في ذكرى النكبة!!! يا صهاينة الداخل العربيّ: فلسطين اغتُصَبت ولم تُبَعْ!!!

د.عدنان منصور

خلال الأشهر الأخيرة، روّجت بشكل مثير ومدروس، حملة واسعة، صدرت عن شخصيات سياسية مسؤولة وغير مسؤولة، وعن جهات إعلامية، وفنية، وجامعية، ودينية، وغيرها، في أنحاء عديدة من العالم العربي، تهدف الى تشويه القضية الفلسطينية من اساسها، وتسيء مباشرة وبالصميم، إلى قضية وسمعة ونضال ومقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني، وتجميل وتظريف صورة الصهاينة المحتلين، وقلب الحقائق التاريخية، رأساً على عقب، وإظهار اليهود على أنهم المغبونون والمعتدى عليهم، ويجب الاعتراف بحقهم في امتلاك فلسطين..

.. يأتي هذا، مع ما يرافق من إساءة متعمدة للفلسطينيين ولأمتهم كلها وقضيتهم، من خلال اتهامهم زوراً، من انهم باعوا ارضهم الفلسطينية الى اليهود، وبالتالي لا يحق لمن يبيع أرضه، ان يسترجعها من جديد !!!!

صهاينة وعربان الداخل العربي، أصبحوا اليوم، حماة الصهيونية و”اسرائيل”، والناطقين باسمها، والمدافعين عن احتلالها ووجودها، على حساب أبناء جلدتهم وامتهم، والواقفين في وجه المقاومين من اجل استرداد ارضهم وحقوقهم المشروعة.

هو الرابع عشر من أيار، يدون ويحدث عن نفسه. ويؤرّخ عما قبله وبعده، علّ الخونة والمرتدّين، والعملاء والمطبعين، من صهاينة الداخل، يزيلوا الغشاوة عن بصيرتهم النائمة المحنطة، ويعوا حقيقة ما جرى من احداث، ومجازر، وعمليات إبادة جماعية، وقتل ونهب، لم ينكرها الصهاينة، ولا المؤرخون الجدد، امثال ايلان باب Ilan Pappe، وبني موريس وغيرهما.

إن قرار تقسيم فلسطين عام 1947، رمى الى تأسيس دولة يهودية مساحتها 14100 كلم2، وتضم 558000 يهودي، بالإضافة الى 405000 عربي فلسطيني. ودولة عربية مساحتها 11500 كلم2 تضم 80 الف عربي، وعشرة آلاف يهودي. كما حدد القرار منطقة دولية، تضم الاماكن المقدسة، كالقدس وبين لحم، وفيها 105000 عربي، بالإضافة الى مئة الف يهودي.

قرار التقسيم هذا، تبعته اعمال إرهابية، وجرائم ومجازر رهيبة، ارتكبتها العصابات الإرهابية الصهيونية، في أنحاء عديدة من فلسطين، قبيل اعلان الدولة الاسرائيلية. اذ شنت عصابات شتيرن العسكرية، والارغون تسفاي ليومي، حملات منظمة على القرى العربية، بغية ترويع اهلها، وإجبارهم على تركها بالقوة، والتخلي عنها لليهود.

لقد رسمت المنظمات اليهودية الإرهابية، خطة محكمة، وقامت بتنفيذها بنجاح وبدقة متناهية، حتى إذا حلّ منتصف أيار 1948، وهو تاريخ اعلان قيام دولة الاحتلال الاسرائيلية، كان نصف مليون من العرب الفلسطينيين، الهاربين من المجازر والمذابح، يلجأون الى البلدان العربية المجاورة. صحيفة Hamashkif الناطقة باسم المنظمة الإرهابية شتيرن، والتي كان يقودها مناحيم بغين، كشفت عن خطة المذابح التي نفذت، حيث ذكرت ان خطط المنظمة عرضت على القيادة العسكرية اليهودية، وحظيت بموافقتها..

كانت قرية دير ياسين، بداية حلقة المجازر الرهيبة، حيث حصدت الدبابات العشرات من المدنيين، وقام الإرهابيون ببقر بطون الحوامل، وتقطيع الاطفال امام أعين آبائهم. وحول هذه المجزرة الفظيعة، نشرت الجريدة الناطقة باسم منظمة شتيرن، افتتاحية جاء فيها: “إن كل امرئ يعرف ان الهجوم على دير ياسين هو الذي ألقى الرعب في قلوب الجماعات العربية، وأدى الى فرارها المذعور.. هو المعجزة المباركة التي قوت عزائمنا، وأنزلت بالعدو ضربة اعظم بكثير، مما كان يمكن لحكمة جميع قادة الهاجانا مجتمعة أن تصنعه… ونحن نرجو ان لا تُذرف دموع التماسيح بعد اليوم على فظائع دير ياسين!!!

مناحيم بغين زعيم المنظمة الإرهابية الارغون، الذي اصبح في ما بعد رئيساً للوزراء، وحاملا جائزة نويل للسلام(!!!!) صرح معقباً على مجزرة دير ياسين: “إن هذه المجزرة لم تكن مبررة فقط، بل ودون النصر في دير ياسين، لما كانت هناك دولة اسرائيل”!!! وقال ايضاً: “انتم الاسرائيليون، عليكم ان لا تبدوا تسامحاً، وان لا تشعروا بأي شفقة، طالما لم نقض تماماً على ما يسمّى بالثقافة العربية… إن قوة التقدم في تاريخ العالم، هي للسيف. نحن نحارب، إذن نحن نكون.

قبيل إعلان دولة “اسرائيل” في 14 أيار 1948، قامت العصابات الصهيونية بطرد العرب الفلسطينيين من قراهم وبلداتهم، وكانت تحل مكانهم المستوطنين الجدد. وعند اعلان الدولة، اعتبرت “اسرائيل”، ان كل فلسطيني ترك منزله قبل الاول من ٱب 1948، يعتبر بحكم الغائب. وبموجب هذا القرار، صادرت “اسرائيل” ثلثي الأراضي التي كانت للفلسطينيين.

المؤرخ الإسرائيلي ايلان باب، تناول بوضوح في كتابه “التطهير العرقي لفلسطين» Le nettoyage ethnique de la Palestine، حيث ذكر انه في 11 آذار 1948 وقبل شهرين من اعلان الدولة الاسرائيلية، وضع مخطط داليت Daleth، حيث تم بموجبه، تهجير ثلاثمئة ألف فلسطيني، اي نصف السكان الأصليين من بيوتهم واراضيهم… كما تم تدمير531 قرية وإخلاء 11 منطقة من سكانها.

كان الفلسطينيون يمتلكون 92 بالمئة من مساحة “اسرائيل” اليوم. كما ان سكان المدن والقرى المهجورة، كانوا يمثلون 85 بالمئة من مجموع السكان الموجودين في الأراضي التي هجّروا منها. وعند تأسيس الدولة، لم يصمد سوى 92 قرية، ومئة وخمسين ألف فلسطيني بقوا تحت نير دولة الاحتلال.

استمرت العمليات العسكرية بعد 14 أيار 1948، اذ نفذت “اسرائيل” حملة عسكرية واسعة، عرفت بعملية “داني”، ادت الى احتلال اللد والرملة وإخلائها من السكان العرب. كما نفذت عمليات عسكرية اخرى، أسفرت عن احتلال بئر السبع واشدود، وإفراغها بالكامل من السكان العرب.

اما عملية حيرام، فقد أدت الى اجتياح منطقة الجليل، وتهجير ستين الف فلسطيني، تركوا ديارهم متوجهين الى لبنان. ولم يبق في جيب الجليل، سوى 12 ألف فلسطيني، غالبيتهم من الدروز والشركس والمسيحيين.

لم تتوقف عمليات التطهير عند هذا الحد، بل قامت القوات الصهيونية بتنفيذ عملية تطهير على حدود دولة الاحتلال، حيث جرت حوادث عنيفة، ما دفع بـ”إسرائيل” الى مسح عدد من القرى العربية الواقعة ضمن شريط حدودي، يتراوح عرضه بين 5 و 15 كلم، من أجل إقامة منطقة خالية من السكان العرب. وبناء على ذلك، قامت القوات الإسرائيلية بتهجير سكان هذه القرى، الذين لجأوا الى الداخل اللبناني ومن هذه القرى، ترشيحا ومعليا في الجليل الأعلى، والجاعونة والخصاص والقبطية، في محافظة صفد.

هكذا تأسست دولة الاحتلال الاسرائيلية، على حساب شعب فلسطين وأرضه. المؤرخ الإسرائيلي بني موريس، في كتابه “ولادة مشكلة اللاجئين الفلسطينيين” الصادر عام 1987، ومعه السياسي الإسرائيلي، اسرائيل شاحاك، يؤكدان أن عدد المدن والقرى العربية التي دمرتها القوات الصهيونية، بلغ بين 350 و 383 مدينة وقرية. اما المؤرخ سلمان أبو سته، وبعد دراسة مستفيضة وموثقة، والتي تعتبر من اهم الدراسات المعمقة في هذا المجال، فيؤكد أن عدد المدن والقرى الفلسطينية المدمرة بلغ 566 قرية ومدينة.

وماذا بعد؟!!!!

في 14 أيار 2020، نقول بصوت عالٍ، لكل الخونة والعملاء والمأجورين، والمتصهينين، والمهرولين باتجاه العدو الغاصب، القاتل المحتل، ولكل منافق متخاذل أفاك… للسياسي المسؤول وغير المسؤول، الملوث بفكره المنحرف… للإعلامي المرتزق المروّج للتطبيع والمدافع عنه…. للفنان الانتهازي الذي ابتعد عن قضيته، من اجل حفنة من المال والشهرة… للأستاذ الجامعي المشبع بالكراهية والحقد تجاه فلسطين والفلسطينيين… “ “للمحلل الاستراتيجي “الفذ”، المرتهن للعدو وأولياء نعمته…. “للمفكر” المدعي اللاهث وراء المنافع والمكرمات… للحزبي المتقلب المتذبذب الذي يميل مع كل ريح… لرجال الدين الذين باعوا دينهم بالمنصب والدينار، من اجل تبخير الحاكم والمسؤول، والدفاع عن سياساته التطبيعية مع العدو، بفتاوى رخيصة مقززة بعيدة كل البعد عن الدين والايمان والشرف والضمير والكرامة…. الى كل هؤلاء وغيرهم مَن هم على شاكلتهم، نصرخ في وجوههم القذرة ونقول: فلسطين لم ولن تباع… ولم يبعْها شعبها… واذا كانت العصابات الصهيونية المسلحة، قد هجرت الشعب العربي الفلسطيني، ودمّرت مدنه وقراه، واستولت على ارضه، فإن الاحتلال لن يقضي على عروبة فلسطين، ولن ينال من مقاومة شعبها، ومقاومة الأحرار في منطقتها، ولن يقضي على عزيمته في استرجاع أرضه وحقوقه المشروعة، مهما طال الزمن، وأن وقف بجانب المحتل الإسرائيلي، شذاذ الآفاق من الخوارج والمنحرفين عن قضية فلسطين، صهاينة الداخل العربي!!

IN VIDEO: DOZENS OF TRUCKS LOADED WITH U.S. MILITARY EQUIPMENT LEAVE SYRIA

South Front

At least 55 trucks of the U.S.-led coalition withdrew from northeast Syria on November 2 to the Iraqi Kurdistan Region through the al-Walid border crossing, according to the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA).

The state-run agency released a video showing some of the trucks on their way to the border crossing. The trucks were loaded with armored vehicles and equipment of the U.S. military.

Two days earlier, more than 80 empty trucks working for U.S. forces entered Syria from Iraq and headed towards Sarrin airstrip in eastern Aleppo. The trucks were apparently brought to participate in the base evacaution.

Despite the withdrawal from most of their bases in Aleppo and Raqqa, U.S. forces are reportedly working to establish new bases and military posts in the provinces of al-Hasakah and Deir Ezzor.

The deployment of U.S. forces in oil rich areas in northeast Syria is a part of Washington’s ‘oil securing’ policy in the war-torn country. The US aims to control major oil fields in order to block the Damascus government from reaching them.

More on this topic:

Israel’s Scheme to Bury the Nakba. “The Ethnic Cleansing oF Palestine”

July 10, 2019

Israel’s 1947-48 Nakba against the Palestinian people was and remains one of history’s great crimes — what Ilan Pappe called “The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine” in his book by this title.

Establishment of the Jewish state came at the expense of the Palestinian people, their descendants and refugee population.

The final master plan’s goal aimed to create a state with maximum Jews and minimum Arabs — by any means, including mass murder of defenseless people.

Around 800,000 Palestinians were forcibly driven from their homeland, many thousands slaughtered in cold blood.

The six-month campaign beginning in late 1947 destroyed 531 villages and 11 urban neighborhoods in cities like Tel-Aviv, Haifa and Jerusalem.

According to Nuremberg Principles, ethnically cleansing people from their land is a high crime against humanity.

Israeli accountability was never forthcoming for mass-murder; destruction of homes, villages, crops and other property; countless atrocities; showing no mercy to defenseless men, women, children.

Nuremberg-level crimes were  expunged from official Israeli historiography, replaced by the myth that Palestinians left voluntarily, fearing harm from invading Arab armies.

A Palestinian shared memories of that nightmarish experience, saying the following:

“I cannot forget three horror-filled days in July of 1948. The pain sears my memory, and I cannot rid myself of it no matter how hard I try.”

“First, Israeli soldiers forced thousands of Palestinians from their homes near the Mediterranean coast, even though some families had lived in the same houses for centuries.”

“My family had been in the town of Lydda in Palestine at least 1,600 years. Then, without water, we stumbled into the hills and continued for three deadly days.”

“The Jewish soldiers followed, occasionally shooting over our heads to scare us and keep us moving. Terror filled my eleven-year-old mind as I wondered what would happen.”

“I remembered overhearing my father and his friends express alarm about recent massacres by Jewish terrorists. Would they kill us, too?”

“We did not know what to do, except to follow orders and stumble blindly up the rocky hills. I walked hand in hand with my grandfather, who carried our only remaining possessions-a small tin of sugar and some milk for my aunt’s two-year-old son, sick with typhoid.”

Survivors remember the horror of Deir Yassin. On April 9, 1948, soldiers representing the soon to be announced Israeli state entered the village violently. They machine-gunned houses randomly. Many inside were slaughtered.

Remaining villagers were assembled and murdered in cold blood. Among them were children, infants, the elderly and women, some raped before slaughtered. Estimates placed the death toll at up to 120.

An eyewitness recounted the horror as follows, saying:

“I was (there) when the Jews attacked…(They) closed on the village amid exchanges of fire with us.”

“Once they entered the village, fighting became very heavy in the eastern side and later it spread to other parts, to the quarry, to the village center until it reached the western edge.”

“The Jews used all sorts of automatic weapons, tanks, missiles, cannons. They enter(ed) houses and kill(ed) women and children indiscriminately. The (village) youths…fought bravely.”

Fighting killed dozens more. Many other villages met the same fate. It was well planned, systematic slaughter — a pattern Israel followed throughout its history with much more powerful and banned weapons.

According to a Haaretz investigative report, Israel’s ministry of war’s secretive security department (Malmab) has been tasked with making the Nabka disappear, saying:

Its teams have been scouring Israel’s archives and removing historic documents…conceal(ing) (them) as part of a systematic effort to hide evidence of the Nakba.”

Haaretz learned Malmab (a Hebrew acronym) “concealed testimony from IDF generals about” about mass slaughter of Palestinians and destruction of their towns and villages, as well as dispossession of Bedouins during Israel’s first 10 years of statehood.

Former security department head Yehiel Horev told Haaretz he began the project to erase Israel’s ugly past — even though detailed information about the Nakba has been published.

His aim and others involved was and continues to be an effort to reinvent history, a common practice in many countries with disturbing pasts authorities want expunged from the public record — notably burying the historical record of horrific mistreatment of Black African slaves and Native Americans by US ruling authorities.

Documents on Israel’s nuclear weapons development and hostile relations with regional countries, along with on the Nabka, are concealed in vaults.

Haaretz’s detailed account is titled “Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs” — historical documents concealed from public view.

Along with burying Israel’s ugly past, Malmab aims to undermine the credibility of published documents.

History the way it should be published and taught isn’t pretty. The truth is there for historians seeking it.

Pappe’s “Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine,” and Howard Zinn’s “A People’s History of the United States” reveal the public record citizens of these countries, and everyone else, have a right to know.

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Award-winning author Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago. He can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG)

His new book as editor and contributor is titled “Flashpoint in Ukraine: US Drive for Hegemony Risks WW III.”

http://www.claritypress.com/LendmanIII.html

Visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com.

من مذكّرات حكيم الثورة [1/4] جورج حبش: الاشتباك الأخير

سيف دعنا

  • في الذكرى الحادية عشرة لرحيل المناضل والقائد الفلسطيني والعربي جورج حبش (26 كانون الثاني/ يناير 2008)، أحد أبرز مؤسسي حركة القوميين العرب، والأمين العام المؤسس للجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين، يُصدر «مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية»، مذكّرات جورج حبش في كتاب بعنوان «صفحات من مسيرتي النضالية»، في تغطية لأبرز محطات تجربته النضالية. خصّ المركز «الأخبار» ببعض فصول الكتاب، تولّى تقديمها ومراجعتها الكاتب سيف دعنا وستُنشر تباعاً في حلقات.

