The Palestinian Authority Faces Two Options; Fight Israel or Fight Palestinians

23 Sep 23:47

Source: Al Mayadeen English

Robert Inlakesh 

The recent arrests came as a shock to Nablus locals, who took to the streets in order to protest the decision of the PA to target the Palestinian resistance.

    Violent clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and the Palestinian Authority (PA)’s security forces, this Monday, resulted in the death of a 53-year-old and represented a turning point in the relationship between the PA and the newly formed resistance factions inside the occupied West Bank.

    On Monday evening the PA’s Preventative Security Service arrested two Palestinian resistance fighters wanted by “Israel”, Musab Shtayyeh and Ameed Tabila, in the city of Nablus. Musab Shtayyeh, the most prominent of the two, had evaded multiple Israeli arrest campaigns since June of last year. Shtayyeh also managed to escape an Israeli assassination attempt on July 24, which left three other Palestinian resistance fighters dead, after “Israel” had stormed the city of Nablus with hundreds of military personnel, including special forces units.

    The arrests came as a shock to Nablus locals, who took to the streets in order to protest the decision of the PA to target the Palestinian resistance. In both Nablus and Jenin, the two locations where Palestinian armed groups have been the most active, armed fighters took to the streets to make announcements condemning the PA’s actions. Although the resistance forces in Nablus clearly stated that their guns were not aimed at anyone but the occupation, they stressed that their patience should not be tested. 

    It didn’t take long before young people took to the streets to burn tires in central Nablus and chanted in support of Shtayyeh and Tabila, to which the PA security forces responded with gunfire and tear gas. Palestinian resistance fighters also fired back towards the PA forces and it was later declared that a 53-year-old civilian had been shot and killed, the incident was blamed on the Palestinian Authority.

    The images coming out of the West Bank have been striking; young men hurling stones at militarized vehicles, as Western-trained forces fire tear gas and bullets back, except this time the militarised force is not Israeli, it calls itself the Palestinian. To add insult to injury, it has emerged that the PA took the decision to carry out its arrest campaign based upon a request given by the Israeli occupation regime. Hussein al-Sheikh, the Secretary General of the PA’s executive committee, seems to be the source of the order given to carry out the arrests.

    Right now, the PA has been put into its usual defensive mode, where it attempts to justify its actions and bids to convince Palestinians that its ‘Security coordination’ efforts are in the best interest of the Palestinian people, something that Palestinians see through. All of the explanations and excuses in the world will fail to cover up what took place this Monday. Just as was the case last year, when the PA’s security forces brutally beat the beloved activist, Nizar Banat, to death, after pulling him out of his home in front of his family. According to Amnesty International, it’s clear at this time that the PA failed to ensure accountability for the assassination of Nizar Banat and so it should come as no surprise that PA forces are sliding down a slippery slope into chaos.

    Just as the United States and its NATO allies have failed to adjust their mindsets to the current era, so too has the leadership of the Palestinian Authority. We must recognise that we are now witnessing the era in which the expression of a new Palestinian generation is being felt; armed resistance factions are rising, an armed resistance populated – primarily – by young people between the ages of 18-25. When we break down what this means; it suggests that today’s resistance fighters in the West Bank were only small children when the Second Intifada was happening. The fighters in Jenin and Nablus today, fit into a trend that began emerging in the early to mid 80’s, when Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) cadres would organise themselves with modest means to fight the occupation. 

    The Palestinian resistance in the West Bank do not remember what it felt like to see the resistance crushed, during “Israel’s” brutal ‘operation defensive shield’ of 2002, they are not afraid and believe in victory. The biggest problem they now face however, began in 2002, following ‘operation defensive shield’; that is the CIA’s dismantling and reformation of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces. Nobody likes to talk about this, but it is true and cannot be disputed, at the behest of Israeli, EU and US interests, the PA’s security forces were transformed into a Western-Jordanian trained and equipped “anti-terrorism” task force, designed to do the heavy lifting for the Israeli occupation army.

    Since the end of the Second Intifada, in 2007, we haven’t seen the energized armed struggle that we see today in the West Bank and so the PA’s forces have been capable of performing their duties, with little to no pushback. However, it has been way too long since the Oslo Agreements and the rhetoric of the Zionist entity has transitioned back to that which it maintained during the 1970’s, regarding Palestinian self governance. Palestinians don’t see any hope for change and the PA is not making any progress whatsoever towards achieving any form of Palestinian statehood. The Palestinian bourgeoisie of Ramallah are happy living in their imaginary fantasy world and the PA has now absorbed the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). There has been no national elections since 2006 and the non-economy of the West Bank, which is completely controlled by the Zionist entity and Jordanian regime, is getting worse for the poorest in society.

    The PA is now beginning to face its worst nightmare, the ultimatum that we all knew was coming at some point; they can turn their guns on the Zionist entity, or they can turn their guns on the Palestinian resistance and face the end of their power as we know it. There is no more standing in the middle, attempting to please the West by collaborating with the Israeli occupation forces on “security coordination” and playing the game of condemning Zionist atrocities, whilst begging on their knees for peace. The next chapter is going to be violent, now it is on those within that Fatah Party leadership to decide where the PA is heading and what side of the violence they are going to be on, because asking for peace talks is not going to solve today’s issues. 

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Six Israeli Soldiers Injured in Bus Shooting in Jordan Valley

    September 4, 2022

    Six Israeli soldiers were injured in a bus shooting in Jordan Valley. (Photo: via PalInfo)

    At least six Israeli soldiers have been wounded in a shooting on a bus in the occupied West Bank, Israeli military authorities said on Sunday.

    The incident took place in the Jordan Valley, near the illegal Jewish settlement of Hamra.

    According to Israeli military sources, two Palestinian young men shot at the bus from a truck and forced it to stop.

    Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Israeli forces arrested two suspects after conducting searches in the area.

    A spokesman for the Palestinian political group Hamas praised the attack as “proof that all attempts by the occupation (Israel) to stop the escalating resistance operations in the West Bank have failed”.

    Ram Ben-Barak, head of the Israeli parliament’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, told Israel’s Army Radio that Israel would respond “very forcefully”.

    (Agencies, PC, SOCIAL)

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    نظرة في تجربتي كتيبتي جنين ونابلس

     الأربعاء 10 آب 2022 

    * كاتب وباحث فلسطيني

    عمرو علان

    لقد مرّت الضفة الغربية المحتلة، خلال العشرين سنة الماضية تقريباً، بمرحلةٍ يصح تقييمها على أنها كانت مرحلة «موتٍ سريريٍ» على صعيد الفعل المقاوِم، وعلى صعيد أثرها على الاحتلال وقدرته على الاستمرارية والتمدّد في أراضي الضفة الغربية. لكننا نشهد، منذ فترةٍ، بشائر نهاية هذه المرحلة، ممّا يوجب النظر في التحولات التي تعيشها الضفة، ليس لغرض التحليل فقط، وإنما لِيبنى على الأمر مقتضاه للمرحلة المقبلة.

    لقد تكوّنت قناعةٌ خاطئةٌ خلال الثلاثين سنةً الماضية عند شريحةٍ واسعةٍ من أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني، لا سيما من أبناء حركة «فتح»، تقول بأنه من الممكن استرداد بعضٍ من الحقوق العربية الفلسطينية المسلوبة عبر طريق المفاوضات. ولقد تكَوّن هذا الاقتناع بسبب مسار «أوسلو» الذي سلكته «م.ت.ف» بقيادة حركة «فتح». وتعدّ هذه القناعة وهذا المزاج من الأسباب الجوهرية لمرور الضفة في حالة «موتٍ سريريٍ»، إذ حرم هذا المزاج المقاومة في الضفة من قسم لا يستهان به من حاضنتها الشعبية.

    ومثّلت حقبة محمود عباس ذروة مرحلة الموت السريري ، إذ غدا «التنسيق الأمني» الوظيفة الأولى لأجهزة سلطة رام الله الأمنية، فصارت حماية أمن المستوطنات والمستوطنين، والقضاء على أي فرصةٍ لمقاومة الاحتلال مهما كان شكلها، أهم إنجازات سلطة رام الله، لدرجة أنها تفوّقت على الاحتلال ذاته في تلك الوظيفة.
    لكن، نتيجةً لوصول مسار «أوسلو» إلى طريقٍ مسدودٍ كما كان محكوماً عليه منذ البدايات، وظهور نتائجه الكارثية في الضفة، وعلى المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني عموماً، بالإضافة إلى تحوّل سلطة رام الله إلى أداةٍ وظيفيّةٍ في يد الاحتلال، وذلك كمسارٍ طبيعيٍ لوجود أي سلطة حكمٍ ذاتيٍ في ظل الاحتلال كما علّمتنا تجارب الشعوب الأخرى، نتيجةً لكل هذا، بدأ في الأعوام القليلة الماضية ظهور بشائر تحوّل في المزاج العام الفلسطيني في الضفة. إذ بدأت الضفة باستعادة نفَسها الثوري بالتدريج، وبدأت الحاضنة الشعبية للمقاومة بالتوسع وعودتها إلى سابق عهدها تدريجاً، واتّضح هذا من خلال انتفاضات الأقصى المتتالية، ومن خلال عمليات طعن المستوطنين وعمليات الدّهس الأسبوعية تقريباً، والتي تصاعدت بعد ذلك لتصبح بعضها عمليات إطلاق نارٍ واشتباكاتٍ مسلّحةٍ، كان منها عملياتٌ فدائيةٌ وقعت في أراضي 1948 المحتلة.
    وعلى أهمية عمليات المقاومة الفردية تلك، إلا أن الضفة قد شهدت في الأشهر القليلة الماضية تطوراً ملموساً في عمليات مقاومة الاحتلال، إذ ظهرت مجموعاتٌ منظمةٌ تُحْسِن استخدام السلاح في ساحات الضفة، كانت طليعتها «كتيبة جنين» في مخيّم جنين، والتي شكّلت التجربة الناجحة الأولى، والتي تتكرّر اليوم في مدينة نابلس من خلال «كتيبة نابلس».

    ولا يبدو أن هذه الكتائب الفتِيّة تنتمي إلى فصيلٍ فلسطينيٍ بعينه، إذ يظهر أنها تتشكّل من مجاهدين ينحدرون من خلفياتٍ فصائليةٍ متنوعةٍ، إلّا أن ما يجمع بين هؤلاء المجاهدين الاقتناع بفشل مسار «أوسلو»، وبأن سلطة رام الله باتت جزءاً من أجهزة الاحتلال بصورةٍ فعليةٍ، وفوق هذا وذاك يجمع بينهم إيمانهم بخيار المقاومة المسلحة كخيارٍ أصيلٍ للشعب الفلسطيني، يمكن أن يفضي بصورةٍ واقعيةٍ إلى دحر الاحتلال والتحرير.
    وممّا ساعد في تطوّر هذه الكتائب ونجاح عملياتها، كان عدم اعتمادها على الصيغة الهرمية في تنظيمها، حيث صعّب ذلك على كلٍ من سلطة رام الله وقوات الاحتلال ضربها والقضاء عليها، هذا بالإضافة إلى تمتّعها بحاضنةٍ شعبيةٍ أوسع، وذلك جراء التحوّل الذي حصل في المزاج العام عند أكثرية الشرائح التي كانت مقتنعةً بمسار «أوسلو»، بعد تبيُّنها عبثيّة ذاك المسار وعقمه.
    ولا يمكن فصل مجموع التطورات التي تشهدها الضفة في العمل المقاوم، وبشائر خروجها من مرحلة الموت السريري، عن السياق العام لتبدّل البيئة الاستراتيجية التي تحكم المنطقة، وأهمّها تراجع فعالية الكيان المؤقت عسكرياً، وذلك بعد إخفاقات معاركه التي خاضها منذ حربه ضد لبنان 2006 وحروبه التي تلتها ضد قطاع غزة من المنظور الاستراتيجي. فتراجع الكيان عسكرياً، بالإضافة إلى ما رافقه من تعاظمٍ في قدرات «محور القدس»، لا سيما فصائل المقاومة في قطاع غزة، قد خلق ظرفاً جديداً في الضفة بما يشبه شبكة أمان لكتيبتي جنين ونابلس. إذ بات الكيان يقيم حساباتٍ دقيقةٍ لتصعيد الوضع في الضفة، خوفاً من انفجار الأوضاع ودخول غزة على الخط. فقد كانت «كتائب القسام» ألمحت سابقاً إلى إمكانية دخولها على خط المعركة، في حال قيام الكيان بتنفيذ اجتياحٍ واسعٍ لمخيَّم جنين على غرار اجتياح 2002. هذا ناهيك عن الحديث المستجد حول وحدة الجبهات بين أطراف «محور القدس» في المعارك المقبلة، ولا بد أن توفُّر ما يشبه شبكة الأمان في الضفة، قد أمَّن بيئةَ عمَلٍ أكثر راحةً لكتيبتي جنين ونابلس.

