروسي، وقطر تعرف حدود قدراتها وعجزها عن لعب هذا الدور، وأميرها يعود بخفي حنين من زيارته لواشنطن، مكتفياً بنقل رسائل تشجيع لإيران على المضي قدما في المسار التفاوضيّ لأن واشنطن جدّية بالوصول للاتفاق، رغم كل التصعيد الإعلامي الموجه نحو الداخل، ومثلها رسائل تشجيع لحكام الخليج على الإسراع بإيجاد مخارج منسابة لوقف حرب اليمن، لأن واشنطن لم تعُد قادرة على التغطية سياسياً وعسكرياً.
Kuwaiti FM Sheikh Ahmad Nasser Al-Mohammad Al-Sabah in a press conference following a meeting with Lebanese PM Najib Mikati (Saturday, January 22, 2022).
“Gulf Arab states are looking to mend ties with Lebanon,” Kuwaiti Foreign Minister Sheikh Ahmad Nasser Al-Mohammad Al-Sabah said in Beirut where he was on an official visit during the weekend.
The scene here was somehow ‘bright’, as the top Kuwaiti diplomat was presented as a ‘mediator’ whose visit was aimed at solving a standoff between Beirut and Riyadh, which suspended ties last October over comments by then-information minister Georges Kordahi in which he slammed the Saudi Kingdom over its aggression on Yemen.
However, it was not long until it became distinct that Al-Sabah is no more than a ‘spokesman’ who delivered a message by Riyadh. The message was handed over to Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati and included 12-point proposals, or by another language ‘conditions’ set on the Lebanese Government.
Lebanese daily Al-Akhbar disclosed on Monday the 12 conditions with at least four of them are directly or indirectly related to Hezbollah.
The ‘initiative’ provides for Lebanon’s commitment to the 1989 Taif Agreement that ended Lebanon’s civil war and what it called “decisions by international legitimacy and Arab league,” according to the Lebanese daily.
It stresses on the ‘civilization’ of the Lebanese State, and that Beirut’s so-called ‘dissociation policy’ must be ‘in words and deeds’.
The paper also stipulates that Lebanon “must put a deadline” for the implementation of UN resolutions 1559, 1608 and 1701, (most of them are related to disarming Hezbollah).
The sixth condition provides for “stopping Hezbollah’s meddling in Arab affairs, especially the Gulf affairs, as it also stipulates for Lebanon’s ‘pledge’ to pursue “any Lebanese side who is engaged in hostile actions against Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states.”
The so-called ‘initiative’ calls Lebanon to stop all activities related to “anti-GCC groups,” according to Al-Akhbar.
In the eighth condition, Riyadh points to importance of holding parliamentary and presidential elections in Lebanon on time.
The ninth and tenth conditions provides for tightening inspection and border controls to prevent drug smuggling to the Gulf, the Lebanese daily added.
The paper also calls on Lebanon to set up a security cooperation system in which Beirut “exchanges security data” with GCC states.
The twelfth point urges Lebanon to work with IMF in order to “solve the issue” of Lebanese citizens’ deposits in Lebanese banks.
{And whoever retaliates after having been wronged – those have not upon them any cause [for blame]} – Holy Quran | Ash-Shura | 41
The Yemeni Armed Forces scored yet another retaliatory operation that targeted the Saudi and Emirati depths in the early hours of Monday.
In a statement, Yemeni Armed Forces Spokesman Brigadier General Yehya Saree announced details about the retaliatory operations, saying the Rocketry Force and the Propelled Air Force carried out a wide-scale retaliatory operation in response to the American-Saudi-Emirati crimes against the Yemeni people.
Today’s strike, dubbed ‘Operation Hurricane Yemen 2’, targeted the Saudi and Emirati depths, the military spokesman said.
“The al-Dhafra military airbase and other sensitive targets were hit in the Emirati enemy’s capital, Abu Dhabi, using several Zolfiqar ballistic missiles. Additionally, vital and important targets in Dubai were hit using several Sammad-3 drones,” Saree went on to say.
Meanwhile, the spokesman added that “several military bases in the Saudi depth, particularly in Sharoura area and several areas, were targeted using several Sammad-1 and Qasef-2k drones; while vital and sensitive sites in Jizan and Assir were targeted using several ballistic missiles, scoring precise achievements.”
“The Yemeni Armed Forces affirm full readiness in expanding its operations in the next phase to confront every escalation with another escalation, and renew their advice for foreign companies and investors in the UAE to leave the statelet after it turned an unsafe place,” according to Brigadier General Saree.
The spokesman finally underscored that the UAE will remain a permanent target as long as it continues its aggression and blockade against the Yemeni people.
Earlier media reports estimated that a large number of ballistic missiles and drones targeted several sites in Abu Dhabi and southern Saudi Arabia.
Al-Mayadeen network’s correspondent cited information that said more than two missiles were launched towards the United Arab Emirates.
Meanwhile, the Sanaa government slammed the Arab League’s recent statement, referring to it as paid and doesn’t reflect the Arab conscience.
Saudi Arabia and several of its allies have been attacking the Arab world’s already poorest nation since March 2015 in an unsuccessful bid to change its ruling structure in favor of its former Riyadh-aligned officials.
The war has killed tens of thousands of Yemenis and turned the entire Yemen into the scene of the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.
The Yemeni forces that feature the Yemeni army and its allied fighters from the Popular Committees have, however, vowed not to lay down their arms until the country’s complete liberation from the scourge of the invasion.
UPROOTED PALESTINIANS: SALAM ALQUDS ALAYKUM 