    «سوف أذهب إلى أرض وطني وأقول:
    عانقيني بلا أي خوف،
    وإذا كان كل ما أعرف القيام به هو أن أتكلم، فأنني لن أتكلم إلا من أجلك
    وسأقول لها أيضاً:
    فمي سوف يكون صوت كل تلك المآسي التي ليس لها فم،
    وصوتي سوف يكون صوت حرية كل الذين يقبعون في زنازين القهر
    وعلى الطريق سوف أظل أردد لنفسي
    وقبل أي شيء، لجسدي وكذلك لروحي:
    حذارِ حذارِ
    من القبول بموقف المتفرج العقيم، لأن الحياة ليست مشهداً،
    ولأن بحراً من المآسي ليس مجرد مقدمة مسرحية،
    ولأن إنساناً يصرخ من العذاب ليس مجرد دباً راقصاً»
    إيميه سيزير «مذكرات العودة إلى أرض الوطن»

    «إلّا رجال مؤمنون، ونساء مؤمنات، يحفظ الله بهم الأرض، بواطنهم كظواهرهم، بل أجلى، وسرائرهم كعلانيتهم، بل أحلى، وهممهم عند الثريا، بل أعلى، إن عُرفوا تنكروا، وإن رُئيت لهم كرامة أنكروا. فالناس في غفلاتهم، وهم في قطع فلاتهم، تحبهم بقاع الأرض، وتفرح بهم أفلاك السماء».
    ابن الجوزي في وصف الأبدال

    «الأبدال» أو «البدلاء» في التقليد الصوفي، كما جاء في «لسان العرب»، هم «قوم من الصالحين، بهم يقيم الله الأرض، أربعون في الشام وثلاثون في سائر البلاد، لا يموت منهم أحد إلا قام مكانه آخر فلذلك سُمّوا أبدالاً». ويذكر ابن عربي في «الفتوحات المكية» أن «ثم رجالاً سبعة يقال لهم الأبدال يحفظ الله بهم الأقاليم السبعة، لكل بدل إقليم، وإليهم تنظر روحانيات السموات السبع، ولكل شخص منهم قوة من روحانيات الأنبياء الكائنين في هذه السموات»‏i. وينقل هادي العلوي عن ابن شميل: أن «الأبدال خيار بدل من خيار»، وعن ابن السكيت: «سمي المبرزون في الصلاح أبدالاً لأنهم أبدلوا من السلف الصالح (أي قاموا مقامهم بعد ذهابهم). والأبدال هم الأولياء والعباد، سُموا بذلك لأنهم كلما مات منهم أحد أبدل بآخر». أما علامتهم، كما نقل الزبيدي في تاج العروس أنه لا يولد لهم، أو «لا يولد لهم ولدا ذكراً»، كما جاء في ترجمة صاحب «مطالع المسرات بجلاء دلائل الخيرات»، محمد المهدي الفاسي (وهو من الأبدال، كما ينقل البعض)ii. وإذا وقفنا عند قول الزبيدي أنه لا يولد لهم ولد ذكر، يقول هادي العلوي: فـ «هذه حال المسيح الذي لم يتزوج أصـلاً. وحال محمد الذي لم يكن له ولد ذكر. وكذلك حال معظم الصوفية من الأقطاب. ومن المعاصرين لم يكن لكارل ماركس ولد ذكر ولم يولد للينين»iii.

    رسم سحر برهان

    أما «الأوتاد»، «الذين يحفز الله بهم العالم»، فهم كما يذكر ابن عربي «أخص من الأبدال»iv. أو أخص الأبدال، في المذاهب الصوفية، وهم أيضاً «أضنان الله». والأضنان، كما يشير هادي العلوي، من الضن، «أي البخل الشديد»، و«ضنائن الله» هم الذين يضن الله بهم عن الفساد. وفي «لسان العرب» هم «الخصائص من أهل الله تعالى الذين يضنّ بهم لنفاستهم عنده تعالى، كما قال عليه الصلاة والسلام»: «إنّ لله ضنائن من خلقه ألبسهم النور الساطع يحييهم في عافية ويميتهم في عافية». والأوتاد من الأبدال، كما جاء عند ابن عربي في «الفتوحات». والقول «إن الله يقيم بهم الأرض هو ما يعطيهم اسم الأوتاد»، وهذا «مأخوذ من الفلك القرآني حيث اعتبرت الجبال أوتاداً للأرض تمنع ميلانها وتثبتها في مستقرها، واستعيرت للأبدال الأوتاد لأن وجودهم على الأرض يمنع أهلها من الفساد ويبقيهم على حال الصلاح والاستقامة فلا تنخسف بهم»‏v.

    لهذا، فالأبدال، في مذهب الصوفية، هم قوة الخير المضادة، في هذا الكون، لقوة الشر والخراب التي يمثلها الفاسدون والخونة وأصحاب السلطة والمال والجشع. وهم قوة الإنسانية وروحها التي تعطي الحياة معناها وتوازنها وتحميها من خراب قوى الخراب في هذه الأرض. لذلك هم أيضاً كالأوتاد (الجبال) التي تحمي الأرض من الميلان وتحفظ لها توازنها بموازنتها للفساد والخراب الذي يمثله جشع أهل الدولة ورأس المال ورجال الدين.

    هكذا كان جورج حبش، من ضنائن الله، ومن أوتاد هذه الأرض. أفنى عمره ثائراً يقاوم العدو، وأفناه يُقَوِّم زيغَ المتنفذين الغارقين في الفساد والخيانة والشر والخراب، ليجعل منا بشراً أفضل، وليعطي لهذه الحياة توازناً يجعل العيش فيها ممكناً ويبقي الأمل حياً. تقرأ كلمات هذا الثائر غير المهزوم، رغم كل الهزائم، وغير المقهور، رغم كل القهر، فلا تطلب ولا تتمنى إلا أن يكون لدى كل منا شيء قليـل من هذه القناعة التي لا تتزعزع، وحظ قليـل من هذه الشجاعة الفائقة التي لا تهزم، ونصيب صغير من تلك القوة الروحية العظيمة غير القابلة للكسر. تقرأ جورج حبش فتعرف أنه هكذا فقط يكون الثوار الحقيقيون. تقرأ جورج حبش فتتأكد أن هناك طريقاً واحداً ووحيداً للنصر وطريقاً واحداً ووحيداً لتحرير فلسطين هو طريق جورج حبش. تقرأ جورج حبش فتعرف أن هناك تعريفاً واحداً ووحيداً فقط للحرية الحقيقية وتعريفاً واحداً ووحيداً للكرامة هو تعريف جورج حبش. تقرأ جورج حبش فتعرف أن هناك معنىً واحداً ووحيداً للوطن ومعنىً واحداً ووحيداً لفلسطين هو معنى الوطن ومعنى فلسطين عند جورج حبش.

    لقد بدا لي صائباً أول الأمر، قبل أن تبدأوا بقراءة النص الأخير لحكيم الثورة الفلسطينية، أن أتكلم قليـلاً (وسأتجرأ لأقول باسم الجميع)، في مديح ذلك الرجل الشجاع، الذي سعى، بأكثر مما يستطيع أي إنسان آخر، إلى صوغ الفكرة وصناعة الأمل الذي لا يزال يعيش فينا ويعطينا القدرة على العيش والاستمرار رغم كل شيء. لقد بدا لي الأمر صائباً جداً ونحن نقف أمام كلماته الأخيرة، أن أكتب متحدثاً، ولو قليـلاً، باسم جيل جديد أعيد بناؤه في عقيدة الجبهة الشعبية وعقيدة فلسطين الأصلية والأصيلة التي أسس لها وأسسها جورج حبش، تلك العقيدة العروبية الأصيلة التي لا تعرف أي مهادنة مع العدو، ولا تعرف أي مساومة حتى على حبة رمل واحدة من أرض فلسطين. لهذا، فإذا كان هناك أي شيء يجعل من المناسب أن أكتب أنا، أو أي رفيق من جيلي هذا النص، بدلاً من أحد آخر من الرجال ذوي الشعر الأبيض الآن، أولئك الذين كانوا مع الحكيم منذ البداية، وشاركوه في المقاومة وفي المعاناة والتفاني في مشروع تحرير فلسطين لعقود، فهو فقط الأمل بأن تكون هذه مناسبة لنا جميعاً لنجدد التزامنا ووفاءنا مرة جديدة لهذا الرجل العظيم، ولنهجه، ولطريقه الذي اختطه منذ خسارتنا فلسطين وحتى اللحظة الأخيرة من حياته.

    تقرأ جورج حبش فتعرف أنه هكذا فقط يكون الثوار الحقيقيون

    لا أكتب مدخلاً لهذا الكتاب الذي يصدر في الذكرى الحادية عشرة لرحيله خضوعاً للحزن، أو للوعة المشتاق المصاب بفقدان الحبيب والقدوة، بل من أجل تمجيد هذه الروح العظيمة التي أعطيت لنا، ولكي ندخل مجدداً في شراكة وثيقة وعهد جديد وقَسَم جديد مع هذا الرجل الشجاع والمثال. فالكثيرون منا يشعرون بهذه الشراكة، ويشعرون بحاجتهم إليها الآن أكثر من أي وقت مضى. فلقد كان جورج حبش قائداً ومقاوماً ومثالاً؛ كان مثالاً في نعمة البطولة الفريدة، والتفاني اللامحدود، التي كانت طريق حياة وطريقة عيش واحدة ووحيدة له. كان مثالاً في قوة روحه ووضوحه وصدقه وتفانيه وصلابته وشجاعته التي فضحت كل أولئك «القادة» المزورين بضعف روحهم وكذبهم واستسلامهم وخنوعهم وجبنهم. وكل هذه الروعة والعظمة والقوة كانت متوافقة تماماً، رغم كل ذلك، مع التواضع المذهل لرجل مثله وبمقامه، وببساطة التفاني اللامتناهي حتى اللحظة الأخيرة من أجل فلسطين وأهلها والوطن العربي وأهله. وشراكتنا مع الحكيم وعهدنا له هما شراكة وعهد، كذلك، مع كل الذين أفنوا أعمارهم يقاومون على طريق تحرير كل الوطن المسلوب. شراكة وعهد حتى النهاية مع كل الذين أفنوا أعمارهم يقارعون الصهيونية في الزنازين أو في ساحات القتال. شراكة وعهد مع كل الذين أصبحت فلسطين قضيتهم الأولى والأخيرة، قضيتهم العامة وقضيتهم الخاصة، وأعطوها، مستلهمين القليل من نموذج القائد جورج حبش، كلَّ ثانية من أعمارهم الفانية. أكتب باسمنا جميعاً لنتعهد للحكيم، ونتعهد لكل هؤلاء الأبطال، بالوفاء والقسم والعهد، وأن نتعهد أولاً وقبل أي شيء لفلسطين حبنا إلى الأبد، واستعدادنا للتضحية من أجلها وفي سبيلها بكل شيء وبأي شيء، وأن نتعهد للصهاينة الأعداء كرهنا وحقدنا وعزمنا على مقاومتهم حتى النهاية.

    عن النص

    «ولادة القارئ ستكون حتماً على حساب الكاتب»، جادل رولاند بارث في «موت الكاتب». فعلى القارئ، يقول، تقع مسؤولية الإمساك بالمعنى النهائي للنص، وبالتالي، فالقارئ، بكل مواصفاته وخلفيته وإمكانياته وهوياته، وليس الكاتب، هو المسؤول الأول والأخير عن فهم النص (وبالتالي عن نجاح هذا النص أو فشله). لهذا يجادل بارث، أيضاً، بأنه ينبغي فصل النص عن صاحبه لتحريره من «طغيان التفسير». وفي مخالفة ظاهرية (ظاهرية فقط في رأيي) لهذه الرؤية، يركز ميشيل فوكو، في نص يقصد منه، كما فهمه كثيرون، مخالفة زعم بارث، على «وظيفة الكاتب» التي تتمحور حول دوره التصنيفي للنص في سياق خطابي معين. يبدو في نص فوكو، ما هو الكاتب، دورٌ ما للكاتب (ظاهرياً في الحقيقة لا أكثر)، وهو ممكن فقط في سياق خطابي. بصورة أدق، تضيء رؤية فوكو، بتركيزه على الخطاب، على مجالات وإمكانيات السيطرة والتحكم بالمعنى الذي تحدد معه وتحد بدورها بالضرورة دور الكاتب. هذا الجدال الباريسي – الباريسي ما بعد الحداثي، بالشكل والجوهر، لم ينتهِ حتى رغم التدخل الساخر لجاك دريدا لاحقاً في «ميتات رولاند بارث». هو جدال باريسي – باريسي يشوبه الكثير من الترف الذي لا يعرفه ولا حتى يهتم به الكثير من الكتاب (والنصوص) الذين تأخذ الكتابة عندهم معنىً وهدفاً ودوراً ووظيفة مختلفة.
    فالكتابة «فعل تاريخي» لدى من يرى نفسه منخرطاً جدياً في واقع عصره. وفي حالة العرب، وخصوصاً بعد هزيمة عام 1967، أصبحت الكتابة «فعـلاً مقاوماً» بامتياز، كما جادل الناقد المصري غالي شكري. ففي حين شكلت النكبة سؤال العرب الوجودي، وسؤال إمكان استمرارهم التاريخي كشعب وثقافة، وسؤال تحولهم من أمة في طور عملية تاريخية من التشكل أصابتها النكبة بحالة قطع عنيفة إلى أمة تدخل مسرح التاريخ، أصبح على الكاتب العربي «إنتاج فكر ولغة يجسدان إرادة الدفاع عما هو مهدد بالانقراض في الحياة العربية»‏vi.

    الكتابة فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك. لهذا بالضبط لا يزال الشهيد غسان كنفاني يحتل مكانة فريدة ومتميزة بين كل الكتاب العرب والفلسطينيين. فهو لم يكن مسكوناً في كتاباته بتصوير الحاضر القادم من ماضي النكبة فقط، بل، وربما أهم من ذلك، كان مهموماً باستتباع ذلك بفتح آفاق للمستقبل. لهذا كان كل نص لكنفاني، أدبياً كان أم سياسياً، أشبه ببيان ثوري. فكنفاني كان نموذجاً لكاتب من نوع خاص جداً اقتضت وجوده الحالة العربية الجديدة. فما بعد النكبة، وتحديداً ما بعد ثورة 1952 في مصر، التي ساهمت في التأسيس لنشوء حركات التحرر، «تفاقم دور الكاتب»، كما جادل إدوارد سعيد في «تأملات في المنفى». هكذا كانت الدعوة إلى الثورة «دقوا جدران الخزان» في «رجال في الشمس». ولهذا ذكر الحكيم في رسالة التعزية لآني كنفاني «إننا تلقينا (باستشهاد غسان) ضربة موجعة جداً»‏vii.

    الكتابة فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك. فأهم ما قام به قسطنطين زريق، صاحب معنى النكبة، وأحد ملهمي الحكيم، في كتابه عن النكبة، غير تعريفه للحدث وحفره للمصطلح، هو «إلقاؤه الضوء على مشكلة الحاضر، موقع المعاصرة الإشكالي، الذي يشغله العرب ويعملون على إعاقته». فلقد أدرك مبكراً أن ما ينبغي على «الكتَّاب» العرب القيام به بمعرفة ودراية هو خلق الحاضر تمهيداً لمعركة استعادة الاستمرارية التاريخية، ورأب الصدع الذي تسببت به النكبة، والأهم من كل ذلك إطلاق إمكان تاريخي للتغيير.

    الكتابة فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك. لهذا بالضبط علق باولو فريري في كتابه «تعليم المقهورين» أن «أسلوب [تشي] غيفارا الواضح في سرد تجاربه هو ورفاقه، ووصف علاقته بالفلاحين الفقراء الموالين لهم بلغة إنجيلية تقريباً، يكشف القدرة الكبيرة لهذا الرجل المدهش على الحب والتواصل مع الناس»viii.
    الكتابة فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك. هكذا يتوجب قراءة النص الأخير، وفهم الفعل الأخير، لجورج حبش وإدراك الهدف منه. فهذا النص ليس سرداً بلا غاية، أو هذا ليس سرداً أراد له صاحبه أن يكون نوعاً من التاريخانية أو السرديات الأكاديمية أو المذكرات الذاتية. ليس سرداً أراد له صاحبه أن يكون مجرد أرشفة أخرى للتاريخ بلا غاية أو لمجرد الأرشفة. فالتاريخ يجب أن يُقرأ أولاً وأخيراً كحالة أيديولوجية. يجب أن يُقرأ كتحفيز لعمل مستقبلي. يجب أن يُقرأ كخارطة طريق للمقاومة والتغيير والثورة. ففي نهاية الأمر، كل الحقائق التي يختارها مؤرخو أي مرحلة من بين آلاف الحقائق الأخرى، هي (لذلك) ذاتية وسياسية أولاً وأخيراً، كما جادل مؤرخ الثورة البلشفية إدوارد هاليت كار. لهذا، فجوهر التأريخ ليس النص وحده أو بحد ذاته (على أهميته)، بقدر ما هو الاستشراف والأفق الذي يفتحه أمامنا، فيضع السرد أو النص نفسه في حيز المقاومة وسياقها في المستقبل، وحتى يمكن أن يعمل على تأسيس مسارها بفتحه آفاقاً من الإمكانات التحويلية – هذا هو المعنى الحقيقي لفكرة أن «الناس تموت والفكرة لا تموت».
    الكتابة فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك، لأن الفعل والاشتباك المقصودين هنا بالذات هما اشتباك وفعل من أجل تكوين الوعي وخلق الإنسان من جهة، وإسقاط الخرافات (من خرافة «إسرائيل» نفسها إلى كل الخرافات التي يسوقها المهزومون)، من جهة أخرى. الكتابة فعل مقاومة واشتباك، لأن الكتابة عمل، ولأن العمل نفسه (والفعل المشتبك نفسه) هو الشيء الحقيقي الوحيد في التاريخ، والشيء الحقيقي الوحيد في هذه الحياة، وما عداه هو الخرافة والتزوير. لهذا، فالكتابة كـ «فعل مقاومة وفعل اشتباك» هي أكثر توصيف مناسب للنص الأخير الذي تركه لنا جورج حبش، ويُنشر بعد أحد عشر عاماً على رحيله. فهذه ليست محاولة للتأريخ بقدر ما هي أحدى محاولات الحكيم المتعددة للاشتباك مرة أخرى مع الأسئلة الكبرى التي أرَّقته منذ اتفاقيات أوسلو، وتحديداً مع انعقاد المؤتمر الخامس للجبهة الشعبية (1993) حين أرسل الحكيم أول إشارات العزم على التخلي عن الأمانة العامة، وأصر عليها ونفذها في المؤتمر السادس (2000) من أجل خوض مرحلة جديدة من النضال تتمثل، كما كتب، بالعمل «على إنشاء مركز [الغد] الذي يُعنى بدراسة تجربة حركة القوميين العرب ومن ثم الجبهة الشعبية والأحزاب القومية الأخرى، وكذلك تجربة الثورة الفلسطينية المعاصرة، وأيضاً العمل القومي منذ النكبة، بحيث تكون تجربة الجبهة والحركة والأحزاب والتجارب الأخرى درساً مفيداً لمتابعة النضال الوطني والقومي، من دون أن يعني ذلك ابتعادي من ساحة النضال الوطني والقومي»ix.

