العدوان الإسرائيلي المُبيَّت ودور عرب التطبيع

 الخميس 11 آب 2022

أليف صباغ 

كان لا بد لحكومة الاحتلال أن توجّه عيون الرأي العام الإسرائيلي إلى موقع آخر، وأن تقوم بعمل يرفع أسهم الحكومة أمام الناخبين اليمينيين. إذن، لا بد من القيام بضربة استباقية لإضعاف الجبهة الجنوبية.

العدوان الإسرائيلي المُبيَّت ودور عرب التطبيع

ليست أول مرة، تتعاون فيها الرجعية العربية و”إسرائيل” على الشعب الفلسطيني، وعادة ما يأخذ هذا التعاون شكلاً خبيثاً، ظاهره “حماية” الفلسطينيين وباطنه كسب ودّ الاستعمار لمصالح ضيقة.

هل كان العدوان على غزة مخططاً مسبقاً؟ وما أهدافه؟

مذ اعتُقل الشيخ المجاهد بسام السعدي، ولاحظنا الحملة العسكرية الكبرى التي شنّت لتحقيق ذلك، والتي استخدمت فيها قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي طائرات مروحية وأخرى مسيّرة، ومصفحات وقناصين وكتيبة من الجيش والمستعربين وكلاباً بوليسية، لاعتقال شخص واحد، فهمنا أن هذه العملية العسكرية ليست عادية، إنما تشكل نموذجاً أو تجسيداً ميدانياً حقيقياً لعمليات من هذا النوع جرى التدرّب عليها من قبل. وعندما رافق ذلك حشد عسكري قرب السياج المحيط بقطاع غزة المحتل، واجتمع لبيد بالقيادات الأمنية يوم الأحد الماضي، وقرّر قطع إجازته المقررة سلفاً، وتذكرنا أن الإعلام الإسرائيلي سبق ذلك، بأسبوع، بحملة إعلامية اتّهم فيها المقاومة الفلسطينية باستخدام المدارس والمستشفيات في تخزين الصواريخ، فهمنا، يقيناً، أنه يجري الاستعداد لعملية عسكرية ضد السكان المدنيين والمقاومة في قطاع غزة، وأن المدنيين سيكونون هدفاً للعدوان. وكيف لا نفهم، ونحن من يتابع كل عدوان بما يسبقه، وما يجرى خلاله، وما يتبعه من تلخيصات ودروس وكشف ما كان مستوراً؟!

أما عن الأهداف فهي كثيرة ومتعددة الاتجاه، منها المُعلن، ومنها غير المعلن، وفق الحاجات الإعلامية السياسية. 

في الأسابيع الأخيرة شنت وسائل الإعلام اليمينية، مع اليمين الإسرائيلي المعارض حملة على حكومة لبيد-غانتس، واتهمتها بالجُبن والتقاعس عن مواجهة التحدي الذي أبدته المقاومة اللبنانية، وفق المعادلة الجديدة، التي أطلقها سماحة السيد، “ما بعد “كاريش” وما بعد بعد “كاريش”، و”إما أن نستخرج غازنا ونفطنا من البحر وإلا فلن نسمح لأحد بأن يستخرج”! هذه المعادلة شغلت الحكومة الإسرائيلية والرأي العام، وسرّعت وتيرة نشاط المبعوث الأميركي الصهيوني، أموس هوكستين، للوصول إلى حل لترسيم الحدود، وبدأت الحكومة الإسرائيلية ترجو من كل ذي صلة أن يتوسط لدى حزب الله بألا ينفذ تهديداته.

وفي الأجواء يحلّق سؤال مُلِح ومقلق، ماذا لو حصلت الحرب المتوقعة مع المقاومة اللبنانية؟ هل تستطيع “إسرائيل” أن تصمد في هذه المواجهة؟ لا سيما أن كل التقديرات تقول إن المقاومة الفلسطينية قد تنضم إلى كل حرب بين “إسرائيل” والمقاومة اللبنانية، فتكون حرباً على جبهتين على الأقل.

في مثل هذه الحالة السياسية والأمنية، كان لا بد لحكومة الاحتلال أن توجّه عيون الرأي العام الإسرائيلي وأذهانه إلى موقع آخر، وأن تقوم بعمل يرفع أسهم الحكومة أمام جمهور الناخبين اليمينيين، والرأي العام الذي يزداد يمينية وتطرفاً. إذن، لا بد من القيام بضربة استباقية لإضعاف الجبهة الجنوبية ومنعها من المشاركة في أي حرب مع حزب الله. لتحقيق ذلك كان لا بد من تقييم وضع المقاومة في القطاع المحتل. هل تستطيع قوات الاحتلال أن تشن حملة عسكرية محدودة على الجهاد الإسلامي من دون تدخل سائر الفصائل، وحماس تحديداً؟ ومن يضمن ذلك؟ 

كما اعتادت حكومات “إسرائيل” السابقة، لا بد من سفك الدماء الفلسطينية على مذبح الانتخابات، ولا بد من إزهاق الأرواح الفلسطينية وتهديم الأبراج السكنية في غزة، لأن هذا ما يرضي الناخب الإسرائيلي الصهيوني المتعطّش إلى ذلك. لكن المشكلة التي كانت تواجه حكومة الاحتلال وجيشها، كيف ستخرج من المعركة؟ وهل تستطيع أن تستفرد بفصيل صغير تلقي عليه حممها البركانية لتشعر بالقوة بدلاً من الضعف، تعيد ثقة الجيش بنفسه وترضي جمهور الناخبين اليمينيين؟ ومن يضمن ذلك؟

أما الأهداف المعلنة، التي صرحت عنها الجهات الرسمية بعد اجتماع لبيد بالكابينيت الأمني، واستبعاد السياسي، يوم الأحد 31 تموز/يوليو، فتتمثل “بالاستعداد لمنع الجهاد الإسلامي من تنفيذ عملية رد عسكرية على اعتقال القيادي بسام السعدي من مخيم جنين”. وادعت الجهات الأمنية والسياسية أن لديهم معلومات بالتخطيط للرد، ولذلك قاموا بإجراءات منع تجوال للمستوطنين في مستوطنات “غلاف غزة”، المقامة على أراضي اللاجئين الفلسطينيين الذين يعيشون ببؤس في القطاع المحاصر منذ 15 سنة. وفي الحقيقة كان كل ذلك ضمن حلقات الاستعداد النفسي والسياسي لسيناريو العدوان المُبيّت.

في تقييم الظروف الملائمة للقيام بعدوان غادر

لتقييم الظروف المناسبة للعدوان وشق صف المقاومة، اعتمدت سلطات الاحتلال على ثلاثة مصادر من المعلومات: 

أولاً: خبرة ومتابعة وتقييم مراكز الأبحاث الإسرائيلية، ومنها مركز أبحاث الأمن القومي، وضمن ذلك، التمييز بين مصالح حماس من جهة، والجهاد الإسلامي من جهة ثانية، إضافة إلى مصلحة مصر والاستخبارات المصرية تحديداً في تقليم أظافر “الجهاد” من دون تدخل “حماس” وسائر فصائل المقاومة المسلحة، معتمدة في ذلك على دور الاستخبارات المصرية في معركة “سيف القدس”، وما تبعها من معارك صغيرة، الأخيرة فيها مسيرة الأعلام الاستفزازية في القدس القديمة، واقتحامات المستوطنين في حزيران/يونيو الماضي، ودور مصر وقطر في منع تدخل المقاومة من غزة. 

ثانياً: أما المصدر الثاني، فهو ما تستخلصه الاستخبارات من خلال مئات المحادثات غير المباشرة التي تجرى مع عمال فلسطينيين تم السماح لهم دخول “إسرائيل” والعمل فيها خلال الشهر الماضي، وبلغ عدد التصاريح 14 ألف تصريح. هذه المحادثات لا تجري من خلال تحقيق يجريه الشاباك مع العمال، إنما هي أحاديث، تبدو عادية، تجري بين المشغل الإسرائيلي والعامل الفلسطيني، أو بين صحافي إسرائيلي وعامل فلسطيني، لتصل إلى الباحثين في صفوف الشاباك مادة تضاف إلى التقييمات والأبحاث، تعزز فرضية أو ترفضها.

ثالثاً: الأهم من هذا المصدر وذاك التقييم المشترك مع الاستخبارات المصرية للأوضاع في غزة، وعلاقات الفصائل فيما بينها وقدرة الجمهور الفلسطيني على احتمال التضحيات، وقدرة مصر على ضبط إيقاع وردود المقاومة من غزة، وتدخلها في الوقت الملائم، لمنع تدحرج المعركة واتساعها وتورط قوات الاحتلال تالياً بما لم تكن مستعدة له. من هنا قال البيان الإسرائيلي الرسمي إن العدوان جاء بناء على توصيات القيادة العسكرية والشاباك، والمقصود هنا هم الباحثون الذي يتواصلون مع نظرائهم المصريين. وعليه، جاء التواصل الإسرائيلي المصري من اليوم الأول بعد اعتقال السعدي، وشن العدوان ضمن الأهداف المحددة له، كما راقب الطيران المسيّر تحركات القادة الفلسطينيين خلال لقائهم الاستخبارات المصرية حتى الساعة الأخيرة قبل العدوان، ويقول رئيس تحرير صحيفة “الأهرام”: “إن إسرائيل وعدت الاستخبارات المصرية أن تكون العملية العسكرية محدودة، وموجّهة ضد “الجهاد الإسلامي” فقط”.

دور الاستخبارات المصرية وغيرها

للتفصيل أكثر، يتمثل دور الاستخبارات المصرية وجهات عربية أخرى في ثلاثة مستويات ومراحل

أولاً: في تقييم مشترك مع الاستخبارات الإسرائيلية والباحثين المختصين بالظروف الداخلية في القطاع، وفي العلاقة بين قوى المقاومة ومصالح كل منها، لمعرفة ما إن كانت الظروف ملائمة لشن العدوان وإمكان تحقيق أهدافه. ولا يتورع “الخبراء”، العسكريون والأمنيون المصريون عن الإدلاء بتقييماتهم هذه على شاشات التلفزة الإسرائيلية أيضاً.

ثانياً: في ضبط إيقاع الرد من المقاومة، من خلال الضغوط والتهديدات.

ثالثاً: في الوصول إلى وقف إطلاق النار أو تهدئة، حين تحتاج “إسرائيل” إلى ذلك، وفق الشروط الإسرائيلية، لكن إخراج هذه النهاية يتطلب أن تبدو وكأنها مبادرة مصرية، تقوم بموجبها الاستخبارات المصرية بتقديم “ضمانات” إلى المقاومة، وقد ثبت من تجربة المعارك السابقة، أنها ضمانات فارغة، وهي مجرد تضليل للرأي العام العربي عامة والفلسطيني خاصة، لأن “إسرائيل” لا تقدم إلى مصر إلا الفتات الذي يحفظ ما وجهها. في النهاية، هي جهود مصرية تهدف إلى إرضاء السيد الأميركي والإسرائيلي، بحثاً عن مصالح مصرية ضيقة أو مصالح شخصية لهذه الشخصية أو تلك. 

ليس صحيحاً أن “إسرائيل” خدعت الاستخبارات المصرية، وهي تدعي في كل جولة أن “إسرائيل” خدعتها، وأن “إسرائيل” لم تفِ بوعودها، وفي تنفيذ الاتفاقيات، أين هي الاتفاقيات؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك فلماذا تعلنون اتفاقيات وتفاهمات، وتعودون إلى تقديم الضمانات الفارغة؟ إن المشاركة الفعلية في تقييم الظروف الملائمة لشن العدوان يحتم المعرفة المسبّقة لنيات “إسرائيل” العدوانية.