    ولا يغيّر العدوان الصهيوني الأخير في هذا الشهر ضد قطاع غزة على البيئة الاستراتيجية الراهنة، فعدم مشاركة «كتائب القسام» علناً بالقتال يعود لحسابات تكتيكية فرضتها طبيعة المعركة الأخيرة وأهدافها، وذلك لتحقيق الهدف المرجو بأقل الخسائر، سواء أكان في عدد الشهداء أم في البنية التحتية لقطاع غزة.
    يمكن إذاً القول بأن الضفة تَفتتِح مرحلةً مغايرةً لسنوات «أوسلو» العجاف، بسبب التحولات الداخلية الفلسطينية في المقام الأوّل، مع ملاحظة الأهمية القصوى للتحولات الإقليمية كذلك. وهذا ما يلقي على فصائل المقاومة في قطاع غزة، مع بقية قوى «محور القدس» عموماً، مسؤولية بناء تكتيكاتٍ مناسبةٍ لتطوير تجربتي كتيبتي جنين ونابلس الواعدتين، لا سيما أنه بات من الواضح تراجع فعالية قبضة أجهزة سلطة رام الله الأمنية في الضفة، مما يتيح فرصاً أكبر لإمداد المقاومين هناك بالعتاد، علماً بأن ما يلزم الضفة من حيث نوعية العتاد أقل بكثير مما تحتاجه غزة بسبب الفروقات في طبيعة الميدان.
    وفي حال تجذُّر تجربتي كتيبتي جنين ونابلس، وتطويرهما ليمتدّا إلى مناطق أخرى في الضفة، سيكون الاحتلال أمام واقع استنزافٍ حقيقيٍ مشكوك في قدرته على تحمُّله طويلاً، ليصير حينها الحديث عن إمكانية تكرار الضفة لتجربتي جنوب لبنان وقطاع غزة أمراً واقعياً، تلكما التجربتان اللتان أُجبِر فيهما الاحتلال على الانسحاب من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ من الأراضي التي كان يحتلُّها، وهنا تكون قوى المقاومة قد قفزت قفزةً كبرى نحو استكمال تحرير كامل الأراضي العربية الفلسطينية من رأس الناقورة إلى أم الرشراش.

    وختاماً، أدعو المتشككين في واقعية هذا الطرح إلى العودة بالذاكرة نحو 15 عاماً، ويقارنوا بين حال فصائل المقاومة في غزة حين ذاك، وبين ما وصلت إليه اليوم من اقتدار، فهل كانوا ليتصوروا حين ذاك وصول فصائل المقاومة في غزة إلى ما وصلت إليه اليوم؟

    The liberation of Palestine is the liberation of the world

    10 Jul 2020

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Politologist and Researcher; Columnist and Activist; Founder of the Canaán Association.

    Susana Khalil 

    We have a date with history and it is the liberation of Palestine today in the XXI century against the colonial yoke and anachronism called “Israel”.

    Perhaps the end of hunger is the liberation of the world. Freedom is dignity and justice, there is no liberation with the injustice of hunger, hunger is savagery and slavery…The end of hunger is not in the universal human imaginary…It is a corpse theme and even laughable. There is an atheistic confession regarding the end of hunger in the world, anointed with alms, charity and philanthropy.     

    The liberation of Palestine is the liberation of the world

    Zionism is a Eurocentric fascist movement and today it is the engine of imperial inhumanity and is the very normalization of fascism. Zionism is an enemy of humanity that with its despotic supra-power allows it to mock and subjugate the world as the untouchable bearer of Peace.

    Zionism operates among rivals, i.e. there is American Zionism and there is Russian Zionism, and there is Chinese Zionism. There is Zionism in its fascist nature and there is also Zionism operating on the left wing. There is Nazi Christian Zionism as well as Islamo-fascist Zionism and at the same time, it operates in the illustrious temple of art, academia and intellectuality: in multiple cases in the scientific and technological plunder, always in the financial, commercial and media mafia. Its hyperrealistic power seems surrealistic.  

    For decades Zionism has been one of the great articulators of the West in the macabre spilling of the blood of the peoples of Africa and Latin America for the plundering of their natural resources.

    In 1948, the Euro-Zionist movement succeeded in imposing a colonial regime in Palestine called “Israel”. It was imposed on the basis of ethnic cleansing against the native Semitic Palestinian people. The wounded Arab world protested and the international Zionist power managed to conceal its barbarism, stating that they were Arab savages, anti-Semitic Muslims… Zionism is the perfect crime, the victim is guilty. Western egocentric gluttony ejaculates in its creative and illustrative ignorance: They found the land of love, sang Edith Piaf in tribute to the colonial regime of “Israel” that massacred the native Semitic Palestinian people. 


    “Israel” that was imposed in 1948 in Palestine is a classic colonialism, a colonial anachronism and its parallelism with the classic colonialism is that it does not come from a country but from a European movement (Zionism), which seeks to create a nation-state. In this case, they use the Jewish religious doctrine (Semitic heritage), they falsify history, they allege that it is about the ”return” to the ancestral land (Indo-Europeans, non-Semitic Jews). And this is why we are facing a colonialism in which it does not only colonize the land of the people but steals, appropriates the history of the native people, and this is because it is a colonialism that does not come from a country but from a movement that seeks to be a country. Therefore it takes the history of the native people. “Israelis” are not “Israelites”. This colonial particularity of usurping the native Palestinian history, culinary and cultural expression, is part of the equation of extermination of the Palestinian people. The native Palestinians are not only expelled from their homeland but the enemy  seeks to expel them from history.

    End of the note

    It is worrying to see today, how the tyrannies, neo-colonial Arab monarchies, in order to perpetuate themselves in power, are investing colossal sums of money in the falsification of Islam, in school education, in large international Islamic forums, to present this colonialism as an Islamic principle. Be careful with this.

    The liberation of Palestine, that is to say the end of the colonial regime of “Israel”, is the collapse of the Arab dictatorships, whether they are pro-imperialist Arab dictatorships or anti-imperialist Arab dictatorships.

    Behind the cruel US imperial invasion of Iraq was the colonial regime of “Israel”, through the Zionist Lobby, as part of the colonial expansionist project: “Greater Israel”, from the Nile to the Euphrates.

    Today, the colonial regime of “Israel” is in possession of at least 400 atomic bombs.

    The humiliating Oslo Accords in which a Palestinian elite groveled and were forced to abandon the armed struggle. By abandoning the armed struggle, much of the Palestinian imaginary was lost, we no longer speak of the Fida’i. It used to be said: To be against “Israel” is not to be against the Jews. Now it is said: To criticize “Israel” does not mean to be against “Israel”. Without realizing it, we are becoming Zionists. It is criminally naïve to believe in the existence of this colonialism.

    Former Palestinian leaders gave up the armed struggle for the peaceful struggle that already existed, but a peaceful struggle has not been achieved either, since Western repression does not allow us to express freely or to express the essence of the Palestinian Cause. We have not positioned our own lexicon, under the pretext that we must be intelligent, strategic, objective, subtle, tactical. Although the Palestinians have become more visible in the world, this has not stopped Zionism from advancing its ethnic cleansing in order to make the Palestinian people disappear.

    Yes, war is perverse, but pacifism, in some cases of a petty bourgeois humanism, demagogic and in other honest cases, has proved not to be enough to fight the most powerful fascism of today; on the contrary, it has facilitated its advance. Zionism scoffs at all the great denunciations made by great institutions of the world including the UN. We are contemplating history instead of provoking history.

    No one has the right to impose which is the way to resist, the peaceful or the armed struggle, both are valid. Another element is to impose on us to recognize Israeli colonialism as an alternative for Peace. That is a trap.  As a native Palestinian of the Diaspora, I do not recognize colonial despotism. The solution is Palestinian independence. Never expel any so-called Israeli, they were born there, that is their land, that is Palestine.

    Israeli colonialism is not limited to Palestine but to the rest of the Arab-Persian and Kurdish countries.

    The end of the Palestinian people would be the victory of fascist obscurantism, an attack against the rest of the peoples of the world. The peoples of the world will be weaker.  

    We have a date with history and it is the liberation of Palestine today in the XXI century against the colonial yoke and anachronism called “Israel”. We have a debt to Humanity and that is to extirpate colonialism from our contemporary history and to extirpate the most powerful fascism of our time. It sounds lovely to say this, the challenge is immense, we must stop self-censorship, under the pretext that we must be strategic. We must kick the table, educating the world about the just Palestinian cause and the danger that Zionism poses to humanity. That embarks deep determination and steadfastness, therein lies the beauty of being Palestinian. From our Diaspora they will come for us to ruin our lives, but to liberate Palestine is the liberation of the world. A more dignified and noble world is mandatory.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Confrontations break out after IOF storm east Nablus

    June 14 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen Net

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Palestinian freedom fighters open fire on Israeli occupation forces as they stormed Nablus.

    Israeli occupation forces fire tear gas at Palestinian civilians.

    Palestinian media outlets reported that occupation forces stormed Khallet Al-Amoud neighborhood in eastern Nablus.

    Freedom fighters opened fire on Israeli occupation forces as they stormed the neighborhood, with local sources reporting confrontations at the entrance of Jalazone Camp, north of Ramallah.

    After a series of storming, the IOF arrested a youth after searching his family’s home. Al Mayadeen‘s correspondent pointed out that the IOF arrested more than 10 Palestinians from Ramallah and Nablus, during a storming campaign, and reported that two Palestinians were shot by Israeli occupation forces.

    The IOF also fired sonic grenades and tear gas at the people of Batn Al-Hawa neighborhood, in Silwan, south of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

    Eyewitnesses said the IOF also set fire to one vehicle in Khallet Al-Amoud, Nablus.

    For their part, Israeli media claimed that gunmen used assault weapons on Tuesday morning against Israeli soldiers in Nablus, pointing out that “activities” are being carried out in Ramallah, Beitunia, and Qalqilya to arrest suspects for “terrorist activities”.

    Palestinian factions held an emergency meeting in Gaza on Monday night, discussing the Israeli escalation in the occupied territories, in addition to the deteriorating health of the hunger-striking prisoners.

    The factions decided to choose next Friday as a day of popular protest against the Israeli occupation.


    JUNE 8TH, 2022


    By Ramzy Baroud

    What took place between May 2021 and May 2022 is nothing less than a paradigm shift in Palestinian resistance. Thanks to the popular and inclusive nature of Palestinian mobilization against the Israeli occupation, resistance in Palestine is no longer an ideological, political or regional preference.

    In the period between the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and only a few years ago, Palestinian muqawama – or resistance –  was constantly put in the dock, often criticized and condemned, as if an oppressed nation had a moral responsibility in selecting the type of resistance to suit the needs and interests of its oppressors.

    As such, Palestinian resistance became a political and ideological litmus test. The Palestinian Authority of Yasser Arafat and, later, Mahmoud Abbas, called for ‘popular resistance’, but it seems that it neither understood what the strategy actually meant, and certainly was not prepared to act upon such a call.

    Palestinian armed resistance was removed entirely from its own historical context; in fact, the context of all liberation movements throughout history, and was turned into a straw man, set up by Israel and its western allies to condemn Palestinian ‘terrorism’ and to present Israel as a victim facing an existential threat.

    With the lack of a centralized Palestinian definition of resistance, even pro-Palestine civil society groups and organizations demarcated their relationship to the Palestinian struggle based on embracing certain forms of Palestinian resistance and condemning others.

    The argument that only oppressed nations should have the right to choose the type of resistance that could speed up their salvation and freedom fell on deaf ears.

    The truth is that Palestinian resistance preceded the official establishment of Israel in 1948. Palestinians and Arabs who resisted British and Zionist colonialism used many methods of resistance that they perceived to be strategic and sustainable. There was no relationship whatsoever between the type of resistance and the religious, political or ideological identity of those who resisted.

    This paradigm prevailed for many years, starting with the Fidayeen Movement following the Nakba, the popular resistance to the brief Israeli occupation of Gaza in 1956, and the decades-long occupation and siege starting in 1967. The same reality was expressed in Palestinian resistance in historic Palestine throughout the decades; armed resistance ebbed and flowed, but popular resistance remained intact. The two phenomena were always intrinsically linked, as the former was also sustained by the latter.

    The Fatah Movement, which dominates today’s Palestinian Authority, was formed in 1959 to model liberation movements in Vietnam and Algeria. Regarding its connection to the Algerian struggle, the Fatah manifesto read: “The guerrilla war in Algeria, launched five years before the creation of Fatah, has a profound influence on us. […] They symbolize the success we dreamed of.”

    This sentiment was championed by most modern Palestinian movements as it proved to be a successful strategy for most southern liberation movements. In the case of Vietnam, the resistance to US occupation carried out even during political talks in Paris. The underground resistance in South Africa remained vigilant until it became clear that the country’s apartheid regime was in the process of being dismantled.