    في ثنايا هذا النص لا توجد فقط الكثير من الأسئلة التي كانت تؤرق حبش وكان يرى في التصدي لها والإجابة عنها مسؤولية ثورية ووطنية وقومية وإنسانية، وليس في هذا النص فقط الكثير من الحديث في التاريخ وعن التاريخ والأحداث والتجارب الفردية والجمعية، بل يوجد أيضاً الكثير مما يمكن أن نفهمه ونعرفه عن شخصية صاحب هذا النص وروحه وقلبه، والنموذج الذي ينبغي أن يكون عليه الثائر الحقيقي والقائد الحقيقي والمقاوم الحقيقي، ما دفعني إلى البحث عميقاً في نصوصنا التراثية لاستلهام توصيف لهذه الروح الفذة والفريدة. فعقب النكبة مباشرة، يكتب الحكيم، «حصلت عملية الاندماج الكلي والصادق بيني وبين العمل الكلي من أجل قضية شعبي ووطني»x. وهذا النص يؤكد أن هذا الاندماج الكلي رافق الحكيم حتى اللحظة الأخيرة من حياته، فقد رحل هذا المقاوم العظيم مبتسماً وهو يسمع أخبار أبطال غزة يكسرون الحدود بين فلسطين ومصر، فتأكد أن المراهنة على الناس التي أفنى عمره من أجلها لا يمكن أن تخيب أبداً.

    في ثنايا هذا النص صدق ووضوح وشجاعة نادرة في زمن يدعي فيه «البطولة» و«الصراحة» و«الوضوح» كل من أراد ذلك فقط لتبرير تخاذله وعجزه وكذبه واستسلامه. «إنني عادة أحدد موقفي السياسي وموقف الجبهة بعد تأنٍ وتفكير، ولكنني أعترف أنه في سياق الثورة تأتي لحظات أفكر فيها بعقلي وقلبي ووجداني معاً»xi. هذا ما قاله الحكيم، في سياق تفسيره لمقولة «سادات فلسطين» التي نعت بها عرفات عقب زيارته نظام كامب دايفيد، وظل يرددها لاحقاً رغم عتب البعض من رفاقه عليه لخروجه عن «حدود اللياقة السياسية». لهذا فنص الحكيم الأخير يصلح أن يكون بياناً ثورياً حقيقياً يؤسس لمراجعة حقيقية لمرحلة سابقة مليئة بالبطولات، وحتى مليئة بالمعجزات، ولكنها مليئة أيضاً بالمآسي والهزائم والخداع.

    في ثنايا هذا النص أيضاً حديث عن التاريخ وفي التاريخ، ولكن بإيقاع ثوري فريد يعيد إلى الذاكرة الخطاب الثوري الفلسطيني الأصلي والأصيل، ويعيد إلى الذاكرة بيانات الجبهة الشعبية ووثائقها الأولى ونصوص الميثاق الوطني غير المعدل، وكأنها محاولة لبث الحياة من جديد في روحنا: «كانت وجهة نظر أبو عمار وفتح وعدد كبير من أعضاء المجلس الوطني وبعض الفصائل هي قيام دولة فلسطينية إلى جانب «إسرائيل»، أي قيام دولتين على الأرض، بينما كانت الجبهة الشعبية تريد دولة على الأرض مع الاستمرار في النضال من أجل إزالة هذا الكيان الصهيوني البغيض»‏xii. هكذا يذكرنا الحكيم، بما قاله مرة الشهيد عماد مغنية، عن الهدف الذي علينا ألّا ننساه أبداً وأن نعمل من أجله كل لحظة، وأن نضحي في سبيله بكل شيء: «الهدف واضح ومحدد ودقيق: إزالة «إسرائيل» من الوجود».

    الخروج من اللد: ولادة الثائر جورج حبش

    يوم الإثنين الموافق 24 أيار/مايو 1948، دَوَّنَ دايفيد بن غوريون في مذكراته: «علينا تنظيم مجموعة الألوية الجديدة وتعزيز [الألوية] القديمة. وينبغي إقامة لواء من أفراد «كرياتي» بقيادة لرر [تسادوك]. لدى تسلم المدافع، يجب تدمير الرملة واللد فوراً»xiii. بعدها بأسبوع، في 30 أيار/مايو 1948، سَيَرِدُ ذِكر اللد والرملة مرتين في تدوينات بن غويون لذلك اليوم: «أثرت مسألة الرملة – اللد، إذ إن هاتين النقطتين خطرتان من جميع النواحي، ومن شأنهما أن تشكلا قاعدة للهجوم على تل أبيب والمستوطنات و[الطريق] إلى القدس. وفي مقابل ذلك، فإن احتلالهما يحرر مناطق وقوات ويعزل خطوط المواصلات العربية. أليس من المجدي خفض قسم من القوة الناشطة في الشمال «البعيد»؟ بموجب الخطة – المفروض على «كرياتي» أن ينشط ضد اللد هذه الليلة، علاوة على القليل من الإزعاج [المدفعي] للرملة»‏xiv. وفي مساء ذلك اليوم (30 أيار/مايو 1948)، خرج بن غوريون مسرعاً من جلسة الحكومة قبل أن تنتهي متوجهاً إلى «رامات غان» حيث القيادة العامة (الساعة السابعة مساءً) عقب وصول برقية في شأن قرار مجلس الأمن المتعلق بوقف إطلاق النار في اليوم التالي، واستدعى «يغئيل [يادين]، ويوحنان [راتنر]، ويسرائيل [غاليلي]، واقترح[ت] عليهم أن نرسل إلى ييغال [آلون] فوراً أمراً بأن ينزل مع كتيبة واحدة غداً فجراً كأقصى حد، كي نتمكن من احتلال اللد والرملة، إذا تمكنوا من احتلال اللطرون، وأن ينقلوا كتيبة أخرى إلى القدس هذه الليلة من أجل ضمان صمود القدس والسعي لإزعاج المثلث من جنين وطولكرم [كي] يحين موعد بدء وقف إطلاق النار – إذا انصاع له العرب هذه المرة ـ ونكون في وضع أفضل مما نحن عليه الآن»‏xv.

    نص الحكيم الأخير يصلح أن يكون بياناً ثورياً يؤسس لمراجعة حقيقية لمرحلة سابقة

    ورغم انشغال بن غوريون بجبهتي الشمال والجنوب المشتعلتين بشدة حينها، إلا أن جبهة الوسط (حيث اللد والرملة) كانت الأكثر إثارة للقلق لديه، كما تشير مذكراته. وكما يتضح من يوميات الحرب التي تركها. فالحرب على اللد والرملة كانت جزءاً أساسياً من حرب القدس، و«حرب القدس هي حرب أرض إسرائيل»، يقول بن غوريون، «لا بسبب أهميتها التاريخية فحسب، بل لأسباب استراتيجية أيضاً، والحرب ليست من أجل طريق القدس فحسب. لا يكفي طريق بين تل أبيب والقدس من أجل إحكام سيطرتنا على القدس. هناك حاجة إلى امتداد جغرافي. وقد ثبت في هذه الحرب أنه لن تقوم للقدس اليهودية قائمة من دون ارتباط ما بالدولة اليهودية ذي امتداد إقليمي»xvi. لهذا بالضبط أثار بن غوريون قضية اللد والرملة منذ البداية في إحدى جلسات «القيادة» في 11 أيار/مايو 1948: «أبديت ملاحظتين: (1) تدمير الجزر العربية في المستوطنات [في المناطق] اليهودية (الرملة – اللد، وبيسان، وزرعين) التي تشكل خطراً خاصاً في حال الغزو، ومن شأنها أن تفرض إشغال قوات؛ (2) تسليح القدس بصورة متزايدة – حتى لو استمرت الهدنة، [وذلك بسبب] أهمية القدس في حد ذاتها»‏xvii.

    اللافت للنظر في تدوينات بن غوريون هذه، وغيرها الكثير، ليس الحديث الواضح عن «التدمير» و«التدمير الفوري» و«تهجير العرب»، بل إنهم قاموا بذلك فعـلاً. لهذا كانت المجازر أولاً، كما حدث في مسجد اللد حيث احتمى المدنيون العزَّل قبل أن تقوم العصابات الصهيونية بقتلهم في مجزرة رهيبة أصبحت موثقة في الأرشيفات الصهيونية رغم أننا لا نحتاج إلى ذلك لنعرف أن أهلنا قد ذبحوا هناك بلا رحمة (500 مدني تقريباً، برغم الاعتراف الصهيوني بما بين 200 و300)‏xviii ، وكان كذلك القتل العشوائي أيضاً وإطلاق النار على أي شيء وكل شيء أثناء محاولة احتلال اللد والرملة. في ذلك اليوم (11 تموز/يوليو 1948) فشلت الكتيبة الثالثة للبلماح من اقتحام دفاعات اللد التي أقامها أهلها والمتطوعون من القوات الشعبية، فقام ييغال آلون بإرسال اللواء الثامن (الكتيبة الثامنة والتاسعة) بقيادة موشي ديان. فدخلت، كما تروي الأرشيفات الصهيونية نفسها، «عرباتهم نصف المجنزرة، عربة مدرعة، وسيارات جيب عسكرية يعتليها مدافع رشاشة، مسرعة جنوباً من طريق بن شيمين باتجاه اللد ووصلت أطراف الرملة – ثم استدارت عائدة حول اللد إلى بن شيمين. استغرقت الغارة سبعاً وأربعين دقيقة. ويظهر أن القوات كانت تطلق النار على أي شخص في طريقها»‏xix. ويذكر أحد أفراد العصابات الصهيونية ويدعى «جدعون» في شهادته: «كانت سيارة الجيب العسكرية التي أركب فيها تقوم بالدوران أمام مدخل أحد المنازل، وفي المقابل كانت طفلة تقف وتصرخ وعيونها مليئة بالخوف والفزع. كان جسدها ممزقاً وينقط دماً، وحولها كانت جثث أفراد عائلتها ملقاة على الأرض. [ثم تساءلت] هل أطلقت أنا النار عليها؟ ولكن لماذا هذه الأفكار، فنحن في أوج معركة، في أوج احتلال مدينة. العدو في كل زاوية. الجميع أعداء. اقتل! دمر! اذبح! وإلا سوف تُقتل أنت ولن تستطيع احتلال المدينة»‏xx.

    عقب سقوط اللد والرملة وطرد من بقي حياً من أهلها العرب بالقوة، بدأت مسيرة طويلة وصعبة في أشد أيام العام حرارة على الأقدام باتجاه رام الله – تشبه إلى حد بعيد «مسيرة الدموع» التي سارها سكان أمريكا الأصليون المطرودون من وطنهم في جنوب شرق الولايات المتحدة باتجاه الشمال الغربي. وفي أثناء المسيرة سقط العشرات من سكان اللد الصغيرة من الأطفال والعجائز من العطش والجوع والحر وكانت جثثهم ملقاة على جوانب الطريق إلى رام الله – يذكر الحكيم الذي عاش كل تلك الأيام بتفاصيلها المؤلمة أن كتاب «الطريق إلى بئر السبع» للإنكليزية إيثيل مانين‏xxi التي تصف رحلة الخروج المؤلمة من اللد والمسيرة إلى رام الله وعذاباتها، ليس فيه «أي مبالغة، بل أستطيع القول إن المأساة كما عشتها كانت أكثر حدة مما أظهرته تلك الرواية»‏xxii.

  • لكن من يقرأ الرواية يعرف أن أكثر ما شد الحكيم إليها، ربما، ليس التفاصيل المؤلمة لسقوط اللد أولاً ثم الترحيل القسري لأهلها، فتلك تجربة عاشها حبش لحظة بلحظة. لكن في كتاب مانين ما يلفت الانتباه من إصرار على التمسك بالوطن وعدم اليأس رغم كل ما حصل، ويبدو أنها كانت فعـلاً تدور في خاطر الحكيم حينها. فتقرأ على لسان بطرس منصور: «لم يستطيعوا أن يقتلونا. لم يقتلوا منا إلا الطاعنين في السن فقط والصغار جداً. لقد أخرجونا إلى البرية لنموت كالكلاب ولكننا لم نمت. إننا لم نزل هنا. معظمنا على الأقل»‏xxiii. والأهم، تقرأ على لسان وليد، أحد الشخصيات الرئيسية التي انتهت بالتسلل إلى بئر السبع للتأسيس للمقاومة في رفضه لكل مبررات الاستسلام والإصرار على المقاومة: «وإسرائيل؟ ألم تبدأ فكرتها بحلم أشد من هذا الحلم (تحرير فلسطين) إمعاناً في الخيال؟ لو سيطر هذا الحلم على قلوب مليون فلسطيني شاب فلا بد من أن يحفزهم على تحويل الحلم إلى حقيقة، بالإصرار والكفاح»‏xxiv.

    لكن الدمار، والمجازر، والتهجير القسري التي حلت باللد، وكان الحكيم شاهداً حيَّاً عليها وعاش مآسيها لحظة بلحظة مع أهله وأبناء بلدته، لم تشكل لحظة الولادة الحقيقية فقط لثائر حقيقي ومقاوم عنيد لا يتعب ولا يعرف التعب، ولا يهزم ولا يعرف الهزيمة، كما تدل على ذلك مذكراته. لكن تلك الظروف وتلك المآسي كانت مناسبة لتكشف الجوهر الحقيقي لجورج حبش وروحه الثائرة. ليس ذلك فقط لأن الحكيم عرف منذ البداية أن الهدف من هذه الحرب ومن هذا المشروع الصهيوني هو «اقتلاعنا من الجذور»‏xxv لذلك لم يتردد في حمل السلاح منذ البداية حين انضم إلى «كتائب الفداء العربي»‏xxvi. وليس ذلك فقط لأن الحكيم قاوم لأكثر من ستين عاماً بعدها من دون أن ينال منه اليأس أو الهزيمة للحظة واحدة. بل لأن هذا المقاوم العنيد، جورج حبش، كان معداً أصـلاً لأن يكون إنساناً من نوع خاص جداً وثائراً من نوع خاص جداً عرفنا القليل مثله في تاريخنا العربي كما في تاريخ الشرق. وفي هذه الأيام، الأسابيع الأولى من تموز/يوليو 1948، تكشفت الأحداث التي حلت باللد وفلسطين عن ثائر عربي من نوع خاص جداً أفنى عمره حتى اللحظة الأخيرة يقاوم من أجل استعادة وطنه المسلوب والعودة إليه. ثائر من نوع خاص لم يكن ليقبل أقل من تحرير حقيقي وكريم لكل فلسطين، وعودة كريمة لكل أهلها علها تمسح قليـلاً من عار الهزيمة وذل الشتات. لهذا رفض أن يعود بالشروط التي عاد بها الآخرون جازماً أن عودته ستكون فقط مع عودة آخر لاجئ من الشتات. في تلك الأيام تكشفت الأحداث عن ثائر عربي حقيقي هو امتداد لتقليد ثوري إنساني فريد عرفه تاريخ العرب وتاريخ الشرق فكان خير سليل لهذا التقليد الثوري العظيمxxvii. ما يلي هو بعض من سيرة هذا القائد العظيم، ونشرها في الذكرى الحادية عشرة لرحيله يعني أنه، برغم كل شيء، لا يزال حياً بيننا. فـ «أن تعيش في قلوب من تركت خلفك، يعني أنك لن تموت أبدا.»xxviii

    ** هذا النص هو جزء من مقدمة أطول لكتاب مذكرات جورج حبش، «صفحات من مسيرتي النضالية: جورج حبش»، الذي يصدر عن مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية في الذكرى الحادية عشرة لرحيله.

    المراجع:

    i محيي الدين بن عربي، الفتوحات المكية (بيروت: دار الكتب العلمية، 2006)، ج 1، ص 236.

    ii «مطالع المسرات بجلاء دلائل الخيرات» هو شرح الفاسي لـ «دلائل الخيرات وشوارق الأنوار في ذكر الصلاة على النبي المختار» لأبي عبد الله الجزولي.

    iii هادي العلوي، مدارات صوفية (دمشق: دار النهج للثقافة والنشر، 1997)، ص 112.

    iv ابن عربي، المصدر نفسه، ص 345.

    v العلوي، المصدر نفسه، ص 112.

    vi Edward Said, Reflections on Exile and Other Essays (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), p. 48.

    vii انظر صفحة ٢١٩ من الكتاب

    viii Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Bloomsbury, 2012), p. 171

    ix انظر صفحة ٣٠٥ من الكتاب

    x انظر صفحة ٦٢ من الكتاب

    xi انظر صفحة ٢٧٤ من الكتاب

    xii انظر صفحة ٢٩١ من الكتاب.

    xiii ديفيد بن – غوريون، يوميات الحرب: 1947 – 1949 (بيروت: مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية، 1993)، ص 359.

    xiv المصدر نفسه، ص 369.

    xv المصدر نفسه، ص 371 (30 أيار/مايو 1948).

    xvi المصدر نفسه، ص 414.

    xvii المصدر نفسه، ص 316.

    xviii Benny Morris, 1948:A History of the First Arab-Israeli War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), p. 290.

    xix Ibid., p. 289.

    xx Ibid., p. 289.

    xxi إيثيلمانين، الطريق إلى بئر السبع (دمشق: طلاس للدراسات والنشر، 1985).

    xxii انظر صفحة ٥٩ من الكتاب

    xxiii الطريق الى بئر السبع، صفحة ٨٢

    xxiv المصدر نفسه، ص 207

    xxv انظر صفحة ٣٤ من الكتاب

    xxvi انظر صفحة ٦٥ من الكتاب

    xxvii سيف دعنا. جورج حبش: سليل المشاعية الثورية. الأخبار. ٢٧ كانون الثاني ٢٠١٨
    https://al-akhbar.com/Opinion/243874

    xxviii من قصيدة توماس كامبل “الأرض المقدسة”

Netanyahu bans publication of archive materials on Judaic massacre at Deir Yassin

Source

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to sign an order extending the secrecy of the information stored in the security services’ archives from 70 to 90 years, including the Deir Yassin massacre carried out by Zionist gangs in the Nakba.
This came at the request of security agencies and other bodies to extend the confidentiality of this information to prevent the publication of part of the information during the current year.

