Yemeni Court Issues Death Sentences For MBS, MBZ

Yemeni Court Issues Death Sentences For MBS, MBZ

By Staff, Agencies

A Yemeni court sentenced Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman [MBS] and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed [MBZ] to death in connection with the assassination of the former head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council.

A special criminal court in al-Hudaydah on Monday sentenced 16 men, including Bin Zayed and Bin Salman, to death for espionage that led to the assassination of Saleh al-Sammad, the head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council in 2018, Yemen’s Saba news agency reported.

The list of the convicts also includes Yemen’s former President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and Yemen’s former prime minister Ahmed Obeid bin Daghr.

Al-Sammad was martyred in Saudi Arabia’s airstrike in the western province of al-Hudaydah on April 23, 2018. He had been elected President in the capital city Sanaa by the Supreme Political Council in late 2016.

According to a report by al-Arabiya back then, a Saudi-owned pan-Arab television news channel, the Saudi-led military coalition, which has constantly bombarded Yemen since 2015, had offered a 20-million-dollar prize for any information that could help uncover the location of Sammad’s domicile.

Saudi Arabia and a number of its regional allies launched a devastating campaign against Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the Ansarullah revolutionary movement.

According to reports, the war has claimed close to 100,000 lives over the past five years.

The war has also taken a heavy toll on the country’s infrastructure, destroying hospitals, schools, and factories. The UN says over 24 million Yemenis are in dire need of humanitarian aid, including 10 million who are suffering from extreme levels of hunger.


South Front

Saudi Arabia has become a hostage of its own military campaign in Yemen. The Kingdom suffers from both its own inability to achieve a military victory in the conflict and regular losses from the retaliatory actions of the Houthis. At the same time, the Saudi leadership has no opportunity to withdraw from the conflict and abandon its proxies there because this will undermine its already shaky position in the region and cause a wide-scale political crisis inside Saudi Arabia itself. The impact from such a crisis will be especially devastating.

Over the past years, the Kingdom has been passing through turbulent times due to the economy slowing down and the acute struggle for power within the Saudi elites. In 2020, with the global economic crisis and the COVID-19 outbreak, the situation inside Saudi Arabia became even more complicated.

On July 13, the Houthis announced that they had conducted a new combined missile and drone strike on targets inside the Kingdom. According to Brigadier General Yahya Sari, a spokesman for the Armed Forces of the Houthi government, the strikes hit the following targets:

  • positions of US-made Patriot missile systems, warplanes’ shelters and the housing complex for pilots at Khamis Mushait;
  • military sections of Abha, Jizan and Najran airports;
  • the oil infrastructure in Jizan.

Additionally, Brigadier General Sari said that missiles and drones hit the Saudi-operated Tadawin camp in the Yemeni province of Marib during the meeting between Saudi officers and leaders of Saudi-backed forces. Dozens of members of Saudi-led forces were killed and injured in the attack, according to Brigadier General Sari.

The Houthis warned that they will continue their strikes on Saudi Arabia utill the end of the Saudi-led blockade of Yemen. This is the second Houthi strike on targets inside the Kingdom in less than a month. On June 23, Houthi forces launched missiles and drones at military targets near the Saudi capital of Riyadh.

Commenting on the July 13 incident, the Saudi military claimed that it had intercepted 8 “booby-trapped” drones and four ballistic missiles launched towards Saudi Arabia. The coalition often denies any losses or casualties as a result of Houthi strikes and works to censor data appearing through social media networks. However, results of the previous Houthi strikes and the success rate of Patriot missile systems deployed in Saudi Arabia are a sign that this statement may be an ordinary attempt to cover yet another military failure.

On July 1, Saudi Arabia announced the start of a new air bombing campaign to neutralize and destroy the offensive capabilities of the Houthis, first of all its missile and drone arsenal. Since then, multiple Saudi airstrikes have hit the provinces of Saada, Ma’rib, al-Jawf, Hajjah, al-Bayda as well as on the Yemeni capital of Sanaa. Many of the hit targets were located in urban areas. The Saudi coalition provided few details regarding the targets destroyed.

On July 2, Col. Turki al-Maliki, a spokesman for the coalition, declared that the first round of airstrikes destroyed ballistic missile and drone storage facilities, assembly workshops and communication stations of the Houthis. On July 3, the coalition announced that its warplanes had destroyed two booby-trapped boats 6km south of Salif Port in the province of al-Hudaydah.

The Houthis slammed Saudi claims as propaganda claiming that most of the bombed targets were civilian ones. In particular, Brigadier General Sari said the July 3 strike hit fishing boats and a salt factory. The July 13 strike on Saudi Arabia contributes to the version that the Saudi coalition at least overestimated results of its bombing campaign.

At the same time, the Houthis continued successful offensive operations against Saudi-backed forces in the provinces of Marib and al-Bayda.

In the current conditions, the further development of the conflict creates a real threat that the Kingdom’s leadership will not only loose the campaign in Yemen, but will struggle to deal with a Houthi offensive in the south of Saudi Arabia. Such a scenario may eventually lead to the collapse of the current Saudi regime.

Saudi Royal Palaces Will Be among Targets of Yemeni Strikes: General Sarea laces

Spokesman of Yemeni Armed Forces Brigadier General Yahya Saree

The spokesman of the Yemeni armed forces, General Yahya Sarea, held Tuesday a press conference in which he displayed US weapons seized during the recent campaign against the mercenaries in Marib and Al-Bayda, adding that the Saudi royal palaces will be among the targets of the upcoming strikes.

Our forces found a lot of weapons with the USAID’s logo in Al-Bayda governorate during the recent military operations, in other areas and fronts, General Sarea said.

“USAID supports and funds foreign organizations working in Yemen to carry out their activities in local communities in a number provinces. It has been playing intelligence roles with human slogans, on relevant security bodies, SCMCHA has to reveal and expose this role.”

“Our forces have succeeded, with God’s help, in carrying out qualitative military operations focusing on sensitive targets.”

General Sarea called on the civilians dwelling near the Saudi royal palaces to keep away from them as they will be targeted in the upcoming strikes.

Commenting on the economic war against the Yemeni people, General Sarea stressed, “in a clear message to the enemy”, that the Yemenis would not starve.

Source: Al-Manar English Website and other websites

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مفاجأت محور المقاومة خروج السيف من غمده ؟ أم تجرّع العدو كأس السمّ

محمد صادق الحسينيّ

ثلاث معادلات تمّ تثبيتها خلال الأيام القليلة الماضية بيننا وبين العدو الأول الشيطان الأكبر على مستوى الإقليم.

ـ في سورية ولبنان: السلاح مقابل “إسرائيل

ـ في العراق: الحشد مقابل السفارة

ـ في اليمن: الحديدة مقابل الرياض

ورابعتهم أمّ المعارك على مستوى العالم: جمهورية الولاية مقابل أميركا وساعة النهاية

وإليكم التفاصيل

خيراً فعل نتن ياهو بإعلانه عن إنشاء تعاون صحيّ بين كيانه وبين ناطور محطة ضخ النفط العربي في أبو ظبي، محمد بن زايد الذي كان عمّه شخبوط، متخصصاً في مجال إنتاج الأدوية، التي يحتاج لها مستوطنو نتن ياهو بشدة هذه الايام…!

فهم ينامون ويستيقظون على كوابيس زحف قوات الرضوان، التابعة لحزب الله، الى داخل الجليل والسيطرة عليه، بكل ما فيه من مستوطنات ومستوطنين، وهم الذين تكون قد فاجأتهم عملية الزحف قبل أن يتمكنوا من الهرب، بكل ثكناتهم التي سيكون قد أخلاها جنوده وولوا الأدبار، كما حصل قبل أشهر خلال عملية الرد الصاروخي التي نفذتها قوات حزب الله في محيط بلدة صلحة الفلسطينية المحتلة (مستوطنة أفيفيم)!

نقول خيراً فعل أزعر الحارة كون مستوطنيه وجنوده بحاجة ماسة الى المسكنات الطبية (حبوب الاكامول وهي رديفة البنادول في أسواقنا) الى جانب الحبوب المضادة للاكتئاب، مثل حبوب كساناكس ، التي وصل استهلاكها الى مستويات قياسية في مملكة نتن ياهو في الأيام القليلة الماضية!

وحتى نضع النقاط على الحروف ومن أجل تبيان الهزائم والخيبات، التي لحقت بنتن ياهو وبسيده في واشنطن في البيئة الاستراتيجية المحيطة، فلا بد من تذكيره بالحقائق التالية:

أولا: تصريح قائد سلاح الاستخبارات العسكرية السابق في الجيش الاسرائيلي، الجنرال عاموس يادلين، والذي نشرته القناة التلفزيونية الاسرائيلية رقم 12 على موقعها الالكتروني قبل ايام، وأهم ما جاء فيه:

*انّ آمال الدولة العبرية حول امكانية مغادرة إيران لسورية هي أحلام يقظة لن تتحقق. وان اكبر دليل على ذلك هي العمليات الجوية الاسرائيلية (ضد اهداف في سورية) ليل الثلاثاء / الاربعاء.

*على صناع القرار في تل أبيب ان يفكروا في ان هذه الهجمات سوف تدفع إيران للردّ، في محاولة لردع “اسرائيل”، وان هذه المحاولات يمكن أن تتحقق عبر مجموعة كاملة من خيارات الردّ، كما قال يادلين.

وهذا يعني ان أعلى قمة هرم اجهزة التجسس الاسرائيلية، الاستخبارات العسكرية ورئيسها السابق يادلين، يَرَوْن أن رد قوات محور المقاومة لن يقتصر على عملية انتقامية واحدة وإنما هو يشمل مجموعة كاملة من خيارات الرد. وهذا اعتراف واضح، وان بشكل غير مباشر، على إمكانيات قوات محور المقاومة على الرد وقدرتها العملياتية على تنفيذ عمليات عسكرية واسعة النطاق، الأمر الذي يعني انتفاء قدرة الجيش الاسرائيلي على منع هجمات كهذه، الى جانب كون ذلك يمثل تأكيداً جديداً، من قبل قادة الكيان الصهيوني، على ان قوات حلف المقاومة هي من تمسك بزمام المبادرة والقادرة على تنفيذ عمليات هجومية واسعة النطاق في فلسطين المحتلة، لا يمكن استثناء احتمال وصولها الى القدس ومطار اللد الفلسطيني المحتلّ (مطار تل أبيب) وذلك من خلال وحدات قتالية خاصة وسرية، تابعة لحلف المقاومة، ومنتشرة حالياً بشكل سريّ في مناطق العمليات المشار اليها أعلاه.

*وأضاف يادلين أنه وعلى الرغم من انشغال صناع القرار في تل أبيب حالياً بموضوع وباء الكورونا وخطة الضم (ضم الضفة الغربية إلى الكيان) إلا أن عليهم ان يضعوا في اعتبارهم ان التهديد الاستراتيجي الاول لأمن “اسرائيل” هو التهديد الإيراني ومواصلة التقدم (الإيراني) في المشروع النووي… إيران تمتلك حالياً ثمانية أضعاف ما كانت تمتلكه من اليورانيوم المخصب قبل توقيع الاتفاق – المترجم…

تُضاف الى ذلك مواصلة البناء (تعزيز الوجود) في سورية وتصنيع الصواريخ الدقيقة.

اذن فها هو جنرال الاستخبارات العسكرية، الذي عرف قدرات كيانه وأعداء الكيان تمام المعرفة، يقول لنتن ياهو: كفى بهلوانيات وبيع الأوهام لمستوطني الكيان، فلا علاقاتك مع بن زايد ولا مع بن سلمان هي من الميزان وإنما قدرة وإمكانيات الفعل العسكري الهجومي لقوات حلف المقاومة هي الميزان هي معادلة توازن القوى في الميدان…

وذلك عندما خاطبة قائلاً إن إيران ستردّ وإن لديها مجموعة خيارات للرد… – المترجم -.