    Palestinian disunity, however, which was a direct result of the Oslo Accords, made a unified Palestinian position on resistance untenable. The very idea of resistance itself became subject to the political whims and interests of factions. When, in July 2013, PA President Abbas condemned armed resistance, he was trying to score political points with his western supporters, and further sow the seeds of division among his people.

    The truth is that Hamas neither invented nor has ownership of, armed resistance. In June 2021, a poll, conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR), revealed that 60% of Palestinians support “a return to armed confrontations and Intifada.” By stating so, Palestinians were not necessarily declaring allegiance to Hamas. Armed resistance, though in a different style and capacity also exists in the West Bank, and is largely championed by Fatah’s own Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades. The recent Israeli attacks on the town of Jenin, in the northern West Bank, were not aimed at eliminating Hamas, Islamic Jihad or socialist fighters, but Fatah’s own.

    Skewed media coverage and misrepresentation of the resistance, often by Palestinian factions themselves, turned the very idea of resistance into a political and factional scuffle, forcing everyone involved to take a position on the issue. The discourse on the resistance, however,  began changing in the last year.

    The May 2021 rebellion and the Israeli war on Gaza – known among Palestinians as the Unity Intifada – served as a paradigm shift. The language became unified; self-serving political references quickly dissipated; collective frames of reference began replacing provisional, regional and factional ones; occupied Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa Mosque emerged as the unifying symbols of resistance; a new generation began to emerge and quickly began to develop new platforms.

    On May 29, the Israeli government insisted on allowing the so-called ‘Flag March’ – a mass rally by Israeli Jewish extremists that celebrate the capture of the Palestinian city of al-Quds – to once more pass through Palestinian neighborhoods of occupied East Jerusalem. This was the very occasion that instigated the violence of the previous year. Aware of the impending violence which often results from such provocations, Israel wanted to impose the timing and determine the nature of the violence. It failed. Gaza didn’t fire rockets. Instead, tens of thousands of Palestinians mobilized throughout occupied Palestine, thus allowing popular mobilization and coordination between numerous communities to grow. Palestinians proved able to coordinate their responsibility, despite the numerous obstacles, hardships and logistical difficulties.

    The events of the last year are a testament that Palestinians are finally freeing their resistance from factional interests. The most recent confrontations show that Palestinians are even harnessing resistance as a  strategic objective. Muqawama in Palestine is no longer ‘symbolic’ or supposedly ‘random’ violence that reflects ‘desperation’ and lack of political horizon. It is becoming more defined, mature and well-coordinated.

    This phenomenon must be extremely worrying to Israel, as the coming months and years could prove critical in changing the nature of the confrontation between Palestinians and their occupiers. Considering that the new resistance is centered around homegrown, grassroots, community-oriented movements, it has far greater chances of success than previous attempts. It is much easier for Israel to assassinate a fighter than to uproot the values of resistance from the heart of a community.

    زياد النخالة: «سيف القدس» أكّدت إمكانية تحقيق الانتصار على العدو

     الإثنين 23 أيار 2022

    وليد شرارة

    على المقاومة أن تحافظ دائماً على حالة الاشتباك

     العرب والمسلمون، شعوباً وأفراداً، مطالَبون بدعم المقاومة

    بعد مضيّ سنة على معركة «سيف القدس»، يحتدم الصراع بين مشروع التطهير العرقي الصهيوني ومقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني الباسلة. فالحكومة الإسرائيلية صادقت، منذ أيّام، على مشروع لبناء أربعة آلاف وحدة استيطانية جديدة، وأطلقت العنان للإرهاب الكولونيالي الذي يمارسه جنودها ومستوطنوها بحقّ أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني، لتهجيرهم من منازلهم أو لقتلهم، كما كثّفت من مساعيها الهادفة إلى الاستيلاء الكامل على المسجد الأقصى. في المقابل، يتصدّى الفلسطينيون ــــ بمبادرات فردية وجماعية ــــ لهذه السياسة، عبر استخدام أساليب النضال المختلفة، الشعبية والمسلّحة. زياد النخالة، الأمين العام لـ«حركة الجهاد الإسلامي»، مقتنعٌ بأن «سيف القدس» كانت إنجازاً كبيراً، لكنها ليست انتصاراً كاملاً، حيث لم تفرِض على العدو التراجع الكامل عن مخطّطاته. وهو رأى، في مقابلة مع «الأخبار»، أن أيّ ميل إلى«المساكنة» مع الاحتلال، تحت أي مبرّرات، لن يخدم سوى هذه المخطّطات، وأكّد أن الخيار الصحيح هو البناء والمراكمة على الإنجاز الكبير الذي حقّقه الشعب الفلسطيني وقواه الحيّة، بفضل الكفاح والتضحيات، لتصعيد المقاومة وإلحاق هزيمة حاسمة بالعدوّ

    عندما يصبح هناك «مساكنة» مع العدو، تفقد المقاومة روحها

    واليوم، ما هي مسؤوليّتنا كفصائل مقاوِمة؟ تعزيز روحية المقاتل واستعداداته، وعدم إخلاء الميدان أبداً. وإذا كنت أنا مواطناً عربياً أنظر إلى قطاع غزة، سأسأل: ما هي المشكلة في غزة؟ عمّال يذهبون إلى العمل في الأراضي المحتلّة، المعابر مفتوحة، الناس يذهبون للعلاج في الكيان، وهناك خطّ تجاري مع مصر… وهذا كله، في النهاية، محاولة لرشوة الفلسطينيين المحاصَرين، لإبعادهم عن المقاومة. المطلوب من المقاومة أن تحافظ على حالة اشتباك دائم مع العدو، لا أقول حرباً مفتوحة بالضرورة، إنّما ليس مقبولاً أن يطمئنّ العدو إلى قطاع غزة، وأن يصبح الفلسطيني في القطاع غير مشتبك، والفلسطيني في الضفة مشتبكاً… يجب أن تبقى غزة، في حسابات الجانب الإسرائيلي، حالة تهديد دائم، وأن يكون لدينا مقاربة تضعها في هذه الحالة، إلى جانب الضفة الغربية والقدس.

    بعد انتهاء المعركة، شهدنا مساعيَ لإعادة إعمار ما دمّرته الحرب، وعروضاً لـ«تحويل غزّة إلى سنغافورة». ما هي خلفيات هذه «اليقظة» المفاجئة وأهدافها؟
    المصريّون يبنون، حالياً، تجمّعات سكنية في قطاع غزة (مصر 1 و2 و3). ولكن، خلال المفاوضات التي جرت معهم بعد «سيف القدس»، قالوا: لا يمكن أن نبني لكم، فتذهبون أنتم إلى الحرب ويُدمَّر ما بنيناه. وهذا نوع من التقييد والتكبيل الذي يَخدم العدو. وغداً أيضاً، يمكن أن تأتي دول أخرى غنيّة تجعل من غزة سنغافورة جديدة، لتأمين الهدوء للعدو. المبدأ بالنسبة إلينا، هو عدم القبول بالمساكنة والتعايش مع العدو الإسرائيلي. وعلى هذا، يُدار الصراع. يمكن أن لا يُرضي هذا الكلام بعض الجهات والأطراف، ويمكن أن لا يُرضي بعض المواطنين الفلسطينيين أيضاً، لكن هذا هو دوري، وهذه هي هويّة «حركة الجهاد الإسلامي»، ويُفترض أن تكون هذه هي هوية كل فصائل المقاومة. أمّا الصراع فسيبقى مفتوحاً، ولا تحدّده أيّ جهات أو تنظيمات سياسية، طالما أن الاحتلال قائم. اليوم، ها هم يقاتلوننا على المسجد الأقصى، ويريدون – بالحدّ الأدنى – أن يقسّموه. لذلك، علينا أن نكون جاهزين ومستعدّين دائماً للمواجهة.

     كيف يمكن الاستفادة من التضامن العربي والإسلامي والعالمي الواسع مع القضية الفلسطينية الذي تجلّى خلال المعركة؟
    ما شاهدناه من حالة تضامن مع المقاومة خلال معركة «سيف القدس»، كان هائلاً. ولو استمرّت هذه المعركة، لكنّا رأينا أكثر. أنا أريد أن أقنع المواطن العربي أنّنا في حالة اشتباك دائم مع العدو. نحن شعب يقبع تحت الاحتلال والاضطهاد، وأيّ شعب مُحتلّ، عليه واجب المقاومة والقتال. وأنا أطالب العرب بأن لا يقولوا إن المقاومة انتصرت و«خلّصنا»، بل نحن فتحنا آفاقاً جديدة، ونحتاج إلى دعم المواطن العربي، بعيداً من الأنظمة التي تحاول ترويض التنظيمات عبر أموالها. العرب والمسلمون، شعوباً وأفراداً، مطالَبون بدعم المقاومة.

    يجب أن تبقى غزة، في حسابات الجانب الإسرائيلي، حالة تهديد دائم

     ألا تعتقدون بأولوية تصعيد المقاومة ضدّ الاحتلال في الضفة الغربية باعتبارها ساحة المواجهة الرئيسة مع مشروع الاستيطان والتطهير العرقي؟
    في الضفة الغربية، ذهبت السلطة نحو اتفاقات سلام مع العدو. لكنّ إسرائيل لم تلتزم بها، إلى درجة أن عدد المستوطنين في الضفة بات يبلغ 800 ألف. مَن يُخرِج هؤلاء؟ كلّما ذهبت إلى المساكنة مع العدو، سيفرض عليك أمراً واقعاً، حتى تستسلم له في النهاية، أو تذهب إلى المواجهة التي ستكون قد أصبحت أكثر صعوبة وتعقيداً. مثلاً، قبل «اتفاق أوسلو» كان عدد المستوطنين يبلغ عشرات الآلاف في الضفة. وبعده، صار لدينا دولة أخرى، غير إسرائيل، هي دولة المستوطنين.
    الآن، بعد سنوات طويلة، بدأ يتسرّب إلى عقل السلطة أن هذا التنسيق وهذا الاتفاق مع العدو صارا بلا قيمة. وهم يقولون ذلك. وأنا أرى أنه، في الإجمال، لا يوجد فلسطيني يقبل بإسرائيل. كل الفلسطينيين ضدّها. لكنّ هناك فلسطينيين «بيتشاطروا» على فلسطينيين آخرين، ويقولون إن لديهم مشروعاً سياسياً و«تكتيكاً» يحقّق إنجازاً ما، فيذهبون في هذا الاتجاه… لكنّ التجربة أثبتت أن الإسرائيلي لا يمتلك مشروعاً مقابلاً. ما هو المشروع الإسرائيلي المقابل؟ هذا سؤال يجب أن يجيب عليه كل فلسطيني. ما هي إسرائيل؟ نحتاج إلى إعادة تعريف المشروع الصهيوني.
    بعضنا ذهب، عبر «التكتيك»، إلى اتفاقات مع العدو الذي يملك دعماً سياسياً وعسكرياً واقتصادياً دولياً هائلاً. أنت دخلت في معركة سياسية ليست بحجمك ولا بقدرتك. ما نستطيع فعله، هو أن نخلق مشاكل لإسرائيل، وعندها سيأتي هو ليحلّ المشكلة، مشكلة المستوطن، وليست مشكلتنا. هذا هو دورنا. العدو لم يفاوض أبا عمار (الرئيس ياسر عرفات) لأنه كان مرتاحاً، بل لأن الشعب الفلسطيني كان يدفع دماً في الانتفاضة. لكن، تبيّن أن مشروع التفاهم أدّى إلى خسارة الفلسطينيين تماماً. الإنجاز هو أن تفرض على العدو أن يدفع ثمن التفاهم، مهما كان، حتى ولو بحدود عام 1967، التي، بالمناسبة، لا يقبل بها الإسرائيلي، بينما يبادر بعضنا إلى القبول بهذه الحدود. وهذا يعني تنازلاً من دون أن يكون لدى الطرف المقابل المحتلّ، أيّ عرض.

    في القتال ترتسم الجغرافيا، وليس من خلال المفاوضات. إذا قاتلنا وفرضنا وقائع على الأرض، وشعر الإسرائيلي بأنه مُهدَّد، سينسحب كما حصل في غزة، حيث لم يستطع حماية 15 ألف مستوطن كانوا فيها. نحن، اليوم، قادرون على أن نضع الاستيطان في الضفة الغربية تحت التهديد، وفي هذه الحالة فقط، يمكن أن نُحقق تغييرات، لأن الإسرائيلي يعتقد أنه يشتري الفلسطينيين ببعض التسهيلات الاقتصادية، وهذا مشروع الحكومة الحالية، والتي تعتقد أنه الحلّ لمشكلة غزة.

