No, Anees, the novel is still long لا يا أنيس.. الرواية ما تزال طويلة

No, Anees, the novel is still long

اختلفنا كثيراً، ولكننا اتفقنا على ما يخص فلسطين.
We disagreed a lot, but we agreed on what was going on with Palestine.
حياة الحويك عطية
حياة الحويك عطية

Source: Al-Mayadeen Net

I knew him 50 years ago when the whole nation was rising, and I last met him in Damascus.

No, Anis, the novel is still long, and we will all leave before it is over, and there are generations that have not yet been born.

I was in my third year of law school, in my second year in the Syrian National Social Party, and at the height of the enthusiasm to break all the sectarian, class and isolationist fences of any kind, when I read that the Islamic schools of “Makassed” ask for a part-time French language school, which I was doing in the school of Jisr al-Basha camp.

I made my request, and everyone laughed at me: Can you believe that “Makassed” will choose Maronite to be the first Christian schoolteacher in its classes!? I was chosen. That was the decision of the late Shafiq Al Wazzan. I flew with joy, from breaking the regional barrier to breaking the sectarian barrier.

It was the days of the big dream, and we were young, living it with certainty.  Between “purposes” and their atmospheres, especially the “Union of Students of Purposes”, the faculty of law and its atmosphere, party work, and the association of all of this with Palestinian work.

أرشيف لبنان Lebanon Archives в Twitter: "١: نجاح واكيم بعد انتخابه نائباً  عام ١٩٧٢ ٢: نجاح واكيم مشاركاً في مظاهرة مطلبية عام ١٩٧٣… "
Najah Wakym

Our partisan nervousness existed and strong, reinforced by early youth, but our national and national compass was clear and stronger than all the nervousness.

Therefore, we were inspired by the elections of Najah Wakim, who defeated Naseem Majdalani in his constituency, the young Christian Jubaili who had just graduated from the Arab University of Beirut, who presented himself as the candidate of the party or the political current (Nasiriyah) and youth, and without any funding, defeated the traditional and sectarian leadership in its own backyard.

Office of the Minister of State for Administrative Reform - Zaher el Khatib
Zaher al-Khatib

Like him, Zaher al-Khatib’s breakthrough was in Al-Shuf. (The two became the only deputies to vote against the humiliating May 17 agreement with the Israeli enemy) . 

In this battle, I met Anis al-Naqash, and I did not know that it was Mazen. I knew that he was a fighter in the ranks of the Student Union and in Fatah, and that he was close to Abu Jihad. I felt interested when I was told in the party that he was the nephew of Dr. Zaki Al-Naqash, the man who was with Anton Saada in the founding phase, and then moved away to become a national Islamic destination distinguished by his seriousness and boldness.

He was a Fathawi par excellence, but his name was attached to the Popular Front at one point, specifically the two martyrs Kamal Khair Bek and Wadih Haddad, to come shock after 40 years in his confessions during a dialogue with his friend Sakher Abu Fakhr, and another television interview, that he did not go to Kamal, and to Wadih Haddad, except by order of Abu Jihad, to show him all that Haddad was planning, and then to prevent what Abu Jihad was rejecting.

Therefore, he recounted in detail his role in the thwarting of the Vienna Process Why? Because the front used to see that this kind of external operation was the one that shocked international public opinion, telling him that the Palestinian people exist, and Palestine is not a land without a people for a people without a land. Whereas, “Fatah”, which he is from, and Abu Jihad is its second man, she believed that some operations harm the security and image of the Palestinian resistance, and that assassinations, especially diplomacy, are not a useful method for a resistance that wants to gain Arab and international public opinion. Anis was risking himself to implement these visions. Compliance or conviction?

In both cases, he was a fighter, but on the ground, the choice of forming resistance cells was inevitable, and there is no dispute about it. Accordingly, Anis was the first to work on this in southern Lebanon after the secret organization in Beirut.