ثانيا: تصريح وزير الحرب الاسرائيلي السابق، افيغادور ليبرمان، الذي نشرته صحيفة معاريف الاسرائيلية اليوم، والذي قال فيه، مخاطباً نتن ياهو: ان نتن ياهو يقوم بتحطيم المؤسسة الأمنية الإسرائيلية ويجر الجميع الى حافة الهاوية. فها هو حزب الله يبني مصنعًا للصواريخ الدقيقة في لبنان وسوف يقوم بتصدير هذه الصواريخ الى اليمن وسورية والى كل مكان وها هي إيران تطلق قمراً صناعياً تجسّسياً قبل حوالي شهر وتنتج كميات يورانيوم مخصب أكثر بكثير مما هو متفق عليه في الاتفاق النووي الإيراني…
فماذا فعلنا نحن؟ يسأل ليبرمان.

وعلى سؤاله نجيب بأنكم تواصلون بيع الأوهام والأكاذيب لمستوطنيكم، الذين تدعون العمل لحمايتهم من خطر إيران وحزب الله والمقاومة الفلسطينية، بدلاً من ان تصارحوهم بفشل كل مشاريعكم، انتم وسيدكم في واشنطن، وتبدأوا في اعداد البرامج الضرورية لتفكيك مشروعكم الصهيوني، في فلسطين المحتلة، ووضع الخطط الضرورية لإعادة اسكان ودمج مستوطنيكم في البلدان التي قدموا منها. خاصة أن قيادة حلف المقاومة تقوم حالياً، ومنذ أكثر من ستة اشهر، بتمحيص وتدقيق برامجها التي أعدتها لإعادة لاجئي الشعب الفلسطيني، الى مدنهم وقراهم في فلسطين المحتلة، بعد تحريرها.

أما إذا كنتم تنتظرون انهيار دول ومكونات حلف المقاومه، كنتيجة لما يمارسه سيدكم في واشنطن، من سياسة العقاب الجماعي والحصار وتجويع الشعوب فأنتم واهمون تماماً.

ولمزيد من التأكيد على أنكم تخدعون أنفسكم وتمنونها بانتصارات هلامية فارغة، وبمحاولات ضغط يائسة على محور المقاومة، فلا بدّ من التطرق الى نقاط عدة اضافيةً، وذلك للإضاءة على كلام الجنرال عاموس يادلين ووزير الحرب نفتالي بينيت بشكل يضع حداً لما يبيعه لكم نتن ياهو من هذيان واوهام.

وهذه النقاط هي التالية:

أولاً: على الساحة اللبنانية

على الرغم من الوضع الاقتصادي والمالي المعقد، بهندسة أميركية اسرائيلية، تديرها غرفتا عمليات في عوكر (مقر السفارة الأميركية في بيروت) وفي الهاكرياه (مقر وزارة الحرب الصهيونية في تل ابيب)، وتنفذها مجموعات تخريب لبنانية، من مرتزقة يتم تمويلهم بأموال السحت السعودية والخليجية، فإنكم لن تكونوا قادرين على احداث اي تغيير في المشهد الاستراتيجي على مسرح العمليات الشامل والممتد من المغرب حتى الحدود الصينية الغربية، وذلك لأن حزب الله اللبناني، الذي شارك بكفاءة عاليةً جداً في هزيمة مشروعكم الأم، الهادف الى تفتيت سورية، لن يتوانى لحظة واحدةً عن ضرب مشروعكم التدميري في لبنان، خاصة ان لديه من الوسائل ما يكفي لذلك، وحتى دون الحاجة لاستخدام قوته العسكرية المباشرة. وذلك لأنه قد يرد رداً استراتيجياً في مكان غير لبنان يجعل آلة العبث والتخريب، التي تمّ إطلاق يدها في لبنان، عاجزة عن الدوران وفاقدةً للقيمة.

ثانياً: الساحة السورية

وهنا فإننا نرى أن أقصر الطرق، لإفهامكم دور هذه الساحة، هو إحالتكم على ما قاله الجنرال عاموس يادلين للقناة 12 الاسرائيلية: إن الرد على عملياتكم الجوية اليائسة في الأجواء السورية، آتٍ لا محالة وأن خيارات الرد كثيرة.

فهل هناك حاجةً لمزيد من الإيضاحات؟ ربما، وذلك لأن عنجهية وعنصرية نتن ياهو وسيده في البيت الابيض تجعلهما عاجزين عن فهم هذه المعادلة. لذا فلا بأس من توجيه المزيد من الإضاءة، على بعض زوايا هذه المعادلة. اذ لا بد لهيئة اركان قوات حلف المقاومة أن تكون قد وضعت في حسبانها احتمال توجيه ضربات مميتة لكم، بقطع أياديكم العابثة في الوطن العربي، عبر غرف عمليات يعرفها عاموس يادلين جيداً كتلك الموجودة في بلدة أوزو Auzou، شمال غرب تشاد، والتي تديرون من خلالها جرائمكم ضد الشعب الليبي. أما اذا أردتم معرفة المزيد فلن تحتاجون لأكثر من العودة الى قاموس قائد استخباراتكم العسكرية السابق.

ثالثاً: الساحة اليمنية

فهناك لن تفيدكم لا غواصات دولفين، النووية التي منحتكم إياها المانيا (رسمياً وشكلياً تم شراؤها بتمويل الماني… ذلك ان دافعي الضرائب الألمان هم من سدّدوا ثمنها للشركة الصانعة وليست وزارة الدفاع الإسرائيلية) ولا قببكم الحديدية ولا مقاليع داوود ولا غيرها، من أنظمة الدفاع الجوي التي ثبت عجزها، عن التصدي لأي نوع من الصواريخ الفلسطينية التي تطلق من قطاع غزة. وهي الأنظمة المنتشرة نفسها، في نقاط الدفاع عن القصور الملكية السعودية وبعض المواقع الحساسة الأخرى، ومنذ سنة 2016.

وربما تكون هذه القصور والمنظومات الاسرائيلية المخصصة لحمايتها هي الاهداف التي ستقصف مستقبلاً والتي وصفها القائد في انصار الله محمد البخيتي بالأهداف الأكثر إيلاماً في تصريح له، نشر قبل أيام.

ولكن الأمر لا يقتصر على القدرات العسكرية اليمنية، في ميدان المواجهة الرئيسي – العمق السعودي، وانما يتجاوزه الى قدرة قوات حلف المقاومة في اليمن، انصار الله، على قطع الوريد الأيمن لحركة الملاحة الإسرائيلية، أي إغلاق ميناء ام الرشراش (ايلات) الفلسطيني المحتل، على خليج العقبة فيما يجب ان نتذكّر قدرة حزب الله اللبناني على قطع الوريد الايسر، الا وهو الخط البحري الى ميناء حيفا على شاطئ البحر المتوسط، وهو الأمر الذي أعلنه صراحة سماحة السيد حسن نصر الله في إحدى كلماته المتلفزة، في وقت سابق.

وهذه إحدى أماكن الرد المحتملة لقوات حلف المقاومة، على قانون قيصر الاميركي وغيره من قوانين الضغط والعقوبات المالية والاقتصادية، وهي ممارسات أميركية ترقى الى مستوى الجرائم ضد الإنسانية.

رابعاً: الساحة الإيرانية

ان هذه الساحة لم تعد ساحة إقليمية، لها حضورها الفاعل في كل قضايا منطقة “الشرق الاوسط” وأواسط آسيا فحسب، وانما هي تحولت الى قوة دولية صاعدة لها أثر ديناميكي/ نشطٌ/ وفعّال في قضايا دولية على مستوى العالم.

فها هي قد اتخذت قراراً استراتيجياً بنقل المواجهة مع الولايات المتحدة الى منطقة البحر الكاريبي وقارة أميركا الجنوبية، التي كانت تعتبر منطقة محظورة حتى على الدول الاوروبية العظمى، بموجب عقيدة مونرو، التي اعتبرت كل النصف الغربي من الكرة الارضية هو منطقة نفوذ اميركي.

وبالنظر الى ذلك فإن إرسال ناقلات النفط الإيرانية، الى فنزويلا وكسر الحصار الأميركي المفروض عليها، ولو جزئياً، لا يقتصر تأثيره على مساعدة الشعب الفنزويلي وحكومته الثورية وانما يمتدّ ليشمل فضاءً/ مساحة اوسع من العلاقات الدولية وموازين القوى في العالم. اذ ان خطوة إيران الاستراتيجية هذه قد أسفرت عن:

كسر عقيدة مونرو للسيطرة والهيمنة الاميركية الشمالية الشاملة على أميركا الجنوبية وشعوبها وثرواتها الطبيعية.
تعزيز وتقوية الوجود الصيني والروسي، سواءٌ العسكري او الاقتصادي الاستثماري، في فنزويلا، وذلك من خلال دعم حكومة هذا البلد ورئيسه الشرعي، نيكولاس مادورو، الذي وقع الاتفاقيات الاقتصادية والعسكرية مع كل من روسيا والصين.
وهي بذلك، إيران، تساهم في إقامة صرح القيادة العالمية الجديدة المتعددة الاقطاب وانهاء الهيمنة الاميركية الكاملة على مقدرات العالم وشعوبه المختلفة.
وفي هذا الإطار أيضاً لا بد من الاشارة الى ما يلي:

أ) المناورات البحرية المشتركة، التي اجراها سلاح البحرية الإيرانية، مع كل من الاسطولين الحربي الروسي والصيني، في غرب المحيط الهندي، قبل بضعة أشهر.

ب) الإعلان الإيراني في الساعات الماضية، عن قرار الامام السيد علي خامئني، قائد الثورة الاسلامية، القاضي ببناء قاعدة بحرية إيرانية كبيرة ودائمة في مياه المحيط الهندي. الأمر الذي يعني إقامة وجود بحري استراتيجي إيراني دائم في المحيط الهندي، بعيداً عن المياه الإقليمية الإيرانية، وهو ما يعني ان سلاح البحرية الإيرانية قد أصبح ظهيرًا مباشراً، لسلاح البحرية الصيني والروسي (اسطول المحيط الهادئ الروسي تمتد مناوبته القتالية حتى غرب المحيط الهندي)، وسيقيم ما يمكن تسميته بخط الدفاع الاول عن مصالح تلك الدول في غرب المحيط الهندي.

ج) وهذا طبعاً ليس دعايةً سياسيةً ولا موقفاً منحازاً ولا كلاماً انشائياً وانما هو قراءة لمعطيات الميدان، في هذا الجزء من مسرح العمليات الدولي. خاصة اذا ما أخذنا في الاعتبار الاحتلال السعودي الإماراتي لجزيرة سقطرى اليمنية والجزر المحيطة بها، في بحر العرب، وما تعمل الامارات على تنفيذه، من إقامة قاعدة بحرية إسرائيلية في هذه الجزيرة، تكون بمثابة قاعدة امداد وتزويد، للسفن الاسرائيلية والمتجهة الى “اسرائيل” بشكل عام، والغواصات النووية الاسرائيلية التي تراقب إيران وفي حالة استعداد دائم لتنفيذ اعتداءات بحرية ضدها. وهذا يعني مرة أخرى:

– بان إيران تقوم بتعزيز الدفاع عن النفس، من خلال اقامة هذه القاعدة البحرية في مياه المحيط الهندي، الى جانب كون هذا النشاط مساهمة في حماية طرق الملاحة الدولية في هذا الجزء من بحار العالم، تعزيزاً لأمن التجارة الدولية وتعزيزاً لمبدأ ضرورة اضطلاع دول الاقليم بإقامة نظام امني اقليمي يحمي الجميع من الهيمنة والسيطرة الاستعمارية.