    نرفض إجراء الانتخابات في هذه الظروف وفي ظلّ الاحتلال

    إذا قاتلنا نحقّق الإنجاز، أمّا إذا قبلنا بحالة المساكنة، فالإسرائيلي مرتاح وليس لديه مشكلة، ومستعدّ لتقديم المزيد من التسهيلات الاقتصادية، وحتى الأمنية أيضاً، كونه المستفيد. القتال مجال مفتوح: يمكن أن يكون بالحجر والسكين والبندقية والصاروخ. ما يهمّ هو أن يتواصل القتال. يجب أن لا يشعر الإسرائيلي بأنه قادر على إسكات أيّ طرف فلسطيني عبر التفاهم. أنا لا أشكّك في أيّ فصيل فلسطيني مقاوم، لكن يمكن القول إن هذا «اجتهاد غير صائب». الصائب هو أن لا أدع العدو يستقرّ، وأجعله دائماً مضطراً للبحث عن حلّ لمشكلاته التي أخلقها أنا له. والتجربة في جنوب لبنان شاهدة، حيث لم تكن خسائر العدو بالغة وكبيرة، لكن العدو لم يحتمل قتيلاً أو اثنين في الشهر، أي أن العبرة هي في استمرار الاشتباك. وهذا لا يعني أن نذهب إلى «سيف القدس» جديدة كل يوم.

    يجب أن تكون القناعة أن إسرائيل طرف لا يمكن التفاوض ولا التفاهم معه. وعلى هذا الأساس، تُبنى كلّ برامجنا. وهو ما يدفعنا إلى خلْق وقائع جديدة تنطلق من المقاومة، ويجعل إيهود باراك (رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية الأسبق)، مثلاً، يشكّك في كل المشروع الصهيوني بعد مقتل نحو 20 مستوطناً خلال مدّة قصيرة. المستوطنون باتوا يشعرون بأنهم تحت تهديد يومي. وهم يشعرون أكثر بأنهم تحت تهديد أفراد، والدولة التي تكون تحت تهديد فرد، ليست دولة. هذا ببساطة مشروع اقتصادي، إن استطعنا هزّه سينهار. ويمكن أن يكون لهم متّسع في أيّ مكان في العالم، لكن ليس في فلسطين.

    ما هو موقف «حركة الجهاد الإسلامي» من أطروحة «أولويّة» تحقيق الوحدة الوطنية كشرط لتفعيل المقاومة؟
    البعض يرفع شعار «الوحدة الوطنية»، ليكون إطاراً للتفاهم مع العدو! الميدان هو ما يحقّق الوحدة الوطنية الفلسطينية. المقاتلون في الميدان يرسمون مساراً للوحدة الوطنية، وما يجري في الضفة الغربية، اليوم، وخاصّة في جنين ونابلس وطولكرم وغيرها، حيث يقاتل أبناء «سرايا القدس» و«كتائب القسّام» و«كتائب شهداء الأقصى» وغيرهم، جنباً إلى جنب. حتى إنك لا تستطيع التمييز بينهم كثيراً، لأنهم يسيرون على خطّ واحد، وهنا تُصنع الوحدة. أما في السياسة، فيصبح التنافس على الحصّة الكبرى في المؤسّسات والدوائر والسفارات وغير ذلك. ومن هنا، نرفض إجراء الانتخابات في هذه الظروف وفي ظلّ الاحتلال، لأن المطلب من ورائها هو النفوذ السياسي والحكم، وهذا ما لا يجب أن يكون هدفاًَ.

    الأمين العام لـ«حركة الجهاد الإسلامي»


    MAY 18TH, 2022



    Filmed during the attack and in the days following the ceasefire, the documentary tells the story of how Gaza’s armed resistance groups outwitted the vastly superior Israeli military and established their ability to intervene against Israeli ethnic cleansing of neighborhoods like Sheikh Jarrah and provocations at the al-Aqsa compound in occupied East Jerusalem.

    “The Palestinian military capabilities are not highly sophisticated and destructive, but it becomes so effective when it’s used by Palestinian smart youths who believe in their rights and freedom,” a masked al-Qassam commander says.

    The documentary features intimate interviews with survivors, many of whom lost family members in the Israeli bombardment.

    Among them is Omar Abu al-Ouf, who lost 22 family members in the bombing of his family’s house in al-Remal, Gaza’s main thoroughfare.

    “The first missile came down on us in the street with no prior warning or call,” he recounted.

    Among those killed was Omar’s father, Dr. Ayman Abu al-Ouf, one of the most senior physicians in all of Gaza.

    Others, like 11-year-old Amal Ramzi Muhammed Nasir, fled amid the bombardment to take shelter in United Nations-run schools.

    “We were trying to sleep. At exactly 1 a.m., there were sounds of explosions and airstrikes nearby. The house was shaking due to the intensity of the explosions.”

    Gaza 2021

    Men carry a child killed when Israeli airstrikes targeted an apartment complex in Gaza on May 16, 2021. Photo | AP

    Having escaped to a school, Nasir and her family returned after the ceasefire to find their homes in ruin.

    “We arrived and saw that our neighborhood that housed us our entire lives, our shelter, completely leveled to the ground,” she recalled. “Every single house was damaged and bombed.”

    Jawad Mahdi, owner of the al-Jalaa tower, described Israel destroying the place he and his family lived for 25 years:

    The building collapsed, and it took 25 years’ worth of memories, a place we lived in for 25 years, with my children, grandchildren, neighbors, and friends. Imagine building a house brick by brick, piece by piece, living in your home with your knowledge and dreams. Suddenly, you find yourself out of this house. An indescribable tragedy – being kicked out of your own home in an instant, a matter of seconds, even a minute, under nonexistent, illogical, and unethical reasons.”

    As for future confrontations with the Israeli military, the al-Qassam commander sees them as inevitable as long as the occupation remains: “The Israeli occupation experienced our military capabilities in the last aggression on the Gaza Strip and the whole world saw it. And we still have more important capabilities in the shadow.”

    He believes that armed resistance presents a viable path to liberation:

    The lessons learned from the last aggression on the Gaza Strip is that Israel is an occupation state that could be defeated. It’s not a firm state that has been depicted by the Israeli Zionist propaganda machine. Palestinians can get their liberation and retrieve their rights and freedom.”

    Feature photo  | A Palestinian child sits atop the rubble of homes destroyed by Israeli airstrikes in the town of Beit Hanoun in the northern Gaza Strip, May 21, 2021. Khalil Hamra | AP

    Dan Cohen is the Washington DC correspondent for Behind The Headlines. He has produced widely distributed video reports and print dispatches from across Israel-Palestine. He tweets at @DanCohen3000.

    The deeply buried roots of resistance

    16 May 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen

    Jeremy Salt 

    Would they have attacked them had they been of a different ethno-religious background but were still occupiers?  Most certainly yes. These young men had no other motive to do what they did but they were Palestinian and that one word decided their fate.

    Had Palestine been partitioned peacefully, even the ‘Jewish state’ would have had a population that was almost 50 percent non-Jewish against an ‘Arab state’ that was 100 per cent Palestinian

    The  Palestinian village of Al Muzayri’a was located about 15 kilometers from Ramla.  The attraction was probably rich agricultural land close to a large market town with access to most of the facilities the villagers might need.  Roman and Byzantine ruins were the evidence of the site’s settled history before the long Muslim period of rule began in the 7th century.  Muslim rule was characterised by leaving things as they were as long as the  caliph’s or sultan’s subjects, Muslim, Christian or Jewish,  paid taxes and obeyed the law.  The comparison with the genocide and cultural destruction that followed European conquests is striking. Generally,  Christians and Jews flourished under Muslim rule with not even a remote parallel, in the case of the latter, with the murderous anti-semitism that has characterised European history since the adoption of Christianity.  Needless to say, as Europeans,  the zionist settler-colonists of Palestine used the same murderous tactics  against the indigenous people.  

    In the 18th century, the Al Rumayh family from the Ramallah district moved to Al Muzayri’a. At the time it was a small village. Even by 1870 it only had 68 houses and a recorded population of 234 males,  although with women and children the entire population must have been considerably larger.  The census of 1922 showed a wholly Muslim population of 578, the census of 1931, 780, living in 186 houses.  In 1919 a school for boys had been opened, with a school for girls following some time later. 

    In 1945, British records indicate,  Al Muzayri’a had a population of 1160,  most of whose food needs were met by the produce of its 10,822 dunums of land, including bananas,  citrus fruit, and cereal crops.  By 1948 the village had a population of 1346 living in 320 houses. Post-1945,  Zionist land acquisition, and settlement had resulted in the loss of 1450 dunums of land but the other 9042 remained the individual or collective property of Al Muzayri’a. The village was included in the territory allotted to the ‘Arab state’ in the UN’s 1947 partition plan. It violated the principle of self-determination and would never have passed but for White House threats to vulnerable African, Latin American, and even European governments.

    In any case, partition was never more than a propaganda tool for the zionists. They had no intention of abiding by it. Had Palestine been partitioned peacefully, even the ‘Jewish state’ would have had a population that was almost 50 percent non-Jewish against an ‘Arab state’ that was 100 per cent Palestinian. The ‘Jewish state’ would have been a contradiction in terms and could only have been sustained by apartheid. The expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 and 1967 did not solve this fundamental zionist dilemma, as there are now at least as many Palestinians between the river and the sea as there are zionist colonists. The zionists are back to where they were in 1948,  except that the apartheid state has come into being and is recognised around the world for what it is.

    The zionist “declaration of independence” of May 14, 1948,  was followed by a series of military operations aimed at seizing as much territory as possible irrespective of whether it had been allocated to the ‘Arab’ or the ‘Jewish’ state. Operation Dani, launched on July 9,  was largely directed against Ramla and Lydd,   but first surrounding villages had to be ‘cleared.’ On July 12,  Al Muzayri’a was stormed by zionist forces and its entire population was driven out. In The Edge of the Sword,  zionist ‘historian’ Netanel Lorch writes that mortar fire and aerial bombardment were alone sufficient on the first day of the operation to cause the ‘’flight’’ from many villages but those who did not flee were driven out anyway.  Throughout 1948  hundreds of towns, villages and hamlets were to share Al Musayri’a’s fate. The peak of Operation Dani was the ethnic cleansing of Lydd and Ramla, affected through terror, intimidation, and war crimes, including the massacre of 80-100 people taking shelter in the central Dahmash mosque. 

    In 1949 two zionist settlements,  Nahalim and Mazor,  were built on Al Muzayri’a’s land.  Even by that time, only stone ruins were left of the village. In the 1990s the town of ‘Elad’ (‘’forever God’’) was built on the site and on May 5, 2022, as the zionists celebrated their ‘independence,’ two young Palestinians killed three people in a park.  

    Since March 22, 19 people have been killed in this latest Palestinian ‘’wave of terror’’ as it was inevitably described in the zionist media. Israel has responded with threats to resume the murder of senior Hamas figures, along with hundreds of arrests and raids on the West Bank during which many  Palestinians have been killed. By May 9, 50 Palestinians had been killed so far in 2022, 49 on the West Bank or in the eastern part of occupied al-Quds and one in Gaza.  The dead included two men in their 80s,  two women aged 24 and 47, four boys aged 13,14, 16, and  17, four young men of 18, and two aged 19.  

    On May 11, Palestinian-American Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, born in Al Quds,  was murdered while covering Palestinian resistance in Jenin. The zionist army chief’s claim that she could have been killed by Palestinian gunmen was described by other journalists on the scene as a complete lie. There were no militants anywhere near them.  Shireen’s producer, Ali Samoudi, who was wounded, said zionist soldiers close to the journalists had fired three shots at them.  The first missed,  the second wounded him in the back and the third hit Shireen in the head. Another journalist reaching out to help her said the soldiers did not stop firing even though she was on the ground and mortally wounded.  

    In the hunt for the ‘Elad’ assailants, zionist forces also rounded up many West Bank Palestinians described as being in “Israel” ‘’illegally.’’ Such a concept is derisory where the zionist settler state is concerned. It has lived outside any laws except its own for more than 70 years. Its justice system is actually an injustice system, insofar as the Palestinians are concerned. Real justice stands on the side of all Palestinians,  pre-1967, and post-1967 as well as Palestinians living far from their homeland.   

    The other issue here is resistance. The right of resistance to occupation is upheld under international law: there is no ‘right’ of occupation, only responsibility as a temporary consequence of war, with the occupier prohibited from settling civilians in occupied territory. It is not just the West and Gaza Strip that are ‘’occupied territories”. This is a fiction that suits the governments that gave Palestine to the zionists in the first place. The tactics used by the zionists in 1948 and 1967 were the same and have been used ever since. ‘Israel’ lives off rights it never had and could never have been bestowed upon it by a third party. Morally, ethically and legally, no right to live can be based on the destruction of another right to live.  In such cases, brute force always dictates the outcome.  

    Peace with justice is the preferred option of any reasonable person. but zionism is not a reasonable doctrine. Despite their suffering at the hands of the zionists, the majority of  Palestinians went along with the 1990 Oslo agreements in good faith, only to realise within a few years that the negotiations were being deliberately stretched out by the zionists to consolidate their occupation: in other words, the continuation of war by other means. The duplicity of the previous four decades was simply being dressed up in new clothing.  It was at this point that the Palestinians returned to armed resistance in the form of the second intifada (in fact arguably the third, if the 1936 uprising is to be regarded as the first).