The security agencies claim that the extension of confidentiality comes with the aim of “preventing the detection of sources of intelligence information, methods of work used by the devices today, in addition to information originating from foreign sources.”

It is noteworthy that Netanyahu had signed a similar order in 2010 extended the confidentiality of archives from 50 to 70 years.

According to Haaretz, the legal adviser to the so-called “State Archive”, Naomi Aldubi, distributed to the ministries yesterday, Wednesday, a draft of instructions that include the materials contained in the Shin Bet and Mossad, in addition to the archives of the Atomic Energy Commission, and nuclear research centers And the Biological Institute.

It will also prevent the deployment of items of the Army Intelligence Division, information related to the collection of intelligence classified as “secret” or higher, and items related to certain units in the army and the Ministry of Security.

As a result, the decision not to disclose these materials will make it difficult for historians, researchers and journalists to impose restrictions on the public at large, including items related to the Deir Yassin massacre in the village of Deir Yassin in 1948.

The country’s archival laws state that every citizen has the right to access material stored in the State Archive, but gives the government the power to restrict access by classification of materials, such as those classified as “confidential” or according to the length of time passed.

This period ranges from 15 to 70 years, depending on the content and source of the materials. For example, the minutes of meetings of the Knesset committees are kept secret for 20 years, the material on foreign policy is kept secret 25 years, the police archives are 30 years old, the minutes of the mini-cabinet are 50 years, the intelligence materials, including the Shabak and the Mossad, the Institute for Biological Studies and the Committee on Energy The secret remains secret for 70 years.

The archives of the state, as well as other archives such as the Army Archive, do not initiate the disclosure of material, and the end of a period of confidentiality is not a sufficient condition for disclosure of material to the public. The relevant ministerial committee, chaired by the Minister of Justice, could impose other restrictions. 

In Case You Missed It: What Is Antisemitism?

By Michael Neumann

March 27, 2018 “Information Clearing House” – Every once in a while, some left-wing Jewish writer will take a deep breath, open up his (or her) great big heart, and tell us that criticism of Israel or Zionism is not antisemitism. Silently they congratulate themselves on their courage. With a little sigh, they suppress any twinge of concern that maybe the goyim–let alone the Arabs–can’t be trusted with this dangerous knowledge.

Sometimes it is gentile hangers-on, whose ethos if not their identity aspires to Jewishness, who take on this task. Not to be utterly risqué, they then hasten to remind us that antisemitism is nevertheless to be taken very seriously. That Israel, backed by a pronounced majority of Jews, happens to be waging a race war against the Palestinians is all the more reason we should be on our guard. Who knows? it might possibly stir up some resentment!

I take a different view. I think we should almost never take antisemitism seriously, and maybe we should have some fun with it. I think it is particularly unimportant to the Israel-Palestine conflict, except perhaps as a diversion from the real issues. I will argue for the truth of these claims; I also defend their propriety. I don’t think making them is on a par with pulling the wings off flies.

“Antisemitism”, properly and narrowly speaking, doesn’t mean hatred of semites; that is to confuse etymology with definition. It means hatred of Jews. But here, immediately, we come up against the venerable shell-game of Jewish identity: “Look! We’re a religion! No! a race! No! a cultural entity! Sorry–a religion!” When we tire of this game, we get suckered into another: “anti-Zionism is antisemitism! ” quickly alternates with: “Don’t confuse Zionism with Judaism! How dare you, you antisemite”

Well, let’s be good sports. Let’s try defining antisemitism as broadly as any supporter of Israel would ever want: antisemitism can be hatred of the Jewish race, or culture, or religion, or hatred of Zionism. Hatred, or dislike, or opposition, or slight unfriendliness.

But supporters of Israel won’t find this game as much fun as they expect. Inflating the meaning of ‘antisemitism’ to include anything politically damaging to Israel is a double-edged sword. It may be handy for smiting your enemies, but the problem is that definitional inflation, like any inflation, cheapens the currency. The more things get to count as antisemitic, the less awful antisemitism is going to sound. This happens because, while no one can stop you from inflating definitions, you still don’t control the facts. In particular, no definition of ‘antisemitism’ is going to eradicate the substantially pro-Palestinian version of the facts which I espouse, as do most people in Europe, a great many Israelis, and a growing number of North Americans.

What difference does that make? Suppose, for example, an Israeli rightist says that the settlements represent the pursuit of aspirations fundamental to the Jewish people, and to oppose the settlements is antisemitism. We might have to accept this claim; certainly it is difficult to refute. But we also cannot abandon the well-founded belief that the settlements strangle the Palestinian people and extinguish any hope of peace. So definitional acrobatics are all for nothing: we can only say, screw the fundamental aspirations of the Jewish people; the settlements are wrong. We must add that, since we are obliged to oppose the settlements, we are obliged to be antisemitic. Through definitional inflation, some form of ‘antisemitism’ has become morally obligatory.

It gets worse if anti-Zionism is labeled antisemitic, because the settlements, even if they do not represent fundamental aspirations of the Jewish people, are an entirely plausible extension of Zionism. To oppose them is indeed to be anti-Zionist, and therefore, by the stretched definition, antisemitic. The more antisemitism expands to include opposition to Israeli policies, the better it looks. Given the crimes to be laid at the feet of Zionism, there is another simple syllogism: anti-Zionism is a moral obligation, so, if anti-Zionism is antisemitism, antisemitism is a moral obligation.

What crimes? Even most apologists for Israel have given up denying them, and merely hint that noticing them is a bit antisemitic. After all, Israel ‘is no worse than anyone else’. First, so what? At age six we knew that “everyone’s doing it” is no excuse; have we forgotten? Second, the crimes are no worse only when divorced from their purpose. Yes, other people have killed civilians, watched them die for want of medical care, destroyed their homes, ruined their crops, and used them as human shields. But Israel does these things to correct the inaccuracy of Israel Zangwill’s 1901 assertion that

“Palestine is a country without a people; the Jews are a people without a country”.

It hopes to create a land entirely empty of gentiles, an Arabia deserta in which Jewish children can laugh and play throughout a wasteland called peace.

Well before the Hitler era, Zionists came thousands of miles to dispossess people who had never done them the slightest harm, and whose very existence they contrived to ignore.

Zionist atrocities were not part of the initial plan. They emerged as the racist obliviousness of a persecuted people blossomed into the racial supremacist ideology of a persecuting one. That is why the commanders who directed the rapes, mulilations and child-killings of Deir Yassin went on to become prime ministers of Israel.(*) But these murders were not enough. Today, when Israel could have peace for the taking, it conducts another round of dispossession, slowly, deliberately making Palestine unliveable for Palestinians, and liveable for Jews. Its purpose is not defense or public order, but the extinction of a people. True, Israel has enough PR-savvy to eliminate them with an American rather than a Hitlerian level of violence. This is a kinder, gentler genocide that portrays its perpetrators as victims.

Israel is building a racial state, not a religious one. Like my parents, I have always been an atheist. I am entitled by the biology of my birth to Israeli citizenship; you, perhaps, are the most fervent believer in Judaism, but are not. Palestinians are being squeezed and killed for me, not for you. They are to be forced into Jordan, to perish in a civil war. So no, shooting Palestinian civilians is not like shooting Vietnamese or Chechen civilians. The Palestinians aren’t ‘collateral damage’ in a war against well-armed communist or separatist forces. They are being shot because Israel thinks all Palestinians should vanish or die, so people with one Jewish grandparent can build subdivisions on the rubble of their homes. This is not the bloody mistake of a blundering superpower but an emerging evil, the deliberate strategy of a state conceived in and dedicated to an increasingly vicious ethnic nationalism. It has relatively few corpses to its credit so far, but its nuclear weapons can kill perhaps 25 million people in a few hours.

Do we want to say it is antisemitic to accuse, not just the Israelis, but Jews generally of complicity in these crimes against humanity? Again, maybe not, because there is a quite reasonable case for such assertions. Compare them, for example, to the claim that Germans generally were complicit in such crimes. This never meant that every last German, man, woman, idiot and child, were guilty. It meant that most Germans were. Their guilt, of course, did not consist in shoving naked prisoners into gas chambers. It consisted in support for the people who planned such acts, or–as many overwrought, moralistic Jewish texts will tell you–for denying the horror unfolding around them, for failing to speak out and resist, for passive consent. Note that the extreme danger of any kind of active resistance is not supposed to be an excuse here.

Well, virtually no Jew is in any kind of danger from speaking out. And speaking out is the only sort of resistance required. If many Jews spoke out, it would have an enormous effect. But the overwhelming majority of Jews do not, and in the vast majority of cases, this is because they support Israel. Now perhaps the whole notion of collective responsibility should be discarded; perhaps some clever person will convince us that we have to do this. But at present, the case for Jewish complicity seems much stronger than the case for German complicity. So if it is not racist, and reasonable, to say that the Germans were complicit in crimes against humanity, then it is not racist, and reasonable, to say the same of the Jews. And should the notion of collective responsibility be discarded, it would still be reasonable to say that many, perhaps most adult Jewish individuals support a state that commits war crimes, because that’s just true. So if saying these things is antisemitic, than it can be reasonable to be antisemitic.

In other words there is a choice to be made. You can use ‘antisemitism’ to fit your political agenda, or you can use it as a term of condemnation, but you can’t do both. If antisemitism is to stop coming out reasonable or moral, it has to be narrowly and unpolemically defined. It would be safe to confine antisemitism to explicitly racial hatred of Jews, to attacking people simply because they had been born Jewish. But it would be uselessly safe: even the Nazis did not claim to hate people simply because they had been born Jewish. They claimed to hate the Jews because they were out to dominate the Aryans.

Clearly such a view should count as antisemitic, whether it belongs to the cynical racists who concocted it or to the fools who swallowed it.

There is only one way to guarantee that the term “antisemitism” captures all and only bad acts or attitudes towards Jews. We have to start with what we can all agree are of that sort, and see that the term names all and only them. We probably share enough morality to do this.

For instance, we share enough morality to say that all racially based acts and hatreds are bad, so we can safely count them as antisemitic. But not all ‘hostility towards Jews’, even if that means hostility towards the overwhelming majority of Jews, should count as antisemitic. Nor should all hostility towards Judaism, or Jewish culture.

I, for example, grew up in Jewish culture and, like many people growing up in a culture, I have come to dislike it. But it is unwise to count my dislike as antisemitic, not because I am Jewish, but because it is harmless. Perhaps not utterly harmless: maybe, to some tiny extent, it will somehow encourage some of the harmful acts or attitudes we’d want to call antisemitic. But so what? Exaggerated philosemitism, which regards all Jews as brilliant warm and witty saints, might have the same effect. The dangers posed by my dislike are much too small to matter. Even widespread, collective loathing for a culture is normally harmless. French culture, for instance, seems to be widely disliked in North America, and no one, including the French, consider this some sort of racial crime.

Not even all acts and attitudes harmful to Jews generally should be considered antisemitic. Many people dislike American culture; some boycott American goods. Both the attitude and the acts may harm Americans generally, but there is nothing morally objectionable about either. Defining these acts as anti-Americanism will only mean that some anti-Americanism is perfectly acceptable. If you call opposition to Israeli policies antisemitic on the grounds that this opposition harms Jews generally, it will only mean that some antisemitism is equally acceptable.

If antisemitism is going to be a term of condemnation, then, it must apply beyond explicitly racist acts or thoughts or feelings. But it cannot apply beyond clearly unjustified and serious hostility to Jews. The Nazis made up historical fantasies to justify their attacks; so do modern antisemites who trust in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. So do the closet racists who complain about Jewish dominance of the economy. This is antisemitism in a narrow, negative sense of the word. It is action or propaganda designed to hurt Jews, not because of anything they could avoid doing, but because they are what they are. It also applies to the attitudes that propaganda tries to instill. Though not always explicitly racist, it involves racist motives and the intention to do real damage. Reasonably well-founded opposition to Israeli policies, even if that opposition hurts all Jews, does not fit this description. Neither does simple, harmless dislike of things Jewish.

So far, I’ve suggested that it’s best to narrow the definition of antisemitism so that no act can be both antisemitic and unobjectionable. But we can go further. Now that we’re through playing games, let’s ask about the role of *genuine*, bad antisemitism in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and in the world at large.

Undoubtedly there is genuine antisemitism in the Arab world: the distribution of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, the myths about stealing the blood of gentile babies. This is utterly inexcusable. So was your failure to answer Aunt Bee’s last letter. In other words, it is one thing to be told: you must simply accept that antisemitism is evil; to do otherwise is to put yourself outside our moral world. But it is quite something else to have someone try to bully you into proclaiming that antisemitism is the Evil of Evils. We are not children learning morality; it is our responsibility to set our own moral priorities. We cannot do this by looking at horrible images from 1945 or listening to the anguished cries of suffering columnists. We have to ask how much harm antisemitism is doing, or is likely to do, not in the past, but today. And we must ask where such harm might occur, and why.

Supposedly there is great danger in the antisemitism of the Arab world. But Arab antisemitism isn’t the cause of Arab hostility towards Israel or even towards Jews. It is an effect. The progress of Arab antisemitism fits nicely with the progress of Jewish encroachment and Jewish atrocities. This is not to excuse genuine antisemitism; it is to trivialize it. It came to the Middle East with Zionism and it will abate when Zionism ceases to be an expansionist threat. Indeed its chief cause is not antisemitic propaganda but the decades-old, systematic and unrelenting efforts of Israel to implicate all Jews in its crimes. If Arab anti-semitism persists after a peace agreement, we can all get together and cluck about it. But it still won’t do Jews much actual harm. Arab governments could only lose by permitting attacks on their Jewish citizens; to do so would invite Israeli intervention. And there is little reason to expect such attacks to materialize: if all the horrors of Israel’s recent campaigns did not provoke them, it is hard to imagine what would. It would probably take some Israeli act so awful and so criminal as to overshadow the attacks themselves.

If antisemitism is likely to have terrible effects, it is far more likely to have them in Western Europe. The neo-fascist resurgence there is all too real. But is it a danger to Jews? There is no doubt that LePen, for instance, is antisemitic. There is also no evidence whatever that he intends to do anything about it. On the contrary, he makes every effort to pacify the Jews, and perhaps even enlist their help against his real targets, the ‘Arabs’. He would hardly be the first political figure to ally himself with people he disliked. But if he had some deeply hidden plan against the Jews, that *would* be unusual: Hitler and the Russian antisemitic rioters were wonderfully open about their intentions, and they didn’t court Jewish support. And it is a fact that some French Jews see LePen as a positive development or even an ally. (see, for instance, “`LePen is good for us,’ Jewish supporter says”, Ha’aretz May 04, 2002, and Mr. Goldenburg’s April 23rd comments on France TV.)

Of course there are historical reasons for fearing a horrendous attack on Jews. And anything is possible: there could be a massacre of Jews in Paris tomorrow, or of Algerians. Which is more likely? If there are any lessons of history, they must apply in roughly similar circumstances. Europe today bears very little resemblance to Europe in 1933. And there are positive possibilities as well: why is the likelihood of a pogrom greater than the likelihood that antisemitism will fade into ineffectual nastiness? Any legitimate worries must rest on some evidence that there really is a threat.

The incidence of antisemitic attacks might provide such evidence. But this evidence is consistently fudged: no distinction is made between attacks against Jewish monuments and symbols as opposed to actual attacks against Jews. In addition, so much is made of an increase in the frequency of attacks that the very low absolute level of attacks escapes attention. The symbolic attacks have indeed increased to significant absolute numbers. The physical attacks have not.(*) More important, most of these attacks are by Muslim residents: in other words, they come from a widely hated, vigorously policed and persecuted minority who don’t stand the slightest chance of undertaking a serious campaign of violence against Jews.

It is very unpleasant that roughly half a dozen Jews have been hospitalized–none killed–due to recent attacks across Europe. But anyone who makes this into one of the world’s important problems simply hasn’t looked at the world. These attacks are a matter for the police, not a reason why we should police ourselves and others to counter some deadly spiritual disease. That sort of reaction is appropriate only when racist attacks occur in societies indifferent or hostile to the minority attacked. Those who really care about recurrent Nazism, for instance, should save their anguished concern for the far bloodier, far more widely condoned attacks on gypsies, whose history of persecution is fully comparable to the Jewish past. The position of Jews is much closer to the position of whites, who are also, of course, the victims of racist attacks.

No doubt many people reject this sort of cold-blooded calculation. They will say that, with the past looming over us, even one antisemitic slur is a terrible thing, and its ugliness is not to be measured by a body count. But if we take a broader view of the matter, antisemitism becomes less, not more important. To regard any shedding of Jewish blood as a world-shattering calamity, one which defies all measurement and comparison, is racism, pure and simple; the valuing of one race’s blood over all others. The fact that Jews have been persecuted for centuries and suffered terribly half a century ago doesn’t wipe out the fact that in Europe today, Jews are insiders with far less to suffer and fear than many other ethnic groups. Certainly racist attacks against a well-off minority are just as evil as racist attacks against a poor and powerless minority. But equally evil attackers do not make for equally worrisome attacks.

