“The End of the War in Syria Will Come as Part of the Agreement Between Iran and China,” Says Iranian Foreign Policy Analyst

By Polina Aniftou and Steven Sahiounie

Global Research, November 19, 2020

As the US changes leadership, new opportunities for re-alignment may open up for the Middle East and the wider region.  To understand more fully the implications presented in conflicts ranging from the US-Iran tension, the Syrian war, and the role of Turkey and Israel in the destabilization of the region, Steven Sahiounie of MidEastDiscourse, reached out to Polina Aniftou, analyst of the Iranian foreign policy, in a wide-ranging interview.


Steven Sahiounie (SS):  Once President-elect Joe Biden takes office on January 20th, will there likely be found a solution to ease the tension between Iran and Washington, in your view?

Polina Aniftou (PA):  We have to be honest and accept that the tensions have a unilateral character from the US side, and the way the US, on behalf of Israel, try to involve Iran into a conflict, or a war, in the region, is not strategically wise. The US tried with the assassination of Major Soleimani, explosions in Tehran, sanctions, the explosion in Beirut, and the war in Armenia to involve Iran into a regional conflict that would be expanded into war and to attack Iranian militias and army forces outside Iran. The US treats Iran as they treat Egypt, Jordan, Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf, as states under colonization, and second-class citizens of the Middle East. The difference with Iran is that Iran has a long past and history of not asking for help and not accepting being treated as a weak state, and Iran has no interest to look to the West at this moment. Iran has influence in a region from Beirut to Kabul and the country is safe and secure. Economically, Iran has is self-sufficient with products and raw materials to survive with a good living standard for decades, and the US is aware of this. Given these facts, Biden will try to approach Iran for his benefit, to understand the objectives and the goals of Iran in order not to be humiliated in his foreign policy, unlike Trump. I strongly believe that Biden will start eliminating sanctions only when he realizes the weak position of Israel and Israel’s negative demographics and inefficiency which prevent it’s being a key-actor in the region. I would say that in the next 2-3 years we will see many changes and Iran will be liberated by the imposed sanctions, mainly due to the reaction of China after signing the 25-year agreement with Iran last summer, and China needs a strong Iran to secure the Silk Road from Beirut to Kashmir through its allies and Shia populations that are loyal to Imam Khamenei.

SS:  President Donald Trump broke with the nuclear deal that former President Obama had signed.  Do you see the former deal being renewed under the future Biden administration, or will Iran have some new conditions?

PA:  In a few months’ elections are coming to Iran and the new setup will be much closer to the army, Ayatollah’s opinion, and path of understanding. After the assassination of Soleimani, Ayatollah repeated a very important admonition to not trust the US, and he made relevant statements during the US elections recently. Iran has a philosophy in its foreign policy that if the enemy is threatening Iran, the enemy needs to take the steps to attack or to conquer Iran. Historically, this has never occurred, even Alexander the Great did not manage a foothold in Iran. Thus, as the US left the agreement from the Iranian side, the US dishonored themselves and cannot be trusted. The US did not pay the penalty to Iran for the unilateral withdrawal from the Nuclear Agreement. Iran has claims but will sit on the same table to listen and be present before the eyes of the international community, and not to be accused. Iran will never sit on the table if Biden is threatening, mistreating, and assaulting Iran and its political and diplomatic honesty. I doubt that the Nuclear Agreement will be fully executed or motivated by any of the parties, but Biden will eliminate sanctions, due to pressure by Russia and China, and will start monitoring the region by closely observing Israel, which has caused discrepancies and incompatibility with the US foreign policy.

SS:  In your view, if the relationship between Tehran and Washington were to be improved, could the tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran be eased?

PA:  The tensions between Iran and Riyadh may have been initiated by the US, but behind this diplomatic distance there is a deep ideological and theological gap that I fear cannot be bridged. The monarchies in the region worried about their future after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The values of the Islamic Revolution are against monarchy, oppression, and promote self-sufficiency, independence, and Muslim unity (Ummah). The way the Saudis face Shiism, the solitude of Shiism, the reactions against Prophet Succession, and the leadership that Iran claims for the creation of Ummah put Saudis in a difficult position as they are afraid of the systemic existence of their monarchies.  The fact that even today it takes at least 15 years for an Iranian, after the application to be granted a visa, to visit Mecca indicates the hostility of Saudis to Iran. The violence, the lack of respect for others, and human dignity in Saudi Arabia and the laws of Saudi Arabia, affect the relations between the two countries more than any involvement of a third power. How is possible, when in Iran there are so many Sayyed, that receive legitimacy and origin from the 12 Imams, that 11 of them were killed by the forefathers of the Saudis and the Caliphs, for Iranians to feel secure with Saudis? Though for Iranians it is not important, certainly it is essential for Saudis, that they have tortured the daughter of the Prophet for the leadership of Caliphs, from where the monarchies are founded.

SS:  The US sees the Israeli occupation as their main ally in the Middle East region. In your view, could the US keep ties with the Israeli occupation while establishing a relationship with Iran?

PA:  Iran is missing from the puzzle of the US and they cannot accept that they lost Iran. When the Islamic Revolution was at the door of the Shah, the US was afraid of a communist ‘red revolution’. The Shah did not believe that the clergies would support Imam Khomeini, and only Mossad and Israel understood that the Islamic Revolution was coming. This is important because in the 60s and 70s during the Arab-Israeli war, the US prepared the Periphery Doctrine, along with the founder of Israel, David Ben-Gurion. The objectives of the Doctrine was for Israel to be supported by two non-Arab, but Muslim countries, Turkey and Iran. It was during the time of making Iran a westernized society in the scheme of Turkey succeeded by Ataturk. Ataturk demolished all the links and ties of the Ottoman Empire with Islam and its eastern lands and introduced Turkey to the west, to westernize Turkey and control it via western legislators and education. It is similar to what Reza Shah tried to do by issuing a decree known as Kashf-e hijab banning all Islamic veils in 1935, which led to the massacre at the Goharshad Mosque in Mashhad in August 1935, and the White Revolution of 1963 by his son M. Reza, and introducing land reforms, education changes, and westernizing society. The Islamic Revolution stopped the Periphery Doctrine, something that the US cannot forgive Iran for, as this forced the US to be focused on the protection of Israel in the region and to invest in infrastructure and support of Turkey to become a regional power, as a Muslim country with imperial ambitions to protect Israel under the instructions of the US. I am sure that a government led by Mr. Rouhani could skip this detail between Israel and the US, but a new government that will be supported by Quds (Jerusalem) forces, cannot forget its invisible mission to end its task by liberating Quds.  The US will keep their ties with Israel, as Israel is a small, weak country, made by the US to keep Jews away from the west and for intervening in the region, thus Iran will discuss with the US to solve sanction issues, but not for accepting Israel and its ties with the US.

SS:  Iran has supported the fight against terrorism in Syria. Do you see Iran including the end to the war in Syria as part of their negotiations which may begin with the future Biden administration?

PA:  Iran never negotiates its positions in one table. Iran puts its demands in different baskets moving according to the reactions. The war in Syria will end as soon as Biden realizes that Israel will have implications and costs through this war, and the only way for that to happen is by enhancing the power of President Assad and by keeping Lebanon stable. Hezbollah will play a dramatic role in that and would need to take the initiation to empower Mr. Assad. But, the war in Syria will need to end to avoid re-mapping the region after the bad agreement in Armenia that got Turkey and Israel into the Caucasus, threatening the stability and peace. The end of the war in Syria will come as part of the agreement between Iran and China and will be imposed on the US, by annulling the plans of Ankara and Tel Aviv, that since the 60s have worked officially together with common grounds and targets in the regional policy. Iran will demand not only the end of the war, and the disarmament of terrorists, but also the terrorists to be convicted and to eave west Asia.


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This article was originally published on Mideast Discourse.

Steven Sahiounie is an award-winning journalist. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research.The original source of this article is Global ResearchCopyright © Polina Aniftou and Steven Sahiounie, Global Research, 2020

Read More: “Israel’s Presence Near the Iranian Border Would Also Put Them in Direct Confrontation with Iran.” Dr. Javad Heirannia

يوم إقليميّ دوليّ فاصل: 18 تشرين الأول

ناصر قنديل

خلال العقدين الأولين من القرن الحادي والعشرين، تحوّل المشهد الدولي القائم من جهة، على وجود مشروع سياسي عسكري اقتصادي للقوة الأميركية العظمى التي فازت بنهاية الحرب الباردة مع سقوط جدار برلين وتفكك الاتحاد السوفياتي، ومن جهة مقابلة على بدء تبلور ممانعة دولية متعددة المصادر لهذا المشروع من قوى كبرى ومتوسطة، على خلفيات مصالح إقتصادية وإستراتيجية قومية تحت عنوان رفض عالم أحادي القطبية، وشكلت روسيا الجديدة مع الصعود السريع للرئيس فلاديمير بوتين، والصين الجديدة مع الصعود التدريجي للرئيس جين بينغ، لكن إيران التي كانت تتعافى من نتائج وتداعيات الحرب التي شنّها النظام العراقي عليها، كانت تدخل معادلة القرن الجديد من باب واسع، فهي تتوسّط قلب المنطقة الساخنة من العالم، التي ستشهد حروب الزعامة الأميركيّة للقرن، وهي الداعم الرئيسي للمقاومة التي انتصرت بتحرير لبنان عام 2000، وقد بدأت برنامجاً نووياً طموحاً ومشاريع للصناعات العسكرية تحاكي مستويات تقنية عالية، وتشكل خط الاشتباك المتقدّم مع المشروع الأميركي ضمن حلف يتعزز ويتنامى على الضفتين الروسية والصينية، ويحاكي خصوصية أوروبية فشل المشروع الأميركي باحتواء تطلعاتها ومخاوفها.

خلال العقدين الماضيين كان الخط البياني التراجعي للمشروع الأميركي، بعد فشل الحروب الأميركية على العراق وافغانستان وسورية والحروب الإسرائيلية المدعومة أميركياً على لبنان وغزة، تعبيراً ضمنياً عن خط بياني صاعد لموقع ومكانة إيران، التي وقفت بصورة مباشرة وغير مباشرة وراء الفشل الأميركي، وفي قلبه صعود في خلفية الصورة لمكانتي روسيا والصين وتقدم لتمايز أوروبي عن السياسات الأميركية، ويمثل ما كان العام 2015 نقطة تحوّل في السياسة الدولية، مع توقيع الاتفاق الدولي بقيادة أميركية مع إيران على ملفها النووي. كان هذا الاتفاق تسليماً بمكانة إيران الجديدة، دولياً وإقليمياً.

جاء الانسحاب الأميركي من الاتفاق النووي ترجمة لهجوم معاكس يقوده ثلاثي أميركي إسرائيلي خليجي، يقوم على إنكار حقائق المواجهات السابقة، ومحاولة لصياغة معادلات بديلة، وكان عنوان هذا الهجوم على جبهتين، جبهة إقليميّة تشكلت من جهة على ترجمة الحلف الجديد بمشروع إقليميّ حمل اسم صفقة القرن لحل القضية الفلسطينية وعزل إيران عن التأثير بمساراتها، وانتهى بالتطبيع الخليجي الإسرائيلي من جهة وتوحّد الساحة الفلسطينية كمعني أول بالمواجهة، خلف شعارات المقاومة التي تدعمها إيران. من جهة موازية، كانت الجبهة الثانية دولية تشكلت على خلفية السعي لتعميم نظام العقوبات وصولاً لخنق الاقتصاد الإيراني، وفرض تفاوض جديد بشروط جديدة عليها، وكانت النتيجة من جهة تعاظم الضغوط الناتجة عن العقوبات الأميركيّة القصوى على إيران، ومن جهة موازية عزلة أميركية دولية في فرض منهج العقوبات على إيران، وفشل واسع في الحصول على دعم أمميّ لها، بما تخطى الرفض التقليدي لروسيا والصين لسياسة العقوبات، مع انضمام أوروبا إلى المصوّتين ضد الدعوة الأميركية.