    Throughout history how the Palestinians have reacted since 1918 is normal in the lives of an occupied people. Occupation is followed by resistance as naturally as night follows day. The occupier is not just the soldier or the military administrator but the occupier’s civilian population. The occupation turns them into targets as well and who is ultimately responsible if not the government that settled them on someone else’s land? Armed struggle is included in the internationally acknowledged right to resist occupation. The position was summed up on December 3, 1982, when the UN General Assembly passed resolution 37/43 reaffirming ‘’the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means including armed struggle.’’  

    Why did the two young Palestinians end the lives of three other human beings in ‘Elad,’ and why in the past few months have other Palestinians launched attacks on the settler population in Bir Saba, Al Quds, and other places? One mind cannot work out the tangled emotions in another mind but did Palestinians attack these settlers just because they were Jews, as the zionist media always claims,  or because they were seen as the occupiers of Palestinian land who happen to be Jewish?   

    Would they have attacked them had they been of a different ethno-religious background but were still occupiers?  Most certainly yes. These young men had no other motive to do what they did but they were Palestinian and that one word decided their fate. They would have had the same normal interests, hopes, and aspirations of other young people around the world but the normality of their lives was occupation. Their capacity to do what they did was fuelled by the decades of  death and pain suffered  by every Palestinian family at the hands of the occupier. Al Muzayria and hundreds of other ethnically cleansed villages in 1948;  ‘Elad’, Bir Saba, and other places where settlers who have replaced the original inhabitants have been struck down in 2022;  cause and effect. 

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Seif Al-Quds: The battle which ushered in a new era of Palestinian armed struggle

    12 May 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Robert Inlakesh 

    The battle fought between the unified Palestinian resistance factions and “Israel” completely changed the trajectory of the region’s conflict with the Zionist regime.

    Seif Al-Quds: The Battle Which Ushered In A New Era Of Palestinian Armed Struggle

    Although for many, the Seif al-Quds (Sword of Jerusalem) battle, last May, represented significant suffering and loss of Palestinian life, the war fought between the unified Palestinian resistance factions and “Israel”, completely changed the trajectory of the region’s conflict with the Zionist regime.

    Lasting between May 10 and May 21, dubbed the “11-day war”, Palestinian armed factions in the Gaza Strip combined their strength with that of the entire Palestinian population inside occupied territories. After consistent Israeli incursions into al-Aqsa mosque last Ramadan, the spokesperson for the al-Qassam brigades [armed wing of Hamas], Abu Ubaydah, gave Israeli occupation forces a 6 PM deadline to withdraw from Al-Aqsa Mosque and stop a far-Right settler march. On the deadline, a barrage of rockets was fired from Gaza, into Israeli settlements surrounding Jerusalem. It was then that “Israel” officially announced it was going to war with Gaza.

    Around 270 Palestinians were killed across the occupied territories by Israeli occupation forces and settlers, however, the story of human suffering during the war was not the only significant element. Unlike had been the case in 2014, 2008-9, and even in 2012, all years when the Israeli occupation forces launched military operations against the Gaza Strip, no significant win could be taken from the side of the Palestinian resistance. With the exception of the 2012 war, the other battles between Gaza’s armed groups and “Israel” had resulted in the weakening of the position of the Palestinian armed struggle. During Seif Al-Quds, things were quite the opposite, for the first time, it was a real strategic victory on the part of a unified front of armed factions, making up what has become known as the ‘Joint Room’ of resistance factions.

    “Israel” was forced into political and military disarray, as the victory of Seif Al-Quds only further led to the downfall of former Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, ushering in a new Israeli ruling coalition. “Israel”’s military strategy of attempting to draw the resistance forces into the attack tunnel systems, in order to bombard them and kill hundreds, failed tremendously and completely took the Israeli military by surprise. The Gazan forces had somehow figured out, most likely through intelligence gathering methods, what “Israel” had been planning – a fake invasion announcement – preemptively preparing themselves for such an Israeli attack. Hamas even dictated to the Israelis in “Tel Aviv” when they could come out of their bomb shelters, telling them that they would stop their rocket attacks for 2 hours on one given night. The sight of Israelis listening to the guidelines set to them by Hamas and the other armed factions, made “Israel’s” air defense systems and military strategy seem weak, proving the Zionist forces useless at defending their own population.

    Furthermore, the tactics used by the armed groups, such as; slowly revealing new weapons technology, striking everywhere inside the 1948 territories, putting Israeli airports on temporary lockdown and controlling the course of the battle, all showed the entire region the weaknesses of “Tel Aviv”. If little besieged Gaza could foil “Israel’s” military strategies that they had worked on for years, not lose their military capabilities, force “Israel” to accept a non-conditional ceasefire, imagine what a force like Lebanese Hezbollah, or the Syrian Arab Army, would do to them? This was the question in the minds of world leaders at the time. To conclude the battle of Seif Al-Quds, “Israel” did not fire the final shot by midnight when the ceasefire kicked in, it was Hamas that had the last say. 

    Seif al-Quds proved for the Palestinians, as well as regional allies of the camp of resistance to “Israel”, that the armed struggle was the only way forward. The Palestinian Authority (PA), based in Ramallah, chooses the path of “security coordination” and refuses to resist “Israel” with violence and has failed to achieve a so-called “two-State solution”. The PA, of President Mahmoud Abbas, has little legitimacy left in the eyes of Palestinians and has no negotiating chips to bring to the table of any talks with the Israeli side, on top of this, no Israeli ruling coalition will have anything to do with the PA and talks of “two-States”. Now, the answer, following the era of Oslo, which really died with the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, is again the armed struggle and this is clearly what we see, as the rising belief, all throughout occupied Palestine.

    A regional coalition, to fight for al-Aqsa Mosque, is now developing in its coordination and capabilities, included in which will be; Hezbollah, Ansarallah, groups from within the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) and the Palestinian armed factions. The head of the Hamas movement in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, has vowed that the war for Jerusalem will begin after Ramadan and that the armed factions in Gaza will be on high alert to thwart Israeli plots against the Palestinian people and Jerusalem’s Holy Sites. 

    The battle of May 2021 represents the opening of a new chapter in the conflict with “Israel”, forcing the entire region and beyond to pay attention. Having said this, the questions to now be answered are; How will a regional coalition launch a successful military campaign against “Israel”? When will the Israeli ruling coalition collapse and how will the resistance deal with this? When will the PA change hands from its current rulers or collapse? And, when will the international community begin to start approaching Hamas as a representative of the Palestinian movement and people? The answers to these questions will be determining factors to how the Palestinian cause will once again emerge as a top priority on the regional and international stage. 

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Hamas Calls for “Unified Command” Against “Israel”, Urges PLO to Abolish Oslo Accords

    May 14, 2022

    By Staff, Agencies

    In response to the cold-blooded killing of journalist Shireen Abu Akleh by “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF], the Palestinian resistance movement Hamas has called for a unified command against the occupying regime.

    In his remarks late on Friday, Ismail Haniyeh, the head of the Gaza-based resistance movement’s political bureau, urged the “speedy formation” of the command to lead the struggle against the “Israeli” entity.

    The call came two days after 51-year-old Abu Akleh was brutally murdered while covering an “Israeli” military raid on the Jenin refugee camp in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

    The long-time Al-Jazeera Arabic journalist, who shot to fame while covering the second Palestinian Intifada between 2000 and 2005, was accompanying a group of local journalists when she was targeted.

    Haniyeh said the Palestinian liberation struggle is going through a “new stage,” which demands the adoption of “incisive and strategic decisions”.

    He said the unified command will be tasked with directing the resistance against the apartheid regime.

    Formation of the unified front is indispensable in the light of the regime’s “bestiality,” which manifested itself in the “assassination of the daughter of Palestine,” Haniyeh said, referring to Abu Akleh.

    The Hamas leader said Palestinians need to get their act together in the face of Tel Aviv’s unbridled aggression, advocating unity between different Palestinian political groups.

    He cited examples of “Israeli” aggression such as the increase in settlement construction activities across the occupied territories, assaulting Palestinian worshippers at the al-Aqsa Mosque compound in the holy occupied city of al-Quds, the longstanding and crippling siege of Gaza, detention of thousands of Palestinians, and denying them the right to return to their homeland.

    Haniyeh called on the West Bank-headquartered Palestinian Authority [PA] to end its cooperation with the regime in Tel Aviv and scrap the so-called Oslo Accords, which were signed in 1993 and marked the first time the “Israeli” regime and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] recognized each other.

    The Oslo Accords were signed in the White House but named after Norway’s capital city, where the secret back-channel dialogue took place.

    The Hamas leader urged the PA to withdraw its “recognition of ‘Israel’,” stop its “security cooperation” with Tel Aviv, “and concentrate on the resistance’s comprehensive plan for confronting the occupier.”

    Pertinently, it came on the eve of Nakba Day, [the Day of Catastrophe], when in 1948 hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forcibly evicted from their homeland and the “Israeli” entity came into existence as an illegal and illegitimate entity.

    حروب حافة الهاوية: أوكرانيا وفلسطين

    ناصر قنديل

    خلال الشهور الثلاثة الماضية استهلكت الحرب المفتوحة والمعلنة في أوكرانيا، والحرب المفتوحة دون إعلان في فلسطين، كل الهوامش المتاحة للبقاء ضمن حدودهما، والبقاء على نار هادئة، فقد استهلك الأطراف المنخرطون في هاتين الحربين هوامش تفادي الدخول في المواجهة المباشرة، وهم في حرب أوكرانيا روسيا من جهة وحلف الناتو من جهة أخرى، وفي حرب فلسطين كيان الاحتلال من جهة ومحور المقاومة من جهة مقابلة. وليس خافياً أن مشروع حلف الناتو كان يقوم على رهان استنزاف روسيا عسكرياً من خلال خطة تقوم على تعزيز قدرات الجيش الأوكراني وتزويده بالسلاح والمال والوقود والمرتزقة، وعلى دفع الاقتصاد الروسي نحو الإفلاس عبر السطو على مخزونات العملة الصعبة للدولة الروسية، ودفع سعر الروبل للانهيار، لتضييق هامش قدرة الدولة الروسية على مواصلة الحرب. وهذه الرهانات استنفدت قدرتها على التأثير. فالجيش الأوكراني يدخل أزمة استنفاد قدرة الصمود خصوصاً على صعيد البنية البشرية وخطوط الإمداد، وإمكانات التزود بالوقود، والاقتصاد الروسي تجاوز المحطات الصعبة ودخل في التأقلم الطويل المدى، بعدما نجح بتصدير الأزمة إلى أوروبا وفق معادلة الغاز مقابل الروبل.

    في فلسطين، استهلك كيان الاحتلال فرص الرهان على المراحل الرمادية في الصراع المتصاعد مع قوى المقاومة، فلا الضوابط التي وضعها للسيطرة على معادلة التعامل مع القدس حققت المراد منها بتنظيم درجة المكاسب والخسائر لكل من المقدسيين والمستوطنين، وسقط هامش لعبة فتح باب ميادين الأقصى للمستوطنين ومنعهم من مسيرة الإعلام، فاشترت الحكومة غضب الطرفين. وبالتوازي فشلت محاولة احتواء العمليات البطولية الفردية الفدائية التي تحولت خطاً متصاعداً، هشّم صورة الأمن الإسرائيلي، وأظهر ضعف الحكومة وجيش الاحتلال، وسقوط التنسيق مع السلطة الفلسطينية كضمان للأمن، والتطبيع مع دول الخليج كضمانة لإحباط الفلسطينيين، وشيئاً فشيئاً يجد نفسه أمام خيارات الغضب المتصاعد من طرفي المنازلة، أمام لحظة صدام تقترب مع غزة، خصوصاً بعد معادلة القدس وجنين خط أحمر التي رسمتها المقاومة، وبعد إعلان رئيس حركة حماس في غزة يحيى السنوار عن قرار فك الحصار وتبييض السجون، وانتقال المقاومة من الدفاع إلى الهجوم. وبالتوازي سقط هامش المعركة بين حربين الذي قام على الغارات الإسرائيلية على سورية، مع إعلان الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله قرار إيران والمقاومة بالردّ الفوريّ على أي عدوان.