Who is Georges Abdallah | Freedom for Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
George Ibrahim Abdullah

I haven’t seen him since that time in Beirut until the late 1990s. I thought he wouldn’t be released from life imprisonment (in a break in Damascus, in 2015 he touted me how he put his strategy in prison so that no one would forget him, so that he would not be a victim of the improvement of Franco-Iranian relations in the days of Mitterrand). And he came out. Leaving the abandoned militant George Ibrahim Abdullah.

In 2002, we met on the plane from Beirut to Doha. We didn’t exchange a word. The besieged Iraq was a wall between us. Our meetings were repeated in Doha for Al-Jazeera programs, until we openly opened the discussion in a breakfast session. I was surprised by his acceptance of the harsh controversy. I did not deny that the Iran-Iraq war was a Western American fabrication. I had translated hundreds of documents proving this (especially the Elysee diaries during the era of Mitterrand, in which Western officials were arranging for the continuation of the war until the two sides were exhausted), but I did not accept leaving Iraq for its siege and for the obvious plot, it is the wall of the nation, and I, who covered, on the ground, presence, study, follow-up and translation, every stray and present around it from 1980 until two months before the occupation of 2003.

We disagreed a lot, but we agreed on the issue of Palestine. This man believed with strange optimism that Palestine is an issue that cannot be erased. One way or another, there will always be surprises that will return them to their rightfulness. What he did not say explicitly is that he considers that the tried methods have failed and must be renewed. I asked him sincerely: Is it the search for an alternative that led you and Munir Shafiq to the Islamic option? He smiled cunningly, and said, “Maybe yes, maybe not.

As a result of his relationships, it was once said that he was influenced by Anton Saadeh, and once by Mao Zedong, especially with his proximity to Munir Shafiq, and once by Marx and Lenin, and even by Michel Aflaq, until he admitted that he had read them all and learned from them all, but his real teachers were his responsible in the field resistance from the age of 15 to the gray. Let us say, the security resistance, because most of his tasks were in this area, whether it was dialogue diplomacy or the dangerous field. As he admitted, his first course was in Egypt, and we don’t know what’s next.

الكونفدرالية المشرقية
The Levantine Confederation – Conflict of Identities and Policies

In Damascus, we met repeatedly, and worked in a joint book. I confronted him with that, and he admitted to me that the events in Syria changed a lot for everyone and crystallized a lot. He told me about his project The Levantine Confederation , so I told him: In principle, the axis is a thing and the nation is something, and if it mixes, it ruins everything, then the problem does not lie only in geography. Unless sectarian and ethnic sub-identities dissolve, geography only expands the arena of conflict. He surprised me with approval. He considered Syria a matter of life or death. He told me: Palestine will end if Syria ends. I told him: I remember Jean-Pierre Schweinmann when he wrote in 1991 about an American plan to Lebanonize Iraq. Now, we must not allow Syria to be stirred. this is the most important. This alone is a bet for the survival or demise of Palestine.

Today, I cry heartily. I knew him while we were a young generation collecting from their pocket money for the resistance, and the generation of our young people today left between those who live as martyrs to prevent death and those who beg the NGOs and the embassies to enjoy the dollars and sell the homeland and the concerns of the citizens.

أرشيف لبنان Lebanon Archives в Twitter: "١: نجاح واكيم بعد انتخابه نائباً  عام ١٩٧٢ ٢: نجاح واكيم مشاركاً في مظاهرة مطلبية عام ١٩٧٣… "

I knew him as we delivered a young Christian to parliament for a Sunni constituency without the cost of a penny. A young man with whom we disagree ideologically and patricianly, but we support him and we are winning. We differ from dozens of trends, but we meet on the big goals. We know that the Communists and Charles de Gaulle fought together to liberate the country from Nazism, and they know that they will later disagree on the social program, without disbelieving each other.  I knew him as a young generation that succeeded in breaking sectarian walls, and we were appointed to Palestine. And here he is leaving with the walls rising, and the eye on the nation from Iraq to Syria to Lebanon to Palestine.   