– ان إيران قد تحولت عملياً الى قوةٍ دوليةٍ لها وزنها في معادلات القوى الدولية وفي ميزان القوى الدولي، الذي يرجح لصالح اقامة نظام دولي جديد، ينهي عهد السيطرة الاستعمارية وتهديدها لأمن الشعوب.

النتيجة الاستراتيجية التي نستخلصها، أنه في المواجهة الشاملة بين محور المقاومة والمحور الصهيوأميركي، والكيان الصهيوني على وجه الخصوص، ان محور المقاومة هو من يمسك بزمام المبادرة الاستراتيجية وليس نتن ياهو ولا محمد بن زايد ولا محمد بن سلمان، على الرغم من اعلان صحيفة معاريف قبل ساعات عن أن العلاقات بين محمد بن زايد والكيان الصهيوني قائمة منذ عشرين عاماً…!

لن تفيدكم البهلوانيات ولا عشرات السفارات الأميركية، سواءً في لبنان او ليبيا او في العراق، الذي شهد عملية خرق للسيادة العراقية نفذتها قوة عسكرية محلية تديرها السفارة الأميركية في بغداد، حيث قامت هذه القوة بالهجوم على مركز صيانة تابع لإحدى وحدات القوات المسلحة العراقية المنضوية تحت لواء الحشد الشعبي… نجحت العملية وتوفي المريض…!

نجحوا في تنفيذ الهجوم من دون ان يتمكنوا من المساس بمكانة الحشد الشعبي المقدس الذي هو جزء من قوات العراق الذي دافع عن قضايا العرب جميعها وعلى رأسها القضية الفلسطينية على امتداد تاريخه النضالي النبيل…

يَوْمَ نَقُولُ لِجَهَنَّمَ هَلِ امْتَلَأْتِ وَتَقُولُ هَلْ مِن مَّزِيدٍ.

بعدنا طيّبين، قولوا الله…

Yemeni Minister to Al-Ahed: All Yemenis are Sammad

Yemeni Minister to Al-Ahed: All Yemenis are Sammad

By Sarra’a Jamal al-Shaharah

Sanaa – Martyr Saleh Ali al-Sammad was the President of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council and the head of Ansarullah’s political bureau. Despite being president, he did not own a house. He observed all religious holidays and spent his official days off on the frontlines. He was a president who made the ultimate sacrifice for his people.

On the second anniversary of al-Sammad’s martyrdom, Al-Ahed sat down with his companion in jihad, Minister of Information and official spokesperson for Yemen’s National Salvation Government, Dhaifullah Al-Shami.

He described al-Sammad’s 18-month-long presidential term as “the best era in Yemen’s history despite the American-Saudi siege and aggression.” 

“He managed to drag Yemen out of the state of rupture and division. He introduced the reality of kinship and unity. Thus, the Yemeni people united in the face of the aggression and overcame the political, partisan, and sectarian divisions,” al-Shami said.

He explains that al-Sammad’s tenure “laid the groundwork for enhancing national cohesion and building the country. Al-Sammad laid the foundations for a modern, just, and sovereign Yemeni state based on security and stability.”

According to al-Shami, “the late al-Sammad set up the basis for Yemen in his ‘A Hand that Builds and a Hand that Protects’ project.”

Al-Sammad united the home front

The martyred president faced major challenges, both at home and abroad. 

“Internally, there were political parties with an external agenda and received guidance from many forces, but al-Sammad was keen to unify the internal front. He tried to include everyone, even the parties that stood with the aggression. He was a president for all Yemenis,” the official tells Al-Ahed.

He recalls the events of December 2018 that almost dragged Yemen into a civil war driven by money, weapons, and external conspiracies.  

“Due to his wisdom, cleverness, fairness, faith, spirituality, Quranic knowledge, high moral values, and his popular, political, and military influence, Saleh al-Sammad was able to bridge the large gap and completely address all the consequences of the December sedition. He was not martyred until he absolutely extinguished the fires of internal war,” Al-Shami explains.  

Al-Samad also faced external challenges and the deadly and destructive aggression machine with aptitude. According to Yemen’s National Salvation Government spokesperson, he was “truly a man of action and responsibility. He was able to establish an integrated methodology for political and diplomatic interaction with the countries of the aggression alliance as well as with friendly and neutral countries.”

Al-Sammad possessed a spiritual and jihadi spirit

With a spirit of responsibility, Al-Sammad headed to Hodeida following a dangerous escalation and a massive military offensive by the Saudi-led coalition along the western frontline intended to occupy the province and its coastline. By being on the battlefield in person, the president wanted to mobilize fighters and closely monitor the defense of Hodeida and its people. So, he went to the west coast despite the threats he had received before he moved.

“The martyred president possessed a jihadist spirit, and he was a mujahid from the very beginning. He knew that the jihadist spirituality is more comprehensive and greater than the spirit of a state official. Since the launch of the Quranic project, we have been companions on the barricades and the frontlines. It is not strange for him to be eager to be martyred,” Al-Shami added.  

Al-Sammad acted on principle and from a position of responsibility to fend off the invaders from his people and country. In this context, al-Shami explains to Al-Ahed that “following the statements of the US ambassador that the residents of Hodeida will welcome the invaders with flowers, the martyred president rushed to go to Hodeida to say no. He replied to the ambassador that the people of Hodeida would receive the aggressors with their guns and daggers. He was the first to make sacrifices. In his last speech, half an hour before his martyrdom, he said he would cross the sea with the sons of Hodeida, and they would not be alone.”

Al-Shami speaks with great pride about martyr al-Sammad. “His blood was a revolutionary volcano that ignited the resolve of the Yemeni people … There is nothing more precious than the blood of the martyr Al-Samad among the sons of Yemen. His blood became the fuel that drives them.”

“The enemy wanted to weaken the Yemeni people by committing this crime, but it failed miserably. The Yemeni people were able to overcome the ordeal, change the reality, and return the shock to the enemies. The entire Yemeni people all became Sammad,” Al-Shami stressed. 

President al-Sammad and his protection detail were martyred on the afternoon of April 19, 2018 in an assassination operation. The Saudi-led coalition’s jets and drones launched several airstrikes targeting his motorcade on one of the main streets of the city.

The following day, television channels affiliated with the American-Saudi aggression aired aerial footage from one of the aircraft that carried out the operation. The quality of the filming and the language of the pilots in the operating room revealed that the operation was an American one.

The assassination of the president coincided with feverish American and “Israeli” movements on the ground on a number of occupied Yemeni islands in the Red Sea, most notably the strategic Mayyun Island [Perim Island] in Bab al-Mandab. These movements were accompanied by a huge military escalation by coalition forces along Yemen’s west coast.

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اليمن بين هزيمة الوكيل والأصيل

شوقي عواضة

منذ العام 2004 لم تترك الرياض أية فرصة للسيطرة على اليمن والانقضاض على حركة أنصار الله من خلال حروبها العدوانية الستّ التي شنّتها عبر وكيلها في اليمن الرئيس السابق علي عبد الله صالح الذي قتل عام 2017 بعد انقلابه على حكومة صنعاء في ظلّ الحرب العدوانية السابعة التي قادها الأصيل السعودي بتحالفه الأميركي الإماراتي على اليمن بعد هزيمة الوكيل السعودي على يد أنصار الله، حروبٌ عدوانيةٌ ستّ قادها الوكيل على مدى سنوات طويلة تخللها توقيع اتفاقيات صلح ووقف لإطلاق النار كانت أولاها في شهر شباط عام 2006 حيث وقعت حكومة الرئيس علي عبد الله صالح اتفاقية الصلح في صعدة مع أنصار الله تمهيداً للانتخابات التي بمجرد انتهائها بادرت الحكومة حينها الى الانقلاب وإعلان الحرب على أنصار الله من جديد، تلاه اتفاق على وقف لإطلاق النار في تموز عام 2007 الذي أسّس لاتفاق الدوحة عام 2008، ولكي لا ندخل في تفاصيل الاتفاقيات التي وقعها وكلاء الرياض وانقلبوا عليها لا بدّ من التذكير بأنّ مجموع الاتفاقيات التي وقعت بين السعودية ووكلائها بلغت تسع اتفاقيات تقريباً من ضمنها اتفاقية السلم والشراكة عام 2014 ومفاوضات جنيف بين عامي 2015 و2018 بمراحلها الثلاث إضافة إلى مشاورات الكويت 2016، واتفاق استوكهولم (كانون الأوّل/ ديسمبر 2018)…

كلّ تلك الاتفاقيات لم يُكتب لها النجاح بسبب سياسة السعودية الانقلابية وعدم التزامها بالاتفاقيات وما جرى في الحديدة بعد اتفاق السويد كان آخر عهد نكثت به الرياض، ففي حين نص اتفاق السويد الموقع بين الطرفين على وقف فوري لإطلاق النار في مدينة الحديدة وموانئها والصليف ورأس عيسى. إضافة إلى تفعيل اتفاقية تبادل الأسرى وإعلان تفاهمات حول تعز كان ردّ قوى التحالف العدواني بشنّ المزيد من الهجمات على الحديدة لم يجن منها التحالف العدواني إلا المزيد من الخسائر في قواته وعتاده ولم يحصد إلا الهزائم التي تتالت عليه. حيث شكلت معركة الحديدة نقلةً نوعيةً في مسار مواجهة العدوان بالتزامن مع تعزيز الجيش اليمني لقدراته الصاروخية والقتالية ووحدة طائراته المسيّرة، أمر أدّى إلى تحقيق انتصارات نوعية للجيش واللجان الشعبية خلال سنوات العدوان الذي دخل عامه السادس لا سيما بعد ضربة «أرامكو» وما تلاها من عمليات نوعية على جبهات الداخل من عملية نصر من الله ونجران والجوف ووصولاً الى مأرب المحاصرة من قوات صنعاء والتي تشكل كنز اليمن النفطي الذي اذا ما تمّ السيطرة عليه من قبل الجيش واللجان الشعبية فإنّ ذلك يعني هزيمة التحالف في أمّ المعارك التي ستضيف تحوّلاً استراتيجياً متقدّماً في مسار المعركة. وهنا تظهر بوضوح أهداف المبادرة السعودية الاضطرارية التي أعلن عنها أمس والتي استبقها العدوان بشنّ ثلاثمئة غارة على المحافظات اليمنية لن تكون أقلّ من سابقاتها من المبادرات والاتفاقيات لأنّ الهدف منها أولاً تقويض عملية الردّ والحساب على الغارات التي أعلن عنها المتحدث باسم القوات المسلحة اليمنية العميد يحيى سريع في تغريدة له على «تويتر» متوعّداً بأنه لن يمرّ هذا التصعيد من دون ردّ مناسب وتأجيل عملية تقدّم قوات صنعاء باتجاه مأرب والسيطرة عليها. وقطع الطريق على تلك القوات لمنعها من تحقيق انتصار جديد يزيد صورة قوى التحالف ومرتزقته تهشيماً إضافةً إلى خلق فرصة زمنية لكسب الوقت والاستعداد لمواجهة هجوم مأرب والحؤول دون سقوطها وتقويض كلّ إنجازات الجيش واللجان الشعبية. وهو أمرٌ لن يتحقق لأنّ ما عجز التحالف عن تحقيقه من أهداف كبيرة على مدى سنوات العدوان لن يستطيع ان يحققه في جزئيته الصغيرة وكما في الميدان كذلك في السياسة لا يمكن تجزئة الحلول من خلال تقديم مبادرات لن تصمد كما ثبت بالدليل والتجربة. وهذا ما أعلنه مراراً سيد اليمن الأبي السيد عبد الملك الحوثي حين صرح في مناسبات عدة أنه (لا يمكن تجزئة الحلّ السياسي ولا يمكن الخروج بحلّ إذا لم يكن حلاً شاملاً) وإلا تبقى تلك المبادرات الأحادية غير مجدية ولن تكون جدية وبناءً على ذلك جاء ردّ صنعاء على المبادرة من خلال تقديمها للأمم المتحدة اقتراح وثيقة للحلّ الشامل لإنهاء العدوان على اليمن وتتضمّن وقفاً لإطلاق النار وإنهاء جميع العمليات الحربية ورفع الحصار البري والبحري وإنهاء الحظر الجوي والعمل على إنهاء الأزمة الإنسانية والاقتصادية وفتح حوار يمني – يمني من أجل العملية السياسية. وعلى هذا الأساس فإنّ أية مبادرة أو اتفاق لا يتضمّن تلك المطالب المعلنة لا تعني صنعاء وبالتالي فإنّ استمرار العدوان بعد أسبوعين وهي المدة التي أعلنت التزامها الرياض في مبادرتها لوقف العدوان لن تجني منه سوى المزيد من الهزائم لا بل أنّ صنعاء ستحوّل العدوان إلى فرصة لإسقاط نظام آل سعود في ظلّ المتغيّرات التي يشهدها العالم.