من يراجع تصريحات المسؤولين الإسرائيليين والمصريين قبل العدوان وخلاله، وغداة وقف إطلاق النار، والتعبير عن رضاهم عن الدور المصري، لا بد أن يصل إلى هذه الحقيقة. وكان أكثر التصريحات توضيحاً ودلالة على الدور المصري، هو المديح الذي كاله الرئيس بايدن، بعد بضع ساعات من وقف إطلاق النار، للدور المصري والقطري في الوصول إلى وقف لإطلاق النار، مع التذكير بأن أميركا هي من أعطى “إسرائيل” الضوء الأخضر لشن هذا العدوان من خلال الإعلان عن إبلاغ غانتس نظيره الأميركي، أوستن، بذلك، ووقوف بايدن إلى جانب “إسرائيل” في عدوانها منذ اليوم الأول، بذريعة “الدفاع عن النفس”. فلو كانت أميركا محبة لوقف إطلاق النار، أو منع سفك الدماء الفلسطينية فعلاً، لما أعطت الضوء الأخضر للعدوان؟ 

في تقييم النتائج

الحقيقة أن “سرايا القدس” لم “تنتصر”، بالمعنى التكتيكي لجولة واحدة، على “إسرائيل”، لكنها أثبتت أن “الجهاد الإسلامي” قادر على الصمود، وعلى إدارة معركة دفاعية ومعنوية تحفظ وفاءه لأرواح الشهداء ودماء الجرحى وعذابات الأسرى في معتقلات العدو الصهيوني، ووحدة الساحات الفلسطينية. الجهاد كانت وحدها في وجه جيش قوي يتمتع بقدرات عسكرية كبيرة، بل يدّعي أنه من أقوى الجيوش في العالم، وهذا الصمود هو ما يقلق الخبراء الإسرائيليين في الوقت الحاضر. وتساءل عدد منهم، على شاشات التلفزة الإسرائيلية، كيف ستواجه “إسرائيل” حزب الله، وهو يمتلك قدرات عسكرية ولوجستية أضعاف أضعاف ما تمتلكه سرايا القدس؟ كيف ستواجه حزب الله، وهو غير محاصر من دولة “شقيقة”، ولا يخضع لأي ضغوط من استخبارات عربية موجَّهة من الولايات المتحدة و”إسرائيل”؟

في غضون ثلاثة أيام، وعلى الرغم من الخسارات الكبيرة التي تكبدها “سرايا القدس”، باغتيال القادة العسكريين الكبار منذ اللحظة الأولى للعدوان، وعلى الرغم من ضغوط “الأشقاء” العرب، وقدرات الطيران الحربي الإسرائيلي، إلا أن سرايا القدس استطاعت أن تطلق ما يقارب 1000 صاروخ باتجاه قوات العدو، أي بمعدل 300 صاروخ يومياً، وهذا يساوي المعدل اليومي لما أطلقته قوى المقاومة مجتمعةً في غزة إبّان العدوان الإسرائيلي في أيار/مايو 2021 المسمّى إسرائيلياً “حامي الأسوار”. ولم يكن هذا منتظراً قطّ.

علينا أن نفهم، أنه لم يحن وقت الانتصار بعد، وأننا ما زلنا في حدود الصمود في وجه العدوان الصهيوني المدعوم من الاستعمار والرجعية العربية التابعة للبيت الأبيض. ومع ذلك، على منظمة الجهاد الإسلامي أن تراجع تجربتها بموضوعية ومسؤولية لتجنب نقاط الضعف، وتعزيز نقاط القوة، وبذل جهود أكثر لفهم مخططات العدو وخطر علاقاته بالأنظمة العربية المطبّعة، وخصوصاً الاستخبارات المصرية. على المقاومة الفلسطينية عامة أن تراجع مواقفها من هذه المعركة تحديداً، ومن معارك أخرى، وأن تحذر كل الحذر من التعاون القائم بين الاستخبارات العربية والإسرائيلية برعاية أميركية، على العامل الفلسطيني في “إسرائيل” أن يحذر أحاديث تبدو بريئة، وهي في الحقيقة أحاديث خبيثة تهدف إلى استطلاع الراي العام الفلسطيني وظروف المقاومة، وعلى قوى المقاومة أن تتخذ كل الخطوات التي من شأنها التحرر من ضغوط وقيود “الأشقاء”… 

“من جرّب المجرّب كان عقله مخرّب”.

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

’Unity of the Battlefields’: The Islamic Jihad Alone Humiliates ’Israel’, Shapes the Bitterer Future

August 10, 2022

By Mohammad Youssef

The criminal ‘Israeli’ assassination of a Palestinian Islamic Jihad leader was the reason behind the recent confrontation between the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces and the resistance movement in Gaza.

The ‘Israelis’ were testing their capabilities of isolating the movement and dealing a devastating blow that would undermine the group and pave the way to eliminate it; nonetheless, their calculations proved wrong and all their ambitions were futile.

The Islamic Jihad’s steadfastness, efficiency, and readiness to go into a long battle has put the ‘Israeli’ enemy into shame.

Although the ‘Israelis’ assassinated two of the movement’s prominent leaders, this did not change anything in the battlefield.

The Islamic Jihad continued to launch rockets against the ‘Israeli’ occupation’s settlements.

The major ‘Israeli’-occupied cities, mainly Tel Aviv, came under barrage of missiles from Gaza. The rockets and shells continued to fall till the last moment before the Egyptian-brokered ceasefire came into effect.

Why did the ‘Israelis’ start this battle?

It is evident that the ‘Israelis’ are in a bad shape politically, when their political system comes into a stalemate or a deadlock they use the Palestinians as blood cards to help one ‘Israeli’ party or another to tap the balance in the race for elections.

The ‘Israelis’ attempted to plant a wedge among the resistance movements by saying they are only targeting Islamic Jihad leaders and not Hamas. However, Hamas movement was in full readiness to respond and join the Islamic Jihad in its battle had the situation required this.

The ‘Israelis’ thought they would send a message to blackmail Lebanon and mainly Hezbollah to pressure it to accept what they have put on the table vis-à-vis the maritime problem with Lebanon.

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah warned the ‘Israelis’ not to commit any mistake or to fall into their miscalculations with the Islamic Resistance.

The resistance leader asserted the full readiness of the party’s fighters to defend Lebanon. He directed his speech to the Lebanese people and to the ‘Israeli’ enemy. His Eminence reiterated the recent formula that without Lebanon being able to extract gas and oil, the ‘Israeli’ enemy would not be able to do so, because the Islamic resistance has taken the decision to prevent the ‘Israelis’ from this.

As a result of this new battle in Gaza, the Islamic Jihad and all the Palestinian resistance factions have proved their steadfastness and unity.

The situation did not exacerbate to a place where Hamas or other resistance factions were needed to intervene.

The Islamic Jihad with its last barrage of rockets showering the Zionist settlements made a magnificent show of strength against the enemy.

Hezbollah also has set its redlines for the ‘Israelis’ not to trespass. The ‘Israelis’ have confessed their military escalations and assassinations did not do them any good.

A new chapter is on the making now, it is a chapter of victory and triumph written by the resistance. The ‘Israeli’ enemy is being humiliated and will continue to be until the last battle that will fully devastate the ‘Israelis’ and totally defeat them.

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الثلاثاء 9 آب 2022

 ناصر قنديل

بات ثابتاً أن حركة حماس لم تشترك في الردّ العسكري على العدوان الإسرائيلي على غزة الذي استهدف مواقع وقيادات حركة الجهاد الإسلاميّ وجناحها العسكريّ سرايا القدس، وسقط خلالها عدد من المدنيين، كما بات ثابتاً أن حركة حماس كانت على تنسيق تام مع حركة الجهاد خلال أيام وساعات المواجهة، وأنها كانت تتابع مجريات المواجهة وتطمئن إلى ثبات معادلاتها، وتقدّم التغطية السياسية اللازمة للجهاد للظهور كممثل للإجماع الفلسطيني المقاوم، الذي تعبر عنه غرفة العمليات المشتركة، وقد قدّمت هذه المواجهة نموذجاً جديداً عن تقاسم أدوار بين الفصيلين الأساسيين في المقاومة، حماس والجهاد، وأنتجت معادلات تستحق القراءة والنقاش، لكن نقاش بقاء حماس خارج المواجهة العملية والميدانية تحول إلى الاعتبارات العاطفية، سواء بخلفية مواقف مسبقة من حماس على خلفية موقفها من الحرب على سورية، أو بخلفية الرغبة برؤية المقاومة موحّدة في الميدان، وبحكم ما تمثله حماس تقديم مزيد من أسباب القوة التي تنزل بالاحتلال المزيد من الخسائر والأذى، وترفع سقف المنجزات في نهاية الجولة، لكن هذه المخاوف التي تصل حد التشكيك وتفترض أن ما وراء هذه الجولة هو تفاهمات استراتيجية ليست مطروحة أصلاً لدى الجانب الإسرائيلي، لا مع السلطة الفلسطينية ولا مع حماس، ولا مع أي فلسطيني، أو التمنيات التي تصل حد تخيّل أن هذه الجولة هي آخر الحروب بين المقاومة والاحتلال وسيتقرر على اساس معادلات النار والسياسة فيها مستقبل الحرب. وهذا منافٍ للواقع الذي يحتمل جولات وجولات قبل بلوغ لحظة المنازلة الشاملة، ويفترض ابتكار أشكال من العمل والخطط التي تتيح تعزيز معادلات الردع وتصليب بنية المقاومة.

النقاش العقلاني يجب أن يتحرّر من أية خلفية مسبقة وأن يناقش المشهد بما هو عليه، في المقدّمات والسياق والنتائج. ففي المقدمات من الواضح أن قرار العدوان الإسرائيلي استند إلى ثنائية قوامها، من جهة تبلور ملف أمني استخباري يتيح له تقدير إمكانية توجيه ضربة قاصمة لحركة الجهاد وقدرتها الصاروخية، تشارك في تكوينها مع أجهزة مخابرات عربية وأوروبية وأميركية، ومن جهة مقابلة إلى فرضية وضع معادلة استهداف غزة ومنشآتها المدنية والحكومية وأبراجها السكنية ومستشفياتها ومدارسها في كفة ومشاركة حماس في المواجهة في كفة ثانية. ومع الضربة الأولى التي نتج عنها اغتيال القائد في سرايا القدس تيسير الجعبري، أعلن الاحتلال عن أهدافه وأوصل الرسالة إلى حماس عبر الأقنية العربية التي يتم عبرها التواصل الأمني والسياسي والمالي، وإذا أردنا التحرّر من البعد العاطفي في القراءة، ووضعنا جانباً ما يسود قواعد الفريقين من مشاعر العتب والتباري والتنافس، نستطيع القول إن قيادات الجهاد وحماس توافقت على آلية في إدارة الحرب، عبّر عنها بيان غرفة العمليات المشتركة من جهة، وقيام الجهاد بتصدّر المواجهة وتحمل تبعاتها الرئيسية من جهة موازية، على قاعدة أنه في أية لحظة تبدو أعباء المواجهة فوق طاقة الجهاد منفردة، فلن تترك حماس الحرب تذهب نحو منح الاحتلال فرصة تحقيق نصر، ستدفع هي وكل قوى المقاومة أثمانه بصورة لا قدرة لأحد على تحمّلها.