في 18 تشرين الأول عام 2020، يسقط بموجب الاتفاق النووي، الحظر الأممي على السلاح بيعاً وشراء بالنسبة لإيران، بعد محاولات مستميتة فاشلة بذلتها واشنطن لتجديد الحظر، وكان واضحاً ان إيران بذلت جهوداً دبلوماسية معاكسة مع اوروبا تضمنت ضبط إيقاع المواقف الإيرانية من الاتفاق النووي بما يحفظ بقاءه كإطار دبلوماسي قانوني على قيد الحياة، وقد كانت فرصة اللقاء مع وزير الخارجية الإيرانية محمد جواد ظريف في مطلع العام بعد نهاية زيارة مفوض السياسات الخارجية في الاتحاد الأوروبي جوزف بوريل إلى طهران، مناسبة لسماع موقف إيراني عنوانه، انتظروا 18 تشرين، إنه الموعد الفاصل بين مرحلتين، والفوز الإيراني بحلول هذا الموعد وتثبيت حق إيران بسقوط حظر السلاح عنها، سيكون فاتحة مرحلة جديدة نوعيّة، يتقاطع انطلاقها زمنياً من باب الصدفة مع اقتراب الاستحقاق الرئاسي الأميركي.

Understanding the Concepts of Imamat and Wilayat in Shi’a Islam: Iranian Revolution and Constitution, Part I

Understanding the Concepts of Imamat and Wilayat in Shi’a Islam: Iranian Revolution and Constitution, Part I

October 01, 2020

by Mansoureh Tajik for the Saker Blog

Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim, “In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

Who is qualified to be in the position of governing and based on what rules are two of the most essential questions with which human societies continue to wrestle. We are currently witnessing at the global stage how the fate and wellbeing of nations are tightly linked to the quality of, or lack thereof, the people in charge of their affairs and the quality of the rules with which they are governed. There is now multitude of nations and leaderships globally that operate based on many ideological shades and hues. From among them, one could choose a few systems to dissect, compare, and contrast to have a sober understanding of which system could offer the wisest framework for a given nation, why, and how. Here, I will focus on one specific form within Shi’a Islam frame of reference, that of Imamat with its extension Wilayat Faqih.

Admirers of secular and other non-secular persuasions could have their own picks and explain their version of things. While they are at it, they could also explain how theirs is working out for them but we request that they do so with intellectual honesty and solid evidence.

Happily, time is almost up for two specific groups of people who have actually been enablers of one another’s dysfunctions, true colleagues, if you will: 1) Religious hypocrites who have duplicitously used religion as a shield to further their selfish lusts and corrupt ways. 2) Non-believing seculars who have made misuse of religion by the first group a scapegoat for their ignorance, arrogance, and incompetence. They are in fact two blades of the same scissors, a match made in hell.

A genuinely interested and intellectually honest and fair person nowadays could examine all evidence about particular leaderships and nations that claim a given religion or ideology as their frame of reference and distinguish the real from the fake. Quite a few rulers around the world, for example, claim Islam as their frame of reference—let’s say, like Iran or Turkey or Saudi Arabia or Egypt or Pakistan or any other— but an impartial thinker could examine all the evidence and reach a reasonable conclusion that these nations have decidedly different systems of words and deeds even though they all claim Islam as the overarching framework. When, for instance, Ayatullah Khamenei of Iran speaks about which direction Iran and the Iranians should be, would be, and are taking, a diligent truth seeker has enough tangible, measurable, and truthful evidence to determine that this man is speaking and behaving as an honest, forthright, and God-fearing leader. In contrast, when the Sultan Al-junior Rajab Tayyib Erdogan of Turkey speaks of Islam, Muslims, and Quran, a fair person can clearly conclude based on real and tangible evidence that s/he is witnessing an Effendi Charlatan in operation.

Questions (be they real, cynical, or rhetorical) forming in the mind of those without real familiarity with Quran and Islam might include the followings: If Islam as a religion and Quran as a Book of God have qualities that they could produce such contrary products and opposite leaderships as a wise leader like Ayatullah Khamenei and a weasel like Sultan Erdogan Junior, then what good is such religion and of what use is such Book?! Random and lottery picking could have a 50/50 chance of either of the two outcomes, too. So, why bother with God, Islam, the religion, and the Book?

These are rational questions and I am glad that some are asking them, albeit with their inner voices. The short answer to these questions is that the two are not both products of the same religion and Book. They are the products of the degree to which they stay on or astray from the Right Path as set by this religion and this Book. The Leader is an example of someone who is genuinely striving to be on the Right Path to the best of his abilities. The weasel is an example of someone who has willfully deviated from the Right Path in deeds but is pretending to be on it in his ramblings. The long answer and evidence and documents supporting it constitute the core of these writings.

For the sake of transparency and for those who may be new to my essays, I must state once again that I am a Shi’a Muslim Twelve-Imami and a believer in Wilayat Faqih, the current system of governance in Iran. An important task before me here as I see it, is not to get anyone to accept or approve of this system of Imamat and Wilayat Faqih. Rather, I hope to provide enough and clearly enough explanations and examples to disentangle and clarify complex and at times decidedly contentious historical and religious facts and concepts in order to correctly convey the wisdom and the reasoning behind this particular system of leadership and governance to those who are interested and/or have an intellectual curiosity about the subject.

I am certain I cannot pack into one moderately-sized essay everything I ought to say to do a decent job of explaining without making this difficult article so lengthy that by the time people reach the middle, they will have already forgotten the beginning. Therefore, in as much a synopsis form as possible, I will Inshallah explain in this and most likely one or two follow-up essays how a delegated system of governance by God based on God’s rules as revealed in Quran and interpreted by scholars of Shi’a Twelve-Imami has worked both in theory and in practice. We shall see. I will also use historical examples from Islam and Iran in addition to relevant concepts to make the text less abstract and more comprehensible. We shall see as well how things have been working out for us the non-seculars specifically the Shi’a Muslims under Imamat and Wilayat Faqih, as operationalized in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is not going to be an easy ride. So, do please bear with me and the essays.

“Islamic Republic, Not a Word More, Not a Word Less”

Fifty days after the victory of the Iranian Revolution in 1979, through a nation-wide referendum in which 98 percent of eligible voters participated, 99.25% of the participants voted “yes” to an Islamic Republic system of government in Iran[1] replacing a system of monarchy based on an inherited position transfer from a king to his eldest son.

The ballots were worded rather simply (See the image below): “The change from previous regime to Islamic Republic the constitution of which will be put to the nation’s vote for approval.” The “Yes” ballots were in crimson text on a green background. The “No” ballots were in red lettering on a beige background.

No gimmicks. No play on words. No deceptive tactics. It was on persistent urging of Imam Ruhullah Khomeini the referendum was held in the first place. Many were insisting that he, as the uncontested Leader of the Revolution, should just make a public announce about the change in Iran’s political system since the majority in the population was wholeheartedly supporting him anyway. Why mess with a referendum?

Imam Khomeini begged to differ. He insisted on a real tangible and measurable participation by the people of Iran. The people of Iran must put their choice into writing. A choice in which there is obligation and responsibility for their life on earth and for the Hereafter. Their decision had to be clearly documented and witnessed by themselves first and foremost, by the world at large, by the future generations, and above all, by God. A majority “yes” vote in this context could be thought of as a written Bey’at, or a written covenant of allegiance, to the very principles of Islam as the overarching framework of governance. The governed does not just consent. The governed enters into a contract to never desert the scene and to remain ever-vigilant and ever-present at war or at peace or wherever the battle is. For the past 40+ years, majority of the Iranian people, by Grace of God Almighty, have been in the scene.

It is useful to go into a bit more details about the events surrounding the referendum since it gives us an inside look into how things were back then at the beginning. Also, I might need to refer back to some segments later on in the essays. Late Sadiq Tabatabai, the spokesperson for then the transitional government, writes the details in his memoires as follows:

We were in the middle of Esfand (the 12th month in the Iranian calendar, March 1979) when Ahmad Agha (Imam Khomeini’s second son) called me from Qom. He said, “Agha says you must hold a referendum.”

I said, “That’s all good but I am not in charge!”

He said, “You should talk to the State Minister and tell him Imam says a referendum must be held.” I went to Agha Ahmad Haj Seyyed Javadi and relayed Imam’s message. He said, “A referendum needs tools. It requires provincial and regional governors. When we have none of these, how could we hold any referendum?! The State Ministry used to have a major office of elections but that is not currently active either.”

So, I called Ahmad Agha and told him what the State Minister had told me. An hour later, Ahmad Agha called again and said that Agha was asking how the referendum’s situation was progressing. I said, “Ahmad jan, this is not some dyeing barrel [an Iranian expression meaning it is not that easy].”

He said, “You know Agha and I know him, too! I am not going to go back to him a second time and say no! If you want, you come and tell him yourself.”

Immediately, I headed to Qom and went to see Imam. I said, “Agha, why a referendum? You should just make an announcement about it. The whole world knows that the entire population is behind you if you just announce that Islamic Republic is now our political system, all the people will be behind you and support you. Besides, a referendum is going to show exact same thing as well. Right now, we have no resources.”

He said, “You are not understanding things. Right now, it is as you say. But fifty years from now, they are going to turn around and say that they stirred people’s emotions and they just forced the system they wanted on them. They manipulated the public’s sentiment and had them say what they themselves told them to say. So, voting must be done and the precise number of people for and against it must be officially determined and publicly announced.”[2]

Those of us who observe on a regular basis what is spewed out of the media outlets of hostile regimes in the UK, the US, the Zionist entity in Occupied Palestine, and their regional oil wells with flags, we could see quite vividly how they are trying so desperately to distort and falsify the Iranian history and the history of our revolution. So, we find ourselves always remembering to salute Imam Khomeini for his prudence and foresight.

Within less than three weeks from the majority “yes” vote to change to an Islamic Republic, another nationwide election was held and 73 members of Majlis Khubregan-e Qanon Asasi, the Assembly of Experts for Constitutional Laws were elected directly by the people. This assembly formulated the first constitution of the Islamic Republic with Wilayat Faqih, or the Guardianship of Faqih, as its core custodial authority and stewardship through some 67 public and open sessions.[3]

The final draft of the constitution was once again put to a nationwide vote on November 22, 1979, just as it had been promised by Imam Khomeini and was clearly written on the ballots for the very first referendum (See above). Again, there were quite a few people who were insisting the constitution not to be put into another direct vote by the people. However, Imam Khomeini insisted once again on proceeding with another nationwide referendum so the people of Iran could cast their votes regarding the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The constitution was approved by nearly 95% of the eligible participants who voted positively.

Now, from among all existing systems of government, why this system and how is it different from other Islamic countries in the world? Why did it happen in 1979? Why in a Shia-majority Iran? What does “Wilayat” mean? What are the indicators of “Wilayat”? What does “Faqih” mean? What are the attributes of a “Faqih”? Why should a “Wali Faqih” become the supreme steward of the entire system? Where did this system and its principle concepts come from and why? Where is it headed, how, and why?

