IOF’s Eisenkot: Lebanon Protest “Opportunity to Save Lebanon from Hezbollah”

Former Israeli Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot

December 10, 2019

Former Israeli Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot described the protests in Lebanon as an “opportunity to set the country free from Hezbollah.”

At a conference at the National Security Studies Institute on Monday, the former IOF Chief said that people in Lebanon “took to streets and clashed with Hezbollah members.”

“This is an opportunity for Western countries to return Lebanon to Lebanon and to save it from (IRGC’s) Al-Quds Forces and Hezbollah. ”

“I have no doubt that the IDF’s ability has improved dramatically over the years and great efforts must still be made to deter war and to dismantle Hezbollah,” he said, as reported by Maariv, referring to IOF.

Meanwhile, Eizenkotvoiced concern over Iran’s capabilities concerning the Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), noting that “what happened in the Saudi oil fields should plague us and our neighboring countries,” referring to drone attack by Yemeni forces on Saudi oil fields last Sepember, which the Zionist entity accuses Iran of being behind it.

Source: Al-Manar English Website and Israeli media

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Haaretz: Hezbollah Commandos Are Back on Border, They’re Armed with the Element of Surprise

Haaretz: Hezbollah Commandos Are Back on Border, They’re Armed with the Element of Surprise

By Staff

The main change that has taken place over the past year on Palestine’s ‘Israeli’-occupied border with Lebanon involves Hezbollah’s new military preparedness, Haaretz reported.

According to the ‘Israeli’ newspaper, members of Hezbollah’s Rudwan commando force have returned to their original positions in Lebanon, near the front line. Some of the units are deployed relatively close to the border with ‘Israel’, with a presence south of the Litani River as well.

The ‘Israeli’ paper confessed that Hezbollah’s years of fighting in Syria have given the organization and its commanders critical experience in fields that were unfamiliar to them in the past.

But the return to the south, Haaretz added, gives Hezbollah another advantage: The proximity of its top units to the border theoretically shortens the time it needs to carry out a surprise attack against ‘Israel’, in the nature of a move talked about it recent years – a surprise takeover of communities or ‘Israeli’ army positions along the border.

In these circumstances, and considering the increasing pace of the changes, it’s no wonder Military Intelligence has updated its evaluation and believes the risk of war has increased in the past year.

Also according to the newspaper, there is in the background another source of danger – Hezbollah’s “precision project.”

Israeli Tank Flips over during Military Drill along Lebanese border

December 9, 2019


A tank belonging to the Israeli occupation army flipped over during a military drill along the Lebanese border on Monday.

The tank was damaged after being overturned, but no one was hurt, reports added.

“The tank was traveling on a road along the northern border in heavy fog, along a mountainous area,” the reports said, adding “an investigation has been opened into the specific circumstances of the incident.

Source: Websites


«Israel» Admits It Can’t Deter Hezbollah

«Israel» Admits It Can’t Deter Hezbollah

By Staff, Ynet

“Israeli” military officials have admitted that the Lebanese resistance group Hezbollah has beefed up its presence along the border with the occupied Palestinian territories.

The “Israelis” admitted that although the “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF] have destroyed alleged Hezbollah cross-border tunnels, the Resistance group’s preparation for a war with the “Israeli” entity has not been undermined.

“We have a very serious enemy,” said Col. Roy Levy, the “Israeli” entity’s Northern Border Brigade commander, during a tour of the area Thursday. According to him, Hezbollah’s main focus is to entrench itself along the border area and “plan to attack us.”

Levy said he has seen no changes in the group’s behavior. “They have a lot of cameras, a lot of forces along the border, camouflaged,” he said.

The “Israeli” entity has waged a month-long aggression against Lebanon in 2006. The most recent breach to Lebanese sovereignty has been last August, when “Israel” sent an explosive spy drone to Beirut’s Dahiyeh [the southern suburb] in an attempt to target Hezbollah officials, as reported by local media outlets.

The entity has also acknowledged carrying out scores of airstrikes in neighboring Syria, alleging many of them believed to have been aimed at Iranian weapons shipments bound for Hezbollah.