I knew him 50 years ago when the whole nation was rising, and I last met him in Damascus. We couldn’t leave the hotel, because the shelling was coming out of Ghouta. We left only when It was liberated. Yesterday, friend Ahmed al-Darzi said that Anis wrote on a paper two days before his departure: I am finished, the novel isdead!!   

No, Anis, the novel is still long, and we will all leave before it ends, but there are generations that have not yet been born.  

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لا يا أنيس.. الرواية ما تزال طويلة


عرفته قبل 50 عاماً حين كانت الأمة كلها تنهض، والتقيته آخر مرة في دمشق. لا يا أنيس، الرواية ما تزال طويلة، وسنرحل كلّنا قبل أن تنتهي، وهناك أجيال لم تولد بعد.

اختلفنا كثيراً، ولكننا اتفقنا على ما يخص فلسطين.
اختلفنا كثيراً، ولكننا اتفقنا على ما يخص فلسطين

كنت في سنتي الجامعيّة الثالثة في كليّة الحقوق، وفي سنتي الثانية في الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي، وفي عز مرحلة الحماس لتكسير كل الأسوار الطائفية والطبقية والانعزالية، من أي نوع كانت، حين قرأت أنّ مدارس “المقاصد” الإسلامية تطلب مدرّسة لغة فرنسية بدوام جزئي، وهو ما كنت أقوم به في مدرسة مخيم جسر الباشا.

قدمت طلبي، وضحك الجميع مني: هل تصدقين أن “المقاصد” ستختار مارونية لتكون أول مدرّسة مسيحية في صفوفها!؟ وتم اختياري. كان ذلك قرار المرحوم شفيق الوزان. وقد طرت فرحاً، من كسر الحاجز الإقليمي إلى كسر الحاجز الطائفي. 

كانت أيام الحلم الكبير، وكنا صغاراً نعيشه بيقين التحقّق.  بين “المقاصد” وأجوائها، وخصوصاً “اتحاد طلاب المقاصد”، وكلية الحقوق وأجوائها، والعمل الحزبي، وارتباط كل ذلك بالعمل الفلسطيني. كنت أسمع بـ “مازن”؛ النموذج النشط وصاحب القدرة التنظيمية الكبيرة. كنا نعرف أن معظم الأسماء حركية، ولكننا لم نكن نأبه بمعرفة من وراءها. المهم هو الأفق الذي يكمن أمامها. 

كانت عصبيّاتنا الحزبية موجودة وقوية، يعزّزها الشباب المبكر، ولكن بوصلتنا القومية والوطنية كانت واضحة وأقوى من كل العصبيات. لذلك، هلّلنا لانتخابات نجاح واكيم الّذي هزم نسيم مجدلاني في دائرته؛ الشاب الجبيلي المسيحي الذي كان قد تخرج للتو من جامعة بيروت العربية، والذي طرح نفسه مرشح الحزب أو التيار السياسي (الناصرية) والشباب، ومن دون أي تمويل، فهزم الزعامة التقليدية والطائفية في عقر دارها. ومثله كان اختراق زاهر الخطيب في الشوف. (أصبح الاثنان النائبين الوحيدين اللذين تجرّآ على التصويت ضد اتفاقية 17 أيار المذلّة مع العدو الإسرائيلي). 

في هذه المعركة، التقيت أنيس النقاش، ولم أعرف أنه مازن. عرفت أنه مناضل في صفوف الاتحاد وفي “فتح”، وأنه قريب من أبو جهاد. شعرت بالاهتمام عندما قيل لي في الحزب إنه ابن شقيق الدكتور زكي النقاش؛ الرجل الذي كان مع أنطون سعادة في مرحلة التأسيس، ثم ابتعد ليصبح مقاصدياً قومياً إسلامياً متميزاً بجديته وجرأته. 