We will get to all these questions and more. But it is important to first contextualize the formation of this decidedly religious system by examining the global socio- and geo-political context in which it was being established during the last quarter of the 20th Century. I apologize for zigzagging back and forth through time. It is a necessary tactic here to get to some significant events.

The Iranian Islamic Revolution in a Global Context

Written in blood-red color and pasted on a solid black background a rhetorical question was plastered on the cover of Time magazine on April 8, 1966, about thirteen years before the victory of the Iranian Revolution. At the cost of 35 cents per issue, a willfully ostentatious question read: “Is God Dead?”[4] The cover, for the first time ever, used no figures, photographs, or drawings. Dismissal of a deeply-rooted system of belief in God was gleefully advertised. No need for any distractions and pictorial bells and whistles. The title aimed to rehash a rhetoric of Nietzsche from eight decades earlier written in The Gay Science:

“After Buddha was dead, people showed his shadow for centuries afterwards in a cave,—an immense rightful shadow. God is dead: but as the human race is constituted, there will perhaps be caves for millenniums yet, in which people will show his shadow.—And we—we have still to overcome his shadow.”[5]

A shadow play, heh?! In the Time article, the author had not failed to overestimate the power of the self-proclaimed liberals of the West. Nor had it faltered to underestimate God and men of God. He wrote, “Secularization, science, urbanization all have made it comparatively easy for the modern man to ask where God is and hard for the man of faith to give a convincing answer, even to himself.” He was, after all, catering to his bosses’ greed to sell a few more copies of the magazine at 35 cents a piece. His boss was catering to the greed of his masters at Meredith Corporation to keep his job. Meredith Corporation in turn was catering to the greed of its shareholders at New York Stock Exchange to show a noticeable rise in their stock price. Greed, a deadly Sin? Says who?

The harbingers of the self-declared liberal West intoxicated by a feeling of intestinal fortitude failed to see, or more accurately refused to believe, what was going on right under their aloofly laic noses in their most precious puppet kingdoms. While the West was busy closing the file on anything God might say about the governance and rulership of people and societies in the West itself and around the world, Imam Ruhullah Khomeini, a man of God in his sixties then, who was sent to exile in Najaf by Shah’s regime was hard at work to bring the Word of God into the governance of the people who believed in God, and in Iran of all places.

Around the time the Time article was being circulated in April 1966, Imam Khomeini gave a mission to his first son, Agha Mostafa Khomeini to take part in Hajj and make connections with other Muslim activists and inform them of the aims and the progress of the Islamic movement. Shah’s SAVAK (National Intelligence and Information Agency) in close collaboration with Istikhbarat (Information Ministry) in Iraq and Saudi Arabia is following the movement. A memo from the central office of Shah’s SAVAK that was forwarded to a local office of SAVAK in Qom (See the image below) reads:

“Information obtained indicates Mostafa Khomeini, the son of Ayatullah Khomeini, who in the current year went to Mecca, has had contacts with a few radical elements including Majdiddin Mahllati, one of the opposition clerics in Shiraz. They have made some decisions for the months of Muharram and Safar. Since it is probable that these types of people, upon their return to Iran, create incitements, you must order a complete surveillance of the known entities and make necessary arrangements and announce the outcome.”[6]

Iran was a country that was groomed by the lords of the West and through overt and covert operations and a major coup d’etat to become its most darling puppet secular regime and Gendarme in Persian Gulf. It was to be Shi’a only in name and a great model for the region. Even up until two years before the victory of the Iranian Revolution, Jimmy Carter referred to it as an “Island of Stability in one of the more troubled areas of the world.” How boorishly unschooled. (To be continued.)


[1] The Center for Islamic Revolution Documents, “Media Narrative Regarding the Islamic Republic Referendum on Farvardin 12, 1358.” News Code: 4822. Published online at 12:19, Farvardin 12, 1398 (April 1, 2019). Accessed online through the Center’s site: http://irdc.ir/

[2] Tabatabai S. “Social and Political Memoires of Dr. Sadeq Tabatabai.” Vol. 3, Pages 269-276. Translated from Farsi.

[3] Madani, Seyyed J (1382). “A Review of the Formation of the Islamic Republic’s Constitution.” Portal of Comprehensive Social Sciences, Zamaneh, No. 16. Social Sciences and Cultural Studies Research Center, Article Number: 9644. Online at: Insani.ir

[4] Time. Available online at: http://content.time.com/time/covers/0,16641,19660408,00.html

[5] Friedrich Nietzsche (2001). “The Gay Science.” Willimas B., the Editor; Nauckhoff J., the Translator. Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, UK. Available online at: http://www.holybooks.com/the-gay-science-friedrich-nietzsche

[6] SAVAK Memo #1432600011 to Qom’s SAVAK. Central Office of National Intelligence and Security Agency, Prime Minister’s Office, Farvardin 25, 1345 (April 14, 1966).

Imam Khamenei: Sacred Defense Established Security in Iran, Enemies Will Pay Dearly If They Invade Country

Imam Khamenei: Sacred Defense Established Security in Iran, Enemies Will Pay Dearly If They Invade Country

By Staff, Agencies

Leader of the Islamic Revolution His Eminence Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei says Iran’s decisively victorious defense against foreign-backed forces of Iraq’s former dictator Saddam Hussein proved that invading the country is a “very costly” undertaking.

“When a nation shows that it has the diligence and power to defend itself and delivers a crushing response to invaders, invaders would then think twice before perpetrating any incursion against this country and its people, and realize that such an act of aggression would be very costly for them,” the Leader said on Monday.

Imam Khamenei made the remarks via video-link during an even held in the capital Tehran to honor one million veterans of the country’s 1980-88 war against Saddam’s invading forces.

Successful engagement in the war, therefore, awarded the country its current level of security, the Leader noted, enumerating the rewards of the Sacred Defense.

The name signifies Iran’s eight-year-long struggle under the leadership of the late founder of the country’s Islamic Republic, Imam Khomeini against the Iraqi aggressor.

The Leader said the defensive struggle also equipped the Iranian people with a sense of self-belief in its ability to fend for itself and put it on a course of technological and scientific development because it had to wade into many new areas to be able to buttress its defensive activities.

The war taught us that “some things that appear to be impossible, are actually possible,” Imam Khamenei stated.

While specifying the actual goal of the warmongers as being destruction of the country’s Islamic Revolution and its Islamic establishment, the Leader noted that Saddam and his Ba’ath party were just being used as “tools by powers, such as the United States, that had suffered serious blows from Iran’s Revolution.”

Others, like the Soviet Union, the Western military alliance of NATO, as well as some other Western and even European countries also contributed to the war because they were “concerned” about the emergence of a new phenomenon in the region that had been founded upon religion, Imam Khamenei said.

Documents that surfaced afterwards showed the US had entered some agreements with Saddam before the war, the Leader remarked, adding that during the war too, Washington would generously provide the former Iraqi dictator with intelligence and arms support.

Imam Khamenei reminded how weapon-laden vessels would dock at regional ports to shore up the invading forces against Iran on a daily basis during the wartime.

Imam Khomeini, however, identified the main forces lying behind the war well, and aptly advised that the Iranian nation to join the Armed Forces in fighting the invaders, the Leader said.

Imam Khomeini’s addresses at the time were marked by “truthfulness, innocence, acuity, and decisiveness,” while his leadership style featured appropriate discernment of the requirements of the battle’s different stages as well as proper moralizing of the Iranian servicemen, Imam Khamenei recalled.

His leadership of the country during the war was also “very prudent,” Imam Khamenei said, noting how his innovative wartime strategies would help the Armed Forces outflank the enemy at various stages.

In the meantime, Imam Khomeini brought about a “massive popular mobilization” during the war, helping recruit all the potentials that were being offered by the full spectrum of the country’s population into the battle, the Leader remembered.

This helped many potentials that lay latent in many people at the time to come to the fore, leading to emergence of many exceptional military, intelligence, and other leaders among the people, Imam  Khamenei said, citing the example of Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani, former commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps [IRGC], and many others.

The Leader said despite some attempts at casting doubt over Iran’s victory in the war, it should be known that the country’s triumph is “as bright as the sun” as neither did it lose a handspan of its soil, nor did its leadership take a single step back.

This is while the former monarchical regime’s reign was marked by regular unauthorized intervention of foreigners, including during the World Wars, Imam Khamenei noted.

The Leader said Sacred Defense constitutes part of the country’s national identity because it amounted to supreme manifestation of popular involvement.

The warfare, on the other hand, also betrayed the true and made-up face of the Western world to the Iranian people because it saw the entire Western front pool their forces to deny Iran everything and fortify its enemies to the limit, Imam Khamenei said.

The Leader recalled how the Western countries would outfit the aggressors with chemical weapons, thus going back on all of their pro-human rights claims

Imam Khamenei finally called for the promotion and preservation of the memory of the heroic struggle, especially through creation of rich textual materials that could yield many other instances of content, such as plays and motion pictures.

Prior to the Leader’s remarks, Armed Forces Major General Mohammad Baqeri briefed the participants on the country’s ongoing and pending plans to honor the memory of the war.

He unveiled a stamp printed out to honor the war’s 40th anniversary, and announced that the country would be inaugurating as many as eight Sacred Defense museums over the upcoming days.

“We are determined not to allow the distortion of the history of the Sacred Defense that is an invaluable resource for the next generation of the country’s independence, esteem, and pride,” the military chief said.


Lebanese academic explains Khamenei’s roadmap for ‘New Islamic Civilization’


Lebanese academic explains Khamenei’s roadmap for ‘New Islamic Civilization’

September 11, 2020

Middle East Observer


The following is a translation of an Arabic article by Lebanese academic Dr Muhammad Mohsen Olleik, in which he analyses the roadmap by Iran’s Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei for the building of a new “Islamic Civilization”.

Olleik, a lecturer in Education and Islamic Studies from the Lebanese University, says that the Islamic world today is before a “golden opportunity” that can bring about the revival of the Ummah (nation) based on the comprehensive roadmap put forth by Iran’s Khamenei.

Source: Khamenei.ir (Arabic website)

Date: 29 February, 2020

(Important Note: Please help us keep producing independent translations for you by contributing as little as $1/month here: https://www.patreon.com/MiddleEastObserver?fan_landing=true)


“The fate of the region depends on its liberation from the arrogant U.S. hegemony, and the freedom of Palestine from the domination of the Zionist foreigners, God willing. All nations are responsible to help achieve this goal. The world of Islam must erase elements of discord. The unity of Islamic scholars can present Islamic solutions for a new Islamic lifestyle. Cooperation between our universities can improve science and technology, and this cooperation will create the infrastructure for the new civilization. Coordination between our media will correct the culture of the people down to its roots. Communication between our armed forces will push war and transgression away from the entire region. Dealings between our markets will free our economies from the domination of plundering companies. Our people’s travels to one another’s countries will bring us solidarity, affection, unity and friendship”.

– An extract from the Arabic Friday sermon of Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei in Tehran on January 17, 2020

In this unequivocal manner, and during a Friday sermon imbued with the scent of martyrdom, crammed with masses of thrilled and excited people, and in clear, eloquent Arabic language, Imam Khamenei summarized the principles of the ‘Manifesto’ surrounding the necessary transformation of the Ummah (Islamic world) that “must open a new chapter”.