The “Israeli” entity considers Hezbollah to be its most immediate threat, saying the group has amassed an arsenal of some 130,000 rockets and missiles capable of striking virtually anywhere in the entity. More recently, it has accused the group of trying to import or develop guided missiles.

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Palestinians in Hebron’s Neighborhood Suffer Incessant Attacks by Settlers, Soldiers


Residents of the souther Hebron neighborhood of al-Harika have suffered incessant soldier and military-backed settler harassment ever since the settlement of Kiryat Arba was built next door in 1972. In five months this year, we documented five such attacks. These and other cases previously documented by B’Tselem illustrate how fragile, exposed and unpredictable life is in the neighborhood. The intolerable living conditions created by Israel’s policy drive Palestinians to abandon homes and businesses in the neighborhood.

For more videos, click link:…

שגרת כיבוש: תושבי שכונת אל-חריקה שבחברון סובלים יומם ולילה מתקיפות של מתנחלים וחיילים שכונת אל-חריקה נמצאת בחלקו הדרומי של מרכז העיר חברון (אזור H2) וגרים בה כ-3,000 תושבים פלסטינים. מאז הקמתה של ההתנחלות קריית ארבע בצמוד אליה בשנת 1972, סובלים תושבי אל-חריקה מהתנכלויות בלתי פוסקות של מתנחלים בחסות הצבא ושל חיילים. בחודשים יולי-נובמבר השנה תיעדנו חמש מהתקיפות הללו. אלה, כמו-גם מקרים שתיעד בצלם לאורך השנים מעידים עד כמה שבריריים, חשופים, ולא צפויים, הפכו חייהם של הפלסטינים בשכונה. מדיניותה של ישראל יוצרת מציאות חיים מייאשת ובלתי אפשרית עבורם וכך מובילה לנטישה של בתים ובתי עסק פלסטיניים. לסרטונים נוספים, לחץ על הקישור :… روتين الاحتلال: سكّان حيّ الحريقة في الخليل يعانون ليلًا نهارًا من اعتداءات المستوطنين والجنود

The War Hypothesis In Light of Netanyahu’s Indictment

The War Hypothesis In Light of Netanyahu’s Indictment

By Jihad Haidar

Since “Israeli” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was formally accused of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, deliberations have begun, both within and outside the Zionist entity. These deliberations are taking into account the hypothesis that Netanyahu might initiate military action which will lead to a broad confrontation. Netanyahu’s assumed military endeavor is aimed at causing confusion throughout the process of his dismissal or trial by trying by presenting him as a leader defending the security of “Israel” while others are trying to sack him and try him.

Before discussing this hypothesis, it should be noted that it reveals, along with previous internal “Israeli” stages, the extent of the overlap between the Zionist entity’s internal and regional situations. Whereas an internal development, including other factors, becomes a motive to question the extent of its impact on the regional security situation. A regional development may also affect “Israel’s” internal situation in one way or another. If this applies to the enemy entity despite all the elements of self-power and international support it enjoys, how will it be when it comes to the Lebanese situation?

A distinction should be made between two questions: first, the possibility that the official indictment of the enemy’s Prime Minister would be a sufficient reason to push for a military confrontation; and second, whether the dynamics of the developments could push for a military confrontation, in conjunction with the internal situation in the Zionist entity. Our priority here is to answer the first question only.

It is important to recall that the process of deciding a military aggression in the entity is not a task performed by the prime minister alone, despite his important position in the political-security decision-making system. Legally, the kitchen, cabinet in consultations with the military establishment, has the power to decide on war or military confrontations. At specific points, it may have the final say – practically speaking. The military establishment can also exert pressure on the political leadership, in one way or another, through the content of the estimates it provides. Thus, it can have an affect politically, or vice versa. In doing so, it contributes strongly to curbing or pushing for operational military options. But at the political level, the final say remains with the kitchen cabinet.

Since Netanyahu has been indicted, it can be estimated that he has become under the microscope more than ever. This will make his motives questionable, regardless of the options and justifications that led him to make a costly decision such as launching an aggression. For many reasons, he cannot push for a military confrontation openly and without some justification and objective motives, especially since the position of the military establishment will be present at this stage and will be publicly known.