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Yemeni forces imposed new military equations on enemy: Spokesman

Brigadier General Yahya Sare


Sunday, 29 December 2019 3:11 PM  [ Last Update: Sunday, 29 December 2019 5:23 PM ]Volume 90% 

مؤتمر صحفي لمتحدث القوات المسلحة يكشف تفاصيل المعركة وما وصلت إليه الصناعات العسكرية29 -12- -2019

Yemen’s soldiers have adeptly managed to impose military equations on the Saudi-led coalition involved in a deadly campaign against the impoverished country, says the spokesman for Yemeni armed forces.

“Our forces are fighting battles of independence and liberation, and continue to carry out their tasks and duties in defense of Yemen and the Yemeni nation. They continue to strengthen their defense capabilities by liberating and securing expanses of land across Yemen and confronting the Saudi-led aggression and blockade. They have been able to impose new military equations on enemies based on striking strategies,” Brigadier General Yahya Saree said in a press conference in the capital Sana’a on Sunday afternoon.

The official also lauded the military capabilities of the armed forces who, he said, have delivered unexpected blows to the enemy.

“Yemeni armed forces are able to give befitting response to all enemy military operations given their size and purpose, and target all hostile movements that constitute a threat to our forces, our people, and our country,” the spokesman added.

Saree said the armed forces of Yemen are fully prepared to strike nine strategic targets deep inside the territory of the aggressors, of which six are located in Saudi Arabia and the rest are in the United Arab Emirates.

“It is legitimate to respond with painful strikes as long as the (Saudi-led) coalition of aggression targets our people and our country… Military installations and hardware of the aggressors on our soil, in our territorial waters, and on our islands are legitimate targets for our forces.”

Yemeni army warns Saudi-led coalition against further Hudaydah truce violations

Yemeni army warns Saudi-led coalition against further Hudaydah truce violationsThe Yemeni army warns the Saudi-led coalition and its mercenaries against further violations of the ceasefire agreement on the port city of Hudaydah.

The high-ranking Yemeni military official also warned foreign companies against assisting enemies in plundering Yemen’s natural resources.

Saree went on to say that the next year would be the year of air defense; and Yemeni forces will work to develop their military industries and enhance their inventory of various types of weapons, chiefly strategic deterrence ammunition.

More than half the total number of the coalition attacks, the spokesman said, targeted areas in the northwestern province of Sa’ada. The figure stood at not less than 3,615 raids, he added. The northern province of Hajjah was exposed to more than 1,427 raids, while Sana’a province witnessed more than 424 attacks.

Saree underscored that Yemeni forces carried out 1,686 operations, including 607 offensive operations, 1,044 raids and 35 infiltrations, in the year 2019.

He said the Yemeni armed forces could intercept and target 69 coalition military aircraft, including seven fighter jets, nine unmanned aerial vehicles and 53 spy drones, during the mentioned period.

Yemeni forces hit gathering of Saudi mercenaries in Jawf with ballistic missile: Army

Yemeni forces hit gathering of Saudi mercenaries in Jawf with ballistic missile: ArmyYemeni forces have hit a gathering of Saudi mercenaries in Yemen’s Jawf province with a ballistic missile, the army says.

According to the spokesman, Yemeni snipers carried out 16,643 operations, fatally shooting 228 Saudi troopers, 142 Sudanese mercenaries and 16,050 Yemeni militiamen loyal to former President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi.

“Anti-armor units also conducted 1,180 operations, destroying 192 military vehicles with personnel and military equipment aboard, 138 armored vehicles, 40 military bulldozers, 40 tanks plus 155 heavy and medium-size machine guns.”

Missile attack on military parade in southern Yemen kills 10

Earlier on Sunday, a ballistic missile struck a military graduation parade of newly-recruited forces in the southern Yemeni province of Dhale, leaving ten people dead.

“The missile hit the guest platform just 20 minutes after the end of the military graduation parade, causing a huge blast,” said Fuad Jubary, a pro-Hadi military spokesman.

People inspect the site of a blast, which struck a military graduation parade in the town of Dhale, southern Yemen, on December 29, 2019. (Photo by Reuters)

“All the high-ranking commanders had left the sports stadium just minutes before the explosion, so only soldiers were killed on the scene,” he said.

There has been no claim of responsibility so far.

Saudi Arabia and a number of its regional allies launched the campaign against Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of Hadi back to power and crushing the Houthi Ansarullah movement.

The US-based Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), a nonprofit conflict-research organization, estimates that the war has claimed more than 100,000 lives so far.

The war has also taken a heavy toll on Yemen’s infrastructure, destroying hospitals, schools, and factories. The UN says over 24 million Yemenis are in dire need of humanitarian aid, including 10 million suffering from extreme levels of hunger.

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Saudi Arabia Wants Out of Yemeni War, Fears Int’l Backlash

By Staff, Reuters

A military drawdown by the United Arab Emirates [UAE] and Saudi Arabia in Yemen is building momentum for a nationwide truce this year, bolstering efforts by the Saudi-led coalition to end a war that has tarnished the image of US-allied Gulf states.

Two diplomatic sources said talks could start by autumn on expanding a UN-led truce already in place in the port city of Hudaydah to a broad ceasefire.

This could pave the way for negotiations on a political framework to end the war, they said.

The UAE has concluded that the four-year-old war cannot be won militarily while it is under close scrutiny by the West, a conviction shared by Riyadh, according to two diplomats and a regional source familiar with the situation.

There is now “real momentum” for a cessation of hostilities by December, a source in the region familiar with the matter said, though “a million things could still go wrong”.

“They [the UAE] don’t want to keep getting beaten up over a war they can’t win,” said the source, who declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter.

The war has been in a military stalemate for years. The Saudi-led coalition has air supremacy but has been criticized for attacks that have martyred thousands of civilians.

The conflict has killed tens of thousands of people and pushed millions to the brink of famine.

In a similar notion, a Gulf official said, “The Saudis are on the same page [as the UAE]. They want to see an end [to the war], but they are understandably concerned about every attack on them”.

Abu Dhabi said its decision to remove troops and hardware deployed for an offensive last year on Hudaydah was taken more than a year ago in coordination with Riyadh.

Regional analysts said any fresh talks would require Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni Ansarullah revolutionaries to reduce mutual tension after recent operations on Saudi oil installations.

Meanwhile, Western criticism of the Yemen war has also intensified, impacting strategic ties and arms deals, several diplomats said.

US lawmakers are pushing through legislation to curb arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, although US President Donald Trump has said he will veto the moves.

Some countries including Germany and Sweden have restricted arms sales to coalition members over the war, which has spawned an urgent humanitarian crisis in the long-impoverished country where more than three-quarters of the population need aid.

“This is the beginning of the end of the Saudi-led coalition phase in Yemen,” the first diplomat said.


New Drone Attack Knocks Airport In Southern Saudi Arabia Out Of Service

New Drone Attack Knocks Airport In Southern Saudi Arabia Out Of Service

Illustrative image, source: the Houthis media wing

A new drone attack by the Houthis has knocked Abha International Airport in southern Saudi Arabia out of service, Brig. Gen. Yahya Sari, a spokesman for the Houthis, claimed in a statement release in the late hours of July 25.

According to the spokesman, several Qasef-2K suicide unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) targeted warplanes’ shelters and other military targets in the airport in response to recent Saudi airstrikes on Yemen.

“Our operations will continue as long as the aggression and the siege are ongoing … We repeat our calls to the civilians and companies to stay away from airports and military sites as they have become legitimate targets for us,” Brig. Gen. Sari said in the statement.

The Saudi-led coalition has not commented on the Houthis’ claims, so far. However, several Arabian outlets confirmed that Abha International Airport was placed out of service as a result of the drone attack.

This was the second drone attack by the Houthis in the last 24 hours. The first attack targeted King Khalid airbase in the southern Saudi province of ‘Asir. The Saudi-led coalition claimed that the attack was a failure.

Since last June, the Houthis have stepped up their attacks on key targets in southern Arabia. Drones, ballistic missiles and even cruise missiles were successfully used by the Yemeni group.

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Houthi forces seize important city in southern Yemen as they make new push towards coast

BEIRUT, LEBANON (8:00 A.M.) – The Houthi forces scored an imperative advance this week when their troops captured the provincial capital of Dhale in southern Yemen.

Backed by heavy artillery and missiles, the Houthi forces were able to expel the UAE-backed troops in Qatbah city on Friday, putting an end to their reign over the provincial capital in Dhale.

Following the capture of Qatbah, the Houthi forces pushed their way south to the town of  Sabah, where they are now involved in a fierce battle with the UAE-backed troops.

The Houthi forces are making a new push towards the southern coast of Yemen in a bid to alleviate the pressure on their troops in the northern part of the country.

With the ongoing ceasefire in the coastal city of Hodeidah, the war in Yemen has shifted to the northern and southern parts of the country.

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Ansarullah Leader Threatens to Attack Saudi Arabia, UAE in case of Escalation in Yemen’s Hudaydah

By Staff

The Leader of Ansarullah revolutionary movement Sayyed Abdul Malik Al-Houthi stressed that the Saudi regime has failed in its deadly campaign against Yemen to achieve its objectives despite enjoying support provided by Washington and other allies. 

Delivering a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Yemeni nation’s resistance against Riyadh’s aggression, Al-Houthi said Saudi Arabia’s “unprecedented oppression” aimed to divide the Yemeni people and control them in order to serve the aggressors’ interests.

“The campaign is also aimed at occupying Yemen and looting it oil resources,” he said.

The Ansarullah leader said it was a religious and national duty to keep confronting Saudi Arabia’s agressive behavior.

He also condemned the stance of traitors and those irresponsible people who act in support of Riyadh.

Referring to Yemen’s former President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, Al-Houthi said no one has the right to sell his country and to waste the blood of his people.

Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, he said, are facing economic challenges due to the campaign against Yemen. Houthi did not elaborate on the matter.

“We warn of any military escalation in Hudaydah. The response will extend to the depth of the countries’ capital cities involved in the escalation,” Al-Houthi warned in his speech aired through television and radio stations.

In parallel, he stated: “We are coming into the fifth year of resisting the foreign military aggression with a much more developed long-range ballistic missile arsenal.”

“Enemy seeks to fail the Sweden Agreement to occupy our land … but we will fight until the end,” the leader added.

Al-Houthi called on his supporters to mass on Tuesday at the largest square in the capital Sanaa to celebrate their steadfastness over the past four years of war.

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Yemeni Surprises That Exhausted the Forces of Aggression

Ismail Al-Maharqi

As 2018 draws to a close and Yemen is set to usher in a new year, the invaders’ dreams of seizing the capital Sana’a have not come true. The illusion of occupying the city of Hodeida and its main ports has faded. They have failed despite their preparations as well as the equipment and fighters funneled in by their international and regional backers in the hope of a battlefield resolution that would result in significant changes on the map of control and geopolitical influence in favor of the regional American project.