بعدها، سمعنا الكثير عن أنيس. كان فتحاوياً بامتياز، ولكن اسمه التصق في فترة ما بالجبهة الشعبية، وتحديداً بالشهيدين كمال خير بيك ووديع حداد، لتأتي الصدمة بعد 40 سنة في اعترافاته خلال حوار مع صديقه صخر أبو فخر، وحوار تلفزيوني آخر، بأنه لم يذهب إلى الجبهة، وإلى كمال، وإلى وديع حداد، إلا بأمر من أبو جهاد، ليطلعه على كل ما كان يخطط له حداد، ومن ثم ليمنع ما كان يرفضه أبو جهاد.

وعليه، روى بالتفصيل دوره في إفشال عملية فيينا. لماذا؟ لأن الجبهة كانت ترى أنّ هذا النوع من العمليات الخارجية هو الذي يصدم الرأي العام الدولي، ويقول له إن الشعب الفلسطيني موجود، وفلسطين ليست أرضا بلا شعب لشعب بلا أرض. في حين أن “فتح”، وهو منها، وأبو جهاد رجلها الثاني، كانت تعتقد أن بعض العمليات يسيء إلى أمن المقاومة الفلسطينية وصورتها، وأن الاغتيالات، وخصوصاً الدبلوماسية، ليست أسلوباً مفيداً لمقاومة تريد كسب الرأي العام العربي والدولي. كان أنيس يخاطر بنفسه لتنفيذ هذه الرؤى. امتثالاً أم قناعة؟ 

في الحالين، كان مقاتلاً، أما على الأرض، فكان خيار تشكيل خلايا مقاومة هو المحتوم، والذي لا خلاف حوله. وعليه، كان أنيس أول من عمل على ذلك في جنوب لبنان بعد التنظيم السري في بيروت. 

لم أره منذ تلك الفترة في بيروت وحتى أواخر التسعينات. اعتقدت أنه لن يخرج من السجن المؤبد (وفي جلسة استراحة في دمشق، عام 2015 حكى لي بطرافة كيف وضع استراتيجيته في السجن كي لا ينساه أحد، وكي لا يكون ضحية تحسن العلاقات الفرنسية الإيرانية أيام ميتران). وخرج.. ليبقى المناضل المتروك جورج إبراهيم عبد الله. 

في عام 2002، التقينا في الطائرة من بيروت إلى الدوحة. لم نتبادل كلمة واحدة. كان العراق المحاصر جداراً بيننا. تكررت صدفة لقاءاتنا في الدوحة لبرامج “الجزيرة”، إلى أن افتتحنا النقاش بصراحة في جلسة فطور. فوجئت بتقبله الجدل القاسي. لم أنكر أن الحرب العراقية الإيرانية هي افتعال أميركي غربي. كنت قد ترجمت مئات الوثائق التي تثبت ذلك (وخصوصاً يوميات الإليزيه في عهد ميتران، وفيها كيف كان المسؤولون الغربيون يرتبون لاستمرار الحرب إلى أن ينهَك الطرفان)، ولكنني لم أتقبل أن يترك العراق لحصاره وللمؤامرة الواضحة، فهو الجدار الاستنادي للأمة، وأنا التي غطيت، حضوراً ميدانياً ودراسة ومتابعة وترجمة، كل شاردة وواردة حوله منذ 1980 وحتى شهرين قبل احتلال 2003. 

اختلفنا كثيراً، ولكننا اتفقنا على ما يخص فلسطين. كان هذا الرجل مؤمناً بتفاؤل غريب بأن فلسطين قضية لا يمكن أن تشطب. وبطريقة أو بأخرى، ستتفجر دائماً مفاجآت تعيدها إلى حقها. ما لم يقله بصراحة أنه يعتبر أن الأساليب المجربة فشلت ولا بدَّ من جديد. سألته بصدق: هل البحث عن البديل هو ما دفعك ومنير شفيق إلى الخيار الإسلامي؟ ابتسم بمكر، وقال: ربما نعم، وربما لا.