Although Imam Khamenei has already mentioned some of these ideas related to this structural transformation in previous key statements and sermons, nevertheless, this strategic concentration and in-depth description of the actions required to direct and carry out this desired civilizational transformation has paved the way for all scholars, leaders, decision-makers, influential elites in all fields, and every individual seeking to discover his practical (religious) duty.

Furthermore, the words of Imam Khamenei, that “all nations are responsible”, during this delicate and defining (historical) moment, has removed many popular misconceptions and ambiguities. The process of building the new Islamic civilization is not confined to any one country or nation, or even to the Islamic Republic of Iran. We have always heard this “deduction” being suggested or directly stated by influential personalities and officials from some Islamic movements and parties.

The idea of resistance, despite its sanctity, does not amount to a goal and purpose of action for our jihadi nations and (political) movements. Resistance is a (natural) human reaction to occupation, aggression, attempts to dominate, humiliate, and impose political, cultural or economic dependency. Comprehensive resistance is the path to liberation and to quelling injustice and occupation. However, it is neither an aim nor a goal that (can) define all the frameworks of action and thought.

The primary goal is establishing the new Islamic civilization as a prelude to the salvation of humanity by the ‘awaited justice’ (i.e. the reappearance of Imam Mahdi and Prophet Jesus). All the triumphs and achievements of the resistance movements and the Islamic revival and awakening must be employed to reach this comprehensive “positive” goal, in order bring about a fundamental transformation in the project of Islam whose aim is to achieve perfection (i.e. fulfillment of purpose) and happiness for humans and society.

It is useful to draw attention here to a very important issue which is the key difference between the concepts ‘leader’ and ‘leadership’, rather between ‘The Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilāyat al-Faqīh)’ and ‘The Guardian Jurist (Wali al-Faqih)’. To fulfill the lofty hopes and ideals, the Guardian Jurist – whether the divinely-protected Imam or his deputy – is the cornerstone for reviving, perfecting, and leading humans towards prosperity. However, throughout history till our present day, there have always been exceptional leaders – whether from the divinely-protected (Imams) or elite scholars – who have demonstrated unparalleled intellectual, administrative and political capabilities. The ‘leader’ has always been there. However, when we talk about ‘leadership’, it is a (totally) a different story. (Leadership) is the mutual interaction between the guardian leader and those (who pledge) loyalty to him, and the extent to which (this interaction) produces the greatest desired results and achievements in all areas of material and spiritual progress.

Implementing the plan of the leader requires a civilizational “mobilization” which is deeper and more crucial than the military and political battles, and even (more crucial) than fighting the soft war(s) and cultural invasion(s). This general mobilization must discover the (true) Islamic lifestyle, “the good life”, or what Imam Khamenei calls “the essence of civilization”. This is the area in which we have not advanced properly in yet.

This plan (of ‘Imam Khamenei’) raises many questions about our social behavior and problems plaguing our current lifestyle, such as weaknesses surrounding collective action, widespread consumerist trends, the divorce phenomenon, weak ties (between family members), the lack of mastery in industry and production, the way we dress, our food, architecture, entertainment and many other plagues and phenomena.

First, we need to determine the causes of these (plagues) and how they are entrenched in our societies; and second, we need to have faith in our abilities to change and move towards a good, genuine and contemporary lifestyle derived from the treasure trove of Islamic thought, sciences and values. This transformation (in our lifestyles) can be achieved directly, or by reproducing and innovating in the field of social trends and behaviors, in a way that does not imitate the anti-human Western-American civilization which seeks to destroy other cultures – through both hard and soft power – as it takes advantage of the lack of self-confidence of some culture producers in Islamic societies.

Accordingly, this highlights the necessity of a revolutionary reexamination, and deeper, bolder modes of thinking regarding the fundamentals and strategies (that guide) our work and management of people’s skills and energies in all fields. (These fields) have witnessed (great) jihadi (military) victories, and the masses are (now) eager to bring about a change in the “roots of (their) overall culture”, and are expecting the scholars and leaders to respond emphatically to the project of civilization building that is being spearheaded by the leader (Imam Khamenei). (By doing this), the scholars and leaders will ensure the process of mutual leadership and ‘Guardianship’.

By the blessings of this civilizational leader, the argument (that calls for the need for a new Islamic Civilization) is now complete and (rationally) binding upon all of us. The current favorable conditions and available opportunities are exceptional in (relation to the potential of) transforming this thought and civilizational proposal into strong and effective strategies. This argument makes this intellectual and cultural challenge a sacred priority. (This argument) oversees (and provides the vision for) the production of knowledge in the field of the Islamic Humanities, and (provides the vision for the production of) the tools for building a new civilization, that is, by solidifying (true) values, by “the production of discourses”, and a new good lifestyle characterized by justice, spirituality, and true human and economic prosperity.

“The world of Islam must open a new page. Awakened consciences and pious hearts must revive the self-confidence of nations. Everyone should know that the only path for the salvation of nations is by (developing) strategies, (practicing) steadfastness, and (enjoying) fearlessness of the enemy.”

This civilizational revival essentially demands first of all, the revival of the authentic intellectual and cultural works; making them the center for all political, social, organizational and planning activities; believing in the ability of good people to bring about change, and their ability to produce real mechanisms that enable people to participate in decision-making and electing responsible managers that truly represent them at all levels.

(These mechanisms) would derive inspiration from the experience of the Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilayat al-Faqih) and the popular religious sovereignty (model) that made the Islamic Republic (of Iran) an invincible power by granting it (various) domains of power, the most prominent of which being the atmosphere of intellectual freedom, and the ability of people to freely elect their representatives, whether at the municipal level, or even electing the Guardian Jurist (Wali al-Faqih ) via the Assembly of Experts.

“Bringing hearts and minds closer together” is another element of the principles of this civilizational “Manifesto”.  This is extremely crucial. It requires the scholars, movements and the producers of culture to have the courage to accept the other, (whether he differs with me on) a sectarian, national or religious (basis). This ought to lead to the broadening of the circle of unity based on lofty standards such as justice, serving people, defending the oppressed, and moving away from narrow fanaticism, whether in thought or in practice.

If we do not have a conscious, strong mind, and firm social, developmental and cultural views that are able to solve our enormous problems, we will neither be able to reflect and manifest “The Guardianship of the Jurist”, nor the “Leadership of the Leader”. The age of defending ourselves, and sufficing ourselves with resisting the enemy and being obsessed with the idea of preserving our existence has ended. In addition to these initial steps (i.e. defense, resistance, and preservation of existence) which (can) be referred to as ‘the minor jihad’, his excellency (Imam Khamenei) introduces the concept of the “the great jihad”, which refers to (seeking) independence, and developing ‘capabilities’ in all its forms, with the aim of preventing dependency upon the West on all levels. This in turn will lead to ‘the greater jihad’, and the road to spiritual perfection.

The “new chapter” which the nation (Ummah) – with all its youth, scholars, elites, mujahideen, and members of society, including men, women, and even children – comes under the title of ‘The cultural, social and economic challenge’. This (chapter) will be written by the strong members (of our nation), by those who will be able to produce great, creative ideas, those who will manage to produce new (forms) of knowledge and sciences (that facilitate) the administration and management of the desired transformation in our societies, organizations and movements.

(New forms of knowledge and sciences) from education, to art and media, to management and economics, to jurisprudence, wisdom/philosophy and mysticism, to all skills and crafts that contribute to ‘the happy life’. (Such knowledge) would be rooted in and derived from the two ‘precious’ sources (of Islamic thought), the Holy Qur’an and the traditions of the divinely-protected (leaders of Ahlul Bayt), peace be upon them. (These sciences) will also be rooted in the blessed principles of the revival of the great Imam Khomeini and his successor, the second Khomeini (Imam Khamenei), away from being captured, dazzled and fascinated by the West, or from calcification and fatal apathy.

Today is the period of great transformations, which will not come about unless we carry them out ourselves, and if we turn away, God will replace us with another people. It is a golden opportunity for the birth of a new Ummah (nation). Our leader is calling upon us. Will we respond to his call and help in building the great (Islamic) civilization, and by doing so preserve our victories which we produced through our struggle and martyrdom? (Will we) achieve the conquests of civilizational progress? Will we (succeed) in the (great) cultural battles? Will we be able to create the new ‘good life’ that is full of hope, energy and creativity?

For every leader, leadership and (loyal) helpers, and for every ‘Guardian Jurist’, ‘Guardianship’ and (steadfast) followers, the law of God, the All-Wise and the Bestower of Mercy, is clear: “And if you obey him, you will be [rightly] guided” (Holy Qur’an: Surat An-Nur, Ayah 54).

Say, “Obey Allah and obey the Messenger; but if you turn away – then upon him is only that [duty] with which he has been charged, and upon you is that with which you have been charged. And if you obey him, you will be [rightly] guided. And there is not upon the Messenger except the [responsibility for] clear notification.”


Posted on  by Elijah J Magnier

By Elijah J. Magnier: @ejmalrai

Since the victory of the “Islamic Revolution” in Iran in 1979, the slogan “Neither East nor West but an Islamic Republic” has been a commonplace. This slogan represented the desire of the late Imam Khomeini, who aimed to liberate Iran from foreign control and from the superpowers that had ruled Iran for decades. Consequently, the Iranian constitution prohibits the establishment and influence of any foreign military base on Iranian soil (article 3/5). However, by tearing up the nuclear agreement (JCPOA) signed by former President Barack Obama , the current US administration of President Donald Trump has pushed Iran into the arms of Russia and China. Tehran has now signed strategic and commercial military cooperation agreements lasting 25 years with the two superpower countries Russia and China. The reconstruction of the Chinese and Persian empires is expanding at the expense of the US empire and as a result of its weakness.

Europe has lost its window on Iran, and America has lost its bet on eliminating Iran. Trump is still waiting by the phone for a call from Tehran, but the phone will not ring as long as the nuclear deal is in the trash. Trump apparently has strong chances to be re-elected for another four years. However, Iran will not sign any agreement with him a month after his re-election, as he may hope. Iran will close the door on the US as long as Trump remains in power, unless he restores the deal and offers guarantees. The decision to go to China is irreversible, although the door has not been forever closed on the US. 

The US’s loss of its influence on the world stage has become a reality, and the emergence of other forces, Russia, China and Iran, is impossible to ignore. The influence of these countries can no longer be limited, thanks directly to the failure and mismanagement of US foreign policy!

Proofread by:   Maurice Brasher and C.G.B.

هل يفعل السيّد حسن نصر الله ما عجز عنه عبد الناصر؟

حزب الله أدرك أنّ التفكك العربي الكبير الذي أرادته أميركا يجب أن يُرد عليه بالعودة إلى فكرة

صادق النابلسي 

المصدر: الميادين نت

بعد تحرير الجنوب اللبناني، وانتصار تموز/يوليو 2006، ودخول حزب الله إلى سوريا في العام 2013، وجد الحزب نفسه أمام سؤال حان وقته.

في السادس عشر من شباط/فبراير 1985، تلا الرئيس الحالي للمجلس السياسي لحزب الله، السيد إبراهيم أمين السيد، الرسالة المفتوحة التي وجهها حزب الله إلى المستضعفين في لبنان والعالم. بدا ما قاله آنذاك بياناً حماسياً، غريباً، بل ممعناً في غرابته، من مجموعة جديدة وافدة إلى مسرح الأحداث في لبنان، يحار مراقبوها في نسبتها إلى المجال الذي تنتمي إليه، والأهداف الكبيرة التي تطمح إلى تحقيقها.