Due to all these restrictions, Netanyahu will not be able to initiate such an action from his position and without professional justification.

On the other hand, this hypothesis involves a misconception that is the regional arena, including Lebanon, is open to the enemy’s violations, and whenever it sees an interest for itself or for its leader, it wages a war or a military operation. However, past experiences and equations confirm the opposite. The equations that Hezbollah imposed on “Israel” confirm that often the entity had interests in initiating military strikes or retaliations but refrained from doing so due to the calculations of cost and feasibility. Yes, if the enemy is likely not to pay a painful price as a result of these options, then we could expect and assume that the enemy’s leaders will try to distract public opinion and add achievements to their records by taking war decisions. But the equations have changed, and this option is no longer available.

What if there were, however, regional developments that require “Israel” to study its operational choices, one of which is to initiate a military action, or if “Israel” came under attack due to hostilities it carried out under the title of the battle between wars? In that case, Netanyahu’s margin would then expand to push for an aggression, supported by justifications considered “objective and professional” within the entity. Of course, it will then be decided since the army is the one proposing such option or at least supporting it. In such a case, Netanyahu will be able to politically employ this operational option in the domestically, which is legitimate in the “Israeli” arena and has many precedents.

One central question remains. How far can this scenario benefit Netanyahu judicially, especially as his trial still has a long way to go? Yes, Netanyahu can maneuver through aggressive options in order to maintain his premiership or at least to ensure immunity granted to him for the role he played. But the issue remains conditional to many elements. It is not automatic. In the end, there is no guaranteed outcome for any course of action taken by Netanyahu.

It remains to be said that Netanyahu did not resort to this option before he was indictment which was supposed to be more beneficial to him. Another issue remains. Might the current regional circumstances push the enemy to embark on a military adventure, knowing there will be prices to pay? This is a separate research.

Kevin Barrett and Gilad Atzmon on Netanyahu’s Indictment-Press TV, The Debate


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With No End in Sight, Israel’s Election Soap Opera Rages On

By Miko Peled


The Israeli election process, like a bad soap opera, has been going on for many months now with no end in sight, and precisely like a poorly made soap opera, the squabbling, blaming, threatening, scare tactics and mudslinging have lead to nothing.

The Boss

Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, assumed to be the “Boss” of Israeli politics, seems to have lost his touch. In two consecutive elections, he was unable to win a majority or form a coalition government.

The rise of a united opposition to run against him led by former IDF generals – who by the way at one point or another served him – is part of the reason for his failure. Additionally, although he pandered to them and made them promises, he was unable to convince the constituency of settler gangs to support him exclusively, rather than to vote for their own parties, and this cost him valuable votes. These ultra-right-wing parties that can only be described as a combination of religious fanaticism and neo-fascism include people like Transportation Minister Bezalel Smutrich, Education Minister Rabbi Rafi Peretz and the newly appointed Minister of Defense, Naftali Bennet.

Repeat Elections

The most repeated mantra in Israeli politics today is, “no one wants elections.” In a press conference at the President’s residence, Israeli President Reuven Rivlin and Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein repeated this. In an emergency gathering of the “Right Block,” Netanyahu declared: “elections are bad!” Yet, still, as hard as they may try, none of these politicians sound convincing. Ignoring the famous Albert Einstein quote, or perhaps proving it right, that repeating the same actions and expecting different results is a sign of madness, it is clear that the main characters in this soap opera, namely, Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz, are hoping for another election cycle.

Their hope, delusional as it may be, is that the next round of elections will get them enough votes to become the next prime minister. While the cost of elections is enormous, the money does not come out of their pockets. Consistent with characters of bad soap operas, having large egos and a self-centered outlook, they believe they can make it if they just tweak their campaign. Maybe if they make another promise, get yet another statement by Donald Trump, or use a different slogan, they might make the cut. This, despite the fact that these tricks clearly failed them in the previous two elections.