لقد كنا أمام مشهد غير مألوف، حيث تسنى للجهاد، من جهة التحرّر من أعباء حملة تدميرية شاملة تستهدف غزة وتحملها تبعاتها أمام الشعب الفلسطيني، وهو مكسب كبير يريح قيادة المقاومة في خوض حرب استنزاف طويلة، لكن شرطه وثمنه أن تبقى حماس خارج القتال، ومن جهة موازية وفّر ذلك لقيادة الجهاد حرية أكبر في قبول ورفض عروض وقف النار وشروطها وموعدها، بعد أن تحرّرت من شراكة حماس في القرار، وما يحمله من تأثر حماس بضغوط لا تقيم لها الجهاد اعتباراً، وشرط الإفادة من هاتين الميزتين هو أن تتمكّن الجهاد من النهوض منفردة بأعباء تثبيت معادلات الردع، رغم آلام الضربة الأولى ومفاجأتها، وما سيليها من ضربات مشابهة. وكان هذا هو التحدي الذي نهضت به الجهاد أيما نهوض، بصورة أبهرت الأعداء والأصدقاء في الوقت ذاته، حيث انتظمت التشكيلات العسكرية، والصاروخية منها خصوصاً التي تعمل تحت قيادة الشهيدين القائدين تيسير الجعبري وخالد منصور، وأدّت مهامها بصورة غير قابلة للتخيل، سواء في مهارة إدارة النيران وتدرجها، أو في إظهار نظام السيطرة والقيادة في وجبات صاروخية جماعية يستحيل إطلاقها بدون قيادة مركزية مسيطرة بالكامل على منصات الإطلاق، خصوصاً في اليوم الثالث عندما بدا ان الاحتلال يريد وقف الجولة وإنهاءها عند حدود ما اعتقد أنها إنجازاته.

في الحصيلة ثبتت معادلة أراد الاحتلال كسرها، ولأجل كسرها كانت خطة الاستفراد للجهاد واغتيال قادتها، وهي معادلة استهداف العمق الإسرائيلي بصواريخ المقاومة بصورة تعطّل دورة الحياة فيها، وعندما حصل ذلك ظهر الاغتيال مجرد انتقام لا وظيفة عملياتية له ولا مردود عسكرياً يترتب عليه، ومثله بد أن تحييد حماس مجرد توفير فرصة لتحييد المدنيين والمنشآت المدنية تخفف الأعباء عن كاهل الجهاد، وفي الحصيلة، بعيداً عن نتائج الالتزام الإسرائيلي باتفاق وقف إطلاق النار لجهة مصير الأسرى من الضفة الغربية ووحدة الساحات، صارت الصورة الجديدة الناتجة عن هذه الجولة، تقوم على معادلة ردع جديدة مزدوجة مختلفة، تمتلك عبر شقها الأول حركة الجهاد فرصة قيادة المقاومة في الضفة والقدس والأرض المحتلة عام 48 تحت شعار وحدة الساحات، وتستطيع حمايتها عبر تكرار معادلة الردع التي فرضتها منفردة في هذه الجولة، وبالتوازي شقّ ثانٍ تمتلكه حماس عنوانه أن حماس سوف تتدخل في أية مواجهة إذا تم المساس بالمنشآت المدنية والمدنيين في أية مواجهة بين الاحتلال والجهاد على خلفية مشروع المقاومة ووحدة الساحات، وصولاً لأن تتحمل حماس مسؤولية وضع معادلة الردع التي تمتلكها في كفة مقابل المطالبة بفك الحصار وتبادل الأسرى، باعتبارها مرجعية غزة والمسؤولة عن توفير الحد الأدنى من شروط الحياة فيها.

تكامل في الأدوار ولد من رحم التحدّي الذي فرضه الاحتلال على قوى المقاومة، وحولته قوى المقاومة إلى فرصة سترافق المواجهات المقبلة وتترك بصماتها على الإنجازات المقبلة.

مقالات ذات صلة

A quick note about the latest aggression against Gaza

9 Aug 2022
Amro Allan

On 27 Dec. 2008, the Zionist occupation forces began an aggression against Gaza that lasted for three weeks. The aggression resulted in thousands of civilians killed and injured, tens of thousands displaced, and large destruction in Gaza’s civilian infrastructure.
the Zionist entity announced that the objective of that aggression was to annihilate Hamas, the Palestinian resistance group that was a fraction of what it is now in terms of its strength.
At the end of the three week long operation, the occupation clamed victory, and the occupation forces, the settlers, along with their supporters started congratulating themselves on their (so called) victory.
However, 13 years later, in 2021, the Palestinian resistance, specially Hamas, was bombarding the occupation with long range missiles, reaching pretty much all the occupied Palestinian land.
Now few days ago, the occupation forces began another aggression against Gaza. This time though, they said they were going to annihilate Islamic Jihad, another Palestinian resistance group that is comparable to what was Hamas back in 2009 in terms of size and strength.
But, this aggression lasted 3 days and not 3 weeks. One of the reasons for this was that the Zionist entity feared the sequences if Hamas entered the battle field with Islamic Jihad. This is the same Hamas that the occupation claimed to have defeated in 2009, you remember?
Anyway, again The occupation claimed victory at the end of their three day long operation. And again, the occupation forces, the settlers, and their supporters are congratulating themselves on what they think is a victory, only that Islamic Jihad hasn’t disappeared!
The occupation tried, during the past few days, to do with Islamic Jihad what it tried to do with Hamas thirteen years ago. But most likely, from past experience, the growth trajectory of Islamic Jihad will be like Hamas’s. And in few years, the occupation will have to face two Hamas size resistance groups in Gaza rather than only one!
the Zionists occupied Palestine 74 years ago, and they have been trying to defeat the Palestinians since. But those pesky Palestinians proofed to be a lot more tougher than what the Zionist colonisers have imagined. And it is clear that the Palestinians are determined to liberate their homeland from its occupiers. So, I would suggest to the Zionists to stop their aggression against Palestinians, give back what they have stolen from them, and go back to their homes. Then, and only then, everyone can live in peace.

Sword of Jerusalem II has begun and there is no room for negotiation

Israel may have miscalculated, again. The PIJ resistance it has brutally targeted in Gaza and the West Bank wants to take this confrontation until the liberation of Palestine

August 06 2022

By Abdel Bari Atwan

Only about half of the 160 rockets (Israel says 400+) fired by Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) on the mass of Israeli settlements flanking the Gaza Strip were intercepted by Israel’s US-funded Iron Dome systems.

This, in itself, is a major military and psychological achievement for the Palestinian resistance. The settlers have lost their security, their time to leave has come.

The PIJ cleverly handled the pre-battle phase by stepping up armed military confrontations in the West Bank, entering into strategic operational coordination with Fatah’s Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade – particularly in Jenin, Nablus and Tulkarem – and besieging and forcing a curfew on more than 1.5 million Israelis in the southern settlements adjacent to the Gaza Strip.

These confrontations were in retaliation for Israel’s targeting of PIJ’s cadres throughout Palestinian territories this summer. But it was the Israeli leadership which decided on war and must take responsibility for the consequences of its decision, regionally and internationally. The PIJ lured Tel Aviv to war without firing a single missile, and herein lies the miracle.

A war or a skirmish?

The battle is still in its infancy, and in its first two days was limited to the PIJ alone, which stands with its resistance fighters in the face of the mighty Israeli military machine.

The participation of other Palestinian factions in the battlefield, especially Hamas, is still not excluded.

The PIJ’s announcement on Saturday that its military forces are mobilized and prepared may be the first step to what comes next.

It is Israel that began the airstrikes and violated its commitments to previous agreements, most notably by initiating and executing a campaign to assassinate PIJ leaders: most recently Tayseer Al-Jabari, their field commander in the Gaza Strip, and a number of his fellow fighters. For this, Tel Aviv will now have to pay a heavy price.

The resistance in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and their constituents are rushing to join Hamas and its fighters, missiles, drones, and frogmen into the confrontation; to provide protection to the more than two million Palestinians currently under Israel’s absolute rule in Gaza.

The most frequent question asked in the West Bank and Gaza Strip today is “where are Abu Obeida, Mohammad Deif, and Yahya al-Sinwar?” – in reference to the military spokesman of Hamas’ Al-Qassam Brigades, its supreme military commander, and Hamas’ political leader in Gaza, respectively. “How long will they be absent from this battle?”

Israel’s big problem 

Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz may have launched the airstrikes on the Gaza Strip on Friday, but he will not be the one to decide the battle’s conclusion. As in the Sword of Jerusalem (Saif al-Quds) conflagration in May 2021, which Gantz incorrectly predicted would last at least a week, he cannot control the outcome of this fight.

That May, to Israel’s utter horror and confusion, for the first time in decades, West Bank, Gaza and 1948 Palestinians banded together to confront Israel over its provocative storming of Al-Aqsa Mosque in East Jerusalem. In one short month, Tel Aviv’s decades-long systematic efforts to separate and compartmentalize these three Palestinian areas was decimated.

Gantz, his army, and his prime minister (Benjamin Netanyahu) were impotent in the face of the multi-front Palestinian response. It was US President Joe Biden who begged Egyptian mediators for a quick intervention because Israel could not sustain the repercussions of one more missile hitting Tel Aviv.

Will Hamas join the fight?

It is clear that Hamas cannot stand by while Israeli raids kill children and bomb towers in the Gaza Strip.

Although somewhat restrained by its Turkish and Arab allies, Hamas – a resistance partner to the PIJ – must ultimately listen to its Palestinian, Arab and Muslim constituents, or risk losing much in the short and medium term.

Daoud Shihab, spokesman for the PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigades, has already said “No” to Arab mediators led by Egypt. The PIJ believes that this is not the time to calm down, but to confront Israel’s aggression, avenge the Palestinian martyrs and ask:

How dare the mediators resume their efforts, talk about ceasefires, and try to halt a justified Palestinian response. Did the Israeli enemy respect its commitments to rebuild the Gaza Strip, refrain from assassinating the leaders of the resistance, and ease years of a harrowing siege?

“We have been deceived by the mediators,” says Mohammad Al Hindi, a member of the Political Bureau of the PIJ movement.

When General Benny Gantz says that his current Gaza operation is to strike the entire PIJ network – in parallel with strikes directed by his security forces in the West Bank – he reveals his plan for a “fitna” (inner rebellion) to tear apart the unity of the resistance and instigate a factional war between the PIJ and Hamas movements. Greater awareness and discipline is required to thwart Gantz’s plan, specifically by Hamas.

On Friday night, the PIJ’s Secretary General Ziad Al-Nakhala declared in an on-air interview with Al-Mayadeen that this war is open: there are no red lines and it will continue until victory.

Nakhala also said he may issue instructions to the PIJ delegation to refuse Egyptian mediation in Cairo, and halt ceasefire negotiations that will serve Israel’s interests only and save Tel Aviv from this trap it fell into with eyes wide open.

A war until liberation?

This is a war that will last. It comes as a precious gift to the Palestinian people and their resistance, and the coming days will reveal shocking and terrifying surprises for the Israelis that will send millions of them into shelters and global isolation.

Hezbollah’s Hisham Safieddine, executive council chairman of the Lebanese resistance movement, recently said: “The resistance has obtained strategic weapons that will break the balance of power, and the enemy’s attempt to prevent their arrival has failed.”