Defiance Along The West Coast And Desperation Along The Rest of the Battlefronts

Following the failure to topple the government in the capital Sana’a from within after the unsuccessful December sedition and the subsequent demise of the leader of treachery and treason, former President Ali Saleh, in late 2017, the UAE quickly rearranged its cards and opened camps in Aden to receive and regroup its mercenaries led by Tariq Saleh. The militias were unleashed to carry on with their military operations against Hodeida – this time with the participation of all of its armed formations.

With the exception of some incursions along the coastline, all military attacks against Hodeida and the outskirts of the city failed, inflicting unprecedented losses on the enemy’s ranks. Estimates put the number of armored vehicles and machineries destroyed or damaged in the hundreds while thousands of attackers were killed and wounded.

Even though the invaders showed resilience and achieved gains on the battlefield along the coast, the results were counterproductive. This prompted Washington to utilize the deteriorating humanitarian situation to its benefit. And so where they failed militarily, they turned to politics.

Along the other fronts, the winds did not blow as the Saudis had hoped. Along the Saudi border, thousands of mercenaries and Sudanese soldiers were overwhelmed with heavy losses, as was the case along Yemen’s frontlines.

The army and the popular committees reinforced their presence there by restoring strategic areas in Sirwah Marib, Jawf, Nehm, Taiz and Lahij. They also maintained their near-complete control over al-Bayda despite a series of military campaigns to capture it.

The Year of Ballistic Missiles

The first days of 2018 showed the extent of frustration within the aggression’s camp. It committed more war crimes, including genocide, in more than one Yemeni province. The alliance of aggression was not counting on the surprises the other side was planning.

By separating the rocketry force from the new locally-made ballistic missiles system, the list of targets inside Saudi Arabia expanded.

The number of attacks against the Kingdom’s southern border increased. Short-range ballistic missiles, including Badr-1 and Qaher 2M missiles as well as other systems were used. The missiles targeted economic and military zones such as oil refineries, airports and military bases.

This confirmed martyr Saleh Sammad’s equation that the fourth year of aggression will be a year of ballistic missiles par excellence, no matter how many defensive systems the enemy mobilizes to limit it.

Tactical Transformation in Launching the Ballistic Missiles

Through steady development of its capabilities, the missile force made a tactical transformation – whether in terms of doubling its momentum and revealing underground platforms for launching or in terms of announcing the possession of smart missile technology as well as the announcement that the Yemeni missiles reached the capital Riyadh and bombed King Khaled Airport again in February. Instead of launching individual missiles, it launched rockets in batches.

As the aggression entered its fourth year, the missile force also initiated a new phase by launching attacks against the Saudi Defense Ministry and other economic targets using Burkan-2H missiles. The attacks were repeated on more than one occasion throughout the year. They targeted military bases, vital installations as well as mercenaries’ camps and command and control centers inside Yemen and along its west coast. The strikes were also concentrated on Riyadh, Jeddah, Yanbu, Najran, Asir, and Jizan.

Yemen Has Its Own Military Capabilities That Broke the Siege

Defying the siege, which was imposed by the coalition to force the Yemeni people into submission and surrender, the military manufacturing unit at the Ministry of Defense intensified its efforts to achieve self-sufficiency and to provide the fighters along the battlefronts with sufficient quantities of ammunition and cannons. The unit revealed the country’s capabilities in manufacturing missiles of various kinds, including a 120-caliber mortar called “Rojoum” as well as mortar and artillery shells, at the end of last April in the presence of President Saleh al-Sammad – days before his martyrdom.

This affirmed a declaration by the leader of the revolution Abdulmalik Badreddin al-Houthi about drawing strategic war equations. He stressed that Yemen is capable of military industrialization with purely Yemeni expertise. The Houthi leader vowed to produce large quantities of projectiles, enabling rocket attacks to cover wider areas in the Kingdom.

Air Force And Air Defense Are Actively Participating

The year 2018 also saw the Air Force and Air Defense announce the introduction of a surface-to-air missile system, which was locally developed using national expertise. The announcement came after a Tornado drone was shot down in Saada and an F15 fighter jet in Sana’a. The coalition considered the announcement a dangerous development since simultaneous strikes hit modern warplanes, a Chinese-made fighter jet with no pilot and a large number of different kinds of reconnaissance drones. Saudi and Emirati F16 planes were also forced to leave Yemeni airspace several times.

Drones Consolidate A Strategic Deterrence Formula

Parallel to the ballistic missiles and their achievements on the battlefield, the drone air force has also proved its effectiveness in 2018 with unparalleled success in striking targets and vital installations inside and outside Yemen. Drones revealed Yemen’s military production capabilities and strength factors despite the land, sea and areal siege.

More than one qualitative operation was carried out by UAVs across battlefields inside Yemen and Saudi Arabia. The Qassif-1 drone attacks from a distance of no more than 150 kilometers. During the first half of 2018, the Qassif-1 attacked the Emirates’ Patriot PAC-3 system in Mukha. In February, the drone along with the rocketry force targeted the invaders’ command and control center in Marib. A series of operations targeting Saudi airports and installations in Jizan and Asir and often the camps along the west coast and frontlines inside Yemen followed.

Sammad 3 Drone Penetrates Emirati Airspace and Changes the Balance of Power

The second and third generation drones – named after martyr al-Sammad – were first used on the frontline on July 18. They were more effective and were able to travel longer distances as promised by Sayyed Abdulmalik Badreddin al-Houthi, the leader of the revolution. The drone covered more than a thousand kilometers and penetrated the US monitoring and sensing systems. The Sammad 2 drone bombed the Aramco refinery in Riyadh.

In August, the drone air force had the UAE in its crosshairs. One of its first missions was targeting the Abu Dhabi airport using a Sammad 3 drone. The escalation was both sudden and shocking for the Emiratis due to the impact on their economic security.

The drone air force reinforced its presence in the strategic deterrence formula by bombing Dubai airport – one of the world’s largest airports – at the end of August. The Emirati regime was forced to deny the attack and release misleading information.

When the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi sought new defensive means to curb these attacks and their aftermath, the drone air force targeted Dubai airport once again at the end of September. All vital Saudi and UAE bases and facilities were thus placed on the target list of the drones and before that the ballistic missiles.

The Surprises of the Naval Force

In recent years, coordination between the army and the popular committees in reinforcing the factors of strength and limiting the enemy’s options and abilities as well as its air and sea superiority has been successful.

The naval forces and the coastal defense played a pivotal role in terminating military campaigns and landing attempts to capture Yemen’s west coast. They carried out qualitative operations that at times paralyzed the enemy and at other times forced it to change its plans and priorities.

A few days after the United Arab Emirates declared the start of the US/UK-backed military campaign that involved the French and was aimed at occupying the city of Hodeida as well as other Yemeni ports starting from Mukha, the naval force foiled a landing attempt. On June 3 and days before foiling a landing attempt using sophisticated boats along the west coast, the force targeted a warship with two missiles.

From the sea, the naval force launched an offensive on a concentration of invaders and occupiers in the port of Mukha in July. Their equipment was bombed at the dock. Also in July, Saudi Arabia’s Dammam battleship was targeted off the west coast by a missile. The attack shocked the Saudi regime. Saudi Arabia was surprised by a special naval operation near the port of Jizan that resulted in the striking of a military target and the killing and wounding of Saudi soldiers.

The operation was followed by the targeting of a Saudi warship off the coast of Jizan in early September.

The operations of the naval force and attempts by the Saudi regime to involve international forces in the coastal war by announcing the suspension of oil exports under the pretext of protecting maritime navigation, summarizes the coalition’s failure over nearly four years.

The Sweden Consultations End a Year of Surprises and Pave the Way for a New International Resolution

2018 did not end according to the calculations and plans of the Saudi-led coalition.  Following its failure to run southern Yemen and occupy its north, the coalition’s international backers were forced to search for practical solutions to rescue it from the Yemeni quagmire, especially after it has brought the country to the brink of famine and caused the largest humanitarian crisis in the world.

In Sweden, under the auspices of the United Nations, the national delegation from Sana’a reached a humanitarian agreement with the Riyadh delegation to immediately cease-fire in Hodeida and its port, followed by a withdrawal of the invaders and mercenaries from the south of the city. In exchange, the army and the popular committees put away their arms inside Hodeida. Meanwhile, the current authorities will take over all the administrative and security responsibilities. The United Nations will supervise the port’s revenues, including those from oil and gas while revenues from ports under the control of the Hadi regime will also be supervised. The revenues will contribute to alleviating the suffering of the people and be used to for salaries.

Bypassing the Security Council resolution 2216, which secured political cover for the forces of aggression, the Council voted on a new draft resolution. The new draft supports the Sweden consultations and paves the way for a comprehensive political solution, provided there are sincere intentions and the UN observer team remains neutral in overseeing this agreement away from Saudi and Emirati pressures and dictations.

Member of the Sana’a negotiating delegation, Abd al-Malik al-Ajri, described the resolution 2451 as “progressive compared to previous positions”. He said it was “an implicit violation of the content of resolution 2216.”

Meanwhile, the spokesman for the Ansarullah movement and the head of the national negotiating team, Mohamed Abdel Salam, views the resolution as a positive and important step towards stopping the aggression, lifting the siege and paving the way towards a comprehensive political solution.

Source: Al-Ahed News – Yemen

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US, Britain Push Yemen Ceasefire as Tactic to Defeat Houthis

US, Britain Push Yemen Ceasefire as Tactic to Defeat Houthis

FINIAN CUNNINGHAM | 16.11.2018 |

US, Britain Push Yemen Ceasefire as Tactic to Defeat Houthis

At first glance, it may seem like a positive move. The Trump administration and London are both putting pressure on Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to implement a ceasefire in Yemen’s atrocious war. Washington and London are also calling for warring sides to enter into peace negotiations within a month.

What’s wrong with that, you may ask? Well, as Houthi rebels who took over Yemen at the end of 2014 are saying, the country has been under aggression for the past three years from a Saudi-led coalition supported militarily by the US, Britain and France. The unrelenting war on the poorest country in the Middle East has led to the world’s worst humanitarian crisis in decades, with over half of the population – some 14 million people – at risk of starvation, according to the UN.

Therefore, the appropriate legal and moral course of action now is not merely a ceasefire or talks. It is for the Western-backed Saudi, Emirati coalition to immediately halt its criminal aggression against Yemen. In short, stop the foreign interference in Yemen’s sovereign affairs.

US Secretary of State James Mattis and Britain’s Foreign Minister Jeremy Hunt appear to be impelled by humanitarian concern for the massive human suffering in Yemen with their recent calls for cessation of hostilities.

But a more nuanced reading of their exhortations suggest that the real concern is to burnish the blood-soaked image of the Saudi coalition that their governments support, and, secondly, to inveigle the Houthis into a negotiations framework that will result in undue foreign influence over Yemen’s politics.

Last week, Washington announced that it was suspending mid-air refueling flights for Saudi and Emirati warplanes that have been pounding Yemen since March 2015, which has resulted in a horrendous death toll among civilians. The indiscriminate killing of the Saudis and Emirati air strikes has been amply documented, albeit downplayed by Western media. The latter keep repeating a figure of 10,000 dead in Yemen – a figure which has bizarrely remained unchanged for at least the past two years. The real death toll from air strikes is unknown but likely to be near 50,000.

American, British and French military support for the murderous operations in Yemen should have stopped months, even years ago, if official humanitarian concerns were genuine.

The question is: why the sudden effort by Washington and London, as well as Paris, to call for a ceasefire and follow-on political talks?