It is not Jews who live most in the shadow of the concentration camp. LePen’s ‘transit camps’ are for ‘Arabs’, not Jews. And though there are politically significant parties containing many antisemites, not one of these parties shows any sign of articulating, much less implementing, an antisemitic agenda. Nor is there any particular reason to suppose that, once in power, they will change their tune. Haider’s Austria is not considered dangerous for Jews; neither was Tudjman’s Croatia. And were there to be such danger, well, a nuclear-armed Jewish state stands ready to welcome any refugees, as do the US and Canada. And to say there are no real dangers now is not to say that we should ignore any dangers that may arise. If in France, for instance, the Front National starts advocating transit camps for Jews, or institutes anti-Jewish immigration policies, then we should be alarmed. But we should not be alarmed that something alarming might just conceivably happen: there are far more alarming things going on than that!

One might reply that, if things are not more alarming, it is only because the Jews and others have been so vigilant in combatting antisemitism. But this isn’t plausible. For one thing, vigilance about antisemitism is a kind of tunnel vision: as neofascists are learning, they can escape notice by keeping quiet about Jews. For another, there has been no great danger to Jews even in traditionally antisemitic countries where the world is *not* vigilant, like Croatia or the Ukraine. Countries that get very little attention seem no more dangerous than countries that get a lot. As for the vigorous reaction to LePen in France, that seems to have a lot more to do with French revulsion at neofascism than with the scoldings of the Anti-Defamation League. To suppose that the Jewish organizations and earnest columnists who pounce on antisemitism are saving the world from disaster is like claiming that Bertrand Russell and the Quakers were all that saved us from nuclear war.

Now one might say: whatever the real dangers, these events are truly agonizing for Jews, and bring back unbearably painful memories. That may be true for the very few who still have those memories; it is not true for Jews in general. I am a German Jew, and have a good claim to second-generation, third-hand victimhood. Antisemitic incidents and a climate of rising antisemitism don’t really bother me a hell of a lot. I’m much more scared of really dangerous situations, like driving. Besides, even painful memories and anxieties do not carry much weight against the actual physical suffering inflicted by discrimination against many non-Jews.

This is not to belittle all antisemitism, everywhere. One often hears of vicious antisemites in Poland and Russia, both on the streets and in government. But alarming as this may be, it is also immune to the influence of Israel-Palestine conflicts, and those conflicts are wildly unlikely to affect it one way or another. Moreover, so far as I know, nowhere is there as much violence against Jews as there is against ‘Arabs’. So even if antisemitism is, somewhere, a catastrophically serious matter, we can only conclude that anti-Arab sentiment is far more serious still. And since every antisemitic group is to a far greater extent anti-immigrant and anti-Arab, these groups can be fought, not in the name of antisemitism, but in the defense of Arabs and immigrants. So the antisemitic threat posed by these groups shouldn’t even make us want to focus on antisemitism: they are just as well fought in the name of justice for Arabs and immigrants.

In short, the real scandal today is not antisemitism but the importance it is given. Israel has committed war crimes. It has implicated Jews generally in these crimes, and Jews generally have hastened to implicate themselves. This has provoked hatred against Jews. Why not? Some of this hatred is racist, some isn’t, but who cares? Why should we pay any attention to this issue at all? Is the fact that Israel’s race war has provoked bitter anger of any importance besides the war itself? Is the remote possibility that somewhere, sometime, somehow, this hatred may in theory, possibly kill some Jews of any importance besides the brutal, actual, physical persecution of Palestinians, and the hundreds of thousands of votes for Arabs to be herded into transit camps? Oh, but I forgot. Drop everything. Someone spray-painted antisemitic slogans on a synagogue.

* Not even the ADL and B’nai B’rith include attacks on Israel in the tally; they speak of “The insidious way we have seen the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians used by anti-Semites“. And like many other people, I don’t count terrorist attacks by such as Al Quaeda as instances of antisemitism but rather of some misdirected quasi-military campaign against the US and Israel. Even if you count them in, it does not seem very dangerous to be a Jew outside Israel.

Michael Neumann is a professor of philosophy at Trent University in Ontario, Canada. He can be reached at: mneumann@trentu.ca

This article was originally published by “Counterpunch” –

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of Information Clearing House.

Neither East Nor West: A One Palestinian Palestine

22-12-2017 | 15:30
When facts get blurry, returning to history can be useful. The colonialization of Palestine and its occupation by “Israeli” forces is not a saga based on which Palestinian grandparents make up stories to tell the new generations. In fact, these grandparents were exiled from their homeland, Palestine, where the “Israeli” apartheid entity was established and its immigrants came to become the settlers of these occupied lands.

Al-Quds

After more than 69 years to the plight of the Palestinians, and the day when the “Israelis” attacked Palestinians and committed the infamous Deir Yassin Massacre, US president Donald Trump announces his decision of moving the US embassy to Occupied Al-Quds [Jerusalem] and simply declares that Al-Quds to be the capital of the occupying apartheid regime. At least since the 1967 war, the United States has been “Israel’s” strongest advocate.


A Quick Historical Review

Al-Quds, the capital of Palestine, is an Arab and Muslim small country in the Asian continent that has a very sensitive strategic location owing to its history, geography, and the fact that it is the cradle of different civilizations and religions.

For Muslims, Al-Quds was the first qibla, before the Kaaba in Mecca. This spot was the place from which Islam’s Prophet Muhammad proceeded on his journey, described as the ascension to heaven in Islamic literature. It is also the place in which Jesus called for Christianity, shared the Last Supper with his disciples. Historically speaking, Al-Quds has generally been the site for Muslim pilgrimage, prayer, study or residence. Al-Aqsa Mosque was a particular seat of learning.

This city, where people from the different faiths lived together, became witness to the worst crimes committed by the “Israeli” apartheid entity which was established in 1948 by virtue of the Balfour agreement, which was set up by Britain in the course of World War I. The roots of the idea of establishing an “Israeli” apartheid entity goes back to decades earlier. In 1896, Theodor Herzl, a Jewish journalist living in Austria-Hungary, published the foundational text of political Zionism, Der Judenstaat [“The Jews’ State” or “The State of the Jews”], in which he asserted that the only solution to the “Jewish Question” in Europe was the establishment of a state for the Jews.

It is worth mentioning that in 1916, when Palestine was still under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the Jews back then were not Zionists, and they constituted 3 per cent of the population who lived side by side with people of other faiths. It is worth noting here that the people of Palestine differentiate between Judaism and Zionism. The latter is not a faith, but rather a political phenomenon with expansionist, racist and colonialist aims that under the cover of the Jewish religion takes on a religious appearance and tries to pursue its goals as the savior of the Jewish people.

Muslims represented the majority of the population back then, followed by the Christians.

If we are to overview the entire history of the region, the story becomes endless. But the guidelines provided above present a few of the links that make up a full chain; the bigger picture.

Palestine and the Iranian Revolution

In 1979, a dramatic change took place in the Asian continent. A popular movement led by Imam Ruhollah Khomeini was initiated in Iran and an Islamic Republic was established. Iran no longer was a client to the United States of America. The Asian country also no longer supported what it declared to be an occupation, and an apartheid regime.

For three decades before the Islamic revolution, between “Israel’s” illegal establishment in 1948 and Iran’s revolution in 1979, the two countries had close relations based on common strategic interests. Iran became an important source of oil for “Israel”, and “Israel” became an important source of weapons for Iran. It has been reported that thousands of “Israeli” businessmen and technical experts aided Iranian development projects.

Even before the revolution, Ayatollah Imam Khomeini paid a great deal of attention to al-Quds, the holy Aqsa mosque, and the Palestinian cause.

As early as 1968, Ayatollah Imam Khomeini addressed the Palestinian cause in his struggle. The ideas behind the revolution inspired the slogan “Neither East, nor West – Islamic Republic!”

“My proposal for establishing an Islamic government does not mean a return to the past. I am strongly for civilization and progress”, said Ayatollah Imam Khomeini in January 1979. By that, he meant that Iran does not have to be under the impact and rule of the communist thought at that time represented by the Soviet Union, nor by the capitalist ideology that was raised as the only method of success by the US. Yes, rejecting both the influence of capitalism and communism, Iran decided to become independent and different. For Imam Khomeini, “Neither East Nor West” was a proposal that proves the freedom from subjugation and guarantees success in creating an independent strong identity and defending rights.

For Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, who descended from the Islamic Shia school of thought, the oppressed and the oppressors was a notion that was the focus of his attention. It was a must to support the oppressed, and not only in defend Islamic sanctities. It was the spirit of the revolution that rose from the people with Ayatollah Imam Khomeini’s leadership to support the oppressed across the world in order to realize a just cause.

But of course, Palestine was of vital importance owing to its Islamic identity. Deciding to establish an “Iran” with an independent Islamic identity, Iran’s Ayatollah Imam Khomeini stressed throughout his discourses that Palestine is a central cause to the Muslims.

In an interview when in exile in Iraq’s Najaf city during the early 60s, he said

“When you realize that the blood of your innocent brothers and sisters are shed in the holy land of Palestine and when you notice that our territories have been occupied, and our homes are demolished at the hands of the Zionist criminals, under such circumstances there is no other course left but continuing of jihad. It is incumbent upon every Muslim to extend his material and spiritual aids in this lofty struggle.”

In remarks at a meeting with a group of Palestinians and Bishop Cappucci on 2 April 1979, Ayatollah Imam Khomeini said

“For many years now, perhaps twenty years, I have repeatedly aired my views on Palestine and “Israel”, and I will say again: We condemn “Israel”. “Israel” is an usurper. The land it has taken, it has taken unlawfully. Al-Quds must be freed and “Israel” driven out. The Arab governments must unite and drive “Israel” out of their lands and sever the hands of the colonizers.”

In 1979 and shortly after the revolution, Ayatollah Imam Khomeini designated the last Friday of the holy Islamic month of Ramadan as a new national holiday – al-Quds Day– to “proclaim the international solidarity of Muslims in support of the legitimate rights of the Muslim people of Palestine.”

Ayatollah Imam Khomeini always considered that returning to Islam and uniting is a prerequisite to save Palestine and block Zionism’s expansionist plans. Islamic differences were never an issue for Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, in fact he always called on Muslims to put their differences aside and seek unity.

Imam Khomieni, addressing the Muslims altogether stressed that the apartheid regime will not stop at a certain end, noting

“I have continuously spoken about “Israel” and its crimes in my sermons and writings, and have brought to the notice of the Muslims that “Israel” is a cancerous tumor in a corner of the Islamic countries which will not be satisfied with Al-Quds and the other places. No, they (the Zionists) intend to move on. They are the followers of America’s policy and America does not simply aspire after one place . . . the Muslims must awaken.”

Extracting of the Ashura philosophy in Islam, Ayatollah Imam Khomeini noted in another sermon

“Truth will defeat the satanic and tyrannical forces. Your troubles and suffering are not new to Islam and the Muslims, the forces of tyranny have always opposed Islam and fought with the Muslims.”

While addressing the people, he pointed out to the different dimensions of the war on Palestine and the Muslims, and explaining at the time the notion of the “colonialization of the mind” and how it is used to manipulate the people of the region as means to weaken them.

“Those who seek to rule over these countries (the imperialists) have, through the distorted propaganda they have circulated over the past few hundred years and the influence they have achieved in the universities and the centers which educate the sons of Muslims, made the Muslims lose hope in themselves, they have made them lose themselves. The Muslims must strive to find their greatness.”

In the Last Message, The Political and Divine Will of His Holiness the Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, reiterated that the international Zionism does not stop short of any crime to achieve its base and greedy desires, crimes that the tongue and pen are ashamed to utter or write.”

Iran Maintains Position; Palestine Central Cause 

After the passing away of Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, the pro-Palestinian discourse did not stop. It is true that the two countries do not share the same borders, and they come from different Islamic schools of thought, and they speak two different languages, but Ayatollah Imam Khomeini had demonstrated that nothing can impede Iran from standing by Palestine and the Palestinians. It is Islamic values and ethics that form the driving force behind the Iranian support, and true values do not die in general.

In fact, the speeches of His Eminence Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei, leader of the Islamic Revolution, are a continuation to that same identity that supports the Palestinian cause. From the Islamic Republic’s point of view, it is and has always been a confrontation against oppression and distortion.

In all his discourses, Ayatollah Khamenei describes unity as the only way to resist the aggression of the enemies of Islam. He explains that “unity is not the same as adopting identical views. On the contrary, it means that people with various tendencies must move shoulder to shoulder and consider national interests as preferable to everything else, especially their own interests. They must not allow selfishness enter political and social arenas.”

Pointing out to the importance of confronting the “Israeli” apartheid regime and realizing the liberation of Palestine, Ayatollah Khamenei noted in one of his speeches that “pinning hopes on the compromise process and begging the Zionist enemy for peace. This option will only help “Israel” to humiliate the Palestinians and dictate its demands to them. This is what we have already witnessed.”

Also, stressing the idea of colonialization and usurping of property and land, Ayatollah Khamenei highlighted in a ceremony that “Palestinians are by no means going to live outside their own country forever. Or if they are living inside the country, they are never going to be an oppressed minority forever, making room for the invading outsiders to stay in their country.”

Just like Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, Ayatollah Khamenei time and again reassures that Iran’s position on the issue of Palestine is crystal clear.

“Our position on the issue of Palestine is also clear. We believe that all Palestinian lands belong to the Palestinians. Those who tried to wipe Palestine off the map of the world made a mistake. Such a thing will not happen. Palestine will survive. The usurpers have occupied Palestine for a few decades, but there is no doubt that Palestinian lands will be restored to the people of Palestine and to the world of Islam.”

The “Israeli” soldiers have carried out all sorts of crimes against the Palestinians; from killing the people, destroying their homes and farms and arresting and torturing men and women and even their children, to humiliating and insulting that nation and trying to destroy it, to building illegal settlements and attacking the Palestinian refugees in the camps inside Palestine.

Al-Quds: Neither East nor West

Very recently, Ayatollah Khamenei said in comments on the US move to declare Al-Quds as capital of the “Israeli” apartheid regime

“Today, the issue of Palestine is at the top of the political issues of the world of Islam and the Islamic Ummah. Everyone is responsible towards defending Palestine, and the freedom of Palestine and the Palestinian nation. Everyone is responsible towards fighting and working to that end.”

He pointed out to the “Israeli” regime and the US’s desperation

“The enemy is desperate in this regard. You should know this. When they claim that they want to declare al-Quds as the capital of the Zionist regime, this is a sign of their desperation and incapability. Their hands are tied on the issue of Palestine. Without a doubt, by doing so, they will receive a harsher blow and the world of Islam will stand up against them.”

Today, Iran stands strong in face of the US decision, and voices support to the Palestinians as well as urges the international community to act. Iran does not stand alone but is supported by regional players both state and non-state actors. For instance, as Lebanon’s Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah clearly stated that the resistance stands with utmost readiness to defend al-Aqsa mosque and support the Palestinian brethren, Turkey’s Erdogan pointed out that al-Quds is a “red line” for Muslims who will not accept any aggression on its Islamic sanctuaries, and said that what “Israel” is doing against Palestinians wolf does not do against the sheep.

Today, Iran reiterates “neither East, nor West” but an independent Palestinian Palestine that has the right to preserve its people, land and sanctities. No East Al-Quds and no West, but a one Palestinian al-Quds acknowledged as the capital of Palestine and its native people.

Source: Al-Ahed News

Breaking: SAA lifts 9 month long siege on Deir Ezzor Airport

BEIRUT, LEBANON (5:40 P.M.) – The Syrian Arab Army (SAA) has lifted the nine month long siege imposed on the Deir Ezzor Military Airport by the so-called Islamic State (ISIL), Hezbollah’s official media wing reported this afternoon.

The Syrian Arab Army was able to lift the siege after liberating the territory around the Tahtuh and Harabish districts, forcing the Islamic State terrorists to retreat away from the road blocking the provincial capital from the Deir Ezzor Airport.

As a result of this advance, the Syrian Arab Army was able to meet up with their forces at the Deir Ezzor Military Airport for the first time in nine months.

The next objective for the Syrian Arab Army is to liberate the Thardeh Mountains; once cleared, the Deir Ezzor Military Airport will be secured from its western perimeter.

Breaking: Syrian lifted siege on Deir Ezzor Airport

Few seconds ago Syrian TV announced lifiting the seige  Deir Ezzor Airport

Syrian Army less than 1km away from lifting siege on Deir Ezzor Airport

BEIRUT, LEBANON (3:25 P.M.) – The Syrian Arab Army (SAA) is making significant progress in the outskirts of Deir Ezzor City, liberating site-after-site from the crumbling Islamic State (ISIL) forces near the military airport.

Backed by Russian airstrikes, the Syrian Arab Army’s Tiger Forces managed to liberate the large hilltop overlooking the cemetery, leaving them within striking distance of the Deir Ezzor Military Airport for the first time in nine months.

According to a military source, the Syrian Arab Army is now less than 1km away from the Deir Ezzor Military Airport and can see the troops inside this imperative installation near the provincial capital.

The lifting of the siege on the Deir Ezzor Military Airport is part of the recently launched offensive dubbed “Operation Assad Leap,” which is solely focused on liberating this area and freeing the besieged troops there.

Syrian Army liberates large hilltop near Deir Ezzor Airport

BEIRUT, LEBANON (6:05 P.M.) – The Syrian Arab Army (SAA) is rolling through the Islamic State’s (ISIL) defenses near the Deir Ezzor Military Airport, liberating site-after-site from the terrorist forces.

Minutes ago, the SAA’s Republican Guard lifted the siege on the Deir Ezzor Airport after liberating the large hilltop of Tal Rubiyat.

Tal Rubiyat overlooks the Ta’meen Base that is located northwest of the Deir Ezzor Airport and near the provincial cemetery.

With Tal Rubiyat liberated, the SAA has secured the supply line to Deir Ezzor Military airport and even threatens to create an ISIS pocket around the Panorama roundabout.