    يدرك الأميركيون والأوروبيون مخاطر التورّط في حرب مباشرة مع روسيا، هدّد الرئيس الروسي باعتبارها تهديداً استراتيجياً يصبح معه خطر المواجهة النووية داهماً، سواء حدث هذا بنتيجة تدخل عسكري غربي لإسقاط طائرات او تدمير سفن حربية لروسيا، او من خلال القيام بإيصال المساعدات العسكرية الى داخل أوكرانيا بمعية الجيوش الغربية، او من خلال ما لوّحت به بولندا بدخول جيشها الى اراض أوكرانية تحت شعار وحدة الشعبين، ففي كل من هذه الحالات سرعان ما سيجد الغرب أنه وجهاً لوجه في حرب تتدحرج مع روسيا، ويدرك الإسرائيليون خطورة التورط في حرب مع غزة، وخطورة التورط في منازلة ردّ وردّ مضاد على عمليات تستهدف إيران والمقاومة في سورية، واحتمال نشوب حرب شاملة، سواء من خلال تصاعد حرب مع غزة قابلة للتحوّل الى حرب مع محور المقاومة، أو من خلال تصاعد الردود على الغارات التي كانت حتى الأمس هامش مناورة متاح، لم يعد مؤكداً أنه يحظى بصمت روسي هذه المرة، وفي كل من هذه الحالات ستكون الحرب الشاملة خياراً ممكن الحدوث بقوة.

    المواجهة المباشرة مع روسيا، ليست خياراً يمكن مناقشة احتمالاته بالنسبة للغرب، فهي الكارثة بعينها، خصوصاً إذا اخذت مخاطر المواجهة النووية بعين الاعتبار مع التسليم بالتفوق الذي تحققه روسيا على هذا الصعيد، والحرب الشاملة مع محور المقاومة ليست خياراً قابلاً للنقاش بالنسبة لـ “إسرائيل”، خصوصاً إذا أخذ بالاعتبار حجم التفوق الشامل لمحور المقاومة في مجالي حرب الصواريخ والطائرات المسيّرة من جهة والحرب البريّة من جهة مقابلة، لكن الطريق الوحيد لتفادي هاتين المواجهتين هي مبادرات تتميّز بالقدرة على التسليم بحجم من التراجع يشكل تعبيراً عن موازين القوى الجديدة التي تحكم هاتين الحربين، ومن خلالهما ترسم صورة العالم والمنطقة، ولا يبدو هذا الاحتمال بحجم من الحظوظ التي تتناسب مع العقول التي تدير الحرب على الضفتين الغربية والإسرائيلية، حيث الإنكار والمكابرة والعنجهية أقوى من الحسابات!

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    “Israel”: Elad Op Terrifying, We Entered A Circle of Insecurity

    May 7, 2022

    Translated by Staff

    The “Elad” operation led to the killing of “Israeli” security forces, plunging “Israel” into a cycle of insecurity. It intensified fears among the “Israelis” about the prospects of an increase in these operations, in light of the continued Zionist attacks on the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque and other religious sanctities in the occupied Palestinian territories.

    “Israeli” leaders are unable contain their fears and anxieties, which have become exacerbated, following the heroic operation that mirrored the method and results of previous ones.

    On Friday, “Israeli” media quoted many of the Zionist leaders commenting on the new heroic operation.

    “Israeli” Prime Minister Naftali Bennett expressed fears regarding the increase in these operations, pointing out that the perpetrators “came out in a campaign to kill us, and their goal is to break our spirit.”

    After security consultations between Bennett and senior Zionist officials, he said, “Those who carried out this operation and their supporters will pay the price.”

    For his part, “Israeli” War Minister Benny Gantz described the Elad operation as “dangerous and its consequences dire.” 

    “The security apparatus will hold accountable those responsible for incitement and these operations, and it will punish them,” Gantz said.

    “Israeli” media also quoted Bayit Cham Director Rabbi Arie Munk as saying that “The panic was widespread.” Munk viewed the operation as an effort that “put the Elad area into a circle of great insecurity and fear.”

    “Israeli” Finance Minister Avigdor Lieberman commented on the operation, saying, “We cannot accept that operations took place on ‘Independence Day’ [the anniversary of the occupation of Palestine in 1948] in the streets of ‘Israel’. We must deal the hardest blows and restore a sense of safety to the ‘Israelis’.”

    In turn, “Israeli” Foreign Minister Yair Lapid noted that the joy of what the Zionists call Independence Day disappeared in an instant, describing the attack in Elad as “terrifying and disturbing.”

    The head of the Yamina faction, MK Nir Orbach, said, “Our day of pride ends with great pain.” 

    “I know that the security forces will not rest until the perpetrators are eliminated.”

    In this context, Amir Bohbot, the military correspondent of the Walla website, conveyed the fear of the security and military establishment that the Palestinians would carry out additional operations. He called on the “Israelis” to “increase vigilance and report any suspicious incidents.”

    In addition, in a step that highlights the level of fear among “Israeli” leaders, the chief rabbi of the Zionist entity, Yitzhak Yosef, called on the Zionist settlers on Friday to take up arms.

    “We call on every person who has a license to carry a weapon and actually has one to come to the synagogue with his weapon to help protect the settlers,” Rabbi Yosef was quoted by “Israel’s” Channel 14.

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    Nakba Day Op.: Three “Israelis” Killed, 5 Wounded

     May 6, 2022

    By Staff, Agencies

    Unknown assailants have killed at least three “Israelis” and wounded five others on the anniversary of the Nakba [Catastrophe] Day, which marks the “Israeli” regime’s claiming existence in 1948.

    The operation, for which no person or group has claimed responsibility so far, took place in the city of Elad in the central part of the occupied territories on Thursday.

    Among the wounded, three are in “a serious condition,” while the remaining two have received moderate or light injuries, the occupying regime’s Magen David Adom [MDA] emergency response service was cited by AFP as reporting.

    An MDA staff described the situation, which was encountered by the service, as a “complex scene.”

    The staffer said all of the dead were men in their early 40s, and described those wounded seriously as men aged between 35 and 60.

    The regime’s police have initiated a manhunt, scrambling helicopters and setting up roadblocks throughout the occupied territories.

    May 15, 1948 marks the day, when the “Israeli” regime proclaimed existence after a heavily-Western-backed war that expelled more than 700,000 people from their homes in the Palestinian territories.

    The Thursday incident came only several days after Eid al-Fitr that marks the end of Ramadan.

    The fasting month saw the “Israeli” regime scaling up its attacks on Palestinians at the al-Aqsa Mosque’s compound in the holy occupied city of al-Quds.

    Outraged by the barbarity, Palestinians intensified their attacks on “Israelis” throughout the Palestinian territories. Dozens of Palestinians and “Israelis” have been killed in the operations.

    Resistance groups in the nearby Palestinian territory of the Gaza Strip have described the Thursday operation as a token of Palestinians’ outrage at the occupying regime’s escalation targeting the compound of the mosque, which is Islam’s third-holiest site.

    Hamas, the Gaza Strip’s leading resistance movement, called the attack “a heroic operation.” It noted how it had warned that the mosque was “a redline,” saying the operation was the “practical implementation” of the warning.

    The Islamic Jihad, Hamas’ fellow resistance group in Gaza, called the operation “Victory for al-Aqsa.”

    The group described violation of the mosque’s compound by the “Israeli” regime and illegal settlers was “a declaration of war against the Palestinian people,” vowing that “our people will continue to confront the occupation and its aggression.”

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    Head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council: Our Armed Forces Ready, Fully Vigilant 

    May 2, 2022 

    By Staff, Agencies 

    The head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council, Mahdi Al-Mashat, said that “Eid al-Fitr came during the eighth year [from the start of the war], and our Yemeni people are still being subjected to aggression and a suffocating siege, by preventing ships from reaching the ports of Hudaydah.”

    Al-Mashat underlined that “The aggression continues to impose many criminal measures, which have led to a rise in transportation costs, food and drug prices, added to many other repercussions.”

    The top Yemeni official further stated that “With our commitment to the armistice and our desire for peace, we affirm that our armed forces are fully vigilant and ready to deal with any new circumstance,” adding that “After the expiration of half of the armistice period, no progress has been achieved regarding its most important provisions, related to easing the great suffering of the Yemeni people.”

    He added, “Despite all the concessions we made to demonstrate our keenness on peace, they were met with intransigence, stalling, and lack of response by the countries of aggression and those behind them.”

    In parallel, Al-Mashat indicated that “The countries of the aggression and their mercenaries control the sources of Yemeni oil and gas resources,” revealing that they looted more than 129 million barrels of crude oil. He added that the value of the looted wealth was “enough to pay the salaries of all state employees,” and that “Yemen reserves its right to recover all the money looted by the mercenaries of aggression.”

    In another context, the head of the Supreme Political Council in Yemen addressed the recent developments in the occupied Palestinian territories, where he saluted the heroic operations of the Palestinian people against the ‘Israeli’ enemy, which confirm that armed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine.

    Al-Mashat stressed that “Our support for the Palestinian people and standing with all the free people in our nation is a principled, humanitarian, political, and religious position, and it cannot change.”

    He also urged “The Arab and Islamic nation to boycott American and ‘Israeli’ goods and to support the Palestinian resistance.”

    Sayyed Nasrallah Warns Zionists: Demise of Al-Quds Means Demise of ‘Israel’

     April 29, 2022

    Click to watch the Video

    Marwa Haidar

    Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah on Friday warned the Zionist entity against targeting Al-Quds, stressing that the demise of the Palestinian capital means the demise of ‘Israel’.

    In a lengthy speech on the occasion of International Al-Quds Day, Sayyed Nasrallah delivered several messages to the Israeli enemy, its backers and inferiors in the region.

    His eminence stressed that the Resistance is making head against Israeli enemy despite all means of pressures adopted by the occupation and its backers.

    Sayyed Nasrallah underlined that the formula that relates between Al-Quds and Gaza is still persistent, warning the Israeli enemy of the status of the Palestinian capital according to powers in the Axis of Resistance.

    In this context, he urged countries and armies of the region to deliver a message to the Israeli occupation that says that the demise of Al-Quds means the demise of ‘Israel’, hinting out that any aggression on Al-Quds could lead to a regional war with Axis of Resistance.

    Commenting on Israeli threats regarding the upcoming drills, Sayyed Nasrallah revealed that the Lebanese Resistance group has staged a ‘silent’ military drills in the last weeks, warning the Israeli enemy against attacking Hezbollah.

    “Any folly by the Israeli enemy will be met by harsh response in a flash. This means that Israeli officials in such attack will not hear the statement: ‘Hezbollah reserves right to respond in the appropriate time and place’… We will retaliate at once.”

    Al-Quds in the Conscience of the Muslim Nation

    At the beginning of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah saluted dozens of thousands of Palestinians who performed prayers at Al-Aqsa Mosque on the last Friday of the holy month of Ramadan.

    He also saluted those who have been barricaded at the holy site in the latest weeks to defend it against Israeli attempts to desecrate it. His eminence, meanwhile, hailed the mass rallies which took place in about 90 countries across the world, especially those held in Iran and Yemen.

    Talking more about the occasion, Sayyed Nasrallah said that the founder and the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic Imam Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini wanted through designation the last Friday in Ramadan moth as International Al-Quds Day to “keep Al-Quds in the conscience of this nation.”

    Israeli Schemes of Forgetting, Despair and Exhausting

    He noted that the Israeli enemy and their backers adopted three paths in dealing with Palestine and the Muslim nation: forcing the Muslims to forget Palestine and Al-Quds, despairing Palestinian people and exhausting Palestinians as well as countries in the region.

    In this context, Sayyed Nasrallah said that the first path has been foiled, stressing that “the Israeli occupation failed to take the Palestinian cause off the nation’s top priorities.”

    He noted that normalization deals between some Arab countries, which are aimed at despairing Palestinian people has also failed.

    “The aim of normalization deals was to tell the Palestinians that there is no hope and that they have to surrender. However, this path has also failed.”

    “The heroic operations in occupied territories as well as firing rockets and the confrontations in Jenin… All these indicate that Palestinian people believe in victory.”

    “The third path is the exhausting one. And it’s aimed against Palestinians and all people in the Axis of Resistance. This path includes all forms of pressures against our people and the Resistance groups, like sanctions, financial pressures and terror lists.”

    His eminence stressed here that despite sufferings, this path has failed and that Palestine and Al-Quds is still one of this nation’s top priorities.

    Axis of Resistance Making Head

    Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that Palestine and Al-Quds “are part of our religion, ideology and dignity which we will never abandon.”

    He noted that Axis of Resistance has not relied on the political stance, but went for the military confrontation, underlining the importance of such option.

    “Military confrontation proved ability to achieve victories and this path should continue. Military confrontation tops acts of resistance against Zionist entity throughout long years of Jihad. Military confrontation has proved that ‘Israel’ could be conquered and that this entity is not a destiny.”

    Sayyed Nasrallah then talked about achievements secured by the Axis of Resistance in the latest months, noting that the “Int’l Al-Quds Day comes this year as the resistance against occupation is making head.”

    He hailed the individual operations taking place in Palestine in the latest weeks, calling for offering all forms of support to Palestinian people.

    “Individual operations carried out by Palestinians against Israeli occupation in the latest weeks are game-changing acts of resistance. They Palestinian individual operations revealed the Israeli occupation’s vulnerability.”

    He said that the individual operations toppled the Israeli formula which is based on occupation and security, noting that the Zionist entity “can’t survive without security” and that this is one of the most achievements secured by this kind of operations.