التطلّعات العابرة للحدود التي تضمَّنتها الرسالة أقل ما كان يمكن أن يردّ عليها بعضهم في حينها، بأن يستخدم عبارة الزعيم السوفياتي جوزيف ستالين حين حذّروه من قوة الفاتيكان، فتساءل ساخراً: “كم دبابة عند بابا الفاتيكان؟”، أو بحسب نصّ آخر: “كم فرقة عسكرية يملكها البابا في الفاتيكان؟”.

مجموعة صغيرة حديثة العهد بالسياسة والقتال تدّعي لنفسها قوة خارقة، فتقول: “أما قدرتنا العسكرية، فلا يتخيّلَنَّ أحد حجمها، إذ ليس لدينا جهاز عسكري منفصل عن بقية أطراف جسمنا، بل إنّ كلاً منّا جندي مقاتل حين يدعو داعي الجهاد إنّنا متوجهون لمحاربة المنكر من جذوره، وأوّل جذور المنكر أميركا”.

أتصوّر مثلاً أن يقارن أحدهم بعد أن قرأ الرسالة بين الأحزاب القومية واليسارية التي كانت تحمل أحلام جماهيرها بالوحدة والتضامن والتكامل وتلاحم الجبهات، لدحر مشاريع الهيمنة الاستعمارية والانقضاض على “إسرائيل” وتدميرها واستعادة فلسطين من مغتصبيها، ولكنها مُنيت بعد مدة من انطلاقتها بفشل في أهدافها، وإحباطات في مشاعرها، ونكسات في نتائج أعمالها، وبين جماعة لا أرضية سياسية وعسكرية لها، تريد أن تختبر من جديد بـ”سوريالية ثورية” حجم الألم والأحلام الموجعة التي يُخلّفها طريق المحاولة والخطأ! لا بأس، يقول هذا البعض، فلتجرّب حظها من الخيبة والمرارة، ففي الإنسان دوماً شيء ما يقوده نحو حتفه وتلاشيه!

لكن لم تمرّ إلا سنوات قليلة حتى بدأ المراقبون يستكشفون شيئاً جديداً تماماً. رواية مختلفة تقول إنّه ليس بالضرورة أن يعيد التاريخ نفسه بطريقة حلزونية، فما رُصد بعد سنوات قلائل من تحولات وإنجازات وانتصارات، اتضح أنّها لم تكن استجابات عاطفية غاضبة متسرّعة على هوان قديم وعجز مقيم، بسبب ما حلّ من خراب داخل العالمين العربيّ والإسلاميّ، بل هي مبنيّة على رؤية علمية، وخطوات عملية، وعوامل تاريخية ودينية وجيوسياسية، ودوافع كافية لضمان اجتياز الصراع بنجاح. 

القضية لم تكن تتطلّب البتة عند “المؤسسيين الأوائل” تستراً على طرح ربما يؤدي إلى استنتاجات وتفسيرات خاطئة ومشوّهة، أو تستدعي مقاومة الفكرة المغرية القائلة إننا” أمة ترتبط مع المسلمين في أنحاء العالم كافة برباط عقائدي وسياسي متين هو الإسلام”، وبضرورة الدعوة” إلى إقامة جبهة عالمية للمستضعفين، لمواجهة مؤامرات قوى الاستكبار في العالم”، أو “أننا نطمح أن يكون لبنان جزءاً لا يتجزأ من الخارطة السياسية المعادية لأميركا والاستكبار العالمي وللصهيونية العالمية”، لجهة إفراطها وخروجها عن قوانين الاجتماع والسياسة اللبنانية.

لم يكن ذلك كله مدعاة للتحفظ، بل على العكس، جاء التأكيد في الرسالة على أهميته وقيمته الحقيقية، ولو كان العقل السياسي يضيق به، أو كان يطمح إلى ما يفوق إمكانيات الحزب آنذاك، لأنّ المبدأ العقائدي الذي كان يدفع في هذا السبيل، ويُملي هذه الاعتبارات، ويُذكي هذا الشعور، ويستجلب هذه الإرادة، كان أقوى من التصورات السيادية والدستورية السائدة، وأكبر من الوقائع والمعايير التي تحكم سلوك الدول وتوازناتها.

كل المؤمنين بالنهج الأصيل والعاملين في مداره كانوا مشغولين بالتأكيد أنّ أمةً جديدةً يجب أن تُولد من رحم التناقضات والصراعات المفتوحة على أكثر من ميدان. لم يشعروا بأنهم في مأزق أو تيه صحراوي لا يدري أحد منهم إلى ماذا يُفضي، بل كانوا على يقين من سلامة الطريق وتحقيق الأهداف.

 وإذا كانت بعض الحركات العابرة للحدود الدينية والجغرافية والعرقية في المنطقة العربية قد وصلت إلى طريق مسدود في نضالاتها، ولم تستطع تجاوز هزيمتها، بسبب طبيعة التكوين الفكري والسلوك السياسي الذي حوّلها إلى كتل جامدة معطلة، فإنّ التنظيم الجديد قد صمّم فكرته تصميماً ذهنياً صارماً، وحددّ لانطلاقته بداية واعية واعدة، وخلق تشكيلاً منفتحاً على الجهاد المحلي الحديث والإرث التاريخي القديم، بنحو يعيد هيكلة البنية الرمزية والإيديولوجية باستحضار ماضي الثائرين وإعادة دمجه بالحاضر، ثم إنّ هناك إدراكاً للثمن الفادح الذي يجب دفعه، لا أنّ القضية مجرد تكهن أو رغبة “صوتية” لا تنفع في الحقيقة أكثر من استدراج أقدام “المتكهّنين” إلى هاوية الوهم. 

كما أنّ التنبؤ بالنصر استشراف علميّ محفوف بالمخاطر، لا ينفصل لحظة واحدة عن الارتباط بالواقع الحي الذي يفرز الإنجازات والإخفاقات على السواء. ولأنّ صورة العدو أكثر تعقيداً من كونه مجرد مجنون يتغذى على القتل، فإنّ النصر ليس خبراً يُذاع، وإنما هو نضال محموم، ومقاومة ضارية واستراتيجية طويلة تتطلَّب قدرة عالية على تحمل الألم والصعاب، وإرادة فولاذية لمواصلة العمل، واعتماداً على الذات في النطاق الجغرافي المحلي، واستبعاداً كلياً لدور المنظمات الدولية التي تقف في معظم الأحيان إلى جانب الظالمين والغزاة، بدلاً من مساعدتها المستضعفين؛ أصحاب الحقوق المشروعة.

وكما يقول الشاعر عبد الرحمن الشرقاوي: “إنّ القضية ملكنا… هي عارنا أو فخرنا”، فالانهزام أو الانتصار تعبير واقعي متعلق بطبيعة المعركة وظروفها، ولكن المهم في الأمر أن لا ينضوي المقاومون تحت أيّ مظلة غير موثوقة، ولا ينساقوا وراء منهج غير إسلامي. أما الاعتماد على الذات، فلا يعني التردد عن قبول مساعدة قوى الأمة المختلفة، بل المطلوب أن تتحرك كل الطاقات في التعامل مع الأزمات والتحديات في إطار الوحدة أو “الجسد الذي إذا اشتكى منه عضو، تداعت له سائر الأعضاء بالسهر والحمى”.

لذلك، يؤكد المقطع التالي العلائقية والوشائجية المطلوبة بين الأطراف وقلب الأمة: “إننا أبناء أمة حزب الله في لبنان… إننا نعتبر أنفسنا جزءاً من أمة الإسلام في العالم، والتي تواجه أعتى هجمة استكبارية من الغرب والشرق على السواء”.

هذا التعاضد بين فئة في لبنان وفئة أو فئات في بلدان أخرى أشبه بصيغة قانونية لازمة بين طرفين أو أكثر، تقتضي كل أشكال التعاون المتاحة، ما يجعل النسق الديني المتشكل عن هذا التوليف “المقدس” يلبي الوظيفة الإيديولوجية والسياسية للحزب الذي يسعى إلى هدم أركان الأعداء في البقعة التي يتحرك فيها. 

إنّ هذا الاتصال المقصود بالأمة يهدف الحزب الجديد من ورائه إلى التمايز عن مغالطات نخب حزبية وعلمائية على امتداد المنطقة، كانت تنشر الاستسلام والقدرية، وعوّضت المقاومة بالتواكل والغيب، فكان ضرورياً تطهير الإسلام مما علق به من تشويهات، واستدعاؤه مجدداً ليكون المرجع النظري والحركي الذي يُلهم المسلمين اللبنانيين طريقة النهوض، وبناء العلاقات، ومواجهة التحديات بكل تشعباتها.

ولكنَّ مشكلة هذا الاتصال، في رأي البعض، أنّه يهزّ التكوين الوطني للحزب، ويشكّك في درجة التزامه بالقضايا اللبنانية التي يُفترض أن يُدافع عنها تحت سقف سيادة الدولة، لكنّه من خلال تفضيله إطار الأمة على إطار الوطن، وتوهينه البعد الداخلي في مقابل تعظيمه البعد الخارجي، يبلغ الرجحان مستوى يجعل الحزب يفقد خصائصه ومشروعيته المحلية، بيد أنّ حزب الله بانخراطه في محاربة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي ومشاريع الهيمنة الغربية على لبنان، يعيد إنتاج الأجوبة الحاسمة حول مَن صنع الهزائم، ومَن صنع العار، ومَن جلب التخلف والهوان لهذا الوطن.

هنا يأتي النص الديني الإسلامي، لا كدليل نظري فحسب، وإنما كسياق واقعي اجتماعي، وكممارسة سياسية وجهادية ملموسة، فحضور الدين علامة على الوعي الجماعي، باعتباره وسيلة لتغيير مقاصد الناس وتوجهاتهم، وأيضاً باعتباره هدفاً لتعديل مبادئ الحكم وموازين القوى، فالنص الديني بقدر ما يسمح بالكشف عن هوية فرد أو مجتمع، فإنه يؤسّس لنهج مختلف وأوضاع جديدة.

وحين يعلن الحزب عن الإسلام كمرجعية للحياة، فإنّه يموقع ذاته داخل النسق العام للأمة في عمقه وامتداداته، فلا يعترف بأي حدود ومسافات جغرافية تعترض طريق الأخوة الدينية! الإسلام هنا لا يحضر كطقوس يكتنفها مبدأ حرية ممارسة المعتقد الإيماني فحسب، بل كإطار شمولي أممي لا تنفلت منه قضية من قضايا الإنسان، في وقت يأتي تحرك الحزب في المجال السياسي أو العسكري ليخلق تميّزه وفرادته، في مقابل السكونيين من النخب والحركات الدينية التي تبحث عن الهروب خارجاً، وبعيداً من الواقع، لئلا تصطدم بقسوته ومتطلبات الحضور الحي فيه.

لذلك، لم يكن ممكناً للحزب أن يتطور خارج عملية الصراع مع أعداء الأمة، فالحزب الذي تنظم الشريعة الإسلامية كل وجوده ومساراته في هذه الحياة، يشعر بأن هيمنة القوى الاستعمارية وتدخّلها في شؤون المسلمين يشكل انتهاكاً صارخاً لا يمكن القبول به.

هذه النقطة بالذات ستمنح الحزب إمكانية كبيرة لقيادة الجمهور وتحريكه نحو مديات الأمة الواسعة ومداراتها الرحبة. على هذا الأساس، تستوي فكرة الجهاد كمصدر للشرعية، وتحضر المقاومة بوصفها سياقاً تحررياً على المستوى الوطني، وعلى مستوى الأمة أيضاً.