To this he added: “we must be present and not be affected by propaganda media campaigns that want to undermine our capabilities – by the Israeli, US and Gulf media and some of their ‘mignons’ in Lebanon. We will not give up our wealth [natural resources] in our territorial waters,” which means that the gas war is very imminent.

We are facing a war that may have begun in the Gaza Strip, but could, with just one ill-timed spark, transform into a regional war involving many other resistance factions. This comes at a time when western colonialism is facing two major power wars – in Ukraine (with Russia) and East Asia (with China).

Millions anticipating the appearance of Hamas’ Abu Obeida with his red kefiyah may not have to wait long. The Sword of Jerusalem II is in the running to be a much larger and more dangerous confrontation than the Sword of Jerusalem I.

Airports may close very soon, and thousands of Israeli settlers may take to the seas in search of safety from the retaliatory missiles of the resistance. Watch this space and its developments in the coming days.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

Biden and Lapid Declaration: Iran, Hezbollah Main Concern

July 15, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

The Zionist entity’s Prime Minister Yair Lapid and US President Joe Biden on Thursday unveiled the so-called “Al-Quds [Jerusalem] Declaration on the US-Israel Strategic Partnership”.

The declaration reaffirms “the unbreakable bonds” between Tel Aviv and Washington, which are “based on a bedrock of shared values, shared interests, and true friendship.”

It underscores the United States’ “steadfast commitment to preserve and strengthen ‘Israel’s’ capability to deter its enemies and to defend itself by itself against any threat or combination of threats,” and reiterates that “these commitments are bipartisan and sacrosanct,” which are also “vitally important to the national security of the United States.”

Addressing Iran, the declaration stresses that “integral to this pledge is the [US] commitment never to allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon, and that it is prepared to use all elements of its national power to ensure that outcome.”

Washington also reiterated its pledge to work with “Israel” “and other partners to confront Iran’s ‘aggression and destabilizing activities, whether advanced directly or through proxies and terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad’.”

‘Watani’: A Kanafanian Song in the Time of National Crisis (VIDEO)

July 13, 2022

Late Palestinian intellectual Ghassan Kanafani. (Photo: via as-Safir)

By Haidar Eid

Bodies fall, but not the idea. (Ghassan Kanafani)

The 50th anniversary of the assassination of Ghassan Kanafani coincides with the passing of 15 years of the Fatah-Hamas rift, instigated by the Bush administration in 2007 and which has led to the formation of two local, opposing administrations by the two parties in the 1967 occupied territories.

The clashes between the two parties created a new reality on the ground, the brunt of which has been paid, mainly, by the 2.4 million residents of the besieged Gaza Strip, and has led to one of the worst national crises Palestinians have had since the emergence of the contemporary Palestinian revolution and the formation of the PLO.

What would Ghassan Kanafani have said?! This song is an attempt to address this question.

The song is written and performed by Haidar Eid.

Nai: Ismail Harazeen

Oud: Mohammed Oukasha

Graphic Design: Alaa Samir

Lyrics:

Oh, WATANY (MY HOMELAND)

Patience and steadfastness

And forgiveness for what we have done

WATANY!

You are the throbbing heart

You are the throbbing HEART

You are the soul

The soul

THE SOUL

And the soul is dear (to the heart)

And so TRANSCENDENTAL

15 YEARS OF FAILED EXPERIMENTS: MYTHS AND FACTS ABOUT THE ISRAELI SIEGE ON GAZA

JULY 7TH, 2022

Source

By Ramzy Baroud

Fifteen years have passed since Israel imposed a total siege on the Gaza Strip, subjecting nearly two million Palestinians to one of the longest and most cruel politically-motivated blockades in history.

The Israeli government had then justified its siege as the only way to protect Israel from Palestinian “terrorism and rocket attacks”. This remains the official Israeli line until this day. Not many Israelis – certainly not in government, media or even ordinary people – would argue that Israel today is safer than it was prior to June 2007.

It is widely understood that Israel has imposed the siege as a response to the Hamas takeover of the Strip, following a brief and violent confrontation between the two main Palestinian political rivals, Hamas, which currently rules Gaza, and Fatah, which dominates the Palestinian Authority in the occupied West Bank.

However, the isolation of Gaza was planned years before the Hamas-Fatah clash, or even the Hamas’ legislative election victory of January 2006. Late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was determined to redeploy Israeli forces out of Gaza, years prior to these dates.

What finally culminated in the Israeli Disengagement from Gaza in August-September 2005 was proposed by Sharon in 2003, approved by his government in 2004, and finally adopted by the Knesset in February 2005.

The ‘disengagement’ was an Israeli tactic that aimed at removing a few thousand illegal Jewish settlers out of Gaza – to other illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank – while redeploying the Israeli army from crowded Gaza population centers to the border areas. This was the actual start of the Gaza siege.

The above assertion was even clear to James Wolfensohn, who was appointed by the Quartet on the Middle East as the Special Envoy for Gaza Disengagement. In 2010, he reached a similar conclusion:

Gaza had been effectively sealed off from the outside world since the Israeli disengagement … and the humanitarian and economic consequences for the Palestinian population were profound.”

The ultimate motive behind the ‘disengagement’ was not Israel’s security, or even to starve Gazans as a form of collective punishment. The latter was one natural outcome of a much more sinister political plot, as communicated by Sharon’s own senior advisor at the time, Dov Weisglass. In an interview with the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, in October 2004, Weisglass put it plainly: “The significance of the disengagement plan is the freezing of the peace process.” How?

“When you freeze (the peace) process, you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and you prevent a discussion on the refugees, the borders, and Jerusalem,” according to Weisglass. Not only was this Israel’s ultimate motive behind the disengagement and subsequent siege on Gaza but, according to the seasoned Israeli politician, it was all done “with a presidential blessing and the ratification of both houses of Congress.” The President in question here is no other than US president at the time, George W. Bush.

All of this had taken place before Palestine’s legislative elections, Hamas’ victory, and the Hamas-Fatah clash. The latter merely served as a convenient justification for what had already been discussed, ‘ratified’ and implemented.

Gaza
Palestinian children play outside their homes on the outskirts of the Khan Younis refugee camp, Jan. 19, 2022. Khalil Hamra | AP

For Israel, the siege has been a political ploy, which acquired additional meaning and value as time passed. In response to the accusation that Israel was starving Palestinians in Gaza, Weisglass was very quick to muster an answer:

The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger.”

What was then understood as a facetious, albeit thoughtless statement, turned out to be actual Israeli policy, as indicated in a 2008 report, which was made available in 2012. Thanks to the Israeli human rights organization Gisha, the “redlines (for) food consumption in the Gaza Strip” – composed by the Israeli Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories – was made public. It emerged that Israel was calculating the minimum number of calories necessary to keep Gaza’s population alive, a number that is “adjusted to culture and experience” in the Strip.

The rest is history. Gaza’s suffering is absolute. 98% of the Strip’s water is undrinkable. Hospitals lack essential supplies and life-saving medications. Movement in and out of the Strip is practically prohibited, with minor exceptions.

Still, Israel has failed miserably in achieving any of its objectives. Tel Aviv hoped that the ‘disengagement’ would compel the international community to redefine the legal status of the Israeli occupation of Gaza. Despite Washington’s pressure, that never happened. Gaza remains part of the Occupied Palestinian Territories as defined in international law.

Even the September 2007 Israeli designation of Gaza as an “enemy entity” and a “hostile territory” changed little, except that it allowed the Israeli government to declare several devastating wars on the Strip, starting in 2008.

None of these wars have successfully served a long-term Israeli strategy. Instead, Gaza continues to fight back on a much larger scale than ever before, frustrating the calculation of Israeli leaders, as it became clear in their befuddled, disturbing language. During one of the deadliest Israeli wars on Gaza in July 2014, Israeli right-wing Knesset member, Ayelet Shaked, wrote on Facebook that the war was “not a war against terror, and not a war against extremists, and not even a war against the Palestinian Authority.” Instead, according to Shaked, who a year later became Israel’s Minister of Justice, “… is a war between two people. Who is the enemy? The Palestinian people.”

In the final analysis, the governments of Sharon, Tzipi Livni, Ehud Olmert, Benjamin Netanyahu, and Naftali Bennett failed to isolate Gaza from the greater Palestinian body, and break the will of the Strip or ensure Israeli security at the expense of Palestinians.

Moreover, Israel has fallen victim to its own hubris. While prolonging the siege will achieve no short or long-term strategic value, lifting the siege, from Israel’s viewpoint, would be tantamount to an admission of defeat – and could empower Palestinians in the West Bank to emulate the Gaza model. This lack of certainty further accentuates the political crisis and lack of strategic vision that continued to define all Israeli governments for nearly two decades.

Inevitably, Israel’s political experiment in Gaza has backfired, and the only way out is for the Gaza siege to be completely lifted and, this time, for good.

Hamas’ return ticket to Damascus won’t come cheap

The Palestinian resistance movement’s complicated relationship with Syria is headed for a reset, but it won’t be on their terms.

July 06 2022

Photo Credit: The Cradle

Despite excited media reports of a Hamas-Syria rapprochement, nothing is finalized: the Palestinian resistance movement has much more to prove still.

By The Cradle’s Palestine Correspondent

On 21 June, two unnamed Hamas sources told Reuters that the Palestinian resistance movement had decided to restore ties with Damascus following a decade-long rift after Hamas expressed support for the Syrian opposition.

The news caused a row, and it seems that this may have been the purpose behind its leak.

Shortly after the report, dozens of websites, satellite channels and media commentators in Turkey, Qatar, and the UK who are sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood – the political Islamist group to which Hamas belongs ideologically – distanced themselves from Hamas, which has neither confirmed nor denied the reports.

However, comments made by the head of the Political Bureau of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, has added credence to these claims.

In a speech before the National Islamic Conference in Beirut, on 25 June, Haniyeh said, “The time has come after ten years to make historic reconciliations in the Islamic nation.”

“What is happening in the region today is very dangerous as Israel is paving the way through military and security alliances to fight Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas,” he added.

So how accurate are the reports about “high-profile” secret meetings between Hamas and the Syrians? Is there a relationship between Haniyeh’s visit to Beirut and the timing of these revelations?

The heavy legacy of Khaled Meshaal

When Hamas left Syria over a decade ago, the office of Khaled Meshaal, who was the head of the movement’s Political Bureau at the time, justified the decision as stemming from “moral premises.”

They contended that the Hamas movement stands with the people in deciding who will rule them, saying “even if the ruler supports our right, we will not support his falsehood.” This reverberated within the movement, and the majority of its popular base supported “Syrian revolution” in the face of “the regime that is slaughtering its people.”

That was back in 2011, when the so-called Arab Spring helped sweep the Muslim Brotherhood (MB or Ikhwan) and its affiliates into power in Egypt and Tunisia, and paved the way for the MB-aligned Syrian armed opposition to take control of the outskirts of Damascus. .

But only four years later (2015), the picture was completely reversed: Egypt’s Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a Gulf-backed military coup; Tunisian President Kais Saied turned against the Brotherhood’s Ennahda party and removed it completely from the political scene. And Damascus gradually regained control over the vital parts of Syria.

In the wider region, the regime of Omar Al-Bashir fell in Sudan, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s influence in Libya, Yemen, Jordan and Kuwait was severely diminished.