    Unwavering Commitment to Al-Quds

    The Hezbollah S.G. also pointed to the Al-Quds-Gaza formula established by Palestinian Resistance following Sword of Al-Quds Op. in 2021, stressing that such formula is still persistent.

    Then, he highlighted the unwavering commitment by Axis of Resistance powers towards Al-Quds.

    ‘We reiterate the regional formula which stipulates the solid relation between the Axis of Resistance and Al-Quds.”

    In this context, he called on some Arab countries, which have relations with the Zionist entity, to deliver a message to the Israeli occupation that reads: Demise of Al-Quds means demise of ‘Israel’.”

    “The future of Axis of Resistance is hope while the fate of the enemy is defeat.”

    Attack on Iran and Israeli Drills

    Sayyed Nasrallah then cited when the Zionist entity attacked Iran from Erbil last month.

    “Iran retaliated by firing 12 missiles on Israeli Mossad facility in Erbil. Tehran at time delivered a message to regional countries which established ties with Zionist entity that any attack on the Islamic Republic through their soils will be met by harsh response.”

    His eminence then tackled the upcoming Israeli drills in the Zionist entity next May. He revealed that the Hezbollah holds ‘silent’ drills frequently, stressing that the Lebanese Resistance movement is fully ready to confront any potential Israeli aggression.

    “Any Israeli folly will be met by harsh response. In such case you (Israelis) will not hear ‘we reserve right to respond in the appropriate time and place’. We will retaliate at once.”

    Source: Al-Manar English Website

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    نقطة التحوّل الثالثة في يوم القدس

    الخميس 28 نيسان 2022

     ناصر قنديل


    ربّما لم يكن أحد، غير الإمام الخميني، يدرك الدور الذي سيلعبه الإعلان عن اعتبار الجمعة الأخيرة من شهر رمضان يوماً عالمياً للقدس، أبعد من مجرد إحياء مكانة القدس في الذاكرة الإسلاميّة، والذين تابعوا عن قرب حجم الاهتمام الذي أولاه الإمام لإنجاح إحياء هذا اليوم، وحجم المتابعة التي حظي بها الإحياء في أولوياته، كانوا يتساءلون عن سبب تشبث الإمام بهذه البصمة الشخصيّة التي وضعها على مسار المواجهة المفتوحة التي التزمتها الثورة الإسلامية في إيران تجاه فلسطين، وكيفية رؤيته لمكانتها الأبعد مدى بكثير من مجرد الإحياء التذكيريّ، أو الذكرى الإحيائيّة.


    بعد سنوات على الإعلان، والمتابعة الحثيثة من الإمام لضمان أوسع مشاركة على مستوى عدد الدول، وأعمق مشاركة على مستوى شرائح المجتمعات، بدا أن الرسالة التي أرادها الإمام وصلت للفلسطينيين، الذين ظهر لهم بوضوح أن قضيّتهم حية في وجدان أكثر من مليار مسلم على مساحة العالم، وأن نهوضهم بأعباء الحفاظ على القدس لن يذهب هدراً، ولم تكن محض صدفة أن تبدأ المواجهات الأشد حماوة مع قوات الاحتلال في التصاعد قبيل موعد يوم القدس، وتتصاعد إلى الذروة يوم الإحياء، كما تقول يوميات انتفاضة الحجارة، ولا كان صدفة أخرى أن يكون التزامن الموازي بين المواجهات الساخنة في انتفاضة الأقصى، والتي كانت القدس محورها، مع إحياءات يوم القدس، بعدما أعادت الانتفاضة الأولى القضية الفلسطينية إلى الساحة الدولية من بوابة المقاومة الشعبية، وشكلت الانتفاضة الثانية نقطة التحول نحو المقاومة المسلحة.


    استند الإمام إلى مشروعه بجعل المقاومة الهادفة لتحرير القدس مشروعاً يتغذّى من مكانة شهر رمضان لدى المسلمين، وما يرتبط بقيمه التي ترتكز على تشاطر الشعور بالحرمان، وعلى الاستعداد للتضحية من أجل مسح دمعة محروم، وعلى الاقتراب من مفهوم التوحيد القائم على رفض ألوهية قوى الدنيا، وعدم محاباتها، ورفض الخضوع لها، والخوف منها، أو السعي لمراضاتها، على قاعدة أن التوحيد يعني أن الله واحد، فهو إما أن يكون الله أو أميركا، وإذا كان الله يدعوك للقدس وتنهاك أميركا عنها فأيّهما ستختار؟ وإذا كانت أميركا تدعوك للتطبيع وينهاك الله عنه فأيّهما ستطيع؟ وسنة بعد سنة، كان اتساع الإحياء وتجذره، يجعل من اليوم العالمي للقدس نهراً شعبياً عالمياً جارفاً تتوسّع روافده وتزداد غزارة وتدفقاً وغضباً، وكان إيقاع هذا التعاظم يلقى صداه في فلسطين. وكان تنامي المقاومتين الشعبية والمسلحة في فلسطين يزيد هذا النهر الجارف إدراكاً لموقعه في مشروع التحرير والمقاومة.


    لا يمكن كتابة تاريخ تحوّل الداخل الفلسطيني نحو خيار المقاومة بعد هزيمة عام 1982 للمقاومة الفلسطينية في لبنان أمام جيش الاحتلال، دون الانتباه لمكانة ثنائيّة تصاعد المقاومة في لبنان بوجه الاحتلال وحضور اليوم العالمي للقدس، ولا يمكن كتابة تاريخ تحوّل الانتفاضة نحو المقاومة المسلحة وصولاً لتحرير قطاع غزة، منذ اندلاع الانتفاضة الثانية عام 2000، دون الانتباه لمكانة ثنائية انتصارات المقاومة في لبنان وتعاظم حجم حضور اليوم العالمي للقدس، وها نحن مع مرور أربعة عقود على إعلان اليوم العالميّ للقدس. وفلسطين في خط المواجهة الأول، تستنهض العالمين العربي والإسلامي لنصرتها وقضيتها، ندرك أن ما كان في معركة سيف القدس، وما سيكون في الأيام المقبلة لهذه السنة وللسنوات المقبلة، ونحن نترقب التحوّل الثالث بتزاوج الانتفاضة الشعبية والمقاومة المسلحة في مشروع التحرير، لن يكون بعيداً عن إيقاع الحضور المتنامي لإيران والجمهورية الإسلاميّة فيها على مستوى المنطقة والعالم، ودرجة إخلاصها لقضية فلسطين ومشروع المقاومة فيها، ولا هو ببعيد عن الموقع المحوري للمقاومة الإسلامية في لبنان ودرجة صدقها في اعتبار قضية فلسطين والمقاومة لأجل تحريرها، قضية وجود ومصير. وبالتأكيد في قلب هاتين المعادلتين سيظهر حجم الأثر الذي تركه الإحياء المتنامي لليوم العالمي للقدس، داخل فلسطين وخارجها.


    عندما قال الإمام الخميني مع وصوله الى مطار طهران، اليوم إيران وغداً فلسطين، لم يكن يطلق مجرد شعار مبدئيّ، بل يعلن بدء تنفيذ خطة كان يملكها، ستتكفل ببصمة حضوره وهو غائب أن تمتلك ديناميكيّة تحقيقها.

    مقالات مرتبطة

    مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني تردع حكومة العدو وتكرّس قواعد جديدة للصراع

    الخميس 21 نيسان 2022

    حسن حردان

    تحوّل نوعي في الصراع يتحقق على أرض فلسطين المحتلة لم يسبق ان حصل منذ نشأة الكيان الغاصب وتماديه في عدوانه وارتكاب جرائمه وتغوّله في تهويد الأرض والمقدسات.. هذا التحوّل النوعي تجلى في نجاح مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني في إعادة تثبيت معادلة «سيف القدس» مرة ثانية، وهي المعادلة التي حمت المقدسيين في حي الشيخ جراح في المرة الأولى، واليوم تحمي باب العمود والمسجد الأقصى من اعتداءات وتهويد الصهاينة المحتلين.. هذه المعادلة قوامها العناصر التالية:

    العنصر الاول، هبّة أبناء فلسطين للدفاع عن الأقصى من هجمات واعتداءات قوات الاحتلال والمستوطنين الصهاينة الذين يحاولون تكرار ما حصل في الحرم الابراهيمي في الخليل من تقسيم زماني ومكاني جديد في المسجد الأقصى في سياق مخططهم التهويدي وإعادة بناء ما يُسمّى بهيكل سليمان.. غير انّ مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني حالت دون تمكن المستوطنين من تحقيق هدفهم بفرض التقسيم المكاني والزماني في الأقصى، كما  أجبرت حكومة العدو على منع مسيرة الأعلام التي نظمها المستوطنون برئاسة النائب الصهيوني المتطرف ايتمار بن غفير، من الوصول إلى باب العمود، خوفاً من تفجّر المواجهات على نطاق واسع.. حيث قرّر رئيس وزراء العدو نفتالي بينيت منع بن غفير من الوصول إلى باب العمود، وقال: «لا أنوي السماح لسياسة صغيرة بتعريض حياة البشر للخطر.. لن أسمح لاستفزاز سياسي بتعريض جنود الجيش وأفراد الشرطة لخطر وجعل مهمتهم أصعب.. نحن في مرحلة خطيرة قابلة للانفجار وهناك الكثير من المناسبات القريبة التي تستدعي البقاء في حالة تأهّب».

    العنصر الثاني، تحرك أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني في كلّ أماكن تواجده في فلسطين المحتلة والشتات نصرة للأقصى والمدافعين عنه، حيث اندلعت المواجهات مع قوات الاحتلال في مدن وبلدات ومخيمات الضفة الغربية المحتلة، الى جانب بعض الهجمات المسلحة مع جنود العدو، فيما نظمت التظاهرات والاعتصامات في قطاع غزة والشتات، مما حال دون تمكن الاحتلال والمستوطنين من الاستفراد بالمقدسيين ومناصريهم من المناطق المحتلة عام 1948، وزاد من قلق القادة الصهاينة من احتمال تطور الأوضاع إلى اندلاع انتفاضة فلسطينية في حال جرى السماح للمستوطنين في التمادي في مخططهم التهويدي في الأقصى وباب العمود…

    العنصر الثالث، استنفار فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية في قطاع غزة واستحضارها لمعادلة «سيف القدس» مرة ثانية في حالة تجاوز الاحتلال والمستوطنين الخطوط الحمراء الفلسطينية، المتمثلة بحماية المسجد الأقصى وعروبة القدس من التهويد… وقد تبع ذلك تسخين بالنار لجبهة المواجهة بين قطاع غزة ومستوطنات غلاف غزة.. مما أشعر العدو بأنّ الوضع لا يحتمل المناورة، فتحرّكت الوساطات الدبلوماسية لتهدئة الوضع وحضر وفد أميركي إلى فلسطين المحتلة لهذه الغاية، وهو أمر يؤشر إلى حاجة حكومة العدو إلى التهدئة وإيجاد مخارج لتراجعها عن التصعيد.. إلى جانب الخشية الأميركية من ازدياد التوتر واحتمالات التصعيد في المنطقة وخروج الوضع عن السيطرة والذهاب إلى مواجهة أوسع، حسب ما ذكرت مصادر «إسرائيلية» لصحيفة «معاريف»…

    ماذا يعني هذا التراجع الصهيوني عن الذهاب إلى مواجهة واسعة مع الشعب الفلسطيني ومقاومته؟

    انّ هذا التراجع الصهيوني يعني الأمور التالية:

    اولاً، انّ كيان العدو بات يعاني من مأزق نابع من انسداد الآفاق أمامه لأيّ مواجهة واسعة على غرار المواجهة الأخيرة التي أنتجت معادلة «سيف القدس» الردعية.. وهذا الانسداد في الآفاق إنما يعود إلى سببين:

    السبب الاول، أنّ ايّ تصعيد في المواجهة لن يفضي إلى أي نتيجة أفضل من النتائج التي أفضت إليها المواجهات السابقة، بل ستقود إلى مزيد من تآكل قوة الردع لجيش الاحتلال على أرض فلسطين المحتلة، وبالتالي تعزيز القناعة لدى الشعب الفلسطيني ومقاومته بالقدرة على تحقيق المزيد من الإذنجازات مما يصبّ في تعزيز خيار الصمود والمقاومة.

    السبب الثاني، أنّ حكومة العدو لا رؤية لديها للذهاب إلى حلّ سياسي على قاعدة حلّ الدولتين، مما يبقي الوضع متوتراً وقابلاً للانفجار لأنّ الشعب الفلسطيني لن يرضى الاستكانة والقبول بالأمر الواقع الصهيوني…

    ثانياً، وحدة الشعب الفلسطيني في كلّ أماكن تواجده في داخل فلسطين المحتلة وخارجها في مواجهة العدوان الصهيوني، حيث بات يصعب على الاحتلال اللعب على التناقضات الفلسطينية في ظلّ تماديه في اعتداءاته وجرائمه.. هذه الوحدة تجسّدت في معركة «سيف القدس» الأولى وتتجسّد اليوم في مواجهات الأقصى وقبلها في مخيم جنين، حتى أصبحت سلاحاً من أسلحة المقاومة… وسبباً في الصمود وتحقيق النصر ..