نتيجة علاقاته، كان يقال مرة إنه تأثر بأنطون سعادة، ومرة بماو تسي تونغ، وخصوصاً مع قربه من منير شفيق، ومرة بماركس ولينين، وحتى بميشال عفلق، إلى أن اعترف بأنه قرأهم جميعاً وتعلم منهم جميعاً، ولكن معلميه الحقيقيين هم مسؤولوه في المقاومة الميدانية مذ كان صبياً في الخامسة عشرة من عمره وحتى الشيب. ولنقل، المقاومة الأمنية، لأن معظم مهامه كانت في هذا المجال، سواء كانت دبلوماسية حوارية أو ميدانية خطرة. وكما اعترف، كانت أول دوراته في مصر، ولا ندري ما بعدها. 

في دمشق، التقينا مراراً، وعملنا في كتاب مشترك. واجهته بذلك، واعترف لي بأن أحداث سوريا غيرت الكثير لدى الجميع وبلورت الكثير. حدثني عن المشرقية، فقلت له: مبدئياً، المحور شيء والأمة شيء، وإذا اختلطا، خرب كل شيء، ثم إن المشكلة لا تكمن فقط في الجغرافيا. ما لم تذب الهويات الفرعية، الطائفية والعرقية، فالجغرافيا توسع ساحة الصراع فحسب. فاجأني بالموافقة. كان يعتبر سوريا قضية حياة أو موت، قال لي: ستنتهي فلسطين إن انتهت سوريا. قلت له: أتذكر جان بيير شفينمان عندما كتب في العام 1991 عن خطة أميركية للبننة العراق. الآن، يجب ألا نسمح بعرقنة سوريا. هذا هو الأهم. هذا وحده رهان بقاء أو زوال فلسطين.

اليوم، أبكي بحرقة. عرفته ونحن جيل شباب يجمع من مصروف جيبه للمقاومة، ورحل وجيل شبابنا اليوم بين من يثوي شهيداً لمنع الموت ومن يتسول الـ “أن جي أوز” والسفارات لينعم بالدولارات ويبيع الوطن وهموم المواطنين. عرفته ونحن نوصل شاباً منا مسيحياً إلى البرلمان عن دائرة سنية ومن دون كلفة قرش. شاب كنا نختلف معه عقائدياً وحزبياً، ولكننا ندعمه ونهلل لفوزه. نختلف بين عشرات الاتجاهات، ولكننا نلتقي على الأهداف الكبرى. نعرف أن الشيوعيين وشارل ديغول قاتلوا معاً لتحرير البلاد من النازية، وهم يعرفون أنهم سيختلفون في ما بعد على البرنامج الاجتماعي، من دون أن يكفّر أحدهما الآخر.  

عرفته ونحن جيل شباب ينجح في تكسير الأسوار الطائفيّة، وعيننا على فلسطين. وها هو يرحل والأسوار تعلو، والعين على الأمة من العراق إلى سوريا إلى لبنان إلى فلسطين.   

عرفته قبل 50 عاماً حين كانت الأمة كلها تنهض، والتقيته آخر مرة في دمشق. لم نستطع مغادرة الفندق، لأن القصف كان ينهمر من الغوطة. لم نغادر إلا وقد تحررت. يوم أمس، قال الصديق أحمد الدرزي إن أنيس كتب على ورقة قبل رحيله بيومين: أنا انتهيت، ماتت الرواية!!   

لا يا أنيس، الرواية لا تزال طويلة، وسنرحل كلّنا قبل أن تنتهي، لكن هناك أجيال لم تولد بعد.  

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

Free Georges Abdallah: Lebanese confront Macron in Beirut

Source

The majority of the text below is republished from the original French at Collectif Palestine Vaincra. Collectif Palestine Vaincra is a member of the Samidoun Network based in Toulouse, France: 

Protest in Lannemezan, France, to free Georges Abdallah

amidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network expresses its deepest solidarity with the people of Beirut and all of Lebanon after the devastating explosion on Tuesday, 4 August, which has left at least 137 dead, dozens missing and 5,000 injured, as well as hundreds of thousands of people homeless.