One factor, no doubt, is the barbaric murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi by assassins linked to the House of Saud. Turkish authorities believe that Khashoggi was brutally murdered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2, his body hacked to pieces and dissolved in industrial-strength acid. Audiotapes obtained by the Turkish authorities have implicated the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in the murder plot against the dissident journalist.

The gruesome details of Khashoggi’s killing and the blatant lies that the Saudi rulers have issued to cover up their barbarity have heaped immense pressure on Washington, London and Paris over their close ties with the House of Saud. Public outrage has demanded that sanctions be imposed on Riyadh, such as cancelling multi-billion-dollar arms deals.

It seems significant that the acute disgrace over the appalling Khashoggi affair and the association of the US, British and French governments with such a despotic Saudi regime has in turn prompted these Western powers to mount a damage-limitation exercise in public relations.

This is where the Yemen war provides an opportunity for the Western powers and their Saudi clients to salvage their tarnished public image.

By pushing for a ceasefire in Yemen, Washington, London and Paris can claim to be “getting tough” with the Saudis for the sake of alleviating “humanitarian suffering”. By appearing to respond to the Western calls for a ceasefire, the Saudis can then also claim they are relenting out of humane concern.

However, such pleas have not stopped Saudi and Emirati-backed militia on the ground besieging the Yemeni port city of Hodeida on the Red Sea, for which 80-90 per cent of the entire population in the country rely on for food and other vital supplies. In other words, the Western-backed Saudi coalition is using starvation tactics to bring the Houthi rebels and the wider Yemeni population to their knees. That is a monstrous war crime.

What Mattis is calling for in terms of ceasefire is for all heavy weapons in Yemen to be put under the control of United Nations peacekeepers. Washington is also demanding that the Houthis rebels withdraw from the country’s border with Saudi Arabia, from where the rebels have mounted missile attacks which have gravely harassed the Saudis, including in the capital Riyadh. The Houthis have struck Saudi territory in response to the air strikes.

So, what the Americans, British and French are striving for is, firstly, a respite from the sordid publicity over the Khashoggi killing. If the “humanitarian appeal” over Yemen succeeds to placate Western public outrage, then these governments will be able to continue business-as-usual selling the Saudi regime lucrative weapons contracts.

Secondly, by drawing the Houthi rebels into “peace negotiations” that will also burnish the Western and Saudi public image, as well as – equally importantly – forcing the rebels into accepting a compromise on their revolutionary government. By entering negotiations with the Saudi-backed remnants of the exiled Yemeni leader Mansour Hadi, the Houthis will inevitably have to accept making concessions and allowing an accommodation with the ousted, discredited regime.

Mansour Hadi, who has been living in exile in Saudi Arabia since the Houthis seized power, was reviled by most Yemenis for his corruption and being a puppet of the Saudis and Americans. His exiled clique is routinely and mendaciously referred to by Western media as the “internationally recognized government of Yemen”.

When he fled the country in ignominy in early 2015, the Houthi rebels had succeeded in spearheading a popular revolt. The rebels profess a branch of Shia Islam, but there was every indication that they had a relatively democratic program for pluralist governance.

The Saudi and American sponsors of the ousted Mansour Hadi reacted to the overthrow of their puppet by launching an air war on Yemen in late March 2015 – a war which has continued unremittingly ever since, with Britain and France also joining the profitable slaughter by suppling warplanes and missiles.

Another lie told by Western media is that the rebels are proxies of Iran, a lie which is used to “justify” the Western-backed criminal war against the country. Iran supports the Houthis diplomatically, but there is no evidence of arms supplies. Even if there was, so what? That wouldn’t justify aerial bombardment of the country and its people.

The devastation inflicted on Yemen and its people has largely been ignored by Western news media. Despite the lack of coverage, the Western public have nevertheless become aware of the horror and their governments’ complicity. Harrowing images of skeletal children dying from starvation and lack of basic medicines have shamed Washington, London and Paris into taking some action, however despicably inadequate and long overdue.

The recent impetus for a ceasefire and talks in Yemen coming from the US and its Western allies is not due to humanitarianism. It’s a cynical PR exercise to whitewash bloodied images – both theirs and that of their Saudi client regime. The Yemen war has been shown to be a sickening charnel house in a futile bid for Western regime change against the Houthi revolution. By forcing the Houthis into negotiations, the Western powers hope to achieve their regime change objective by another tactic – and gain PR capital at the same time.

If Washington, London and Paris were really serious about ending the suffering in Yemen, they would simply demand that the aggression stops immediately, so that the Yemenis are allowed to determine their own political future without foreign interference. But the Western powers will not do that because their interference in Yemen, along with the Saudis, is the very reason why this criminal war of aggression started and grinds on.


On November 3, the Saudi-UAE-led coalition kicked off a new large-scale military operation to capture the port city of al-Hudaydah from the Houthis and their allies. Prior to that the coalition had concentrated several tens of thousands of troops and a few thousands of various military equipment on frontlines near the city.

Additionally, coalition warplanes started a massive bombing campaign pounding Houthi positions as well as the city’s infrastructure.

Using their advantage in manpower, military equipment and firepower, coalition forces had reached the eastern, western and southern entrances of al-Hudaydah by November 8. However, coalition-led troops were not able to capture the al-Hudaydah airport, which remains a key strongpoint fr the Houthis.

According to Sky News Arabia, over 70 Houthi fighters and commanders have been killed since the start of the offensive. Pro-Houthi sources say that about 200 coalition fighters were killed and up to 300 were injured during the same period. Additionally, the Houthis reportedly destroyed up to 20 vehicles.

It’s interesting to note that Brigadier General Yahya Sari, a spokesman of the Yemeni Armed Forces, which are allied with the Houthis, stated that the coalition advance to capture al-Hudaydah had been repelled. However, this is a kind of wishful thinking given the current situation.

The coalition front east of the city is overstretched and vulnerable to attacks. Nonetheless, al-Hudaydah is at least partly encircled and while coalition forces maintain their positions east and southwest of the city, they pose a significant threat to the Houthis and can develop their advance further.

If the coalition were to capture al-Hudaydah, it would be the first major coalition success since the start of the year. The port city is a key logistical hub allowing the government to supply the Houthi-controlled area with food and medicine as well as other supplies.


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The Tragedy of Saudi Arabia’s War on Yemen

The Tragedy of Saudi Arabia’s War on Yemen

Declan Walsh

Chest heaving and eyes fluttering, the 3-year-old boy lay silently on a hospital bed in the highland town of Hajjah, a bag of bones fighting for breath.

His father, Ali al-Hajaji, stood anxiously over him. Mr. Hajaji had already lost one son three weeks earlier to the epidemic of hunger sweeping across Yemen. Now he feared that a second was slipping away.

It wasn’t for a lack of food in the area: The stores outside the hospital gate were filled with goods and the markets were bustling. But Mr. Hajaji couldn’t afford any of it because prices were rising too fast.

“I can barely buy a piece of stale bread,” he said. “That’s why my children are dying before my eyes.”

The devastating war in Yemen has gotten more attention recently as outrage over the killing of a Saudi dissident in Istanbul has turned a spotlight on Saudi actions elsewhere. The harshest criticism of the Saudi-led war has focused on the airstrikes that have killed thousands of civilians at weddings, funerals and on school buses, aided by American-supplied bombs and intelligence.

But aid experts and United Nations officials say a more insidious form of warfare is also being waged in Yemen, an economic war that is exacting a far greater toll on civilians and now risks tipping the country into a famine of catastrophic proportions.

Under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Saudi-led coalition and its Yemeni allies have imposed a raft of punitive economic measures aimed at undercutting the Ansarullah revolutionaries. But these actions — including periodic blockades, stringent import restrictions and withholding the salaries of about a million civil servants — have landed on the backs of civilians, laying the economy to waste and driving millions deeper into poverty.

Those measures have inflicted a slow-burn toll: infrastructure destroyed, jobs lost, a weakening currency and soaring prices. But in recent weeks the economic collapse has gathered pace at alarming speed, causing top United Nations officials to revise their predictions of famine.

“There is now a clear and present danger of an imminent and great, big famine engulfing Yemen,” Mark Lowcock, the undersecretary for humanitarian affairs, told the Security Council on Tuesday. Eight million Yemenis already depend on emergency food aid to survive, he said, a figure that could soon rise to 14 million, or half Yemen’s population.

“People think famine is just a lack of food,” said Alex de Waal, author of “Mass Starvation” which analyzes recent man-made famines. “But in Yemen it’s about a war on the economy.”

The signs are everywhere, cutting across boundaries of class, tribe and region. Unpaid university professors issue desperate appeals for help on social media. Doctors and teachers are forced to sell their gold, land or cars to feed their families. On the streets of the capital, Sana, an elderly woman begs for alms with a loudspeaker.

“Help me,” the woman, Zahra Bajali, calls out. “I have a sick husband. I have a house for rent. Help.”

And in the hushed hunger wards, ailing infants hover between life and death. Of nearly two million malnourished children in Yemen, 400,000 are considered critically ill — a figure projected to rise by one quarter in the coming months.

“We are being crushed,” said Dr. Mekkia Mahdi at the health clinic in Aslam, an impoverished northwestern town that has been swamped with refugees fleeing the fighting in Hudaydah, an embattled port city 90 miles to the south.

Flitting between the beds at her spartan clinic, she cajoled mothers, dispensed orders to medics and spoon-fed milk to sickly infants. For some it was too late: the night before, an 11-month old boy had died. He weighed five and a half pounds.

Looking around her, Dr. Mahdi could not fathom the Western obsession with the Saudi killing of Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul.

“We’re surprised the Khashoggi case is getting so much attention while millions of Yemeni children are suffering,” she said. “Nobody gives a damn about them.”

She tugged on the flaccid skin of a drowsy 7-year-old girl with stick-like arms. “Look,” she said. “No meat. Only bones.”

The embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington did not respond to questions about the country’s policies in Yemen. But Saudi officials have defended their actions, citing rockets fired across their border by the Ansarullah…

The Saudis point out that they, along with the United Arab Emirates, are among the most “generous donors” to Yemen’s humanitarian relief effort. Last spring, the two allies pledged $1 billion in aid to Yemen. In January, Saudi Arabia deposited $2 billion in Yemen’s central bank to prop up its currency.

But those efforts have been overshadowed by the coalition’s attacks on Yemen’s economy, including the denial of salaries to civil servants, a partial blockade that has driven up food prices, and the printing of vast amounts of bank notes, which caused the currency to plunge.

And the offensive to capture Hudaydah, which started in June, has endangered the main lifeline for imports to northern Yemen, displaced 570,000 people and edged many more closer to starvation.

A famine here, Mr. Lowcock warned, would be “much bigger than anything any professional in this field has seen during their working lives.”

When Ali Hajaji’s son fell ill with diarrhea and vomiting, the desperate father turned to extreme measures. Following the advice of village elders, he pushed the red-hot tip of a burning stick into Shaher’s chest, a folk remedy to drain the “black blood” from his son.

“People said burn him in the body and it will be OK,” Mr. Hajaji said. “When you have no money, and your son is sick, you’ll believe anything.”

The burns were a mark of the rudimentary nature of life in Juberia, a cluster of mud-walled houses perched on a rocky ridge. To reach it, you cross a landscape of sandy pastures, camels and beehives, strewn with giant, rust-colored boulders, where women in black cloaks and yellow straw boaters toil in the fields.

In the past, the men of the village worked as migrant laborers in Saudi Arabia, whose border is 80 miles away. They were often treated with disdain by their wealthy Saudi employers but they earned a wage. Mr. Hajaji worked on a suburban construction site in Mecca, the holy city visited by millions of Muslim pilgrims every year.

When the war broke out in 2015, the border closed.

The fighting never reached Juberia, but it still took a toll there.