New leadership, a new direction

It was inevitable that these significant region-wide changes would also transform Hamas’ leadership to reflect the new political scene. In 2017, Ismail Haniyeh was appointed head of the Political Bureau, while that same year, Yahya Al-Sinwar, who was released from Israeli prisons in 2011, became the leader of the movement in Gaza.

Seen as a hawk, Sinwar relies on the absolute support of the movement’s military arm, the Al-Qassam Brigades, and as such, introduced a new political approach to Hamas’ regional relations.

Although Sinwar’s first move was to reorganize relations with Cairo after a four-year estrangement, by far his most important change was to revive Hamas’ relations with the Axis of Resistance, making it the movement’s top foreign policy priority.

Within a few years, the Hamas leader in Gaza had re-established full relations with Iran and Hezbollah, but its return to Damascus still remains the biggest obstacle.

In order to thaw the ice with Syria, Iran mediated first, followed by Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and more recently, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). This deadlock was not broken until after the Hamas operation “Sword of Jerusalem” in May 2021.

Testing the waters

In that same month, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad responded to a greeting from Al Qassam Brigades, conveyed by the Secretary General of PIJ Ziad Al-Nakhaleh, with a corresponding greeting. After that, contacts began to increase between Syrian officials and Hamas leaders.

Syrian sources informed The Cradle that a year ago it was decided to “reduce security measures against a number of Hamas members in Syria, release a number of detainees, and reveal the fate of other missing persons.”

But that didn’t achieve normalcy between Syria and Hamas either. There are those within the latter, it appears, who continue to sabotage progress made with Damascus.

To understand the dynamics of this particular relationship – present and its future – it is necessary to review its stages throughout the years.

From Amman to Damascus

Hamas began paving the way for its relationship with Syria in the early 1990s through visits made by its official Musa Abu Marzouk. In 1992, Mustafa Al-Ledawi was appointed as the head of an unofficial office for the Hamas in Damascus.

The great leap occurred with the visit of the founder of Hamas, the late Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, to Damascus in 1998. This official visit, and the warm reception accorded Yassin, constituted a huge breakthrough in relations, after which the late President Hafez Al-Assad authorized Hamas’ official presence in Syria, providing it with political and security facilities and logistical and material support.

Despite previous bad blood between Damascus and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, notably in regard to the Hama massacre in 1982, there were several prudent reasons for the Syrian government and Hamas to collaborate.

One reason can be traced to the rivalry between Hafez Assad and the late Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat, who sided with the late Iraqi President Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War (1990–91) after Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait on 2 August, 1990.

On 21 November, 1999, a plane carrying Hamas’ then-political bureau chief Khaled Meshaal landed at Damascus airport, after being expelled from Jordan and refused a reception by many Arab capitals.

Since then, a number of political bureau members relocated to Damascus, and Hamas’ activities in Syria intensified. Between 2000 and 2010, the relationship further strengthened over several events, including the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the 2005 withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon, the 2006 July war between Israel and Hezbollah, and most importantly, the Israeli aggression against Gaza in 2008.

Syrian support

Hamas official Mahmoud Al-Zahar, who was interviewed by The Cradle in Gaza, talks about an important detail that the media did not mention at the time. When Hamas formed its first government in Gaza in 2007, in which Zahar was foreign minister, “Syria was the only Arab country that recognized the diplomatic red passport issued from Gaza.”

Zahar says: “The Syrian leadership gave us everything. On my first visit to Damascus, we were able to solve the problem of hundreds of Palestinian refugees stuck on the Syrian-Iraqi borders, and Syria adopted the Palestinian calling code (+970), and expressed its willingness to provide support to the elected Palestinian government. For that, it faced an Arab, international, and American war.”

Today, Zahar is the designated official tasked by Sinwar to revive the relationship with Damascus. This was confirmed by sources in Hamas, who said that he traveled to Mecca for the Hajj pilgrimage, and may head from there to Damascus.

These details are meaningful: it means Egypt is spared the censure of allowing Zahar to travel to Syria, and would avoid an awkward situation for Cairo in front of the US, Israelis and Gulf Arabs.

From Damascus to Doha and Ankara

The Syrian crisis that erupted in March 2011 put Hamas in a unique bind of its own making. Fellow Palestinian Islamists in PIJ, for example, did not take a radical position on the “revolution” from 2011 to 2017, and were content with maintaining their offices in Damascus, although its political and military leadership relocated to Beirut due to deteriorating security conditions.

On the other hand, Hamas issued its first statement regarding the Syrian crisis on 2 April, 2011, in which it affirmed its support for the Syrian people and leadership, and considered that “Syria’s internal affairs concern the brothers in Syria… We hope to overcome the current circumstances in order to achieve the aspirations of the Syrian people, and preserve Syria’s stability and its internal cohesion, and strengthening its role in the line of confrontation and opposition.”

This wishy-washy statement did not hide the hostile stance of the movement’s members and elites, who all adopted the anti-Syrian narrative. On 5 November, 2011, the Syrian security forces stormed the offices of Hamas, confiscated its assets, and shuttered them.

In early 2012, Meshaal traveled to Doha, Qatar, before holding a scheduled meeting with Bashar Al-Assad. Hamas declared that the meeting “will not be useful.”

Hamas and the opposition

On 8 December, 2012, the movement burned bridges with Damascus when Meshaal and Haniyeh raised the flag of the “Syrian revolution” during a celebration marking the movement’s launch in the Gaza Strip in front of tens of thousands of their supporters.

In a parade held during the celebration, a number of members of the Al-Qassam Brigades wore the opposition flag on their backs.

The Syrian government’s reaction was no less restrained. Assad accused Hamas of actively participating in the war against the Syrian state by supporting Al Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate Jabhat Al-Nusra, and by providing instructions to opposition factions on ways to dig tunnels and fortify them to withstand aerial bombardment.

Other opposition militant groups such as Bait Al-Maqdis, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Army of Huda announced that they were affiliated with Hamas.

Once an Ikhwani, always an Ikhwani

In 2016, Assad said in an interview with Syrian newspaper Al-Watan: “We supported Hamas not because they are Muslim Brotherhood, but rather we supported them on the grounds that they are resistance. In the end, it was proven that the Ikhwani (member of Muslim Brotherhood) is Ikhwani wherever he puts himself, and from the inside remains a terrorist and hypocrite.”

All this may seem a thing of the past, but it still affects the formation of a new relationship between the two parties, especially after the return of turncoat Meshaal and his team a year ago to important leadership positions in Hamas.

Although the majority of the movement’s leadership has changed, the old legacy of Meshaal still weighs heavily on everyone, especially in Damascus. There are many in Syria who still warn the “wound is open;” that Hamas has not yet closed it, but rather wants a “free return.”

Understanding Hamas’ structure

Before explaining Hamas’ recent decision to restore ties with Syria, it is necessary to know how the movement is run to ensure representation and accountability. Hamas has a Shura Council of 15 members, chosen in elections in which cadres of certain organizational ranks participate.

These cadres choose their representatives in the local advisory councils from different regions (West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem, territories occupied in 1948, and prisons). As for members of Hamas’ base, they elect their representatives in the General Consultative Council, which in turn elects the Political Bureau.

Despite this ‘healthy democracy,’ the position on Syria produced two contradictory currents:

The first current is led by Meshaal, who was head of the Political Bureau until 2017. It includes Ahmed Youssef, a former adviser to Haniyeh, and Nayef Rajoub, one of the most prominent leaders of Hamas in the West Bank.

The second current has no specific leader, but Zahar was the public face before Sinwar joined him.

Between these two viewpoints, Ismail Haniyeh and Musa Abu Marzouk maintain a state of ‘pragmatism’ by taking a middle position between the Qatar-Turkey axis and the Axis of Resistance.

Although the decision to leave Syria was taken with the full approval of the members of the Shura Council and members of the Political Bureau, the entire burden of the decision was placed on Meshaal. The man, who was a personal friend of Assad and Secretary General of Hezbollah Hassan Nasrallah, became blacklisted by the Axis of Resistance.

Meshaal’s influence

All prior efforts to restore relations between Hamas and Syria were a “waste of time” as long as Meshaal was at the helm of the movement. This was not only the opinion of the Syrians, but of many Iranians as well.

In 2015, for example, when there were media reports about efforts to restore Hamas-Syrian relations, the Iranian Tabnak website (supervised by General Mohsen Rezaei, a leader in the Revolutionary Guards and currently one of the advisors to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei) launched a scathing attack against Meshaal.

At that time, Meshaal had refused to visit Tehran if he was not received at the highest levels – that is – to meet specifically with Khamenei. The Tabnak website wrote: “Meshaal and the Hamas leaders lined up two years ago on the side of the international terrorists in Syria… They are now setting conditions for the restoration of relations between Hamas and Iran as if Iran did not have any conditions.”

Since that time, Meshaal and his team have remained staunchly reluctant to even talk about restoring relations with Damascus. In addition to their loyalty (to some extent) to Turkey and Qatar, they were aware that reviving relations would weaken their organizational position within Hamas, and contribute to increasing the influence of their rivals.

On the other hand, these rivals remained weak until 2017, as Meshaal managed to marginalize Mahmoud Al-Zahar who did not receive any influential positions.

Re-joining the Resistance Axis

The formation of the new Political Bureau meant there were now a large number of officials who were not involved in any public positions on the Syrian crisis – such as Sinwar, Saleh Al-Arouri, and Osama Hamdan, who maintained a balanced relationship with all parties.

Zahar told The Cradle that Sinwar was “convinced” of his theses about the shape of the “last battle with Israel.” He added: “I spoke with Abu Ibrahim (Sinwar) for a long time about restoring the bond with the components of the nation that have hostility to Israel, specifically Hezbollah, Syria and Iran, and this is the pillar of Hamas’ foreign policy in the future.”

Nevertheless, Zahar believes that Damascus “will refuse to deal with the movement’s leadership, which took the lead during the war.” But it is likely that the Syrians will accept to deal with him personally, which he will seek during his forthcoming visit.

What’s Next?

Well-informed sources in Hamas revealed to The Cradle that the movement’s Political Bureau met this month and made the decision to return to Syria, despite Meshaal’s objection.

The resolution has two aims: first, to build a resistance front in the “ring countries” surrounding Palestine; and second, to establish a maritime line of communication between Gaza and the port of Latakia, in Syria.

The sources also revealed that Jamil Mezher, who was recently elected deputy secretary general of the PFLP, conveyed a message from Sinwar to the Syrian leadership calling for the restoration of relations between the two parties.

After his visit to Damascus, Mezher met with Haniyeh in Beirut to discuss the results. Haniyeh also met Nasrallah, as well as Ziad Al-Nakhaleh in an expanded meeting of the leaderships of Hamas and the PIJ in the Lebanese capital. All these events took place in one week.

According to Hamas sources, Haniyeh informed Nasrallah that the movement has unanimously taken an official decision to restore relations with Damascus. The two sides also discussed the demarcation of the maritime border between Lebanon and Israel.

The sources confirm that “Hamas is ready to simultaneously target gas-stealing platforms from the Gaza sea, in the event that Hezbollah targets an exploration and extraction vessel in the Karish field.”

Hamas sources, as well as an informed Syrian source, however, deny holding any recent new meetings between the two parties. The Syrian source reveals that meetings sponsored by Islamic Jihad were held last year.

What does Syria stand to gain?

On the other hand, Damascus has its reasons for postponing the return of this relationship. Of course, internal reasons can be overlooked if Bashar Al-Assad himself makes the decision.