It also struck a sharp economic blow, destroying critical resources such as Beirut’s grain silos and the Beirut port, critical to Lebanese trade. This comes atop the existing economic crisis, exacerbated and developed by U.S. imperialism and its sanctions and financial policies, leaving the most marginalized sectors, including Palestinian refugees, migrant workers, and the almost 50% of Lebanese living in poverty. Meanwhile, the Israeli occupation – which occupied Southern Lebanon until defeated in 2000 and has launched multiple, violent wars continues to threaten Lebanon, its people and its resistance with destruction while regularly violating Lebanese airspace with drones.

Meanwhile, imperialist powers, while continuing to impose sanctions on Lebanon, as well as neighboring Syria, that are contributing significantly to the financial crisis, have been eager to draw a potential profit from the devastation in Lebanon.

Visiting Beirut on Thursday, 6 August, French President Emmanuel Macron claimed that he was present to bring humanitarian aid to Lebanon, already in the throes of an economic and social catastrophe. However, the arrival of the French president was not smooth. Many Lebanese journalists and activists denounced the neocolonial hypocrisy demonstrated by Macron, emphasizing that his objective is to impose “structural reforms” on the country according to the requirements of the International Monetary Fund.

Perhaps the clearest example of Macron’s duplicity is the continued imprisonment by France of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, imprisoned by the French state since 1984 and eligible for release since 1999. The Lebanese government has officially requested his release and repatriation, yet he continues to be held hostage while calls for his release mount, especially in France and Lebanon.

Lebanese intellectual Samah Idriss noted, “we want the release of Georges Abdallah before all of your ‘aid’ and promises!

برسم “الضيف” ماكرون، وبرسم كلّ مَن يلتقونه من اللبنانيين: نريد جورج إبراهيم عبد الله فورًا. قبل كلّ “مساعداتكم” ووعودكم

Indeed, Macron’s visits to the streets of Gemmayzeh in the devastated Lebanese capital was repeatedly greeted with calls of “Freedom for Georges Abdallah” by youth who refuse to be treated as colonial subjects once again by France, reject the complicity of many Lebanese politicians and see Georges Abdallah as a symbol of Arab and anti-imperialist dignity, resilience and resistance.

Mobilizations continue to demand the release of this Lebanese Arab resistance fighter for the Palestinian cause, and building solidarity with Georges Abdallah is critical! Beyond simply an individual case, Georges Abdallah embodies an alternative to French colonialism and corrupt politicians that serve imperialist interests, a truly free Lebanon.

If Only Georges Abdallah’s Freedom were Contagious

They have realized that keeping Georges hostage has become more costly than to release him. (Photo: Alia Haju)
 
Published Monday, January 28, 2013
 
The French government decided to submit to US and Israeli pressure and extended the imprisonment of Georges Abdallah.
 
Neither the French state nor the government have the slightest sense that they are committing a terrible injustice. They simply don’t feel that anyone can make them pay the price for their 28-year-old crime against Abdallah.
 
The French today are imposing additional conditions to releasing Georges, in addition to just buying time. They want to do it secretly, so that their dirty work will not see the light of day.
 
They want the occasion of his welcome in Lebanon to be under the cover of night, at an unannounced time of their choosing. They want him to celebrate alone with his family, so that his victory over his terrorist jailers will pass unnoticed. The even want the pathetic Lebanese state to guarantee that Abdallah’s release will take place according to their wishes.
 
More than that, the French are asking for all expressions of solidarity to end, such as dismantling the sit-in at the French embassy in Beirut.
 
They want the Lebanese to be thankful to them for having decided to release Georges. They want his family to write the French authorities letters of gratitude for setting their son free. They want us to be like them, to admit that we are terrorists too, without morals or a sense of humanity.
 
They have realized that keeping Georges hostage has become more costly than to release him, for they are bound to pay the price of their crime sooner or later. They also understand that persisting in their kidnapping of Georges will open the gates of hell on them, something they have experienced before with every place they colonized.
 