Last year a young woman died of cholera, part of an epidemic that infected 1.1 million Yemenis. In April, a coalition airstrike hit a wedding party in the district, killing 33 people, including the bride. A local boy who went to fight for the Houthis was killed in an airstrike.

But for Mr. Hajaji, who had five sons under age 7, the deadliest blow was economic.

He watched in dismay as the riyal lost half its value in the past year, causing prices to soar. Suddenly, groceries cost twice as much as they had before the war. Other villagers sold their assets, such as camels or land, to get money for food.

But Mr. Hajaji, whose family lived in a one-room, mud-walled hut, had nothing to sell.

At first he relied on the generosity of neighbors. Then he pared back the family diet, until it consisted only of bread, tea and halas, a vine leaf that had always been a source of food but now occupied a central place in every meal.

Soon his first son to fall ill, Shaadi, was vomiting and had diarrhea, classic symptoms of malnutrition. Mr. Hajaji wanted to take the ailing 4-year-old to the hospital, but that was out of the question: fuel prices had risen by 50 percent over the previous year.

One morning in late September, Mr. Hajaji walked into his house to find Shaadi silent and immobile, with a yellow tinge to his skin. “I knew he was gone,” he said. He kissed his son on the forehead, bundled him up in his arms, and walked along a winding hill path to the village mosque.

That evening, after prayers, the village gathered to bury Shaadi. His grave, marked by a single broken rock, stood under a grove of Sidr trees that, in better times, were famous for their honey.

Shaadi was the first in the village to die from hunger.

A few weeks later, when Shaher took ill, Mr. Hajaji was determined to do something. When burning didn’t work, he carried his son down the stony path to a health clinic, which was ill-equipped for the task. Half of Yemen’s health facilities are closed because of the war.

So his family borrowed $16 for the journey to the hospital in Hajjah.

“All the big countries say they are fighting each other in Yemen,” Mr. Hajaji said. “But it feels to us like they are fighting the poor people.”

Yemen’s economic crisis was not some unfortunate but unavoidable side effect of the fighting…

At the Sabeen hospital in Sana, Dr. Huda Rajumi treats the country’s most severely malnourished children. But her own family is suffering, too, as she falls out of Yemen’s vanishing middle class.

In the past year, she has received only a single month’s salary. Her husband, a retired soldier, is no longer getting his pension, and Dr. Rajumi has started to skimp on everyday pleasures, like fruit, meat and taxi rides, to make ends meet.

“We get by because people help each other out,” she said. “But it’s getting hard.”

Economic warfare takes other forms, too. In a recent paper, Martha Mundy, a lecturer at the London School of Economics, analyzed coalition airstrikes in Yemen, finding that their attacks on bridges, factories, fishing boats and even fields suggested that they aimed to destroy food production and distribution in Ansarullah-controlled areas.

Saudi Arabia’s tight control over all air and sea movements into northern Yemen has effectively made the area a prison for those who live there. In September, the World Health Organization brokered the establishment of a humanitarian air bridge to allow the sickest Yemenis — cancer patients and others with life-threatening conditions — to fly to Egypt.

Among those on the waiting list is Maimoona Naji, a 16-year-old girl with a melon-size tumor on her left leg. At a hostel in Sana, her father, Ali Naji, said they had obtained visas and money to travel to India for emergency treatment. Their hopes soared in September when his daughter was told she would be on the first plane out of Sana once the airlift started.

But the agreement has stalled, blocked by the Yemeni government, according to the senior Western official. Maimoona and dozens of other patients have been left stranded, the clock ticking on their illnesses.

“First they told us ‘next week, next week,’” said Mr. Naji, shuffling through reams of documents as tears welled up in his eyes. “Then they said no. Where is the humanity in that? What did we do to deserve this?”

Only two famines have been officially declared by the United Nations in the past 20 years, in Somalia and South Sudan. A United Nations-led assessment due in mid-November will determine how close Yemen is to becoming the third.

To stave it off, aid workers are not appealing for shipments of relief aid but for urgent measures to rescue the battered economy.

“This is an income famine,” said Lise Grande, the United Nations humanitarian coordinator for Yemen. “The key to stopping it is to ensure that people have enough money to buy what they need to survive.”

The priority should be to stabilize the falling currency, she said, and to ensure that traders and shipping companies can import the food that Yemenis need.

Above all, she added, “the fighting has to stop.”

One hope for Yemenis is that the international fallout from the death of the Saudi dissident, Jamal Khashoggi, which has damaged Prince Mohammed’s international standing, might force him to relent in his unyielding prosecution of the war.

Peter Salisbury, a Yemen specialist at Chatham House, said that was unlikely.

“I think the Saudis have learned what they can get away with in Yemen — that western tolerance for pretty bad behavior is quite high,” he said. “If the Khashoggi murder tells us anything, it’s just how reluctant people are to rein the Saudis in.”

Source: NYT, Edited by website team


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Western Media Make One Death a Tragedy, Millions a Statistic

By Finian Cunningham


The Western media coverage devoted to the murdered Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi proves the cynical adage that one person’s death is a tragedy, while millions of deaths are a mere statistic.

During the past four weeks since Khashoggi went missing at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, the case has been constantly in the news cycle. Contrast that with the sparse coverage in Western news media of the horrific Saudi war in Yemen during the past four years.

The United Nations has again recently warned that 16 million in Yemen were facing death from starvation as a result of the war waged on that country by Saudi Arabia and its Gulf Arab partners, with the crucial military support of the US, Britain and France. That imminent death toll hardly registered a response from Western media or governments.

Last week, some 21 Yemeni workers at a vegetable packing plant near the Red Sea port of Hodeida were killed after US-backed Saudi warplanes launched air strikes. Again, hardly any condemnation was registered by Western governments and media pundits.

Admittedly, some politicians in the US and Europe are lately expressing disdain over the Saudi-led war and the possible culpability of Western governments in crimes against humanity.

Nevertheless, in proportion to the public concern devoted to the killing of Jamal Khashoggi there is a staggering indifference in relation to Yemen. How is possible that the fate of one man can provoke so much emotion and angst, while millions of children in Yemen appear to be shrugged off as “collateral damage”.

Partly, the circumstances of Khashoggi’s murder by a Saudi death squad are more easily visualized. His connections as a journalist working for the Washington Post also ensures ample interest from other media outlets. Photos of the 59-year-old Saudi dissident and his personal story of going to the consulate in Istanbul to obtain official papers for an upcoming wedding to his Turkish fiancée also provided a human identity, which then garners public empathy.

Another factor is the macabre plot to trap him, torture and dismember his body by a Saudi hit team who appear to have been acting on orders from senior Saudi regime officials. Khashoggi’s bodily remains have yet to be recovered which adds to the interest in the grisly story.

Regrettably, these human dimensions are all-too often missing in the massive suffering inflicted on Yemen. Thousands of children killed in air strikes and millions perishing from disease and starvation have an abstract reality.

When Western media do carry rare reports on children being killed, as in the Saudi air strike on a school bus on August 9, which massacred over 50, the public is still relatively insensate. We are not told the victims’ names nor shown photographs of happy children before their heinous fate.

However, the contrast between one man’s death and millions of abstract deaths – all the more salient because the culprits are the same in both cases – is not due simply to human callousness. It is due to the way Western media have desensitized the Western public from their appalling lack of coverage on Yemen.

The Western media have an urgent obligation because their governments are directly involved in the suffering of Yemen. If the Western media gave appropriately more coverage with human details of victims then it is fair to assume that there would be much greater public outrage over Yemen and an outcry for justice – at least in the form of halting arms sales to Saudi Arabia. Such calls are being made over the Khashoggi case. Surely, the same calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions should therefore be made with regard to Yemen – indeed orders of magnitude greater given the much greater scale of human suffering.

The Western news media have been shamefully derelict in reporting on Yemen’s horror over the past four years. One of the most despicable headlines was from the BBC which described it as a “forgotten war”. The conflict is only “forgotten” because the BBC and other Western news outlets have chosen to routinely drop it from their coverage. That omission is without doubt a “political” decision taken in order to not discomfit Washington, London or Paris in their lucrative arms trade with the Saudi regime.

Another way at looking at the paradox of “one death a tragedy, a million a statistic” and the Western media’s nefarious role in creating that paradox is to consider the fate of individuals facing death sentences in Saudi Arabia.

Take the case of female pro-democracy protester 29-year-old Israa al Ghomgham. Israa was arrested three years ago because she participated in peaceful protests against the Saudi monarchy. She and her husband Moussa al Hashem are facing execution any day by decapitation. Their only “crime” was to participate in non-violent street demonstrations in Saudi’s eastern provincial city of Qatif, calling for democratic rights for the Sunni kingdom’s oppressed Shia minority.

Another case is that of Mujtaba al Sweikat. He also is facing death by beheading, again because he was involved in pro-democracy protests against the absolute Saudi rulers. What makes his case even more deplorable is that he was arrested in 2012 at the age of 17 – legally a minor – when he was leaving the country to take up studies at Western Michigan University in the United States.

It is not clear if these individuals – and there are many more such cases on Saudi death row – will be spared by the Saudi monarchy in the light of the international condemnations over the Khashoggi killing. Any day, they could be hauled to a public square and their heads hacked off with a sword.

If we try to explain the disconnect in Western public reaction to the Khashoggi case, on one hand, and on the other, the massive misery of Yemen, one might invoke the cynical adage about a single death versus millions. But then how does that explain the apparent lack of public concern over the imminent death of individuals such as Israa al Ghomgham, her husband Moussa, or the student Mujtaba al Sweitat?

The tragedy of desensitized abstraction is not due to overwhelming numbers. It is primarily due to the willful omission – and worse, misinformation – by Western media on the barbarity of the Saudi regime and the crucially enabling support given to this regime by Western politics and economics.

The apparent disconnect is due to systematic Western media distortion. That’s not just a flaw. It is criminal complicity.

Jewhadists Leading Assault on Yemen Port City Were Trained by IDF in israel (apartheid state)

Jewhadists Leading Assault on Yemen Port City Were Trained by IDF in Israel


MINT PRESS – A new report from the Emirati news website Al-Khaleej Online has revealed that many of the mercenaries leading the assault against the Yemeni port city of Hodeida were trained in Israel by Israeli soldiers, shedding light on Israel’s covert role in the war in Yemen.

According to U.S. officials close to the House Intelligence Committee with knowledge of the operation, hundreds of mercenaries from various nationalities that fight on behalf of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in Yemen had recently received “instance combat training” at training camps in the Negev desert that were created through a secret agreement was reached between the UAE and Israel. Mercenaries at the camp were trained under the “personal supervision” of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

The camp’s creation was spearheaded by UAE Security Adviser Mohammed Dahlan, who has personally overseen the recent hiring of a fresh force of foreign mercenaries, the majority of whom are Colombian or Nepalese, to fight on the UAE’s behalf in Yemen.

Dahlan, a Palestinian, was a central figure in the U.S.-backed plot funded by the United Arab Emirates to arm and train militias to overthrow Hamas after they won Gaza elections in 2007. Dahlan has since lived in exile in the UAE where he has developed a close relationship to the Emirati royal family and now serves as one of their advisers. Dahlan also has close ties to Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman.

The report noted that Dahlan had personally visited the training camps in Israel on more than one occasion in order to supervise the training received by mercenaries from the IDF. Al-Khaleej’s sources also stated that Dahlan had chosen the Negev desert as the site for the camps due to the similarities the region shares with Yemen in terms of its climate, environment and tribal structure.

These mercenaries, trained at IDF-led camps in Israel and funded by the UAE, are now leading the renewed assault on the Yemeni port of Hodeida, which began earlier this week on Tuesday. The UAE/Saudi Arabia coalition had previously launched an assault in Hodeida in June but that effort failed to make headway despite the coalition’s superior firepower. The new assault was launched after the coalition recently succeeded in cutting off the main road between Hodeida and the Yemeni capital of Sana’a.