But it is the current regional situation and the re-formation of alliances that worries the Syrian leadership the most.

It is true that Assad the son, like his father, has learned the ropes in dealing with the MB, but now he has no need for a new headache caused by the return of Hamas. There is no great benefit from this return except in one case: the normalization of Syrian relations with Turkey, Qatar, or both.

On Syria’s terms

Only in this scenario, can bridges be re-built with Hamas. But the conditions for this are currently immature, as this normalization will be at the expense of Syria’s relationship with its ally Russia, whether in the issue of gas supplies to Europe or stopping the military operation that Ankara is threatening against Kurdish terrorists in northern Syria.

Syria, which has already improved its relations with the UAE, and is currently working to improve its relations with Saudi Arabia and Jordan, will not include a “losing card” in its stack of cards now.

It will also not compete with Egypt over a file – the relationship with Hamas – which Cairo considers its monopoly in the region.

Also, Damascus is not in the midst of a clash of any kind with the Palestinian Authority and the Fatah movement, which took advantage of the exit of Hamas to consolidate their position in the Syrian capital and improve their relationship with Assad.

However, when news broke about the possible resumption of Hamas-Syrian relations, this time Damascus did not launch an attack on the movement and did not comment negatively on the news of the rapprochement and the restoration of the relations – as it did previously.

There is no doubt that the battle of the “Sword of Jerusalem” and the presence of a new leadership in Hamas’ Political Bureau has thawed the ice significantly. But the answer to when full rapprochement will be achieved is a decision likely to be made between Assad and Nasrallah.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

Palestinian Leaders Abbas, Haniyeh Meet in Algeria (VIDEOS)

July 6, 2022

Palestinian leaders meet in Algeria. (Photo: via Algérie Information TW Page)

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas met on Tuesday with the head of the Hamas political bureau, Ismail Haniyeh, Algerian media reported.

Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune reportedly succeeded in bringing the two leaders together for the first time in years. The post included a video clip showing Abbas, Haniyeh and the Algerian president shaking hands, with other Palestinian officials present.

The Algerian presidency deleted the post about 20 minutes after posting it, but then re-posted the same video with the entry:

“The President of the Republic, Abdel Majid Tebboune, brings together, in a historic meeting on the side-lines of the 60th independence celebrations in Algeria, the Palestinian brothers, the President of the State of Palestine, Mahmoud Abbas, and his accompanying delegation, and the delegation of Hamas, led by the head of its political bureau, Ismail Haniyeh, after many years of not meeting around the same table.”

Palestinian official news agency WAFA reported that Abbas “informed his brother President Tebboune of the latest political developments related to the Palestinian cause, and the practices of the occupation and its aggression against our people, which undermine the chances of peace and the two-state solution.”

WAFA added that the two presidents discussed “means of strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries and nations, in addition to many international and regional issues of common interest.”

Abbas also attended the large military parade held by Algeria, on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of its independence and the restoration of its sovereignty, which was performed by the Algerian army.

(MEMO, PC, Social Media)

With Fear and Concerns, ‘Israel’ Anticipating the Action of the Axis of Resistance

July 2, 2022

By Staff

‘Israeli’ journalist Amir Bohbot said in a report published by Walla! news that high-level intelligence figures in the Zionist establishment have been warning in the past week that the enemies of ‘Israel’ will take advantage of what is going on in different arenas to start provoking the situation along the border, including the military operations “they refrained from carrying out until the moment.”

The estimation was based on the ongoing political tension within the Zionist entity and the normal sensitivity of the issue of the ‘Israeli’ regime’s transitional government.

The ‘Israeli’ intelligence estimations also mentioned that Hezbollah might flare up the situation along the border amid the confrontation regarding the maritime borders and the attacks attributed to the ‘Israeli’ Air Force against weapons shipments in Syria, according to Bohbot.

The ‘Israeli’ military correspondent further stated that “in certain scenarios, Hamas might unleash the Islamic Jihad’s desire to perform military operations against the Zionist regime. More than any other side, Bohbot says, the Iranians are also looking for a reprisal for the assassinations of the high-level Iranian figures that were attributed to the ‘Israeli’ Mossad.

The Tel Aviv regime’s intelligence establishment estimated that the enemies of ‘Israel’ believe that the transitional government might dare to start a direct confrontation or fighting days in response to a tension along the border of a ‘terrorist’ attach inside the occupied territories. Hence, ‘Israeli’ security sources suggested in close conversations that the ‘Israeli’ occupation military is preparing for every possible scenario.

Bohbot also said that the ‘Israeli’ military chief of staff’s warnings about developing the ‘Israeli’ army’s capabilities in the past years, especially on the northern front, are based on field information. Nevertheless, according to Zionist security estimations, it is highly likely that ahead of US President Joe Biden’s visit to the ‘Israeli’-occupied territories, Lebanon and the ‘Israeli’ entity might reach a US-mediated agreement on the maritime border line within two weeks.

Palestinian, Lebanese resistance factions commemorate PRC founder

1 Jul 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Al Mayadeen English 

The Palestinian and Lebanese resistance factions commemorate the martyrdom of the founder of the Popular Resistance Committees and its military wing, Al-Nasser Saladin Brigades, Jamal Abu Samhadana.

From the commemoration of Palestinian martyr Jamal Abu Samhadana on July 1, 2022

The Lebanese and Palestinian resistance factions commemorated Friday the martyrdom of Secretary-General Jamal Abu Samhadana, the founder of the Popular Resistance Committees (PRC), and its military wing, Al-Nasser Saladin Brigades. The commemoration was attended by representatives of various Lebanese and Palestinian resistance factions such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ).

Work must continue until ‘Israel’ despairs: Hezbollah

Settlements and agreements have not brought back one inch of land, while the resistance liberated land in Gaza and Lebanon, Hezbollah Deputy Secretary-General Naim Qassem said during the commemoration.

“We must continue working until Israel despairs trying to draw up its borders, and those who have resistance have the present and the future. The resistance must develop its capabilities beyond any limits,” he underlined.

“The war against Israel will not end until it ceases to exist, and the resistance everywhere is unified in confronting [the Israeli occupation],” the Hezbollah official added.

Samhadana broke partisanship: Hamas

Martyr Samhadana was one of the heroic leaders of resistance on Palestinian soil, said Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh. “[He was one of the] turning points in the path of the Intifada, jihad, giving, and sacrificing in the sake of God, then the sake of Palestine and the sake of liberating Al-Aqsa and Al-Quds from the occupying invaders.”

“We are before a Palestinian icon who sacrificed himself, his possession, and his family for the [Palestinian flag] to fly high and to protect the dignity of Palestine and the Palestinian people,” Haniyeh added.

“The martyr broke the barriers of partisanship and the factions. Through his home, he was able to provide protection and shelter for Hamas and Ezzedine Qassam leaders, such as martyr Yahya Ayyash, brotherly leader Mohammad Deif, and jihadist leader Mohammad Al-Sinwar in the nineties, when they were in the iron sights of those close to them and their enemies,” he stressed, praising Samhadana’s role in the Palestinian struggle.

Martyrs, resistance fighters are able to stop collapse: PIJ

“The martyrs and those bearing arms are capable of putting an end to the collapse and bringing back balance to the Ummah,” PIJ leader Ziad Al-Nakhalah said. “They want the future of our region to be an alliance like NATO that extends from North Africa to the Gulf.”

“The martyrs are reshaping life with greater strength and determination than ever. We would not have a dignified life without the martyrs. The Zionist arrogance and corruption fill up our sky, air, and life, and the martyrs go from our ranks to bring an end to the humiliation and create a new world that is void of treacherous people,” Al-Nakhalah explained.

“The martyred founder of the Popular Resistance Committees, great leader Jamal Abu Samhadana, came out to tell all of those who were in the enemy’s corner that this was not their way, and the Palestinian people would not give up their rights and the history of Palestine in exchange for false promises, empty illusions, and agreements that gave the enemy our dreams and our children’s futures,” he said.

The resistance leader praised and thanked the Jenin Battalion and all of the factions that carry out resistance operations against the occupation in the Jenin refugee camp, Nablus, the West Bank, and the occupied territories. He also hailed the martyrs whom the Israeli occupation murdered.

“These are the days of Palestinian resistance that span Gaza and its heroic resistance fighters and the West Bank and Al-Quds. From leader Abu Samhadana in Gaza to leader Jamil Al-Amouri in Jenin. It is the tree of Jihad. It has firm roots, and its branches are in the sky.

PA must end security coordination: PRC

The Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) still adhere to its principles, PRC Secretary-General Ayman Al-Shishniyeh said, explaining that the principles entailed “confronting the occupation and rejecting any regional alliance that includes the Zionist enemy.”

Al-Shishniyeh then warned the Israeli occupation against its aggressive acts toward Palestinian prisoners and called on the Palestinian authority to “stop [its] security coordination [with ‘Israel’] and stop betting on the failing US administration.”

At the same time as the commemoration in Lebanon, there was a memorial service in the Gaza Strip that saw several resistance factions and mass crowds participating to commemorate the martyrdom of Samhadana.

The Hamas-Syria Reconciliation: A ’Source of Concern’ For ‘Israel’

July 1, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

A recent report that Hamas and Syria reestablished relations after a decade of rupture between them is a source of concern for ‘Israel,’ according to comments made by senior researcher at the ‘Institute for Counter-Terrorism’ in Herzliya, Michael Barak, to the Jewish News Syndicate.

According to Barak, the reports of a new breakthrough in ties between Damascus and Hamas appear credible.

“Hezbollah in Lebanon was involved in this reconciliation,” he said. “The efforts led to a green light from Hamas and the Syrian regime. Why did it happen now? It took time for Hezbollah to mediate and for relations to thaw.”

“This is a source of concern for ‘Israel’ because we know that Hamas is building up its presence in the north of Lebanon. If Hamas opens a headquarters in Syria, it can start building capabilities in Syria, too,” cautioned Barak.

Looking ahead, Barak posited a scenario in which Hamas could act as the arrowhead of Palestinian resistance groups in Syria with the blessing of Hezbollah and Iran.

On June 23, Hamas’ Political Bureau Head Ismail Haniya met with Hezbollah Secretary-General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut in their first meeting in a year.

The two resistance leaders discussed the anti-‘Israel’ Axis of Resistance.

Also in Beirut recently, Hezbollah has held a series of meetings with other Palestinian resistance factions.

“The goal is to find a way to unite ranks and to discuss how to strengthen the Palestinian ‘bloc’ in the resistance axis,” Barak said.

“Hamas is trying to create a command and control mechanism with other Palestinian factions in Lebanon so that it can operate in a more efficient manner from Lebanon, and now, Syria’s door is open, too. This is a force multiplier,” he stated.

Exclusive: Hamas ready to implement urgent prisoner exchange deal

28 Jun 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

Exclusive sources tell Al Mayadeen that Hamas would agree to release a captured IOF soldier, in exchange for releasing ill prisoners from Israeli prisons.

Exclusive sources tell Al Mayadeen that Hamas would agree to release a captured IOF soldier, in exchange for releasing ill prisoners from Israeli prisons.

Al-Qassam Brigades has four IOF soldiers in custody (Archive)

Exclusive sources told Al Mayadeen on Tuesday that Hamas movement informed mediators that it is ready to implement an urgent humanitarian prisoner exchange deal.

The sources indicated that under the deal, the Resistance would agree to release the captured IOF soldier Hisham Al-Sayed, in exchange for releasing ill prisoners from Israeli occupation prisons.