    ثالثاً، وحدة فصائل المقاومة في غرفة عمليات مشتركة في اي مواجهة مع الاحتلال، باتت أيضا عنصرا من عناصر القوة الفلسطينية.. والتي تستدعي بالطبع المزيد من الارتقاء والتعزيز من خلال وضع استراتيجية متكاملة للنضال الوطني الفلسطيني.

    هذه العوامل التي أجبرت العدو على عدم الذهاب إلى مواجهة واسعة، وألزمته بلجم المستوطنين ومنعهم من التمادي في اعتداءاتهم تجنباً لخروج الأمور عن السيطرة وانفجار واسع النطاق.. تؤشر إلى أنّ مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني ووحدته في مواجهة الاحتلال نجحت في تحقيق تحوّل نوعي في الصراع مع كيان الاحتلال تجلى في تكريس قواعد جديدة لهذا الصراع على أرض فلسطين المحتلة، وهو الأمر الذي فاقم من مأزق كيان العدو الصهيوني…

    Mind tricks: Why resistance to Israel and imperialism are called ‘Shia causes’

    April 20 2022

    The Arab and Muslim street remains firmly opposed to western imperialism and Israel. So their Arab Sunni rulers began calling all resistance ‘Shia.’

    By Omar Ahmed

    Would Sunni Arab monarchs be able to continue conspiring with the west and Israel without labelling those who resist collaboration as ‘Shia?’Photo Credit: The Cradle

    The past several decades have seen the political ascendency of Shia Muslims in West Asian geopolitics. While initially ignited by Iran’s Islamic Revolution of 1979, it was the aftermath of the illegal US invasion of Iraq in 2003 which accelerated this political shift by paving the way for Iraq’s Shia majority to govern.

    A year after US troops occupied Iraq and overthrew its Sunni president Saddam Hussein, Jordan’s King Abdullah II, fearing a growing influence of Iran among Iraq’s Shia majority and their regional coreligionists, coined the phrase “Shia Crescent.” This so-called ideological belt, it is hypothesized, runs from Tehran through several Arab capitals, including Baghdad, Damascus and Beirut, and later Sanaa.

    The idea has been criticized as it treats the Shia as a monolith and greatly exaggerates the extent of control or influence Iran exerts over the region.

    Tehran’s efforts to forge ties with friendly governments, powerful political parties, and militia forces are arguably based on pragmatism and self-interest rather than sectarian ideology. Among the state and non-state actors that provide Iran with its regional strategic depth – and therefore, influence – are Sunnis, Druze, Christians, Alawis, Zaidis, and other non-Shia populations. This alliance is more commonly – and accurately – known as the Axis of Resistance and its fundamental tenet is opposition to both western imperialism and the Zionist project, and a desire for self-determination.

    Axis of Resistance

    With Tehran at its nexus, this network consists of both state and non-state actors. Notable Shia factions include Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Units (PMUs), Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement and Afghan and Pakistani brigades.

    Sunni Palestinian resistance movements Hamas and Islamic Jihad are also considered to be a part of the axis, and an armed affiliate of Hezbollah, the Lebanese Resistance Brigades (also known as Saraya), is composed of Sunnis, Maronite Christians and Druze. At the state level are the mostly Zaidi, Ansarallah-led, de facto government of Yemen and the Alawite-dominated government of Sunni-majority Syria.

    While not part of the axis per se, Sunni-majority Algeria has also consistently opposed Zionism and could strengthen its ties with Iran, especially in light of growing tensions with neighboring Morocco whose government has recently aligned with Israel.

    Traditional western-aligned Sunni Arab states such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan have all expressed their own concerns about this Shia-majority, ‘Iran-led’ axis, and along with Israel have opposed the Resistance Axis. It is due to these mutual interests that there have been several proposals for a “Sunni-Jewish alliance.”

    Arab normalization with Israel

    This new public alliance tangibly materialized in 2020 with the signing of the Abraham Accords and the normalization of ties between Israel and the UAE, Sudan, Morocco and Bahrain (the latter is a Shia majority nation ruled by a Sunni royal family). Certainly, it ended years of speculation that there were indirect, covert ties between Tel Aviv and several Arab states.

    However, it is important to differentiate between the policies of these governments and the popular sentiments among their citizens. According to an opinion poll carried out between 2019-2020 by the Qatar-based Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (ACRPS), the majority of the Arab world (88 percent) opposes any normalization with Israel. This includes the Persian Gulf: “Refusal to recognize Israel is proportionally the highest in the Gulf region,” the report found.

    Nevertheless, last month’s Negev Summit ushered in an unprecedented level of security cooperation between Israel and Arab states and may be a precursor to an ‘Arab-Israeli NATO‘ equivalent intent on confronting the Axis of Resistance, especially over heightened fears of a nuclear-powered Iran, should efforts in Vienna to revive the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) fail.

    The Palestinian issue

    After the humiliating and resounding failures of pan-Arab nationalism to liberate occupied Palestine following the Six Day War in 1967, Egypt lost its position as the leader of the Arab world. This was cemented after Egypt made peace with Israel under Anwar Sadat in 1979, the same year as Iran’s Islamic Revolution.

    As one of, if not the most pressing and long-standing Arab and Muslim issues of our time, the Palestinian cause was essentially abandoned by the Sunni Arab leadership, only to be championed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its regional allies. Symbolically, the first statesman to visit revolutionary Iran was Palestinian Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat who was given keys to what was once the Israeli diplomatic mission-turned Palestinian embassy, as it remains to this day. “We shall liberate the land of Palestine under the leadership of Imam Khomeini,” Arafat declared during his historic visit.

    Significantly, during the 1990s, Iran’s support to Palestinians was not merely diplomatic but military too, as Iran has consistently been the main patron of Palestinian armed resistance factions Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), something acknowledged by the movements themselves.

    Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement, itself established with the help of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), has also been instrumental in assisting Palestinian factions in training and developing weapons capabilities. Early last year, IRGC Aerospace Force commander Amir Ali Hajizadeh stated, “All the missiles you might see in Gaza and Lebanon were created with Iran’s support.”

    ‘Iranian-backed’ doesn’t make these ‘Shia causes’

    Well before the Abraham Accords, there were signs that a regional narrative was being developed to aid Arab autocrats in breaking with the popular causes of the Arab/Muslim world, namely resistance to Zionism and western imperialism.

    Two years after King Abdullah’s ‘Shia crescent’ narrative began to be employed, the 2006 Lebanon-Israel war broke out. Although a historic ‘Arab nation’ victory against Israel was achieved that year, in a new public turn, the Arab League and the Saudis in particular were instead scathing in their criticism of Lebanese resistance movement Hezbollah for what they said was an unprovoked and irresponsible conflict.

    We have now reached an epoch, whereby vocal or material support for a plethora of resistance efforts in West Asia is seen as being ‘Shia’ or even ‘Persian’ rather than Arab or Muslim causes. These include the central issue of Palestine, as after all at the crux of it – that is to say armed struggle – it is only the Resistance Axis that now provides support where it materially matters.

    The Palestinian cause has not always been a ‘Shia’ cause, argues Hussain Abdul-Hussain of the pro-Israel Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, who alludes to the anti-Palestinian sentiments in South Lebanon before the rise of Hezbollah. He claims – a criticism parroted by the pro-west Sunni monarchs – that Iran “found in Palestine a good tool to undermine the sovereignty of Arab Sunni governments” and to win over support from “Arab Sunni masses.” This assessment disregards the fact that even before the revolution, under the rule of Iran’s Shah, Iran’s religious and secular opponents were popularly pro-Palestine and opposed the Shah’s support of Israel.

    Who else will oppose Zionism and western imperialism?

    In Iraq, there is a lingering threat from pockets of ISIS remnants and legitimate grievances about continuing US military presence, which is likely to continue for years to come. Both of these threats to Iraqi sovereignty have been targeted by “Iranian-backed Shia militia,” many who are an integral part of Iraq’s armed forces in the form of the PMUs. Ironically, these anti-ISIS forces were in fact initiated by a religious ruling from within Iraq, independent of Iran’s diktats.

    The world’s worst humanitarian crisis, according to the UN, is in Yemen which has been bombed and besieged almost relentlessly for seven years by a US/UK-backed and armed, Saudi-led coalition. Yemen’s resistance to this foreign aggression is led by the Ansarallah movement and its allied Yemeni armed forces. Here too, the Arab Sunni monarchs’ narrative has played a nefarious role, labelling Yemen’s resistance as ‘Shia,’ where in fact they are mainly Zaidis, who are in many ways closer to Hanafi Sunnis and who pray in Sunni mosques. As Iran and its regional axis support anti-imperialism, they are naturally more aligned to the Yemeni resistance, who are almost always now labelled as ‘Iran-backed’ or ‘Shia’ for their resistance against decades of exploitation and subjugation by Saudi Arabia.

    For the divisive case of Syria, supporting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state against the aggressions of hostile states has also been cast as a ‘Shia’ cause, despite the fact that Syria’s Shia community – not to be confused with the Alawites – form a very small minority in the majority-Sunni country. Yet when contextualized as an important actor in the Axis of Resistance, in particular as a transit point between Iran and Lebanon and occupied Palestine, the sectarian designation becomes apparent.

    The common denominator for these conflicts is that there is an opposing force to the Axis of Normalization and its US backer. It has become imperative, especially for the burgeoning Sunni Arab-Israeli alliance, for these forces to be deliberately cast as ‘Iranian-supported Shia proxies’ in order to dampen their own populations’ support for popular resistance.

    Arab and Muslim populations everywhere would otherwise likely support operations to purge western military interventionism and Israel’s aggressions from West Asia. But say ‘Iran,’ ‘Persia’ or ‘Shia’ and the Arab Sunni elite manage to confuse and quash mass popular resentment of their own malign behaviors.

    The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

    ‘Israel’ Terrified by Jenin’s Resistance, Tends to Collective Punishments in Attempt to Regain Its Prestige

    April 11 2022

    By Staff

    The latest heroic operation of martyr Raad Hazem in Tel Aviv’s Dizengoff Street, which shocked the ‘Israeli’ entity’s security and military establishment, and exposed its failures to the world, has gained a wide range of interest and attention both in media and among people.

    In comments written be Amos Harel for ‘Israeli’ daily Haaretz, the author compared the first three operations against Zionist targets, which preceded martyr Hazem’s operation, considering that the common thread between those three operations in Bir Sabe’, Hadera, and in Bnei Brak, “was the near-complete lack of a common thread.”

    “The perpetrators did not act under any organizational framework and came from different areas, according to intelligence agencies,” Harel went on to explain.

    He said the three operations share a feature which is that they occurred in the evening, during TV newscasts [in Hadera and Bnei Brak they even overshadowed a diplomatic summit taking place concurrently.] This may be due to perpetrators’ preference for operating under the cover of the dark, but it may also indicate a desire on their part for maximum attention, Harel claimed.

    This is why the author considered that ‘Israeli’ media played right into the perpetrators’ hands on Thursday night, in reference to the most recent operation of martyr of Jenin, Raad Hazem, in Dizengoff Street.

    The TV broadcasts, particularly on Channel 12, reflected a dual loss of control: First, by security forces who failed to control the arena where the hunt for the attacker was taking place [there was apparently difficulty in coordination between the police and the ‘Israeli’ military special forces mobilized to Tel Aviv]; and second, by the broadcast editors, who allowed too close a look at the security forces’ work, Harel wrote.

    Haaretz’s military correspondent and analyst didn’t limit the concern about possible intelligence damage [the exposure of covert agents and methods of operation], but also about an almost intentional encouragement of public panic. It was in evidence in some of the previous broadcasts, but it seems that this time a line has been crossed.

    In discussions with the ‘Israeli’ political echelon over the weekend, the Zionist regime’s security establishment continued to voice reservations about imposing a general closure on the occupied territories and preventing workers from entering the occupied territories and worshipers from entering holy al-Aqsa Mosque during the month of Ramadan.

    As part of countermeasures, and on the advice of the ‘Israeli’ Shin Bet spying agency, the Jalameh checkpoint, connecting Jenin with the occupied territories, has been shut down. The intention is to apply targeted economic pressure on the city. Zionist Prime Minister Naftali Bennett asked to look into more sweeping cancellations of work permits for the relatives of the perpetrators of the recent operations. The measure represents a collective punishment, although it is more targeted one.

    Fearing the fact of being in the midst of a ‘terror wave’, as they refer to it, the Zionists admitted that there is no reason to assume it will stop soon. Meanwhile, the Zionist occupation military will resume attacks on the city of Jenin and its refugee camp.

    For the time being, Harel was aware that such measures will draw increased resistance from Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and possibly also local Fatah operatives in Jenin.

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