SYRIAN ARMY TAKES CONTROL OF MALIHA VILLAGE AT SUKHNA-DEIR EZZOR HIGHWAY, PUSHES FURTHER TO LIFT ISIS SIEGE ON DEIR EZZOR AIRPORT (MAP)

09.09.2017

The Syrian Arab Army (SAA), the Syrian Republican Guard (SRG) and other pro-government factions are rapidly advancing against ISIS in the city of Deir Ezzor.

Since Friday, the SAA and the SRG have been conducting a military operation to break the ISIS siege on Deir Ezzor Airport encircled by the terrorists in 2016.

So far, government forces have taken control of the Talat Alloush hill, the Tayyem oil field, the Rubay’at hill and Khaim al-Difa south and southwest of the city as well as the village of Maliha located at the Sukhna-Deir Ezzor highway.

With the recent advances the SAA and the SRG deployed in about 1,000-1,500m from Deir Ezzor Airport, according to pro-government sources.

ISIS has conducted a few of fierce counter-attacks attempting to stop the government forces advance, but failed to achieve this  goal. It seems that the ISIS siege will be lifted from the airport soon.

Clashes in the Talat Alloush hill area:

 

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‘Jewish Power Never Sleeps’–Another Billboard Taken Down

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[ Ed. note – The following is an email sent out recently by Deir Yassin Remembered announcing the take-down of one of their billboards. ]

***

The taken-down DYR “America First” billboard, the Southern Poverty Law Centre and a quote from Elie Wiesel – what could they have in common? Henry Herskovitz tells us more:

Jewish Power Never Sleeps

Like Michigan rust on vehicles, Jewish Power remains relentless at getting its way. Just when Witness for Peace was to announce the installation of a local billboard – sponsored by sister organization Deir Yassin Remembered and carrying our message “America First, Not Israel” – we get “the call”. The billboard pictured was taken down by Adams Outdoor Advertising one week after installation, effectively terminating a three-month contract.

That’s how long it took for Jewish Power to pressure Adams’ executives into seeing things their way. The call came from General Manager Mike Cannon, who admitted to receiving phone calls asking that the billboard be taken down. Mike claimed he was not the one who made the decision, and provided the phone number of Vice President of Human Resources
Brian Grant to field my questions.

Brian developed a mantra for the conversation we shared: “the decision to remove the billboard was a collective decision and was made because the message did not meet Adams’ company standards. We removed the billboard and refunded your money. And that’s all I can say.” Brian fell back on this mantra at least a half dozen times during our 20-minute discussion. And reminded me that, since a clause in the contract allowed Adams to terminate at any time, there was no “breach of contract”.

Q: What were the company standards?
A: [Brian was not going to go into that.]
Q: How do you square the fact that the message was initially approved by Adams?
A: It should not have been approved; due diligence was not applied.
Q: Who were the people complaining about the billboard?
A: [Would not answer that.]
Q: What were the organizations calling for the billboard to be taken down?
A: [See above.]
Q: Would the decision to pull the billboard have been the same had the message been simply America First?
A: Well, you’re asking a hypothetical.
Q: You mean Adams would NOT run a billboard saying America First?
A: [No answer.]

And so it goes. By deception shall you make war. DYR and WfP lose the round; Jewish Power wins. We move on.

Ann Arbor placed on SPLC “Hate” Map

The Southern Poverty Law Center exercises its own brand of Jewish Power by placing Deir Yassin Remembered (and its satellite office in Ann Arbor) on its “hate” map. This information came to us, not by direct communication from the SPLC, but through an article appearing in the Rochester, NY Democrat and Chronicle, entitled: “Rochester area makes SPLC Hate Map

Defining “hate” proves difficult. A friend asks if forming a group which hates “hate” groups is in itself a “hate” group? Hmmm. The only clear example of hate speech that has come across this writer’s desk belongs to Holocaust icon Elie Wiesel:

“Every Jew, somewhere in his being, should set apart a zone of hate — healthy, virile hate — for what the German personifies and for what persists in the German.”

Henry Herskovitz

Deir Yassin Remembered / Witnesses for Peace

Corbyn’s Latest Sin: Ignoring Summons to Visit Holocaust Museum in Israel

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By Richard Edmondson

Poor Jeremy Corbyn. He’s in hot water again. His latest offense? Ignoring an invitation from the leader of the Israeli Labor Party to journey to Israel to visit the Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum.

And the Israeli Laborites are incensed at the absence of a reply, while the Blairite centrists in Corbyn’s own party are reportedly in “shock” at the news.

“You’re a lying racist,” shouted Labour MP John Mann at former London Mayor Ken Livingstone last month after the latter pointed out–accurately, by the way–that Hitler had supported Zionist goals of having Jews immigrate to Palestine. But it seems the philo-semitic witch hunters out for Corbyn’s blood can’t be bothered with historical facts.

“It should be a matter of common courtesy to reply to a letter from the leader of one of our sister parties, particularly on an issue as important as tackling antisemitism,” commented Labour MP Wes Streeting when news of the snub broke over the weekend.

“But this is fairly typical of the flat-footed and lackadaisical attitude that we’ve seen from the outset. It is simply unacceptable,” he added.

Streeting apparently feels the leader of the British Labour Party should pack his bags and promptly head for Yad Vashem.

Built on a rise overlooking the site of the Deir Yassin massacre, the Yad Vashem museum has for years now been a favored destination of opportunists seeking to further their political careers. Here’s Obama in 2008:

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Joe Biden in 2011:

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And war criminal Tony Blair, also in 2011:

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During his own visit to the museum, Blair wrote the following in the guestbook:

“Thank you for what will remain with me forever. It is hard to describe what this means to me or how profoundly it affects my emotions. For me, this is a memorial, it is a tribute, it is a reflection of an event almost too terrible to contemplate. But it is also a warning, a warning of the wickedness of which humanity is capable. I leave here with that warning in my mind. I also leave, however, with a sense of hope, because amidst all the evil and tragedy, those that survived built a better world and had the grace and wisdom then to build this testament to suffering and to the human spirit.”

The people of Britain are of course now awaiting judgement from the Chilcott Inquiry as to whether Blair may be guilty of “the supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole,” i.e. crimes against peace. And certainly what Blair and George Bush Jr. did to the people of Iraq is “almost too terrible to contemplate.”

As Corbyn put it recently,

“The Chilcot report will come out in a few weeks’ time and tell us what we need to know, what I think we already know: There were no weapons of mass destruction, there was no ability to attack within 45 minutes and a deal had been done with Bush in advance.”

Corbyn, in a general manner of speaking, seems to feel Blair should indeed be prosecuted for war crimes, although when specifically asked his views on this matter, his response was a vague, “If he’s committed a war crime, yes. Everyone who’s committed a war crime should be (prosecuted).”

Indeed, all war criminals should be prosecuted, and while none of the witch hunters seem to want to acknowledge it, certainly a war crime was committed against the people of Deir Yassin. According to Deir Yassin Remembered:

Early in the morning of April 9, 1948, commandos of the Irgun (headed by Menachem Begin) and the Stern Gang attacked Deir Yassin, a village with about 750 Palestinian residents. The village lay outside of the area to be assigned by the United Nations to the Jewish State; it had a peaceful reputation. But it was located on high ground in the corridor between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Deir Yassin was slated for occupation under Plan Dalet and the mainstream Jewish defense force, the Haganah, authorized the irregular terrorist forces of the Irgun and the Stern Gang to perform the takeover.

In all over 100 men, women, and children were systematically murdered. Fifty-three orphaned children were literally dumped along the wall of the Old City, where they were found by Miss Hind Husseini and brought behind the American Colony Hotel to her home, which was to become the Dar El-Tifl El-Arabi orphanage.

What was once the village of Deir Yassin is today occupied by an Israeli psychiatric hospital. Some of the Palestinian homes still standing after the massacre, were later incorporated into the hospital buildings, and the facility is plainly visible today from the museum.

Suppose a photo of Corbyn, perhaps wearing a kippah, prostrating himself before the altar of the holocaust, were to circulate widely over the Internet–would it help or hurt his political career? And why would the Israeli Labor Party issue such an invitation to him at this time?

In April, Israel’s opposition leader Isaac Herzog and leader of the Israeli Labour Party, responded to the antisemitism row by inviting senior members of the Labour Party – including Jeremy Corybn – to visit Yad Vashem as a reminder of the results of antisemitism.

So reports the Jewish Chronicle in an article published May 29. The story was also picked up by the Daily Mail, The Guardian, The Times of Israel, The Jerusalem Post, among others, and most of the reports take pains to note as well that the news comes the same week as the reinstatement of party member Jackie Walker, who was suspended last month after posting on Facebook that Jews had been involved in the African slave trade (another historical fact).

So was the invitation, as per the Jewish Chronicle’s report, issued only to remind Corbyn of “the results of antisemitism”? Or was the motive to embarrass him, to put him in a dicey and uncomfortable position? And who from the Israeli Labor Party contacted the media to let them know of Corbyn’s dereliction in answering? The reports don’t seem to mention that. What they do give us are the words of Herzog, the Israeli Labor leader, as quoted from his letter to Corbyn last month:

“I have been appalled and outraged by the recent examples of anti-Semitism by senior Labor party officials in the United Kingdom,” Herzog said, going on to refer to Livingstone as “anti-Semitic beyond hope of redemption.” Yet he also expressed his belief that some within the Labour Party are able to “understand the scourge of anti-Semitism.”

Sadly Corbyn has lacked the mettle to respond to attacks that have in essence now become a Zionist blitzkrieg against his entire political party. Rather than suspending his party members, he should have defended them. Consider the case of Livingstone.

In the world we live in, people can be fired from their jobs for suggesting that the holocaust didn’t happen or that six million Jews didn’t die. Livingstone did not deny the holocaust. He did not even deny the six million number. Nevertheless he lost his job anyway. It was reported over the weekend that Livingstone’s Saturday morning slot on London’s LBC radio station has been dropped and that his contract has not been renewed. The situation might have been different had Corbyn had the temerity to mount a vociferous defense of his longtime friend.

As for Walker, she describes the past few weeks of her life as a “living nightmare,” and this is probably no exaggeration.

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Jackie Walker, of UK’s Labour Party

“I am glad this investigation has fully cleared me of any wrongdoing,” Walker said. “I am not a racist, but I robustly defend my right and the right of others to speak openly and frankly about matters of grave political and historical importance. That is the cornerstone of the right of free speech in our democracy.”

She added: “What I have suffered and the effect [it] has had on my health, and also on my family, can only be described as the lowest form of ‘attack politics’.”

In addition to Deir Yassin, the following massacres, according to a source here, were also carried out by Israel in the years from 1948 onward. I cannot vouch for all the information, although some of the massacres, such as Kafr Qasem massacre of 1956, I have read about previously. And certainly all of us, or most of us, are familiar with the more recent events cited down at the bottom of the list. As for the Kafr Qasem massacre, it is discussed in the 1983 book, The Fate of the Jews, by Roberta Strauss Feuerlicht, a Jewish author, who cites the same number of fatalities–43–as that given in the list below, along with the additional information that seven of the dead were children and ten were women.

The Semiramis Hotel Massacre 1948

Jewish Agency escalated their terror campaign to drive out Palestinian Arabs by bombing the hotel. 18 civilians killed; 16 wounded.

Naser Al-Din Massacre 1948

Zionist gangs entered the village dressed as Arab fighters and met villagers with fire. All the houses of the village were raised to the ground, killing the entire population except 40 who survived. 632 civilians in total were killed.

Tantura Massacre 1948

Israeli troops entered village to remove inhabitants to make way for a parking lot for a nearby beach. Groups of Palestinians were rounded up, killed, and their bodies thrown, rounding up more groups. 200 civilians were killed.

Beit Daras Massacre 1948

Zionists mobilized a large contingent and surrounded the village, killing the women, children and elderly that were fleeing the conflict. 265 civilians in total were killed.

Dahmash Mosque Massacre 1948

Israelis told Arabs through loudspeakers that if they went into the mosque they would be safe, 80-100 Palestinians were massacred in the mosque and their bodies lay decomposing for 10 days.

Dawayma Massacre 1948

Israeli army entered the village on the western side of the Hebron mountains and brutally killed about 100 women and children.

Houla Massacre 1948

Jewish militants dressed in traditional Arab attire entered the border village. Militants rounded up 85 people and detained them in a number of houses, firing live ammunition at the civilians and killing all but 3.

Salha Massacre 1948

105 civilians killed by occupiers when ordered to face the wall of a mosque, then shot from behind.

Sharafat Massacre 1951

Israeli soldiers crossed armistice line and destroyed residential properties – 10 civilians killed (2 elderly men, 3 women and 5 children), 8 wounded.

Qibya Massacre 1953

600 Israeli soldiers moved in towards village destroying 56 houses, a mosque, a school and water tank. 67 men and women killed.

Kafr Qasem Massacre 1956

Israeli soldiers stepped out of military trucks, positioned themselves at village entrances, and killed 43 farmers.

Khan Yunis Massacre 1956

Israelis occupied the town and an adjacent refugee camp. UNRWA investigation found 275 unarmed civilians murdered by Israelis.

Gaza City Massacre 1956

Zionist Army gangs brought death toll to 60 civilians including (including 27 women, 29 men and 4 children) and 103 injured.

Al-Sammou’ Massacre 1966

Israeli forces raided the village destroying 140 houses, a village clinic and school. 18 civilians were killed and 54 wounded.

Aitharoun Massacre 1975

Caused by a booby-trapped bomb. 9 civilians were killed, 23 were wounded.

Kawnin Massacre 1975

An Israeli tank ran over a vehicle carrying 16 civilians. None of them survived.

Hanin Massacre 1976

After a 2-month siege and hours of shelling, occupation forces stormed the village and turned it into a bloodbath. 20 civilians killed.

Bint Jbeil Massacre 1976

A crowded market was the target of a sudden barrage of Israeli bombs, slaughtering 23 civilians and 30 wounded.

Abbasieh Massacre 1978

Israeli warplanes destroyed a mosque while civilians used it as shelter from heavy shelling. 80 civilians killed.

Adloun Massacre 1978

2 cars carrying 8 passengers came under Israeli fire while they were on their way to Beirut. Only 1 passenger survived.

Saida Massacre 1981

Residential areas targeted by Israeli artillery resulting in 20 civilians killed, 30 were wounded.

Fakhani Massacre 1981

Israeli warplanes raided crowded residential areas using highly sophisticated weaponry. 150 civilians killed, 600 were wounded.

Sabra and Shatila 1982

Israeli Army surrounded the camps, providing aid and facilities, in collaboration with right-wing Lebanese Phalangist, were responsible for almost 3500 civilians dead, most of them women, children and elderly.

Jibsheet Massacre 1984

Occupation forces’ tanks and helicopters fired at a crowd of people. 7 civilians were killed, 10 were wounded.

Sohmor Massacre 1984

Occupation forces stormed with tanks and military vehicles, then ordered the inhabitants to congregate at the town’s mosque and fired at them. 13 civilians killed, 12 wounded.

Seer Al Garbiah Massacre 1985

At Al-Husseinieh people took shelter from shelling of Israeli soldiers who stormed the town with military vehicles. 7 civilians killed.

Maaraka Massacres 1985

Occupation forces detonated an explosive device during distribution of aid to citizens during siege. 15 civilians were killed.

Zrariah Massacre 1985

Occupation forces stormed the town after heavy shelling with 100 vehicles, killing children, women and elderly. 22 civilians slaughtered.

Horneen Al-Tahta Massacre 1985

Occupation forces ordered the inhabitants to gather at a school of the village then destroyed it.

Jibaa Massacre 1985

Huge Army forces attacked the town and put it under siege. Soldiers fired at people escaping the siege. 5 civilians killed, 5 were wounded.

Yohrnor Massacre 1985

An Israeli armed force entered the town using civilian cars and opened fire at the houses. 10 civilians killed, among them a family of 6.

Tin Massacre 1986

Occupation forces cutting the hands and ears from civilians in the town. 4 persons were killed; 79 were crippled and wounded.

Al-Naher Al-Bared Massacre 1986

Israeli warplanes raided the Palestinian refugee camp killing many of the refugees. 20 person were killed and 22 were wounded.

Ain Al-Hillwee Massacre 1987

Jet fighters launched 2 raids. 31 civilians killed and 41 wounded. Refugees were hit by a raid while evacuating casualties, 34 more were killed, making a total of 65 civilian casualties.

Oyon Qara Massacre 1990

Israeli soldier lined up Palestinian labors and murdered 7 of them with a sub-machine gun. 13 Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces in subsequent demonstrations.

Siddiqine Massacre 1990

Israeli warplanes bombed a house, among the 3 killed a four years old child.

Al-Aqsa Mosque Massacre 1990

Israeli forces placed military barriers around roads and surrounded it with military helicopters. Jewish settlers fired live ammunition with automatic weapons and gas bombs. 23 Palestinians were killed, 850 wounded.

Ibrahimi Mosque “Cave of the Patriarchs” Massacre 1994

Almost 500 worshipers attended Friday dawn prayer when Zionist settlers and soldiers stormed the mosque and fired on the people praying. 24 civilians died and hundreds injured.

Jabalia Massacre 1994

Jewish undercover police opened fire on Palestinian activists killing 6 and injuring 49. Some of the wounded activists were taken out of their cars and shot in the head.

Eretz Checkpoint Massacre 1994

Occupation forces fired on Palestinian workers at Eretz checkpoint while 4 Israeli tanks and helicopters were brought in. 11 civilians were shot dead and 200 injured.

Deir Al-Zahrani Massacre 1994

Israeli warplanes fired a “vacuum” missile at a 2-story building which was destroyed. 8 people were killed, 17 were injured.

Nabatyaih School Bus Massacre 1994

Israeli warplanes targeted a school bus full of students. 4 children were killed and 10 injured.

Sohmor Second Massacre 1996

Israeli artillery targeted a civilian vehicle carrying 8 passengers, killing them all.

Mansuriah Massacre 1996

Israeli helicopter fired rockets at a vehicle carrying 13 civilians fleeing the village of al-Mansuri, killing 2 women and 4 young girls.