The sources pointed out that the Resistance also welcomes any international mediation to release ill prisoners from Israeli occupation prisons in exchange for the IOF soldier.

Earlier, Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas movement, published footage showing Hisham Al-Sayed, a captured soldier in the Israeli occupation forces.

The video showed Al-Sayyed lying on a bed and breathing through a ventilator. A photo of his ID next to him was shown toward the end of the video.

It is noteworthy that Al-Qassam Brigades has four IOF soldiers in custody.

Al-Qassam Brigades has four IOF soldiers in custody (Archive)

Exclusive sources told Al Mayadeen on Tuesday that Hamas movement informed mediators that it is ready to implement an urgent humanitarian prisoner exchange deal.

The sources indicated that under the deal, the Resistance would agree to release the captured IOF soldier Hisham Al-Sayed, in exchange for releasing ill prisoners from Israeli occupation prisons.

The sources pointed out that the Resistance also welcomes any international mediation to release ill prisoners from Israeli occupation prisons in exchange for the IOF soldier.

Earlier, Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas movement, published footage showing Hisham Al-Sayed, a captured soldier in the Israeli occupation forces.

The video showed Al-Sayyed lying on a bed and breathing through a ventilator. A photo of his ID next to him was shown toward the end of the video.

It is noteworthy that Al-Qassam Brigades has four IOF soldiers in custody.

حماس في قلب محور المقاومة

الثلاثاء 28 حزيران 2022

فلسطين 

ابراهيم الأمين 

الضغوط التي تتعرض لها حركة حماس من جهات فلسطينية أو عربية أو دولية تكاد تكون الأولى من نوعها في تاريخ الحركة. ورغم أن التنظيم الإسلامي الفلسطيني لم يكن بعيداً عن التأثيرات السلبية لانهيار تجربة الإخوان المسلمين في الحكم في عدد من الدول العربية، إلا أن تثبيت حماس قاعدة تفكيرها ونشاطها وبرنامجها على أساس أولوية المقاومة ضد الاحتلال، ساعدها على البقاء في قلب المشهد، وفتح لها الأبواب لترميم شبكة واسعة من العلاقات العربية والإسلامية وحتى الدولية من باب المقاومة.

في السنوات العشر الماضية، غرقت الحركة في موجة من المواقف السياسية التي أدت الى تضرّر صورتها كحركة مقاومة. ومثلما تعرّض حزب الله في لبنان لحملة بسبب وقوفه الى جانب الدولة السورية في مواجهة الحرب عليها، تعرضت حماس لحملة من التيار المقابل، واتُّهمت بمجاراة برنامج الإخوان المسلمين الهادف الى الاستيلاء على الحكم في عدد من الدول العربية، حتى إن قواعد من الحركة دعمت الحروب الأهلية التي وقعت في أكثر من بلد عربي؛ منها سوريا.
لكنّ تبدلاً جدياً طرأ منذ ما بعد حرب عام 2014، وتطور الأمر بعد انتخاب قيادة جديدة للحركة عام 2017. وبعد استرداد كتائب القسام المبادرة وجعل الأولوية المطلقة للمقاومة، بدا أن الحركة تتقدم خطوات سريعة باتجاه الخروج نهائياً من دائرة التجاذبات حيال ما يجري داخل كل دولة عربية، وهو ما سهّل لها استئناف التواصل مع مصر ومع حكومات عربية أخرى في بلاد الشام أو الخليج أو المغرب العربي. ورغم أن تركيا سهّلت للحركة إقامة مريحة لقيادتها السياسية، إلا أن حماس بدت أكثر تصميماً على الانخراط في الجبهة التي تعدّ المقاومة خياراً وحيداً وإلزامياً ومجدياً لتحقيق التحرير.

سيكون محور المقاومة أمام وقائع جديدة بعد التفاهمات التي توصّل إليها هنيّة ونصر الله


خلال العامين الماضيين، تقدمت حماس خطوات كبيرة الى الأمام في سياق التموضع ضمن محور المقاومة. وجاءت معركة سيف القدس لتختبر التفاعل العملاني مع القوى الأساسية في المحور. وأظهرت تطورات الأشهر القليلة الماضية أن السعي الأميركي – الإسرائيلي – السعودي – الإماراتي لبناء جبهة سياسية واقتصادية وأمنية وإعلامية تعمل على مواجهة محور المقاومة، أن على حماس تعزيز خيارها وموقعها داخل محور المقاومة. وهي اتخذت قرارات كبيرة، لا تدخلها في صدام مع أحد، وخصوصاً مع تركيا وقطر، ولكن لا تمنعها من تعزيز علاقتها مع قوى المقاومة بدءاً بإيران، وصولاً الى حزب الله في لبنان وأنصار الله في اليمن، وحتى إطلاق اتصالات أولية مع فصائل المقاومة في العراق. ولكن الخطوة الأهم تمثلت في قرار المكتب السياسي استئناف العلاقة مع سوريا، وإفساح المجال أمام الوسطاء الذين ينشطون بين القيادة السورية وقيادة حماس للتقدم أكثر صوب تحقيق المصالحة التي تقول قيادة الحركة إنها تحتاج إليها من أجل تعزيز المقاومة.

حماس اليوم أمام تحديات جديدة. وكلما زاد تمسكها بخيار المقاومة، ستجد أنها أكثر ثباتاً داخل فلسطين وأكثر حضوراً وفعالية في المنطقة العربية، وسيكون محور المقاومة أمام وقائع جديدة بعد الزيارة الأخيرة لرئيس الحركة إسماعيل هنية لبيروت وطبيعة المناقشات والتفاهمات التي توصّل إليها مع الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصر الله بعد سلسلة من اللقاءات بينهما…

Al-Qassam Brigades reveal deterioration of health of IOF soldier

June 28, 2022

Source: Agencies + Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

Al-Qassam Brigades will soon publish information that confirms the deterioration of the health condition of one Israeli prisoner held by the Palestinian Resistance.

Al-Qassam Brigades’ military Spokesperson, Abu Obeida

Al-Qassam Brigades’ military Spokesperson, Abu Obeida, announced Monday that the health condition of one Israeli prisoner held by the Palestinian Resistance has deteriorated.

In a post on Telegram, Abu Obeida pointed out that Al-Qassam Brigades will publish information that confirms this announcement in the coming hours.

في تصريح صحفي.. الناطق باسم كـتـــائــب القــسّــــام، أبــو عـــبــيدة: “تدهور طرأ على صحة أحد أسرى العدو لدينا، وسننشر خلال الساعاتِ القادمة ما يؤكد ذلك”.#فلسطين pic.twitter.com/VK7tuV5thc— شبكة قدس الإخبارية (@qudsn) June 27, 2022

It is noteworthy that Al-Qassam Brigades captured four IOF soldiers.

Israeli media reported that the assessment inside the Israeli occupation is that Hamas’ statement about the deteriorating health condition of an Israeli prisoner is a provocation.

Sayyed Nasrallah Receives Haniya: Axis of Resistance Cooperates to Serve the Central Goal ’Palestine’

 June 23, 2022

By Staff

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah received the head of Hamas politburo Ismail Haniya and his accompanying delegation.

During the meeting, various political and field developments in Palestine, Lebanon, and the region were discussed, in addition to the development of the Axis of Resistance, the threats, challenges, and opportunities it is facing.

The attendees affirmed the decisive cooperation of all sides within this Axis to serve the central goal which is related to al-Quds, the sanctities, and the Palestinian Cause.

Hamas moves to reinstate ties with Syria in a bid to end feud: Report

The expected conciliation reportedly comes in light of Israel’s growing push to normalize ties with Arab states

June 22 2022

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad with Head of Hamas Political Bureau Ismail Haniyeh in 2006. (Photo Credit: SANA/AP)

ByNews Desk- 

A decade after the unanimous decision by the leadership of Palestinian resistance movement Hamas to leave its base in Syria, a restoration of  ties with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad now inches closer to reality.

According to a report by Reuters, Hamas is expected to resume ties with Damascus soon, setting aside the long breakup with Syria.

In the period between 18–19 June, a delegation from Hamas reportedly visited Syria and met with officials, in a bid to rebuild their relationship.

Back in 2011, the Arab world was facing unprecedented turmoil that shocked its foundation and dethroned many of its rulers, leaving no Arab state safe from political upheaval.

At the start of the war on Syria, Hamas leaders Ismail Haniyeh and Khaled Meshaal were forced to end the presence of Hamas in Syria in order to preserve its neutrality, in the face of growing popular support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Syria.

“What pained Abu Walid [Khaled Meshaal] most when leaving Syria were the warm relations with President Al-Assad and the favor Hamas found with the president, which it will never forget,” Hamas leader Moussa Abu Marzouk wrote.

However, it was not long before activists in Hamas were mourned as “martyrs” on social media, fighting against the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) in Idlib.

In December 2012, Hamas field commander Mohammed Ahmed Kenita was killed fighting the SAA.

According to a report by Palestine Now, Kenita arrived from Gaza four months prior and contributed in the graduation of three military combat courses for rebels from the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

But, despite the ever growing sectarian and political differences between the two, Hamas found no other choice but to approach Syria in light of plans by former president Donald Trump to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the signing of the so-called Abraham Accords.

After Syria resumed ties with the UAE and Bahrain, the two states which harshly criticized Syria in the early days of the war, Hamas found the appropriate time to re-establish contact with Syria.

“Haniyeh and I talked about various issues in the region, including Syria, and that the relationship between Hamas and Syria must be re-established. There is a positive atmosphere, even if that takes time. I think that Hamas is moving towards resetting its relationship with Damascus,” said Secretary General of Hezbollah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, in an interview in late 2021.

On 21 June, Ismail Haniyeh landed in Beirut to meet Lebanese officials and take part in the 31st Islamic National conference.

Haniyeh is also expected to meet with the leader of Islamic Jihad Ziad al-Nakhalah and with Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah.

Reality slapping ‘Israel’ in the face: Israeli general

19 Jun 2022

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen English 

Two Israeli reserve brigade generals say Hezbollah and Hamas are growing exponentially, noting that the Israeli strategies to confront them are failing.

The Hezbollah, Lebanese, and Palestinian flags waving

Israeli occupation reserve brigade Brigadier-General Zvika Vogel said Hezbollah and Hamas have exponentially grown in their military capabilities and their abilities to wage psychological warfare, Israeli media reported on Sunday.

“Iran is moving toward becoming a nuclear state, and Hezbollah and Hamas are continuing to grow, all the while, we continue to say that it is the quietest year,” Vogel told Israeli Channel 13.

“It is like we forgot that we do not roam Israel however we wish, and personal security has decreased. We neglected Al-Naqab, and we cannot travel freely in the north […] reality is slapping us in the face every day,” he added.

“Hamas has more than 10,000 rockets and Hezbollah has more than 160,000. Do we wait for them to get rusty?” he asked. “We have learned that these rockets will not rust, and they will eventually be fired toward us […] instead of dismissing the warnings and ensuring stability and self-sufficiency, let us take care of our future.”

Hamas in Gaza winning against ‘Israel’

Israeli occupation reserve brigade colonel Kobi Marom says there are problems within Israeli politics due to Hamas, Israeli media reported on Sunday.

“Hamas is winning against Israel on all levels,” Marom told Israeli Channel 12.

“In the battle with Hamas, the battle for awareness is no less important than military attacks. When the residents see an observational post in front of their window bombed and then repaired, they grow a sense of insecurity,” he added.