Their intelligence sources in Lebanon and the region are warning them that the dangers stemming from the continued detention of Georges are increasing by the day. The threat is not just coming from a small group of angry men, or a wronged family.
More than that, the French are asking for all expressions of solidarity to end, such as dismantling the sit-in at the French embassy in Beirut.

One source recently informed anyone who was willing to listen in Paris that there is a generation of young people – some who even lived and studied in France – who are angry enough to commit acts that will cause the government big problems both internally and abroad. But we have to ask our own government a few questions.
 
It is true that Rafik Hariri – whether in government or outside it – never raised the issue with his friend former president Jacques Chirac. It is also true that successive Lebanese presidents and prime ministers have also failed to raise the matter of Georges’ imprisonment, not out of fear of the French, but of Georges himself, who they considered to be a terrorist worthy of punishment.
 
But to be fair, Prime Minister Najib Mikati and his government have dealt realistically with the issue, forcing Paris to take notice that high-level Lebanese officials are asking about their kidnapped citizen.
 
Despite this, there are those at the official level who “understand” the demands of the French government, which wants the release of Georges to resemble the return of a wanted criminal in Lebanon’s courts.
 
Others in the halls of power suggest that we must seriously take into account French and American concerns over the release, as they try to strike a deal behind the scenes that will put a limit to any public celebrations, or at least prevent the participation of any government officials in them.
There will also be those who will call for a dose of realism in dealing with this matter. They may even be members of Georges’ family or from among his close friends and supporters, who believe that we shouldn’t blow things out of proportion.
 
Some of them may not think it necessary, for example, that state officials be part of any welcoming ceremony. But the criminal behavior of the French state in dealing with the issue requires precisely the opposite.
 
Georges’ freedom should be celebrated by both citizens and the state – the way he is received in Lebanon is now as important as his release. The symbolism of the way he is welcomed here has one simple goal: the possibility that his freedom will infect those who have surrendered among us to imagine that they do love life.
 
Ibrahim al-Amin is editor-in-chief of Al-Akhbar.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
 

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Hezbollah Calls for Widest Campaign of Solidarity with Struggler George Abdallah

georgesayed

Local Editor
 
Hezbollah criticized Monday the French authorities’ repeated tardiness in releasing Lebanese struggler George Ibrahim Abdallah, and considered it a result of “the American Administration’s blackmail campaign in this case”.

In a statement it issued, Hezbollah Media Relations indicated that “this new French measure is excessiveness in the series of oppression which this struggling hero is being exposed to, and which began with his arrest and continued with his detention without any legal document.”

Hezbollah further considered that “the French authorities’ constant surrender to the American Administration and the Zionist entity’s desires and considering them orders that must be implemented, show the meagerness of all these authorities’ claims of sovereignty and freedom of decision.”

The party stressed that the “French stance reassures the falsity of all claims about judiciary’s independence and the value of justice’s supremacy in western countries whose leaders lecture on law, values, and equality before justice.”

From here, Hezbollah welcomed talks about releasing Abdallah, and assured that “if this release took place, it would be a victory for right, and recognition to the abusiveness in his arrest and jail.”
Moreover, as the statement expressed Hezbollah’s concern that “the American Administration and Zionist entity’s intervention in this case would lead to further tardiness,” it emphasized that “this requires high levels of alertness from the Lebanese official authorities”.

It assured that the latter should follow up this topic and its developments, and take the right actions to confront the American and Zionist blatant absolutism, and the French droop.

Hezbollah also called for “the widest political and public campaign of solidarity with struggler Abdallah during the coming decisive period in his case.”