Nabatyaih Massacre 1996

Israeli Air attack with helicopters fired rockets at 3 buildings in the village on a house in Nabatiyya al-Faqwah causing 11 civilians casualties (including a mother and her 7 children) and 10 injured.

Qana Massacre 1996

Zionist forces bombed a shelter providing refuge to 500 Lebanese, mostly women, children and elderly forced out of their villages by Israeli raids. 109 civilians killed and 116 injured in a UN compound.

Janta Massacre 1998

Israeli warplanes attacked a mother and her 6 children when they had returned from the field. All had been killed.

The 29 June Massacre 1999

Israeli force targeted a building in Beirut. 8 civilians killed and 84 injured.

Western Bekaa villages Massacre 1999

Israeli warplanes fired on children who were celebrating the Eid festival. 8 children were killed and 11 others wounded.

Al-Aqsa Mosque Massacre 2000

Ariel Sharon entered Al-Aqsa Mosque with 3000 Israeli soldiers. Soldiers opened fire on Muslims worshipers before completing their prayers. 80 Palestinian civilians were killed and 1000’s injured.

Lebanon Massacre 2006

There were more than 94 cases of Israeli air and artillery attacks on civilian homes and vehicles . Of the 1,109 casualties, approximately 900 were civilians, and most of the targets were roads, residential buildings and civil buildings that had no evidence of combatants.

Operation “Cast Lead” Gaza Massacre 2009

Israeli government lay siege to the city with the use of white-phosphorous chemical weapons in densely populated areas such as schools and hospitals. 1,300 women, children & elderly were killed and thousands injured.

Gaza Siege 2012

162 men, women and children killed by air strikes, and 1269 injured during the 8 day assault on the Gaza Strip just before elections in Israel.

Operation “Protective Edge” Gaza Massacre 2014

7 weeks of Israeli bombardment resulted in a total of 2,150 men, women and children killed in the Gaza strip, including 578 children. Human rights groups reported that around 69–75% of the victims were civilians.

We of course know that throughout the same period there have also been attacks by Palestinians that have claimed the lives of Israelis, but we have to keep in mind that of the two groups of people, one is resisting an occupation while the other is imposing it; one is fighting to keep what’s left of it’s land while the other continues to sieze more, claiming self defense as its justification. Perhaps most pertinent of all, Israel has never acknowledged a single one of these massacres. It has also, for whatever reasons, never acknowledged the Armenian genocide. At the same time, powerful Jews continuously lay down fiats and dictums to the rest of us: holocaust denial forbidden. Slave trade denial acceptable. Israel is a democracy with the most moral army in the world. Livingstone is anti-Semitic beyond hope of redemption, and if you disagree, you are too.

What it all suggests is that the pagan holocaust religion exalts the primacy of Jewish suffering, and that massacres, murders, and genocides of others are of little or no consideration by comparison.

Will the Zionist chatterers come to rue their attacks on Corbyn? It all depends. The possibility of the rise of a very different sort of leader from Corbyn, one fed up with Israel’s flagrant violations of international law and who cares little about civility and diplomatic niceties, cannot be ruled out. Should such a leader emerge–possibly in Europe–possibly in America–there may well come a time when the high priests of political correctness will long for the dulcet days when they had “good ole Jeremy” to kick around.

TAKFIRI NAKBA AT WORK IN TARTOUS AND JABLEH TODAY: 145 SYRIAN CIVILIANS BUTCHERED

two nakbas

by Jonathan Azaziah

Indescribable inhumanity in Tartous and Jableh today. No grouping of words, no matter how eloquent or impassioned, can really express the pain, the shock and the sheer horror felt after the viciousness inflicted on the Syrian people in these gorgeous coastal regions this morning by the Takfiri maniacs of Ahrar al-Sham. At least 145 civilians have been martyred, most of them women and children, and hundreds more have been wounded, in a sophisticated septuple assault consisting of five suicide attacks and two car bombs. This barbaric terrorism comes as the Syrian Arab Army, Hizbullah and their comrades are on the move throughout every major battle front, including the “Vengeance For Hajj Moustafa Badreddine” operations in East Ghouta, the fresh advancement in Deir Ez-Zor and the reactivation of maneuvers in Aleppo’s southern countryside. It doesn’t take a geopolitical genius to figure out the Wahhabi murderers’ motivation here: Unable to subdue Mouqawamah Axis forces in toe-to-toe combat, these beasts engage in the mass murder of the unarmed, innocent and vulnerable, true to their cowardly nature.

And perhaps it is this cowardice that bonds the Takfiris and their ‘Israeli’ masters together so closely, beyond the strategic symbiosis–it was indeed ‘Israel’ alongside the American regime and Al-Saud which created ISIS, Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham, etc. to undermine, subvert and overthrow their adversaries, chiefly Syria and the Resistance Axis–as well as the similar delusional notions of supremacy which are foundational to Zionism and Wahhabism. Today’s atrocities in Tartous and Jableh, along with the recent string of malevolent attacks in Iraq, are a stark reminder of the 2006 July War, when the ‘Israeli’ enemy, after being thoroughly beaten to a pulp and humiliated by Hizbullah, unleashed four million cluster bombs on Dahiyeh, slaughtering hundreds in this bombardment alone and rendering the southern Beirut suburbs to rubble. Operation Mighty Cliff in summer 2014 also comes to mind, when the Zionists eviscerated the Gaza City suburb of Shuja’iyah after getting smacked around by the Palestinian Resistance.

Thinking about it further I am reminded of the carnage in Deir Yassin on April 9th, 1948; the wanton bloodshed and expulsions in Ramle and Lydda throughout July 1948; the ungodliness in Dueima in November 1948; the cold-blooded killing in Kufr Qassem on October 29th, 1956 and the Khan Younis barbarity only days later on November 3rd; the butchery of 3,500 Palestinians and Lebanese Shi’a in Sabra and Shatilah by the Zionist-backed Phalangists on September 16th-18th, 1982; the pure evil of the first Qana Massacre on April 18th, 1996; the monstrosities against the civilians of Jenin during the Second Intifada, and too many more to heartrendingly recall. Takfiris literally learned everything they know about terrorism from these Zionist savages who have been colonizing and putrefying the Arab-Islamic world for the last 132 years.

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah called the proliferation of this aggressive, sanguinary, expansionist Wahhabi terror the “Takfiri Nakba” for a damn good reason. And just as we must uproot ‘Israel’ and its entire psychopathic settler population to end the Nakba in Palestine, we must uproot every last Zionist-backed Wahhabi terrorist goon from every last corner of our region to finish off the Takfiri Nakba for good if crimes like what happened today in Tartous and Jableh are to cease once and for all. May ALLAH (SWT) grant eternal serenity to the martyrs. ‪#‎DeathToTakfirism‬ ‪#‎DeathToIsrael‬

Jewish Murderers and What to Do About Them: A Suggestion from David Ben-Gurion

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By Richard Edmondson

Recently Sen. Patrick Leahy and ten other members of Congress sent a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry expressing concern over possible extrajudicial executions by Israeli forces of four Palestinians named in an Amnesty International report.

The signatories to the letter cite “allegations of gross violations of human rights” (in both Israel and Egypt) and request Kerry to look into the matter with a view toward determining whether a cutoff of US military assistance might be mandated as required under the Leahy Law.

The letter was dated February 17 but wasn’t made public until late March after a video went viral showing Israeli soldier Elior Azaria firing a gunshot at point blank range into the head of a Palestinian who had been wounded and lay on a street practically motionless.

What that video clearly shows is an act of murder, but the charges against Azaria have been reduced to manslaughter, and some say even that is nothing more thanpublic relations. The video comes at a time when approximately 200 Palestinians have been killed in what the Israelis in most instances have alleged to be stabbing attacks, but in a number of these cases witnesses have refuted the official version of events, and there have been numerous allegations of knives being planted on or near bodies.

Moreover, the killings didn’t start with the outbreak of the latest intifada. In July of last year, Jewish settlers threw petrol bombs into a Palestinian home, killing three members of the Dawabsha family, including an 18-month-old baby, and a few months after that a video surfaced showing Jewish radicals celebrating the attack while stabbing the baby’s photo.

Four people are presently facing charges in the Dawabsha case, though only one has officially been charged with murder, and even if he is convicted, it’s doubtful he will face more than a couple of years in prison. Moreover, the arson attack on the Dawabsha home wasn’t the first time Jews in Israel burned someone to death. In the summer of 2014, Jewish settlers kidnapped 16-year-old Muhammad Abu Khdeir off the street and set him on fire after forcing him to swallow gasoline. It would require a diseased mind to do that to anyone, much less a 16-year-old kid who had done nothing to harm the attackers.

Clearly there is a problem in Israel with murderers running rampant, but this is nothing new. It has been a problem ever since the the Jewish state has been in existence–something recognized by no less than David Ben-Gurion. Moreover, Ben-Gurion put forth a proposal for stemming the tide of butchery, though actually his solution was not that novel or new. Simply put, he advocated imposing the death penalty. Only this, he reasoned, would deter Jews from the gratuitous killing of Arabs. The former prime minister’s thoughts on the matter were expressed in a cabinet meeting in 1951, and were the subject of a recent article in Haaretz.

“I’m not the justice minister, I’m not the police minister and I don’t know all criminal acts committed here, but as defense minister I know some of the crimes, and I must say the situation is frightening in two areas: 1) acts of murder and 2) acts of rape,” he said.

Ben-Gurion at the time was serving simultaneously as prime minister and as defense minister, and the subject up for discussion that day was whether or not to abolish the death penalty–a statute still left on the books from the years of the British mandate. Most of those present were in favor of abolishing it. Ben-Gurion and a few others were opposed.

“In general, those who have guns use them,” Ben-Gurion asserted, adding that some Israelis “think Jews are people but Arabs aren’t, so you can do anything to them. And some think it’s a mitzvah to kill Arabs, and that everything the government says against murdering Arabs isn’t serious, that it’s just a pretense that killing Arabs is forbidden, but in fact, it’s a blessing because there will be fewer Arabs here. As long as they think that, the murders won’t stop.”

Ben-Gurion said he, too, would prefer fewer Arabs, but not at the price of murder. “Abolishing the death penalty will increase bloodshed,” he warned, especially between Jews and Arabs. “Soon, we won’t be able to show our faces to the world. Jews meet an Arab and murder him.”

Keep in mind Ben-Gurion’s comment about the “mitzvah to kill Arabs” and the Israelis who regard Arabs as less than human. One who sided with Ben-Gurion  on the death penalty debate was Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett, but for the latter it was a complete reversal from a previous position he had taken on the issue. When the capital punishment issue first had come up in 1949, Sharett had been in favor of abolishing it. But by 1951, Sharett had had a complete change of heart.

“With great regret I’ve become convinced that abolishing the death penalty is inconceivable,” he announced, noting that even countries “which are immeasurably more humane than we are – I’ve spent years there and I live here – maintain the death penalty.”

The main reason for his U-turn, however, was “the crimes that have happened and are happening week after week, especially in the army,” including some that weren’t public knowledge. Sociopaths might not be deterred by the death penalty, Sharett admitted, “but that Jewish chap who kills two Arabs he met on the road, I’m not willing to say, without trying it first, that he’s a killer by nature and won’t fear the death penalty.”

Some Jews, Sharett said, think “every Arab is a dog, a wild dog that it’s a mitzvah to kill.” And “to save them from killing human beings, it’s a mitzvah to have the death penalty here. As long as we don’t have it, these murders will continue, and we’ll be held accountable, and it will create moral corruption here…”

Once again we have a reference to Jews regarding Arabs as subhuman, and note also Sharett’s comment about “sociopaths” as well as his remark about countries “which are immeasurably more humane than we are.” It is as if Sharett is conceding that Jews by nature are not especially humane–you could almost read that into the quote.

In any event, the death penalty in Israel was officially abolished in 1954.

The world just a few days ago marked the 68th anniversary of the Deir Yassin Massacre. On April 9, 1948 members of the Ergun and Stern Gang terrorist groups invaded the village of Deir Yassin at about 3 a.m. and began slaughtering its inhabitants. When they met with resistance from the villagers, they put out a call for help to the Haganah (which later became known as the “Israeli Defense Forces”), which indeed responded to the call. By the time it was over, some 250-360 Palestinians lay dead.

And Deir Yassin has been repeated in one form or another down through the years, including in Gaza which seems to get a thunderous torrent of murder and mayhem unleashed upon it every other year or so.

It is kind of ironic that Sharett and Ben-Gurion, as we can see now, shared at least one thing in common with Adolph Hitler–all three advocated the death penalty for Jews. The reason I invoke Hitler’s name is because history, and particularly Jewish history, has a tendency to run in cycles (109 expulsions since the year 250 A.D.), and Israel’s ability to flaunt its barbaric behavior, while at the same time continuing to receive support from Western politicians, simply underscores in people’s minds the extent to which Jews hold power over them.

Politicians such as Hillary Clinton may think they’re doing a service to American Jews by pandering to AIPAC and pledging their eternal fealty to Israel, but in reality they may be accomplishing just the opposite. A good many of America’s problems right now are attributable to bankers and media owners, and the fact that Jews dominate in both industries (“and so what if we do?” wrote one rather famously) is not being lost on increasing numbers of people.

In other words, the anger is spreading outward. It is no longer confined simply to “Israel” or its “lobbies.” It is spreading outward–to encompass Jews in general. You don’t see it so much in public spaces, but on the Internet it is plainly visible. And probably for this reason the Department of Homeland Security has awarded more than 90 percent of its grants to Jewish organizations–a gesture which may increase security at a few synagogues and community centers but which will also have a tendency to stoke the public anger even further.

For this and other reasons, it might be well, for those with the capability of thinking rationally, to actually go ahead and invoke the Leahy Law at this time and cut off military aid to Israel. Doing so would act as an escape valve; it would help defuse some of the public anger. And for whatever it’s worth, I think David Ben-Gurion would approve, for it might well impress upon the Israelis that there are consequences to actions–something they don’t presently seem to understand.

Invoking the Leahy Law would have other bonuses as well. A cutoff of military aid would reduce Israel’s ability to wreak havoc in the Middle East, and reducing its capacity for creating havoc will make for a saner world than we have at present. It will not, of course, cleanse the collective Jewish psyche of its supremacist tendencies, its murderous urges, or its inclinations to view others as subhuman.

How that may ever be achieved, I do not know. It may well require an act of God.

Deir Yassin Massacre

April 9, 2016 10:54 AM IMEMC News

09 APR 10:54 AM

Today, Saturday, is the sixty-eight anniversary of Deir Yassin massacre committed by the Ergun and Stern Zionist terrorist organizations against this village in 1948, killing 250-360 Palestinian in cold blood, after the two groups invaded the village of 750 inhabitants.

By the time the villagers realized the intensity of the terrorist attack, hundreds were already dead, and the rest fled for their lives, before the terrorist groups occupied it.

The attack and bloodshed started approximately at 3 at dawn, but the two Zionist groups were met with armed resistance that also led to the death of four attackers and the injury of 32 others.

After that, terrorists of Ergun and Stern called for help from the “Hagana” leadership in Jerusalem, and once more armed terrorists arrived, many carrying automatic machine guns, they started firing on the villages, including women, elderly and children, and managed to retrieve their dead and wounded.

The assailants also asked for reinforcement from the “Palmach” striking company under the Hagana leadership.

The Palmach, stationed in a military base near Jerusalem, started shelling Deir Yassin with mortar shells, in order to facilitate the invasion by Stern and Ergun.

By noon that day, all forms of resistance in Deir Yassin were eliminated, then Stern and Ergun terrorists started detonating the village’s homes, one by one, with dynamite.

Many villagers were detained, forced against walls and executed on the spot, and the terrorists then loaded cars and trucks with Palestinians captured in the village, and paraded through the streets while chanting racist slogans.

The massacre in Deir Yassin remains a historic mark in the Palestinian struggle that witnessed dozens of massacres, forcing hundreds of thousands of terrified Palestinians to fled Palestine into nearby Arab countries before the 1948 war that eventually led to occupying historic Palestine, and the establishment of Israel.

The Nakba led to the displacement of 750,000 Palestinians in 1947-48, after hundreds of villages and towns were destroyed, and depopulated.

 

Palestine news

Israel: ‘Barbarism by an Educated and Cultured People’ — 1948 Dawayima Massacre was Worse than Deir Yassin

Global Research, February 09, 2016
Yair Auron

“There was no battle and no resistance (and no Egyptians). The first conquerors killed from eighty to a hundred Arabs [including] women and children. The children were killed by smashing of their skulls with sticks. Is it possible to shout about Deir Yassin and be silent about something much worse?” For the first time ever, a letter quoting one of the Israeli soldiers who were part of the Al-Dawayima massacre in October 1948 is published in full.

On Friday, February 5th 2016, Haaretz published an article in Hebrew by Israeli historian Yair Auron [pictured left], which covers one of the biggest massacres of 1948. The massacre is of Al Dawayima, west of Al-Khalil (which is often referred to as Hebron). In a 2004 interview with Haaretz, Israeli historian Benny Morris refers to this as a massacre of “hundreds”.

After the massacre, a letter was sent to the editor of the leftist affiliated newspaper Al-Hamishmar, but never published. As Auron notes, there are still many archives of the time which are classified. Auron also states that there was an investigation that was never concluded and “died out” as a massive amnesty was provided to military personnel in February 1949.This is a very exhaustive article, but I found it useful enough to translate this letter in full on its own. The letter, which first “disappeared,’ was provided to Auron by historian Benny Morris. Although these matters have been referred to in passing in historical summaries, the letter has never been published before in full.

Historian/sleuth Benny Morris

To comrade Eliezer Peri, good day,

Today I have read the editorial of “Al Hamishmar” where the question of our army’s conduct was aired, the army which conquers all but its own desires.

Historian/sleuth Benny Morris

A testimony provided to me by an officer which was in [Al] Dawayima the day after its conquering: The soldier is one of ours, intellectual, reliable, in all 100%. He had confided in me out of a need to unload the heaviness of his soul from the horror of the recognition that such level of barbarism can be reached by our educated and cultured people. He confided in me because not many are the hearts today who are able to listen.