ولهذا تأتي العبارة التالية: “إننا أبناء أمة حزب الله التي نصر الله طليعتها في إيران، وأسّست من جديد نواة دولة الإسلام المركزية في العالم… لسنا حزباً تنظيمياً مغلقاً، ولسنا إطاراً سياسياً ضيقاً”، لتؤكد الارتباط المطلوب والحركة الحارة المتوقعة، انطلاقاً من مستويين ديني وسياسي؛ الأول استجابة لأمل (وعد إلهي) بالاستخلاف والتمكين، والآخر استجابة لموقف عملي يقتضي تحمل التكاليف والمسؤوليات والسعي لبناء التجربة الجديدة.

صحيح أنّ دوافع النشوة والفوران بعد انتصار الثورة الإسلامية في إيران مسؤولة عن تحرّك الأحاسيس الدينية بطريقة عفوية وتلقائية، لكن لم يكن ذلك خارج رؤية استراتيجية وعقلانية في بناء السياسات والبرامج. هنا تأتي النظرية، أي الأفكار التي تشكل أساس الإيديولوجيا التي على الحزب أن يعمل بها في ما يتعلَّق بأمور الحرب والسلم، لتستقر ضمن قالب “نظرية ولاية الفقيه”، التي أبرزها الإمام الخميني كإرث مخزني قديم، ولتكون البوصلة التي احتاجها حزب الله لترسم له التوجهات والقواعد العامة، ولتخلق لجمهوره الاهتمام المطلوب بقضايا الإسلام والصراع في المنطقة والعالم.

لكن ظهور هذه النظرية كتعبير موضوعي عن المقومات التي لا بدَّ من توفرها لتهيئ للحزب مكاناً بين الحركات الثورية، وتمنحه هويته الخاصة، كان مشروطاً بالظرف التاريخي، وهو ظرف الثورة الإسلامية، وانتشار شراراتها في أرجاء المنطقة، وتفاعل حركات المقاومة والتحرر المناهضة للمشاريع الأميركية والإسرائيلية مع تطلعاتها، وتحفّز مثقفين وعلماء دين وكتاب ونشطاء سياسيين على طرح ما لم يكونوا في السابق يجسرون على الاقتراب منه، وكذلك التحولات المحلية في لبنان العالق بين الهيمنة اليمينية الطائفية والاحتلال الإسرائيلي لقسم من الجنوب اللبناني، ووجود الفدائيين الفلسطينيين الذين أغنوا الأرض بالبندقيات والشعارات الثورية الحماسية.

ضمن إطار هذه المجموعة من الأحداث بذاك السياق الطولي، بنى حزب الله مفاهيمه التأسيسية حول الجهاد المحلي والأممي، والتي لم تنحصر بالمناسبة في الوعي المكتسب من طرف نظرية ولاية الفقيه والثورة الإيرانية، بل في عمقها الممتد إلى باطن البنية الاجتماعية اللبنانية، بعناصرها التاريخية المُستلهمة من الاحتكاك بتجارب نضالات ثورية في مناطق مختلفة من العالم، ولكن عبقريته التي طورها لاحقاً أمينه العام الحالي السيد حسن نصر الله، تكمن في أنّه استطاع أن يحمل بقوة فكرة جاء أوانها، وأن يصعد بتيار استيقن أنّ حركته نحو الآماد الواسعة بدأت. 

بعد تحرير الجنوب اللبناني، وانتصار تموز/يوليو 2006، ودخول حزب الله إلى سوريا في العام 2013، وجد الحزب نفسه أمام سؤال حان وقته: كيف يمكن تشبيك الجبهات لتحقيق الهدف المقدس، وهو إزالة “إسرائيل” من الوجود؟

لقد فشل تيار القومية العربية في توظيف الإمكانيات البشرية والمادية واستثمارها وإدارتها لإنزال هزيمة بالعدو، وفشلت الأحزاب اليسارية العربية في بناء مناخ عام يتيح اتخاذ قرارات تتطلَّبها ظروف الصراع، فلم تستطع تلك القوى التي لها ارتباطات واسعة خارج المنطقة العربية تشكيل بيئة دولية للصراع، وتوجيه الحركة السياسية أو العسكرية العربية في إطار خطة عامة جدّية تستهدف إنهاك الكيان الإسرائيلي وإرباكه.

المراوغات والاستعراضات، وأنصاف الضربات، وتصادم الأولويات، وتضارب التصورات، لم تؤدِ إلا إلى تحويل الصراع من صراع عربي – إسرائيلي إلى صراع عربي – عربي. تحوّلت الحرب مع “إسرائيل” إلى شبه حرب، والتسوية معها إلى استراتيجية انجرّت إليها الأنظمة على نحو متتالٍ. 

حزب الله، في المقابل، أدرك أنّ “التفكك العربي الكبير” الذي أرادته أميركا عبر “الربيع العربي” يجب أن يُرد عليه بالعودة إلى فكرة “أمة حزب الله” العابرة لدول سايكس – بيكو المقطعة لأوصال الوحدة السياسية والدينية. قد يكون ذلك شيئاً مثيراً في لحظة مختلطة بالتحولات ودماء الشهداء ونداء القدس الغلّاب الذي ينفذ كالأذان إلى أعماق الحالمين بالنصر الأكبر.

 أفراد الحزب الذين قطعوا خطوة في هذا الطريق مع الدخول إلى سوريا، وتهشّم الحدود بين أكثر من دولة من دول المنطقة، أضفوا على الموقعية الجديدة لحزبهم مسحة دينية ومسحة تاريخية. مقطع من الرسالة يقول: “إننا نعلن بصراحة ووضوح أننا أمة لا تخاف إلا الله، ولا ترتضي الظلم والعدوان والمهانة، وأنّ أميركا وحلفاءها من دول حلف شمال الأطلسي والكيان الصهيوني… مارسوا ويمارسون العدوان علينا، ويعملون على إذلالنا باستمرار. لذا، فإننا في حالة تأهب مستمر ومتصاعد”.

المطلوب، إذاً، بناء وحشد قوى الأمة التي بدأت طلائعها تتبلور في اليمن “أنصار الله”، والعراق” الحشد الشعبي”، وفلسطين “فصائل المقاومة المختلفة”، لتغلب على هذه العطالة التاريخية. أمة حزب الله تحتاج إذاً إلى القدرات الكبرى والمشاعر العظيمة، وإلى موقف جماهيري يستهدف التقدم بالوعي والإلهام، وذلك بالخروج من الالتزام الجغرافي المزعج، لجهة عبئه الداخلي المعاكس لحركة الساعة السريعة المستمرة! 

اليوم، ليس لهذه القوى سبب يؤطرها ويحدّها في بقعة جغرافية واحدة وفي مهام محلية محددة. الأحداث الكبرى في المنطقة حوّلت الدول إلى حدود وسكان ومتوسط دخل وميزان مدفوعات، والأنظمة إلى بروتوكولات واحتفالات وميديا، فيما حزب الله يدرك ضرورة أن تتحول هذه القوى المقاومة إلى فكرة وتيار وحركة تاريخية، وينبغي أن لا يدعها أحد مكتوفة اليدين في الحروب المقبلة إذا ما هدد وجود الأمة خطر، أو دفعها طموح محموم إلى خوض حربها المقدسة نحو فلسطين!

هل حانت اللحظة فعلاً؟ وهل لدى حزب الله الشجاعة الكافية ليقود جماهير الأمة لتوحيد التراب العربي، مدشناً مرحلة جديدة من تاريخ حركات المقاومة في المنطقة والعالم؟ وهل يفعل السيد حسن نصر الله ما لم يقدر عليه جمال عبد الناصر؟

Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala

Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala

August 03, 2020

by Mansoureh Tajik for the Saker Blog

As part of a very thoughtful email last month, the Saker wrote, “In your latest contribution you wrote ‘Every day is Ashura, Every land is Karbala’ twice.  Did you know that this is my absolute favorite Islamic saying?  I also believe that this belief is the real core of the strength of the Resistance in Lebanon, especially Hezbollah.” He was referring to the article (see here) in which I invoked the spirit of that phrase in relation to two case examples of injustice suffered by the people in North Casper, Wyoming, and the people in eastern North Carolina. These were two seemingly very unlikely candidates to be contextualized oddly in an expression that is very much known to be Shi’a Islam in essence.

The Saker also suggested mindfully that I write a short history about the phrase and explain its meaning for the readers of this blog in order to, as he put it, “make it possible for my readers to get a real insight into the Islamic ethos, especially the Shia ethos,” among other reasons. I was grateful about the suggestion and delighted to yield for several specific reasons. First, the phrase is one of the most cherished expressions for me as well and I would never tire of exploring and reflecting on it.

Second, the month of Muharram and its 10th day, the day of Ashura, are right around the corner (in a few weeks) and this essay could serve as a good introduction to this year’s Ashura as a lot of relevant and interesting events are happening all around us.

Third, this month is one full year since I began writing the monthly essays for the Saker’s blog and the article could serve as an appropriate one-year evaluation and reflection piece for me. It will also be a way to pay tribute to the Saker and his wonderful blog. What better way to show my appreciation for the opportunity he affords the global audience to take a mental path less traveled than to propose the most befitting Shi’a cue to the essence of what he actually does: With his digital pen as his weapon and his passion as its ink, he stands against global injustices and tyrant oppressors with extremely limited material resources. So, zero chance that I would not have agreed to write something on the subject!

In this essay, I hope to explore the literature and speeches of the some of the most influential contemporary thinkers and scholars who have interpreted this expression and employed it in a manner that has become a powerful Shi’a Muslim doctrine guiding an effective struggle against injustices and falsehoods in our modern era. A very brief segment about the history of Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala is presented first.

The History of the Expression and Its Role as a Doctrine

These two verses, کلّ یوم عاشورا، کلّ ارض کربلا [Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala], are among the most widely used expressions by many Shi’a Muslim sages, activists, and religious scholars in one form or another. Some scholars have traced it back to Imam Ja’afar Sadiq (Peace be upon him), the sixth Imam of Shi’a Twelvers, but no actual valid narration, or hadith, exists to corroborate that claim. A few others have attributed it to the contemporaries and students of that beloved Imam, but no solid evidence exists to support that assertion either.

According to the encyclopedia of Imam Hussain, Daneshnameh Imam Hussain, the phrase کلّ یوم عاشورا، کلّ ارض کربلا may be an adaptation of the verses from a poem by the 13th Century Egyptian poet, Muhammad bin Sa’id Busiri. In one of his long qasideh poems, he wrote, کلّ یوم و کلّ ارض لکربی فیهم کربلا و عاشورا , which is translated, “Every Day and Every Land, due to my grief and sadness for them, is Ashura and Karbala.”[1]

Regardless of its genesis, however, the expression has been referenced and interpreted by very well-known Shi’a Muslim scholars like Martyr Morteza Motahari and Ali Shariyati and it has been referenced and reflected upon by two prominent imams and leaders of the Iranian revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, Imam Khomeini and Imam Khamenei. In a very significant way, Imams Khomeini and Khamenei, who are also two of the most influential Shi’a Muslim leaders of the world in the 20th and the 21st centuries, have defined and put into practice this expression as a potent doctrine and in a decidedly pivotal and successful way. We will delve deeper into this since it could be quite illuminating and would provide a better understanding of the Shi’a Muslims, the Iranian Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s constitution, and Iran’s international politics and stance towards the world’s arrogant oppressors.