The Israeli Electorate

The political division that is demonstrated by the result of the last two elections represents two main parts within Israeli society. The division has to do less with the issues than it does cosmetics. The first is who will sit at the head of the table, the cabinet table. While the two main parties, and most of the small ones, are quite happy to sit together in a coalition government, they want their guy to be at the head of the table.

The second touches somewhat on the issues but is in essence also cosmetic: Likud politicians and voters are proud of who they are and the ideology they espouse: violent, racist, and a settler-colonial ideology that flaunts its power and racism. It can be summed up as f*&% the Arabs, this is our land and that’s that.

The other part of the Israeli electorate, those who vote for Blue and White and parties that are considered “Liberal Zionist,” or “Zionist Left,” espouse the same ideology, but prefer to do it in the closet. It was the Zionist left that initiated the ethnic cleansing and destruction of Palestine in 1948. It was the same Zionist left that completed the conquest of Palestine in 1967 and built in the newly conquered lands for Jews only, and it is the Zionist left that brought about the disaster of the Oslo Agreements and contracted the Palestinian Authority to do its dirty work. However, it is all done under an enormous fig leaf called “Peace.” All they really ever wanted was peace.

So about half of the Israeli electorate is brutal and brutally honest and the other is brutal but shy about it.

The “Arabs”

In an emergency gathering of the “right,” Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu claimed that the “Arab” political parties in the Knesset are supporters of terrorism. He said that a government that has to rely on their support will be an “existential threat” to the state of Israel. He called it a “Pigu’a Leumi” a terror attack of national proportions.

Responses were quick to appear from figures across the political spectrum, including President Rivlin. Netanyahu was reprimanded for labeling all of the “Arabs” of Israel as terrorists, even though he made it clear he was not referring to all of the “Arabs” because, according to him, “there are loyal, Zionist Arabs” out there too.

Another response came from the mayor of the Palestinian-Druze town of Daliyat El-Karmel, Rafik Halabi. It is a town within the 1948 boundaries so its residents are considered citizens of the state of Israel. Halabi himself was, for many years, a correspondent on Israeli television covering “Arab Issues.” In response to Netanyahu’s remarks, he tweeted:

Does the PM know how many Muslim Arabs serve in the IDF. Does he know how many Israeli Arabs serve in the Mossad, the Shabak (Israel’s secret police, MP), and other arms of the security forces…”

He ended the tweet with: “We are all Israelis.”

If Halabi’s tweet was an indication of anything, it is that collaborating with an oppressor does not pay off. His entire statement is an indictment of those among the Palestinian communities of 1948 who chose, for one reason or another, to work for the “security” regime of their occupier and colonizer, Israel.

The members of this community that decide to engage in this work get no great benefit for working against their own people. In fact, they are treated with the same contempt as are all other Palestinians, and if any evidence is needed for that, one only needs to look at the newest addition to Israel’s Basic Laws, The Nation State Law. More recently, the comments made by Netanyahu regarding their elected representatives is another good indication. Furthermore, the stain of being a collaborator will surely remain on their families for a long time to come.

This community, which today numbers close to two million people, was able to remain within the newly established state of Israel after the ethnic cleansing of 1948. The dubious title of “Israeli Arab” was imposed along with quasi, second class citizenship in an apartheid state that was forced upon them. A serious debate is, and always has, taken place by Palestinian citizens of Israel as to how to deal with the state, whether or not to participate in elections, and so forth. In the Knesset today, the Palestinian bloc, what is known as the Joint Arab List, makes up the third-largest bloc in the chamber, yet not a single party is willing to sit with them or even rely on their support in creating a coalition government.


As these words are being typed, Prime Minister Netanyahu is being indicted on charges of corruption and breach of trust. There is still a very wide loophole, wide enough that he can jump through it and which will save him for at least another year. The Knesset committee that deals with members’ immunity is not in session right now and so cannot deal with the issue of his immunity.

It would be hard to imagine that an indictment will go forward without giving the prime minister, who is also a sitting member of Knesset, the opportunity to be heard on an issue of such vital importance. It is likely that Netanyahu will clear this loophole delaying the process until after a future election, which is likely to take place in the spring of 2020. This will ensure that the soap opera will continue for at least one more season.

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