There was no battle and no resistance (and no Egyptians). The first conquerors killed from eighty to a hundred Arabs [including] women and children. The children were killed by smashing of their skulls with sticks. There was not a house without dead. The second wave of the [Israeli] army was a platoon that the soldier giving testimony belongs to.

In the town were left male and female Arabs, who were put into houses and were then locked in without receiving food or drink. Later explosive engineers came to blow up houses. One commander ordered an engineer to put two elderly women into the house that was to be blown up. The engineered refused and said he is willing to receive orders only from his [own] commander. So then [his] commander ordered the soldiers to put the women in and the evil deed was performed.

One soldier boasted that he raped an Arab woman and afterwards shot her. An Arab woman with a days-old infant was used for cleaning the back yard where the soldiers eat. She serviced them for a day or two, after which they shot her and the infant. The soldier tells that the commanders who are cultured and polite, considered good guys in society, have become vile murderers, and this occurs not in the storm of battle and heated response, but rather from a system of expulsion and destruction. The fewer Arabs remain – the better. This principle is the main political motive of [the] expulsions and acts of horror which no-one objects to, not in the field command nor amongst the highest military command. I myself was at the front for two weeks and heard boasting stories of soldiers and commanders, of how they excelled in the acts of hunting and “fucking” [sic]. To fuck an Arab, just like that, and in any circumstance, is considered an impressive mission and there is competition on winning this [trophy].

We find ourselves in a conundrum. To shout this out in the press will mean to assist the Arab League, which our representatives deny all complaints of. To not react would mean solidarity with moral corruption. The soldier told me that Deir Yassin [another massacre, by Irgun militants, April 1948] is not the peak of hooliganism. Is it possible to shout about Deir Yassin and be silent about something much worse?

It is necessary to initiate a scandal in the internal channels, to insist upon an internal investigation and punish the culprits. And first of all it is necessary to create in the military a special unit for the restraint of the army. I myself accuse first of all the government, which doesn’t seem to have any interest to fight the phenomena and perhaps even encourages them indirectly. The fact of not-acting is in itself encouragement. My commander told me that there is an unwritten order to not take prisoners of war, and the interpretation of “prisoner” is individually given by each soldier and commander. A prisoner can be an Arab man, woman or child. This was not only done at the exhibition windows [major Palestinian towns] such as Majdal and Nazareth.

I write this to you so that in the editorial and in the party the truth will be known and something effective would be done. At least let them not indulge in phony diplomacy which covers up for blood and murder, and to the extent possible, also the paper must not let this pass in silence.

Kaplan

Paul Eisen on Jeremy Corbyn – The finest man in British politics

June 05, 2015  /  Gilad Atzmon

By Paul Eisen

http://pauleisen.blogspot.co.uk/
I just heard that Jeremy Corbyn is going to stand for the leadership of the British Labour Party.

I hate all politics and I hold the hopelessly compromised and Zionised Labour party in particular contempt. But if Jeremy Corbyn does stand for leader I’m going to join that party so I can give him my vote.

Jeremy has been my MP for pretty much the entire thirty-five years myself and my family have lived here in North Islington so, over the years, I’ve got to know a little about the man.

One thing I and every single resident of Islington knows is that if you’ve got a problem and you go to his surgery and you need his help, you’ll get it –  and I’ll bet that if Jeremy were to become leader of the Labour party, or indeed of the nation, that won’t change one bit.

I’ve also noticed that his support isn’t confined to those issues which he personally supports. I’ve seen Jeremy as busy with a Barnsbury Residents Association concerned about the preservation of their Georgian Square as with a refuge for asylum seekers.

One issue he most certainly does support is that of Palestine solidarity and one evening fifteen years ago I cycled over to see him. I was just beginning to establish Deir Yassin Remembered in the UK and I wanted him to join. I’d hardly begun my feverishly-rehearsed pitch before his cheque book was on the table. From that day on, without fuss or bother, whether DYR was flavour-of-the month or the maggot-at-the-bottom-of-the-food-chain, he attended every single Deir Yassin commemoration.

Since then I’ve seen him here and there. I’ve seen him at solidarity meetings and also at events unconnected with Palestine. One was a meeting of firmly middle-class Islingtonians rabbiting on about protecting the trees in their neighbourhood. But Jeremy Corbyn was there and Jeremy Corbyn was as Jeremy Corbyn always is – fair, approachable, non-judgmental and always committed to the finest ideals of a British Parliamentarian i.e. representing the wishes and feelings of his constituents.

But there’s one final thing I want to tell you about Jeremy Corbyn because it means a lot to me. During the time when I felt so marginalised and isolated, when the movement with which he was associated so despised me, Jeremy always said hello. What’s so great about that? Well, if you ever find yourself in that situation you’ll know exactly what so great about it.

I can hear them now: “Oh sure, Corbyn’s a fine man, a man of principle but that’s not necessarily what we need in a leader”. I disagree. In these terrible times, that’s exactly what we need in a leader.

You can read all the standard stuff about Jeremy Corbyn here and click the ‘YES’ button to show your support. Also, under party rules a candidate needs to be nominated by 35 fellow MPs to appear on the ballot. You can sign a petition here to press Labour MPs to support this fine man.

Palestinian right of return, sacred and inalienable objective

القضية الفلسطينية ستبقى القضية المركزية لسورية

As the Palestinians commemorate the 67th anniversary of the Nakba Day, they are more determined to liberate their occupied lands and establish their independent state with Jerusalem as its capital. They are also more determined to the repatriation right which has been guaranteed by UN resolutions.

On the 15th of May 1948, more than 800 thousand of Palestinians were forcibly displaced, by Zionists, from their indigenous towns and cities into the West Bank and Gaza Strip, neighbouring Arab countries, and other countries of the world.

Since then, the Zionists have been committing heinous massacres against the Palestinian people with the aim of perpetuating the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories and obliterating the repatriation right of the Palestinian refugees to their indigenous homeland. The Zionist criminal record includes scores of savage massacres against the defenceless Palestinians. The Zionist gangs confiscated 775 towns and villages and destroyed 535 Palestinian towns and villages during the Nakba. The atrocities of Israeli Zionists also included over 70 massacres in which 15 thousand Palestinians were killed by Zionist terrorist gangs. The Zionist terrorist paramilitaries carried out massacres and forced expulsions, including the infamous massacre of Palestinian men, women, and children in the village of Deir Yassin in April 1948. The Israeli military continued to carry out a campaign of uprooting and expelling the indigenous Palestinian people, forcing Palestinians to flee their homes and land. Altogether Israel expelled more than 80 percent of the Palestinian population. This campaign continued long after hostilities ceased and included the razing of nearly 400 Palestinian villages.

 Zionism and Wahhabism are two faces of the same coin, where events bring to light the clear cooperation between the Zionist entity, Gulf States and Turkey that involved in the aggression on Syria by supporting terrorist organizations infinitely. The Zionist entity aims at obliterating the Right of Return for the whole Palestinian people through its clear support for the terrorist organizations in Syria which launched intensive assaults on the Palestinian camps and displaced their residents. The Israeli regime has denied Palestinian refugees the right to return, despite UN resolutions and international laws upholding the people’s right to return to their homelands. Palestinians have held rallies in various parts of the world to commemorate the 67th anniversary of the Nakba Day. Palestinian protesters took to the streets of various world capitals to demand that the Israeli regime leave their lands after decades of occupation.

  Today the Palestinian refugees and their descendants number 4 million people, many still living in refugee camps in the Occupied Territories, Syria, Lebanon, and elsewhere. Israel has been refusing the right of these refugees to return to their homes in violation of international law and numerous United Nations resolutions. At the same time, in a striking example of inequality and discrimination, Israel has declared itself the state of all the Jews in the world and automatically grants citizenship to any Jewish person anywhere in the world who seeks to immigrate to Israel. A Jew living in Texas, for example, who has never lived in Israel, can automatically gain the benefits of citizenship under the so-called Law of Return, one of Israel’s racial Laws, while a Palestinian refugee whose family lived in Palestine for hundreds of years is unlikely even to gain a visa for a brief visit to his or her  home, let alone obtain the right to return there to live.

Successive Zionist governments have been following a racist settlement policy through confiscating Palestinian lands and constructing Jewish settlements with the aim of changing the geographic and demographic status of the occupied Palestinian territories and perpetuate the Israeli occupation. But the Palestinians will not be subjugated by the racist Zionist measures and will press ahead with their struggle until the achievement of their noble rights, especially the right of return and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.

  K.Q

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

An Ode to Said El-Said by Stanley L. Cohen

I love Said. He’s everything that’s good and decent and kind-and so much more. he’s the laughter of a toddler who’s just learned to run; the panic of young lovers who race to remake the bed as parents return home early; the broad grin that intoxicates us when the rare and sweet aroma of justice fills the room and gives us hope. Said is all things to all good people– those that are and those that aspire to be.

He’s been with us since the beginning of time and will smile down on us long after the last meteor shower has found its mark and we are gone. Palestinian by birth, humane by trade, and free by choice Said is a Muslim, a Christian, a Jew and none of the above. While many march in lockstep to the beat of the safe, quick and easy, Said has journeyed long and hard to rear his beloved family, to raise our voice and to lift our spirits. Even now in his final days with us Said speaks with determination and no regrets; sorry only that when a free independent Palestine, a State for the stateless, arrives, he will not be here to rejoice in person. For Said, resistance is much more than a mere chant and BDS not a choice. They are sacred covenants which speak for eleven million of his Nation and the many who came before. Said’s journey will end far too soon where it all began, where its always been- with Palestine. Like all Palestinians, young and old, those past and yet to come, he was at Deir Yassin when genocide rained down as the world slept and the trail of tears began. He’s walked the blood stained roads of Jenin and Tulkarim and those of a hundred other Palestinian villages brutalized or laid to waste for no reason but their existence. He has known the hardscrabble streets of refugee camps that stretch from the destruction of Yarmouk to the time-tested despair of Sabra-Shatilla. To Said, the coastline of Gaza offers little safety but in its resistance comes boundless pride and dignity. Said has wept at the side of age-old olive trees ravaged by the same evil that has demolished the Bedouin village of Al-Araqib time and time again. In Quds, he is every young boy, stone in hand, who by his resistance honors the key still worn around his great grandmother’s neck. He is the detained uncharged hunger striker who will not eat so long as his Nation is starved day after day after day. Yes, Said is Palestine-proud, resilient and eternal. It was, it is and it will always be. I have been truly blessed to know many great women and men- a first among equals, Said is one of them. His has been a life of warmth, wonder and wisdom and I will miss him sorely. If compassion is to be our currency, Said is richest of all; If humanity is to be our light then he is the sun that shines through the darkest of all nights to lead us to safety; If greatness is to be measured by the size of one’s heart, Said is truly among our giants. To be blue is all too easy at this time, but it can steal our breath and leave us speechless. So smile, shout out and give thanks for Said- that rare man, that wondrous gift. Have no fear, he lives on wherever women and men of conscience and principle fight for truth and justice. My brother, thank you for your friendship, your inspiration, your unwavering support and strength. I have no idea where you’re going Said, but if I am very, very fortunate one day I will go there too. Until we meet again . .. . Up the Rebels

———————————-Stanley L. Cohen

(For those unfamiliar with Said, he is a long time presence, and will remain so in our hearts, minds and actions, in social media [Twitter  ] and a dedicated activist in the struggle to free his homeland, Palestine.  He is a friend to, and beloved by, thousands.  Said recently let it be known that he has come to the end of his battle with cancer and will soon leave us, physically.  Learning of this, Stanley (well known as a devoted activist in his own right) composed this deeply beautiful homage to his dear friend, Said.  Said’s friends and family in social media will honour him with the hash-tag #SaidLives and we will continue to nurture the many seeds of hope and strength he has sown for the children of Palestine throughout his life…Stanley’s heart-felt expression, above, provides a true attest to the special being that is Said.  Said has stated he will close his Twitter account when it is time. Before that time, we do what we can to surround him with love. Please use the hash-tag along with us.  //MDP/Mala114)

67 YEARS LATER, DEIR YASSIN STILL BLEEDING WOUND FOR PALESTINIANS

 

67 years later, Deir Yassin still bleeding wound for Palestinians

Palestinians on Thursday marked the 67th anniversary of the massacre of more than 100 Palestinian civilians by Zionist Jewish forces at the village of Deir Yassin.

“The Deir Yassin massacre was a turning point in the history of the people of Palestine, and it continues to serve as a necessary reminder of Israel’s ongoing policies of displacement, dispossession and dehumanization, and its willful erasure of the Palestinian narrative and human presence in historical Palestine,” senior PLO official Hanan Ashrawi said in a statement.

Ashrawi noted that the massacre was one of the first in what would become a long line of Israeli military attacks on Palestinian civilians, noting: “Deir Yassin, Nasir al-Din, Haifa, Yazur, Bayt Daras, al-Tantura, al-Lydd, al-Dawayima, Saliha, Qibya, Kafr Qasim, and Shuja’iyya, among other names, will remain forever engraved in our hearts and minds and always serve as symbols of Palestinian steadfastness and perseverance.”

“Peace and justice for Palestine is long overdue, and it is time for the international community to join us as we strive for freedom, dignity and self-determination,” she said.

Deir Yassin has long been a symbol of Israeli violence for Palestinians because of the particularly gruesome nature of the slaughter, which targeted men, women, children, and the elderly in the small village west of Jerusalem. The number of victims is generally believed to be around 107, though figures given at the time reached up to 254.

The attack was part of a broader strategy called Plan Dalet by Zionist groups to scare Palestinians into flight ahead of the expected partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. It was led by the Irgun group, whose head was future prime minister Menachem Begin, with support from the Haganah and Lehi.

In order to ensure only Jews were left in the “Jewish state” — nearly half of whose inhabitants were Palestinians — massacres were committed by these Zionist groups in a number of villages in the hope that the ensuing terror would lead to an Arab exodus.

Thus the attack on Deir Yassin took place a month before Partition took place, and was part of the reasons later given by neighboring Arab states for their intervention in Palestine.

The combination of forced expulsion and flight that the massacres — most prominent among them Deir Yassin — precipitated left around 750,000 Palestinians as refugees abroad. Today their descendants number more than five million, and their right to return to Palestine is a central political demand.

The Palestine Liberation Organization said in a statement released Thursday that the episode “characterizes the atrocities of the Nakba (catastrophe), and highlights the impunity that Israel still enjoys today.”

“As with almost every single crime committed by Israel before and since its inception, the criminals responsible for this horrific and bloody massacre enjoyed full impunity.”

“A few weeks after this tragic event, the man politically responsible for the Haganah (future Israeli Army), David Ben Gurion, became Israel’s first Prime Minister,” the organization said in a statement.

“Even more astonishing is the fact that the head of the ‘operation’ at Deir Yassin, Menachem Begin, and Yitzhak Shamir, the leader of the Lehi who participated in the massacre, would also go on to become Israeli Prime Ministers.”

Source: Maan

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

TABOO TOPICS AND JEWISH LOBBY TALK BY HENRY HERSKOVITZ AND GREG FELTON

Taboo Topics and Jewish Lobby talk by Henry Herskovitz and Greg Felton

Henry Herskovitz addressed the Mideast Conflict Forum on September 20, 2014.  After several visits to Palestine, Henry attempted to impart the harsh realities observed about Israel-Palestine to his Ann Arbor Jewish Community.

 Three rabbis and two Jewish ladies of Ann Arbor, Phyllis and Lorrie, the later two headed the Palestine Peace Movement no less, thwarted his every effort.  Clearly, there is an enforced TABOO against topics reflecting poorly on Israel or the Jewish Community.
 Henry’s unintended story, due to years of stonewalling, developed into one about Jewish Power.  Henry shares his core discovery viz. Runaway Jewish Power – not Occupation or Zionism – vexes the globe.
Henry Herskovitz urges everyone to expose Jewish Power in order to diminish it!

Ann Arbor typifies dug-in DENIAL pervading Jewish Communities across America.

 Greg Felton spoke next at the Mideast Conflict Forum.  Greg authored “The Host and the Parasite” and speaks on Israel-Palestine.

Greg warned that LANGUAGE can be taken hostage and with it our thinking.  He further ripped away religion from the troubles besetting the Mideast.  It is Fascism coated with Chauvinism that accompanied Jewish émigrés to Palestine.

 The creation of Israel – a monster later to enslave its creator – was reviewed as part compromise and part extortion.  Truman faced “money, votes and strong-arm tactics” extraordinaire dished out by Organized American Jewry of the day.   A New York Jew, and long-serving congressman, Emanuel Celler, Greg calls out for his ultimatums to Truman “Support Israel or we’ll run you out of town!”
Ultimatums pale in comparison to an assassination plot.
According to Greg Felton [story by journalist Alison Weir http://www.ifamericansknew.org/us_ints/ob-assassinations.html] President George (Herbert) Bush Sr. was targeted for a Mossad hit 1991 in Madrid.  A leak thwarted that plot in the nix of time.  Former Stern Gang leader and then  Israel prime minister Yitzhak Shamir wanted no genuine negotiations towards peace as conducted by President Papa Bush.
Greg summarizes that shared values little exist with Israel.  He analogizes a “master-slave” existing relationship.    We can only escape if we “opt out” of any Zionist mindset.  Our attention he directs to barcode 729 that identifies products of Israel.

Boycott he urges!

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

Hot Off The Press-Har Nof Jerusalem Is Deir Yassin and it is Remembered

November 18, 2014  /  Gilad Atzmon

By Gilad Atzmon

The attack on a synagogue in Jerusalem today took place in Har Nof, a Jewish neighborhood  built over the ruins of Deir Yassin, a Palestinian village whose inhabitants were wiped out on  April 9, 1948.

The Deir Yassin Massacre delivered a clear message to the Palestinian people. The Jewish militias were driven by genocidal inclinations and the Arabs better run for their lives. However, it seems as if the Palestinian collective memory is alive and kicking – it may be possible that the Deir Yassin Massacre was commemorated today.

 River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian   

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Blog!

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