Furthermore, it sheds light on why the expression induces “panic attacks” among the most oppressive and corrupt-to-their-core entities, like the British regime, so much so that they invest significant resources on paid religious “scholars” to re-write history and offer utterly compromising interpretations of this expression.

During the early days of the Iranian revolution, Imam Khomeini explained in one of his speeches,[2]

“This expression, ‘Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala,’ is a really important expression but many misunderstand it. They think it means we should mourn and cry every day. But its true meaning is something quite different. What did Karbala do? What role did the land of Karbala play on the day of Ashura? A handful of people came to Karbala and stood up against the injustices of Yazid. They stood against a tyrant ruler and an emperor of their time. They sacrificed themselves and they got killed but they did not accept the injustice and defeated Yazid. Every place must be like this and every day must also be like this. Every day, our nation must reach this realization that today is Ashura and we must stand up against the injustice. And this very place is Karbala and we must make this place, right here, a Karbala. It is not restricted to one land. It is not restricted to one specific person. The story of Karbala is not restricted to a group of seventy some people and a land of Karbala. All lands must play this role. And all days must play the same role.” (Page 122)

In that speech, Imam Khomeini universalized the day of Ashura and the land of Karbala. He defined Ashura and Karbala in a way that a critical and decisive extrapolation from a specific time and place could be made to all times and all places. It reminded the Muslims in general and the Shi’a in particular about their ongoing responsibility and duty to stand up against falsehood and injustice, just like Imam Hussain, in all places and all the times.

A more direct reference was made on the occasion of the 17th of Shahriver event. The 17th of Shahrivar 1357 [1978] was the day when thousands peaceful and unarmed demonstrators were all allowed into then Jaleh Square [later renamed Shuhada/Martyrs Square] from every direction. Once the crowd filled the square, the major streets, alleys, and backstreets were blocked by the Shah’s military force. In a matter of just a few minutes the military rained a heavy fire on men, women, children, the young, and the old. A massive reaping and threshing of the crowd. “Rivers of blood” began flowing everywhere. It was the first time since the start of the uprising that the Pahlavi regime had opened fire on the masses. That day became known as the “Black Friday”.

In a powerful speech delivered on the occasion of the 17th of Shahrivar massacre in Shohada Square, Imam Khomeini made a clear and precise reference again to the Ashura and Karbala expression. In his speech,[3] he qualified the event as follows,

“The bitter memory of 17th of Shahrivar, ’57, and the bitter memories of the days of great hardship that were witnessed by the nation bore in them the sweet fruit of the toppling the palaces of tyranny and arrogance and replacing them with the flag of the republic of Islamic Justice. Is it not so that the instructive mandate of “Every day is Ashura and every land is Karbala” should serve as a paragon for the Islamic Ummah? A rising up of the masses in every day and in every land. Ashura was the rising up of the seekers of justice, few in number but fortified with their strong belief and love against tyrannical palace dwellers and arrogant predators. And the life lesson is that paragon must serve as a plan for life every day and in every place. The days that passed us by were the repeats of Ashura. And the squares, the streets, back streets, and the alleys in which the blood of the children of Islam were spilled, they were the repeats of Karbala. And in this paragon there is both a duty and a good news. It is a duty because the oppressed, even if few in number, have a responsibility, they have a duty to rise up, like the Master of Martyrs [Imam Hussain], against the arrogant powers who may have all sorts of equipment, armaments, and great Satanic power. They are charged with that duty. It is a good news since our martyrs are put in the same rank and file as the martyrs of Karbala. A good news that martyrdom is the key to victory. The 17th of Shahrivar is the repeat of Ashura. Shuhad Square is the repeat of Karbala. And our martyrs are reiterations of the martyrs of Karbala. Our enemies are reiterations of Yazid and his cronies. Karbala smashed the palace of injustice with blood and our Karbala destroyed the palace of Satanic rule. Now, it is time for us who are the inheritors of these bloods and those who have been left behind by these young martyrs not to become lethargic. We must strive to bring into fruition their sacrifice with our unwavering wills and hard fists. It is time for us to bury underneath the feet of the martyrs of goodness the remnants of that tyrant regime and the conspirators of injustice who are beholden to the East and to the West.” (Pages 445-446)

This speech was the most clear and definite way Imam Khomeini directly linked the events of the Iranian Revolution to the events of Ashura and Karbala. Another fine and noteworthy point that was raised in Imam Khomeini’s speech was this point: “the oppressed, even if they may be few in numbers, have a responsibility to rise up against the arrogant powers who may have all sorts of equipment, armaments, and great Satanic power.

The importance of this key point is appreciated only when people examine how a country like Iran which has neither the most “powerful military in the world” to be reassured, nor is she “the most powerful economy” in the world to buy her way in and out of trouble, nor the most populous nation in the world to have many lives to spare sees it necessary to defend the Palestinians, the Syrians, the Yemenis, the Iraqis, the Venezuelans, and all others in any way that she can.

It also explains how Iran mustered the willpower to take over the United States’ Spy Den masquerading as an embassy in Tehran (1979) and arrest and hold 52 spy agents for 444 days. It clarifies how Iran managed to fight an 8-year war alone (with the exception of Syrian help) with almost empty hands and under all sorts of sanctions with a regime (Saddam’s) that that the backing of all powerful governments of the world at that time (1980-1988). It lays bare the SS Bridgeton explosion (1987), the defeat of Israel and world powers in the 33-Day war by Hizbullah forces (2006), the capture of UK officers in Persian Gulf (2006), the capture of RQ-170 (2011), Syrian resistance (2011-present), Yemeni resistance (2015-present), the capture of US Sailors by Iran in 2016, RQ-4 Global Hawk capture (2019), ballistic missile attack on Ayn al-Asad (Lion’s Eye) Air Base (2020), sending oil tankers to Venezuela (2020), just to name a few examples.

The successor to Imam Khomeini, the current leader of the Islamic Republic, Imam Khamenei, too, has interpreted the expression with the same worldview. His most comprehensive explanation and the philosophy related to the phrase could be found in one of his books titled, Four Discourses: Clarification of the Circumstances, the Causes, and the Consequences of the Event of Ashura[4] Here, however, I will bring a short segment of one of his speeches in which he has a very concise and pointed reading:

“That they say, Every day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala, it means the time passes by but the happenings in life as they pertain to humanity, the truths of the creation remain untouched. If in every era, humanity who has a role to play, if they play that role at the right time, exactly when they should play that role, then everything will be reformed. The nations will grow and achieve excellence. The humanity will grow.”[5]

When there is injustice, the role every human being must play to remove the injustice is now, not later. Not when it is convenient but when it is necessary and needed. Not just in places where it is politically correct and materially advantageous to do so but in all places that is right to do so. Not just when and where it costs us nothing but when and where it costs us all worldly things.

Another great Muslim Shi’a scholar, Martyr Morteza Motahhari, who was killed in 1358 [May 1979] by agents of a terrorist organization right after the victory of the revolution, expands on the phrase in this way,

“If we say the prophets are victorious, it does not mean a military victory. If we look at the battle between Hussain Ibn Ali (peace be upon him) with the army of Yazid and Ibn Ziyad from a military perspective, that means on the surface of things and how they appear, then Imam Hussain was defeated and they won. But if we look at the heart of the subject which relates to thoughts and beliefs, that is, Yazid’s establishment represented a movement that wished to destroy the true essence of the Islamic thought and Imam Hussain fought to revive that thought. In this case, we must examine if Imam Hussain reached his goal or not. Was he able to revive a given mindset in the world or not? We see that he could. It is one thousand three hundred years that this movement has gained a new victory every year. That is, every year Ashura is Ashura. And the meaning of Every Day is Ashura becomes this fact that every day, in the name of Imam Hussain, there is a fight against injustice and falsehood, and every day, truth and justice are revived. This is victory. What victory would be greater than this? Yazids and Ibn Ziads disappear but Hussains and Abbasses and Zaynabs remain. Of course, they remain as an idea not as a person. They remain as a guardian and the ruler of their society. Yes, those who are there die. But these who are here remain alive and eternal.”[6]

Martyr Motahhari appraises the expression in terms of its endurance over a millennium and several centuries not just as a worldview but as a lifestyle of choice. Another well-known Muslim Shi’a thinker and sociologist, Ali Shariati defines the phrase in a manner that links it to the school of Intizar, or the expectation of the coming of Imam Mahdi (peace be upon him) at the end of time in a simple but psycho-socially nuanced way:

“What does Every Day is Ashura, Every Land is Karbala mean? It is not that wherever we find, we recite the Ashura prayers! It is to expect. The philosophy of expecting means a philosophy that a justice-seeking intellectual thinker, no matter what the circumstances, is not afflicted with philosophical and historical hopelessness and despair. There are no peoples or groups like Shi’a and no school of thought like the Shi’a school of thought that would fight for thirteen, fourteen centuries; all their leaders are slaughtered; they are poisoned; they are put in jail; they are killed; all their movements are all crushed. But they never succumb to despair! Why and what factor has kept these believers still convinced, still believing, and still hopeful despite protracted periods of setbacks, hardships, and adversities,?! The belief in the inevitability of history based on the philosophy of expectation!

What does a human being with expectation mean? Look at it this way. If you are at home and expecting a guest, if it is an army unit expecting an inspector or a call for readiness or a call for war or the arrival of a commander, if it is a city expecting the arrival of a person of importance, if it is someone who is expecting the coming of guest or a friend, any sort of expectation that you examine, to expect means to be prepared and to be ready. It does not mean to be dormant and sluggish! To expect means to be ready, equipped, and responsible. Therefore, the philosophy of expectation is to believe in the inevitability of history and be reassured, in all circumstances, that standing up for justice and in retaliation for spilt innocent bloods must take place all the time. It is a battle that since the beginning of history has been moved from one hand to the other, from one Prophet of God to the other, from one Shi’a Imam to the other. This battle, generation after generation, is propounded and put before every single individual. And despite all desperate condition, this flag is decidedly victorious in the future.”[7]

Shariati points to a historical and unbreakable link among all Prophets of God, Imams, and true believers throughout all times and all places to the coming of Mahdi (peace be upon him). It is useful to open a parenthesis here and make an important note: this very idea that Shia Muslim Twelvers must always evaluate their time and place on a daily basis and see where they stand in terms of their opposition to injustices and at the same time take the necessary measures to rectify and reform in preparation for the coming of Imam Mahdi (peace by upon him) defines their Waiting and Expectation. This approach stands in stark contrast with notions of passive waiting for a savior or helping create chaos and mayhem to engineer an end of time, an approach that inevitably helps and enables corrupt oppressors of every time and every place. Close parenthesis.

In closing of this essay, I would like to include a video of Maddahi, or religious recital, about Imam Hussain (peace be upon him) by Maysam Moti’ei (here) in which he has woven together several key concepts (discussed in the article) in one neat lyrical package. Since the song does not have any English subtitles, I did a translation of the lyrics (below). والسلام.

The master and the leader is Hussain,

The sereneness in hearts is Husssain.

The whisper of his lovers and devotees,

Nothing but Ya Hussain, Ya Hussain.

Besides you, I have no thought or notion,

My kin, my belonging, my life and devotion.

To the somber recital of the killing field,

Like the pouring rain we weep.

Grieving and mourning you these nights,

Alongside the martyrs we weep.

Our tears the elegy of the Euphrates,

Our Imam “Qati’ul Abarat” killed for tears.

By our Molaa, the leader, we remain,

From Ashura is the zeal that we gain.

O Lovers! Bimsillah!