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FREEDOM FOR A MAN AND A NATION

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Lebanese Freedom Fighter George Ibrahim Abdallah was expected to be released today from his French prison and heading to his homeland Lebanon , but the French minister of Interior did not sign the decree of his release that was granted by the French court . French Ministers do not respect the authority of their own court let alone the rights of other people . The US administration exerted great efforts and great pressures over the French administration to prevent the release of Comrade Abdallah and one would wonder how US, with all its economical political problem, has found time to dedicate to a Freedom fighter who has been incarcerated for 29 years without evidence that he is implicated in any crimes he is accused of . This whole story is that of oppression and injustice , and what is meant is not George Abdallah since he was not guilty of anything he is accused of and did not commit any crime . What is meant is suppressing the Spirit of the Resistance that was manifest in George Abdallah which is the reason why he has not been released today .There is a message here that should be decoded and a lesson that we are supposed to learn as Lebanese, as Arabs , as freedom fighters , we should learn that this is an unforgivable crime to seek liberation and freedom and maybe George Abdallah is being punished for the so called crime committed by the Lebanese Resistance which is to have overcome Israel and its US and European allies and liberated the land and taught Israel and its allies an unforgettable lesson . Anything that represents Resistance and speaks in the name of such Resistance is to be suppressed, anything that is not recognition and normalization and surrender is to be punished. George Abdallah is one of the symbols of such an active Resistance that started with the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and was resumed on the international scale trying to target the enemy wherever he is found .

Abdallah’s actual illegal detention against the court decision is another aspect of the war between Lebanon and the world order and France in this particular instance. This war has for core the independence and autonomy and integrity of our land and of our people and for goal the will of Lebanon in not leaving any Freedom fighters incarcerated and detained by the enemy. We want Lebanon to be up to the challenge again and we want freedom for George Abdallah .

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Lebanese egg French embassy for delaying prisoner’s release

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah was expected to arrive back in Lebanon Monday following a 28-year incarceration in French prison, but the interior minister refused to sign his release order. (Photo: Reuters – Robert Pratta)
Published Monday, January 14, 2013
 
Updated 5:48pm: Several hundred protesters gathered outside the French embassy in Beirut Monday to demonstrate against the postponed release of former Marxist rebel Georges Ibrahim Abdallah.
Some demonstrators began hurling eggs and rocks at the embassy after shutting down traffic to demand the political prisoner’s immediate release following his 28-year imprisonment in France.
“O France, you son of a bitch! Georges Abdallah is in our hearts!” the crowd chanted in Arabic.
Graffiti sprayed on walls facing the embassy read: “France = American whore,” and “Freedom to Georges Abdallah.”

Georges’ brother, Joseph, urged the demonstrators not to resort to violence, and called for them to respect the law.

Lebanese security forces later barricaded the embassy and confined the protesters to a rectangular area inside metal barriers.

The protesters have also begun setting up tents, vowing to launch an open-ended sit-in.

Demonstrators outside the French embassy in Beirut Monday demanded Abdallah’s immediate release.
France’s interior minister refused to sign an expulsion order Monday to repatriate Abdallah to Lebanon where thousands of his supporters had expected to welcome him home.

French officials are now scheduled to meet on January 28 to formalize Abdallah’s parole, but his supporters fear the postponement is a first step to renew his detention.

Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati reportedly told the French ambassador in a telephone call Monday that the postponement was “unjustified.”

Lebanon’s foreign minister Adnan Mansour summoned French envoy Patrice Paoli for a Tuesday meeting over the issue.

Abdallah was granted parole on 21 November 2012. Prosecutors in December appealed the decision, but the ruling was upheld in court on Thursday despite US and Israeli pressure to keep him locked up.
He has remained in prison since 1984 over complicity in the killings two years earlier of an American military officer and an Israeli diplomat.

He was handed a life sentence in 1987 despite the absence of concrete evidence to implicate him in the murders.

Demonstrators condemned a statement earlier Monday by Samir al-Jisr, a senior official from the Western-backed Future Movement and former justice minister, describing Abdallah as a “criminal.”


Several hundred demonstrators stand outside the French embassy.

Security forces guard the embassy.


Demonstrators pitched tents and called for an open-ended sit in.

Abdallah was last granted parole in 2003, but a similar appeal struck down the decision.
The United States as recently as Friday renewed its calls for France to block the release, saying that Abdallah continues to pose a threat.
(Al-Akhbar)

Lebanese Rally at French Embassy to Protest Delay in Freeing Abdallah

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