His comments come in light of Hamas rebuilding a ground control point that the Israeli occupation had bombed on Saturday, which Israeli media said caused outrage in the Gaza envelope.

Al Mayadeen correspondent reported Saturday about new explosions heard in eastern Gaza and the eastern cemetery area as sirens were triggered in the Gaza envelope settlements of Askalan.

Our correspondent reported that Israeli reconnaissance planes targeted with two missiles the vicinity of a ground control point in the Malakah area in the Zeitoun neighborhood, east of Gaza, adding that Israeli bombing targeted Resistance sites in the central governorate of the Gaza Strip.

“معاريف”: فقدنا الردع تماماً.. و”إسرائيل” منحنية على ركبتيها

ليئور تسوكرمان 

السبت 21 أيار 2022

مسؤول سابق في “الشاباك” الإسرائيلي يقول إن”إسرائيل” تُظهر ضعفاً مستمراً أمام حركة “حماس”، في كل ما يتعلق بروتين الحياة في قطاع غزة، ويرى أن جيش الاحتلال الإسرائيلي فقد الردع تماماً.

متظاهرون فلسطينيون يرشقون قوات الاحتلال بالحجارة في قرية كفر قدوم، الـ20 من أيار/مايو 2022 (أ ف ب)

نشرت صحيفة “معاريف” الإسرائيلية مقالاً للمسؤول السابق في “الشاباك” الإسرائيلي، يذكّر فيه كيف انحنت “إسرائيل” على ركبتيها، طوال 15 عاماً، أمام حركة “حماس”، التي تسيطر على قطاع غزة بأكمله.

فيما يلي ترجمة المقال كاملاً:

حرب “إسرائيل” على قطاع غزة، والعكس صحيح، مستمرة منذ أعوام متعددة. لقد بدأت خلال حكم السلطة الفلسطينية في قطاع غزة، لكنها استمرت فترةً أطول منذ سيطرة “حماس” على غزة في حزيران/يونيو 2007.

نظراً إلى أن التاريخ له طريقة غريبة في تكرار نفسه، وخصوصاً في المواقف التي لم يتم فيها فعل أي شيء لتغيير الواقع، فقد يكون من المفيد تذكير الجميع كيف وصلنا إلى الوضع الحالي. وضع تنحني فيه “إسرائيل” على ركبتيها، لمدة 15 عاماً، في مواجهة منظمة تعدّ 20 ألف مقاتل.

في صيف عام 2005، انفصلت “إسرائيل”، من جانب واحد، عن قطاع غزة، بموجب قرار رئيس الحكومة آنذاك، أرييل شارون، ولم يعد من الممكن، عملياً وقانونياً، الحديث عن “الاحتلال” الإسرائيلي المزعوم لقطاع غزة.

هذه الحقيقة لم تمنع الفلسطينيين من الاستمرار في تنفيذ العمليات، وزيادة وتيرة تهريب الأسلحة من الحدود المصرية، وتكديس مزيد من الأسلحة للقتال في المستقبل ضد “إسرائيل”. بدأت “حماس” تهاجم بقوة سلطة فتح في القطاع، والتي وافقت على الحكم بصورة مشتركة، لكن الاتفاق تمّ خرقه، وسيطرت “حماس” على قطاع غزة بأكمله.

وحتى اليوم، نفذ الجيش الإسرائيلي 9 عمليات عسكرية ضد قطاع غزة، خمس منها بعد بداية عهد “حماس”: قوس قزح وأيام التوبة عام 2004، وأول المطر عام 2005، وأمطار الصيف عام 2006، وشتاء حار عام 2008، والرصاص المسكوب في عام 2009، وعمود السحاب في عام 2012، والجرف الصلب في عام 2014، وحارس الأسوار في عام 2021. كانت كل العمليات بمنزلة ردود سريعة ومحدودة الشدة، ونتيجة عمليات بادرت إليها “حماس” وسائر المنظمات “الإرهابية” ضدّ “إسرائيل”. كل هذه العمليات اكتفت بضرب جزئي للبنية التحتية وقدرات المنظمات “الإرهابية”. كل هذه العمليات أبقت “حماس” في السلطة من دون الإضرار بقوة المنظمة.

يركز الإعلام الإسرائيلي على الشخصيات التي تقود “حماس” بدلاً من الأيديولوجيا التي تقودها. يجب على “إسرائيل” أن تفهم أن محمد ضيف ويحيى السنوار ليسا المشكلة الرئيسة. “حماس” هي المشكلة. الأيديولوجيا الكامنة في أساس نشاطها هي المشكلة. القادة والمحاربون ينهضون ويسقطون. الأيديولوجيا، وخصوصاً الدينية، تبقى فترة طويلة. وعندما يتم دعمها بنشاط عسكري شديد لا يتم علاجه بيد قوية، فإنها تتطور وتنتشر مثل السرطان في الجسم. وهنا تكمن المشكلة الرئيسة. لقد فقدنا تماماً الردع.

قررت “إسرائيل”، على مر السنين، عدم اتّباع أي سياسة استراتيجية، أو تحديد هدف واضح فيما يتعلق بمواقفها تجاه قطاع غزة. وبهذه الطريقة، مكّنت “حماس” وتسمح باستمرار تعاظمها وتسلّحها، والتحريض المستمر لها ضد “إسرائيل” وسياستها في جبل الهيكل (المسجد الأقصى)، وتقوية “حماس” في مناطق يهودا والسامرة أيضاً.

إذا بحثنا عن أمثلة على العزلة الإسرائيلية، فلن نضطر إلى بذل كثير من الجهد. بينما تسمح الحكومة الإسرائيلية باستمرار حكم “حماس” في قطاع غزة، فإنها تشارك، في الوقت نفسه، في مثل هذه المبادرات وغيرها من المبادرات السياسية، المصمَّمة للتخفيف إنسانياً عن سكان غزة. في غضون ذلك، على سبيل المثال، يتعامل المجتمع الدولي مع إمكان إنشاء ميناء دولي، واحتمال إدخال البضائع والسفن التجارية لقطاع غزة.

بالإضافة إلى ذلك، تجد الحكومة نفسها تعتذر، من حين لآخر، إلى جهات دولية، لأن الجيش الإسرائيلي أوقف سفينة في المياه القريبة من قطاع غزة، وأجرى عمليات تفتيش فيها. هذه هي الحال مع “كارين آي” في عام 2002، و”أبي حسن” في عام 2003، ومع السفينة “فيكتوريا” في آذار/مارس 2011، و”كلوس سي” في آذار/مارس 2014.

كما اعتذرت” إسرائيل” عن استيلائها على سفينة “مافي مرمرة” في عام 2010، بل دفعت تعويضات من منطلق رغبتها في إنهاء الحدث وتجنّب النزاعات الدولية، على الرغم من أن لجنة توركل، التي حققت في الحادث، حددت بصورة، لا لبس فيها، أن الجيش الإسرائيلي تصرّف على نحو جيد، ووفقاً للقانون الدولي. لقد تصرفت “إسرائيل”، بصورة قانونية ووفق القانون الدولي، ومع ذلك اضطرت إلى إذلال نفسها والاعتذار ودفع تعويضات إلى الضحايا.

إن السلوك الانهزامي لــ “إسرائيل”، في مواجهة قطاع غزة، لم ينته عند هذا الحد. فإلى جانب فشل الردع البحري، فضلاً عن فشل الردع البري بسبب فشل مختلف العمليات لتغيير المعادلة، أظهرت “إسرائيل” ضعفاً مستمراً في مواجهة “حماس”، في كل ما يتعلق بروتين الحياة في قطاع غزة. تستمر ملايين الدولارات في التدفق في القطاع، من قطر ودول الاتحاد الأوروبي، بدعوى تأمين الاحتياجات الإنسانية، لكن يتمّ عملياً تحويل هذه الأموال إلى التسلّح وبناء البنية التحتية العسكرية في القطاع.

تقرأ “حماس” الخريطة جيداً، وتتصرف بعزم ومثابرة، على عكس “إسرائيل”، من أجل تحقيق رؤيتها. تقود الخطاب بشأن جبل الهيكل (المسجد الأقصى) والقدس، وتُمْلي توقيت العمليات والاعتداءات على “إسرائيل” ونطاقَها، وتشجّع الخلايا في يهودا والسامرة (الضفة الغربية) وتموّلها، وتدير، على نحو غير مباشر، حواراً دبلوماسياً مع “إسرائيل”، كما لو أنهما دولتان ذات سيادة، وطبيعيتان، وتواصل الإمساك بمئات آلاف الإسرائيليين في غلاف غزة، رهائنَ منذ أعوام.

والأهم من ذلك، أن “حماس” تفهم المعادلة المستحيلة التي نشأت بيننا وبينها، بموافقة (ضمنية) من “إسرائيل”. وينص هذا الاتفاق على أمور سخيفة تماماً:

أولاً، “حماس” متحصّنة في حكم قطاع غزة، وليس هناك نية في إطاحتها.

ثانياً، تستطيع “حماس” وقادتها العمل والتحرك بحرية من دون التعرض لخطر استهدافهم في الأيام العادية. 

ثالثاً، يمكن أن تستمر “حماس” في تسليح نفسها وتعاظمها وبناء الأنفاق والاستعداد عسكريّاً لهجوم على “إسرائيل”، من دون مواجهتها أيَّ ازعاج.

رابعاً، يمكن لـ”حماس” إطلاق صواريخ أو بالونات متفجرة وحارقة نحو غلاف غزة، من دون أن تتعرض لرد إسرائيلي قاسٍ. 

خامساً، إطلاق الصواريخ على “إسرائيل”، والذي لا يعبر خط أشدود، ترد عليه “إسرائيل” على نحو محدود بقصد “احتواء” المواجهة ومنع التصعيد. 

سادساً، تستمر “حماس” في العمل وتمويل الخلايا في يهودا والسامرة (الضفة الغربية)، وتكون هي البديل الحكومي عن أبي مازن في كل مناطق السلطة الفلسطينية.

والنتيجة المؤسفة لكل ما سبق، هي أن منظمة، قوامها نحو 20 ألف مقاتل، تسيطر على قطاع غزة بأكمله، وتحتجز “إسرائيل” بأكملها رهينةً، تجرّها عبر ردود احتوائية بعد مبادراتها وهجماتها. يقولون لنا إنه لا توجد مشكلة في إسقاط “حماس”، لكن الخوف هو ممن سيأتي بعدها، لكن هذه الحجة لا تصمد. “الجهاد الإسلامي” ليست بديلاً واقعياً للسيطرة على قطاع غزة، و”إسرائيل” تفهم ذلك أيضاً. الخشية هي من الحاجة إلى الوقوف مرة أخرى في مقابل اتفاقات سابقة مع السلطة في موضوع إقامة دولة فلسطينية.

هنا أيضاً، كما في حالة جدار الفصل، تمنع الأسباب السياسية الداخلية “إسرائيل” من خلق الردع والحكم والأمن لمواطنيها. لا تشكل “حماس” تهديداً وجودياً أمنياً لـ “إسرائيل”. يأتي التهديد الوجودي الحقيقي من الداخل، وينبع من الافتقار إلى القيادة والشجاعة القيادية، على مدى أعوام، ومن الافتقار إلى السياسة والاستراتيجية، وإظهار مستمر للضعف والاحتواء، والرغبة في المحافظة على الهدوء. يجب أن يتغير هذا، بسرعة.

إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي الصحيفة حصراً

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