Over 90% of Yemen’s food is imported through Hodeida, prompting  the UN and several NGOs to warn that any disruption to food and fuel supplies coming through the Hodeida port “could cause starvation on an unprecedented scale” as the country’s humanitarian crisis – a direct consequence of the coalition’s actions – is now more dire than ever.

An Open Secret: Israel’s Covert Involvement in Yemen’s War

Notably, the revelation of the Israel-based UAE mercenary training camps is not the first indication of covert Israeli involvement in the Yemen conflict. Indeed, when the war first began in 2015, the coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE were known to use Israeli-made weapons.

In addition, paperwork seized by the Saudi Embassy in the Yemeni capital of Sana’a that same year revealed that the U.S. was seeking to build a military base near Yemen’s Bab al-Mandab strait in order to “ensure the security of Israel,” suggesting a strong motive for the U.S.’ and Israel’s support for the coalition.

More recently, rumors about new Israel-Saudi weapons deals, including alleged plans to sell Saudi Arabia the Iron Dome missile defense system, have received press attention, suggesting that the covert sale of Israeli weapons to the Saudi-led coalition continues to the present.

Al-Khaleej Online had previously reported that Israel had covertly sold weapons and ammunition to the Saudis, including internationally prohibited weapons that have since been used in the coalition’s brutal bombing campaign in Yemen that consistently targets civilian infrastructure. Just last month, 43% of the coalition’s targets were civilian structures, despite the fact that the U.S. now directly aids the coalition in choosing its strike targets as part of an alleged effort to reduce civilian casualties in the war.

While Israeli involvement in the war in Yemen has thus far been covert, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated last month that he would consider sending Israeli troops to Yemen to fight on behalf of the Saudi-led coalition if the Yemeni resistance gained control over the strategic Bab al-Mandab strait, which serves as a chokepoint on Saudi oil exports and other important Red Sea commerce.

Given Israel’s support for countries involved in genocidal wars in the past and its own treatment of Palestinians, it is unlikely that Israel’s government would feel constrained by any moral dilemmas if it chose to formally join the coalition’s war in Yemen despite the humanitarian crisis that war has provoked.

The humanitarian crisis in Yemen, considered the worst in the world, has brought 17.8 million Yemenis to the brink of starvation including 5.2 million children. In addition, 66,000 children in Yemen die annually from preventable diseases due to the coalition’s blockade of Yemen which has also allowed the worst cholera outbreak in history to proliferate.

Despite the huge death toll that has resulted from the coalition blockade and airstrikes, the “mastermind” of the conflict, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, has vowed to continue to target Yemeni civilians, including women and children, in order to “leave a big impact on the consciousness of Yemenis [for] generations.”


Murdering a Generation: One Million More Children at Risk from Famine in Yemen

Murdering a Generation: One Million More Children at Risk from Famine in Yemen

Local Editor

More than five million children are at risk of famine in Yemen as the ongoing war causes food and fuel prices to soar across the country, charity Save the Children has warned.

Disruption to supplies coming through the embattled Red Sea port of Hodeida could “cause starvation on an unprecedented scale”, the British-based NGO said in a new report.

Save the Children said an extra one million children now risk falling into famine as prices of food and transportation rise, bringing the total to 5.2 million.

Any type of closure at the port “would put the lives of hundreds of thousands of children in immediate danger while pushing millions more into famine”, it added.

Helle Thorning-Schmidt, CEO of Save the Children International, said: “Millions of children don’t know when or if their next meal will come. In one hospital I visited in north Yemen, the babies were too weak to cry, their bodies exhausted by hunger.

“This war risks killing an entire generation of Yemen’s children who face multiple threats, from bombs to hunger to preventable diseases like cholera,” she added.

The United Nations has warned that any major fighting in Hodeida could halt food distributions to eight million Yemenis dependent on them for survival.

Source: News Agencies, Edited by website team


‘Save the Children’ Warns 5 Million Children at Risk of Famine in Yemen

September 19, 2018

Yemeni starved kid held by his helpless mother

British charity ‘Save the Children’ has warned that 5 million children are at risk of famine in Yemen as the Saudi-led coalition continues its devastating war on the impoverished country.

On Tuesday, the coalition launched a campaign to control Yemen’s port of Hodeidah, according to state media in the United Arab Emirates, a partner in the coalition.

‘Save the Children’ has said that damage to the port or its temporary closure would increase food and fuel costs, putting 1 million more children at risk of famine.

‘Save the Children’ International CEO Helle Thorning-Schmidt said the “nutrition crisis… has serious implications” for the country’s young.

“Millions of children don’t know when or if their next meal will come. In one hospital I visited in north Yemen, the babies were too weak to cry, their bodies exhausted by hunger. This could be any hospital in Yemen,” Thorning-Schmidt said.

“What happens in Hodeidah has a direct impact on children and families right across Yemen. Even the smallest disruption to food, fuel and aid supplies through its vital port could mean death for hundreds of thousands of malnourished children unable to get the food they need to stay alive,” she said.

‘Vital lifeline’

The port is a “vital lifeline” for goods and aid for 80% of the country’s population, the organization estimates.

“Even the smallest disruption to food, fuel and aid supplies through its vital port could mean death for hundreds of thousands of malnourished children unable to get the food they need to stay alive,” said Tamer Kirolos, ‘Save the Children’s’ country director for Yemen.

“It could drive up the price of fuel — and as a result transport — to such an extent that families can’t even afford to take their sick children to hospital.”

The United Nations has said an assault on the port city could, in the worst scenario, could kill up to 250,000 people. Around 70% of humanitarian aid passes through the Red Sea port.

The military offensive in the province started in June but fighting stalled, especially in Hodeidah, as the UN tried to bring warring parties to the negotiating table.

The latest attempt was in Geneva earlier this month but the Houthis didn’t travel as all sides blamed each other for obstructing the peace talks.

‘I could see her bones’

‘Save the Children’ provided testimony from Yemenis struggling to provide for their families.

A woman identified by the pseudonym Manal said that her infant daughter turned skeletal after she suffered from malnutrition.

“When Suha was six months she became sick,” she told Save the Children, which also changed the name of her daughter.

“I could see her bones; I could not do anything for her. I had no money for transportation. I had to borrow some money to take Suha to the hospital far away from our village,” she said. “Most of the time we eat two meals a day. In the morning we eat bread with tea and for lunch it’s potatoes and tomatoes. Usually, I don’t eat. I keep it for my children.”

Epidemic looming

Famine is just one humanitarian crisis facing the country’s beleaguered civilians. Last month, the World Health Organization (WHO) warned that the war-ravaged country is teetering on the brink of a third cholera epidemic.

Cases are increasing near the capital, Sanaa, and Hodeidah, where the recent Saudi-led assault has hindered WHO’s efforts to prevent the disease.

“We’ve had two major waves of cholera epidemics in recent years, and unfortunately the trend data that we’ve seen in the last days to weeks suggests that we may be on the cusp of the third major wave of cholera epidemics in Yemen,” Peter Salama, WHO deputy director-general of emergency preparedness and response, told a UN briefing in Geneva, Switzerland.

More than 1.1 million suspected cholera cases have been recorded in Yemen since April 2017, according to the latest WHO figures, with more than 2,300 associated deaths.

Children killed in airstrikes

The Saudi-led coalition has also been involved in killing civilians, some of them children, including in a devastating attack on a school bus in August.

The bomb used in that attack was a 500-pound (227 kilogram) laser-guided MK 82 bomb made by Lockheed Martin, sold as part of a US State Department-sanctioned arms deal with Saudi Arabia, munitions experts told CNN.

Yemen has been since March 2015 under a brutal aggression by Saudi-led coalition, in a bid to restore power to fugitive former president Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi.

Tens of thousands of Yemenis have been injured and martyred in Saudi-led strikes, with the vast majority of them are civilians.

However, the allied forces of the Yemeni army and popular committees established by Ansarullah revolutionaries have been heroically confronting the aggression with all means, inflicting huge losses upon Saudi-led forces.

The Saudi-led coalition – which also includes UAE, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan and Kuwait – has been also imposing a blockade on the impoverished country’s ports and airports as a part of the aggression.


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‘Why Were They Killed?’: Saudi-UAE Attack Hits Children In Yemen

At least two children were killed in raids on Saada province as UN special envoy arrives in Sanaa for peace talks.


[Warning: Some viewers may find images in this video distressing]

September 17, 2018 Information Clearing House   It was what everyone dreaded – two dead children.

After sifting through a home turned to rubble, rescue workers finally found the bodies of three-year-old Nabil and new-born baby girl Sumood.

Just moments earlier on Saturday, a Saudi-UAE military alliance, which has been carrying out air attacks on Yemen since March 2015, bombed their home in Saada province’s Marran district, an impoverished area less than 40km from oil-rich Saudi Arabia, footage sent to Al Jazeera by Houthi rebels appeared to show.

“These were civilians, they were little kids,” said one of the rescuers, as their bodies lay strewn next to him on a rock.

“What was their guilt, why were they killed?” said another, who managed to rescue other members of their family after the devastating attack.

Local news channel Saada News reported that the children were from an internally displaced family who had recently relocated to Marran after their home was previously destroyed.

But in what has become the norm for millions of Yemenis, families have had to repeatedly resettle when the sounds of planes pass overhead and bombs dropping intensify.

Air raids intensify

Since 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have been carrying out air raids on Yemen, the Arab world’s poorest country, in an attempt to reinstate the internationally recognised government of President Abu-Rabbu Mansour Hadi.

Hadi’s government was toppled by Houthi rebels in late 2014 after the rebels stormed south from their stronghold of Saada, and captured large parts of the north.

With logistical support from the US, the Saudi-UAE alliance has carried out more than 16,000 raids on Houthi-held areas in an attempt to reverse their gains.

These attacks have targeted weddings, hospitals as well as water and electricity plants, killing and wounding thousands.

According to the UN, at least 10,000 people have been killed in the war, but the death toll that has not been updated in years and is certain to be far higher.

In July, the last month where statistics of air raids were available, Saudi and UAE jets launched 277 raids, 43 percent of which targeted non-military sites.

The Yemen Data Project listed 108 air raids on Saada province, a region straddling the Saudi border that has been ravaged by violence since the start of the conflict.

Hodeidah, which has also been the scene of fierce fighting in recent weeks, was targeted at least 101 times, the monitoring group said.

Dire humanitarian situation

The UN special envoy for Yemen, Martin Griffiths, has been pushing the warring parties to restart peace talks and arrived in Sanaa on Sunday to meet the Houthis as fighting resumed in the port city.

Griffiths’ visit to the capital comes after his push for peace talks last week with representatives from Yemen’s internationally recognised government and the rebels fell apart before they could officially begin.

That meeting, which would have been the first in nearly two years, was scheduled to take place in the Swiss city of Geneva on September 6.

The Houthi delegation, however, did not show up, accusing the UN of failing to guarantee their safe return to Sanaa and secure the evacuation of wounded rebels to Oman.

Lise Grande, the UN’s Humanitarian Coordinator for Yemen, and David Miliband, the president of the International Rescue Committee, are expected to hold a press conference in the town of Bajil on Monday to discuss the latest on the humanitarian situation.

On Saturday, the Houthis signed a memorandum of understanding with the UN to take critically ill patients abroad for treatment.

The World Health Organization (WHO) said on Sunday that 12 health conditions had been identified, including patients with cancer, chronic diseases and congenital anomalies.

The UN has warned that continued conflict in Hodeidah, the entry point for the bulk of Yemen’s commercial imports and aid supplies, could trigger a famine.

An estimated 8.4 million people are at risk of starvation in Yemen, according to the UN.

The country’s three-year war has ensnared millions in what the European Union called the world’sworst humanitarian crisis, with more than 22 million in dire need of assistance.

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