The path to Al-Quds is from Karbala!

In the battlefields, I shall never abandon Ali,

My Molaa, my Leader, Sayyed Ali.

Every Day is Ashura,

Every Land is Karbala.

O the heir to Hussain’s blood!

Mahdi, the son of Zahra, arrive!

The defender of the oppressed,

The proof from God, hasten and arrive!


[1] Muhammadi Rayshahri M., Daneshnameh Imam Hussain (Aleyhi-Salaam) According to Quran, Hadith, and History. Vol. 6, Page 89. Digital Copy, Available online at: http://lib.eshia.ir/27254/6/89

[2] Ruhullah Khomeini, Sahifeh-ye Noor, Vol. 10, Pages 122. Available online at: https://farsi.rouhollah.ir/library/sahifeh-imam-khomeini/vol/10/page/122

[3] Ruhullah Khomeini, Sahifeh-ye Noor, Vol. 9, Pages 445-446. Available online at:


[4] Seyyed Ali Khamenei, Four Discourses: Clarification of the Circumstances, the Causes, and the Consequences of the Event of Ashura. Digital Copy, Institute for Cultural Research in the Islamic Revolution, the Office of Preservation and Publication of Ayatullah Ali Khamenei’s Works, Enghlab Islami Publication, Tehran, Iran. Book ID#: 978-964-2951-55-0.

[5] Ayatollah Khamenei, Speech during the joint educational ceremony of the students in Imam Hussain (peace be upon him) University on Farvardin 26, 1388 (2009). Available online at: https://www.leader.ir/fa/speech/5172

[6] Martyr Morteza Mottahari, “The Battle of Truth and Falsehood.” Cultural and Scientific Foundation of Martyred Teacher Morteza Mottahari, Pages 40-41. Available online at: https://3danet.ir/morteza-motahhari-books-pdf/

[7] Ali Shariati, The Philosophy of History in Islam, Section 4. Available online at: http://www.shariati.com/farsi/tarikhdarislam/tarikhdarislam4.html

To Understand Iran’s 150-Year Fight, Follow the Trail of Blood and Oil

To Understand Iran's 150-Year Fight, Follow the Trail of Blood and ...

Cynthia Chung May 23, 2020

This past Sunday, April 17th, a dispute between Iran and the U.S. occurred over the U.S.’ decision to increase its military presence in Caribbean and Eastern Pacific waters, with the purported reason being a counter-narcotics campaign.

Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif wrote to the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres this past Sunday, that the real purpose for this move by the U.S. is to “intervene and create disruption in the transfer of Iran’s fuel to Venezuela.” In the same letter, Zarif expressed concern over “the United States’ intention to consider dangerous, unlawful and provocative measures against Iranian oil tankers engaged in perfectly lawful international commerce with the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.”

The Iranian deployment consists of five tankers carrying around $45.5million of gasoline and related products, as part of a wider deal between Iran and Venezuela. The U.S. has imposed sanctions on both nations’ oil exports.

For the first time since 1962, Iran has requested IMF assistance due to severe shortages created by the COVID-19 pandemic, with Iran requesting an emergency loan of $5 billion. However, the request is currently being blocked by the U.S., which accounts for slightly more than 16.5% of IMF’s voting shares and has an effective veto over decisions.

Iran is presently experiencing a critical shortage of medicines and equipment amid the pandemic, and yet is prohibited from purchasing medicines and supplies because of the banking sanctions.

It is clear that these manoeuvres against Iran are not on behalf of anyone’s “security” but rather an attempt to force Iran to finally bend the knee and be reduced to a state of complete dependence.

Iran has fought a long fight to claim its independence from western powers.

However, what if I were to tell you that once there was a time when Iran and the U.S. had good relations and that the U.S. was in fact the leading promoter and supporter of Iran’s sovereignty?

Almost out of a Shakespearean play of tragedy and betrayal, the relationship was jeopardised by a third player. As identified by John Perkins, in his book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, the first ever U.S. coup against a foreign country was the overthrow of Iran’s nationalist Prime Minister Mosaddegh in 1953. However, what is often left out…is that it was a British authored and designed operation.

In order for us to understand how and why the U.S. was dragged into such an affair, our story starts 150 years ago…

Dieu et mon droit

It all started in 1872, with Nasir al-Din Shah having granted to the British Baron Julius de Reuter, rights to Iran’s entire economic estate. Reuter not only controlled Iran’s industry, farming, and rail transportation, but also held the right to issue currency and to set up a national bank, called the Imperial Bank of Persia, which was under direct British control.

In 1901, Muzzaffar al-Din Shah negotiated what became known as the D’Arcy Contract, granting William Knox D’Arcy, a millionaire London socialite, the special and exclusive privilege to basically own and manage the natural gas and petroleum of Iran for a term of 60 years.

In May 26th 1908 D’Arcy struck pay-dirt in Iran, discovering a huge oil field in Masjed-Soleiman. Britain immediately set up APOC in 1908, purchasing the rights to the black gold from D’Arcy. Six years later, First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill gave the order to purchase 51% of APOC, effectively nationalizing the company. This was to ensure the free flow of oil to the British navy. It was the first company to extract petroleum from Iran.

Iran received only 16% of the royalties on the oil.

Britain continued to pursue total control of Iran, not through colonial occupation, but rather through economic “agreements”. In the midst of carving up the empire’s new “jewels” of the Middle East from the Sykes-Picot fraud on the Arabian people and the illegal British occupation of Palestine, the notorious Anglo-Persian Agreement of Aug 19, 1919 was also signed, with London effectively turning Iran into a de facto protectorate run by British “advisors”. Britain had succeeded in becoming the masters of Iran’s natural resources through this agreement.

Iran received almost nothing in return, not even oil from APOC for domestic consumption, but rather had to import it from the Soviet Union!

On Nov 28th 1932 Reza Shah announced that he would be cancelling the British concession to APOC. The British Navy was heavily dependent on cheap Iranian oil and thus Britain refused to acquiesce. A compromise was reached in 1933 through bilateral negotiations and the British managed to extend their concession up until 1993! Iran had succeeded in getting the British to pay a higher price but it still did not control its own oil.

The American Relationship

Despite claiming a neutral stance for Iran during WWII, word had gotten out that Reza Shah was apparently sympathetic to the cause of Hitler. The argument was thus used that a pro-German Iran could become a launching pad for an attack against the Soviet Union, justifying British and Soviet entry into the country on Aug 25th 1941 for what would be a several years’ occupation. On Sept 16th Reza was forced by the British to abdicate and go into exile transferring power to his 22 year old son, Mohammad Reza Shah.

Mohammad Reza Shah was not happy with the joint occupation and sought an American military presence as a mediator to British and Soviet interests. The Shah sent a letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt on Aug 25th 1941 asking him to:

“be good enough to interest yourself in this incident…I beg Your Excellency to take efficacious and urgent humanitarian steps to put an end to these acts of aggression.”

In response to this plea, Roosevelt sent Gen. Patrick Hurley as his special representative to Iran to help prepare what was to become the Iran Declaration, finally adopted at the Tehran Conference where Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill would agree to guarantee the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Iran.

The Iran Declaration was used to finally end the foreign occupation of Iran after WWII, despite some resistance, and would play a crucial role in Iran’s future fight for sovereignty. The Iran Declaration thus proved itself to be more than just words, and this would certainly never have happened if not for FDR.

As part of Hurley’s report to FDR, he wrote some biting words on the present system of British imperialism, “The imperialism of Germany, Japan, Italy, France… will, we hope, end or be radically revised by this war [WWII]. British imperialism seems to have acquired a new life. . . What appears to be a new life… is the result of the infusion, into its emaciated form, of the blood of productivity and liberty from a free nation [Iran] through Lend-Lease.”

Roosevelt sent a copy of the Hurley report to Churchill with his thoughts on the matter: “The enclosed memorandum was sent to me… I rather like his general approach to the care and education of what used to be called ‘backward countries’…the point of all this is that I do not want the United States to acquire a ‘zone of influence,’ or any other nation for that matter [in Iran].”

Churchill was less than enthusiastic on the Hurley-FDR vision. He was particularly irked by Hurley’s notion that British imperialism were in conflict with democracy.

FDR died only a few months later, and with his interment, Hurley’s plans for American support for a sovereign and democratic Iran as a model for the rest of the Middle East were relegated to the dust bins of time and forgotten by much of the world.

Following WWII, nationalistic sentiments were on the rise including in the Middle East, the most notable being Iran. However, following the death of FDR the British were free to disingenuously respond to Iran’s request for better economic conditions by offering what was called the “Supplemental Agreement”, in May 1949. This entailed a better payment in royalties but still denied Iran any oversight over accounts or any other form of control over Iranian oil.

Enter Mosaddegh

In the late 1940s, a new political force emerged in Iran called the National Front led by Mohammad Mosaddegh. Their campaign was centered on the demand to nationalize the AIOC and the people of Iran were in accord, electing Mosaddegh into the Majlis (parliament) in 1949.

Mosaddegh lost no time, and quickly became the head of the Majlis Oil Committee which was tasked to study the British “Supplemental Agreement”. When it came time to put it to a vote on Nov 25th 1950, the committee delivered a resounding “no” to the British proposition.

Less than four months later, the Majlis voted on March 15th 1951 for nationalization of the AIOC, and it was renamed as the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC). Less than two months later, Mosaddegh became Prime Minister of Iran on April 28th 1951.

The British were left empty handed.

Twice the British tried to argue their case before the international community, once in May 1951 at The Hague and again in October at the UN Security Council. Both attempts were to lose to Mosaddegh’s defense. Mosaddegh had earned a Ph.D. in law from the Neuchatel Law School in Switzerland in 1914.

This was anything but a formal victory. It was to set a precedent in the international community that a country’s right to national sovereignty would be favored over Britain’s imperial “claims”, which were exposed during these two very public trials as amounting to nothing more than the threats and bribes of pirates.

At the UN Security Council, Mosaddegh responded to Britain’s imperial ambitions over Iran with these eloquent words:

“My countrymen lack the bare necessities of existence…Our greatest natural asset is oil. This should be the source of work and food for the population of Iran. Its exploitation should properly be our national industry, and the revenue from it should go to improve our conditions of life. As now organized, however, the petroleum industry has contributed practically nothing to the well-being of the people or to the technical progress or industrial development of my country…if we are to tolerate a situation in which the Iranian plays the part of a mere manual worker in the oil fields…and if foreign exploiters continue to appropriate practically all of the income, then our people will remain forever in a state of poverty and misery. These are the reasons that have prompted the Iranian parliament… to vote unanimously in favor of nationalizing the oil industry.”

A British coup

The British were fuming over Mosaddegh’s high profile humiliation of the British Empire’s claim to Iran’s oil. Mosaddegh would have to be deposed, however, this could not look like a British retaliation.

During Averell Harrimann’s visit to Tehran in July 1951, in an attempt to salvage the broken British-Iranian relationship, Mosaddegh is reported to have said,

“You do not know how crafty they are. You do not know how evil they are. You do not know how they sully everything they touch.”

As coup rumours circulated and reports were rife of British contact being sought with Iranian military officers, Mosaddegh severed diplomatic relations with the UK on Oct 16th 1952. The British were further humiliated and had to leave the country taking their agents with them.

It was at this point that Churchill “invited” his lap dog, de facto president Truman, to participate in his vision for regime change in Iran. In November 1952, NSC 136 and 136/I were written into record, Truman had agreed to promote direct intervention in Iran through covert operations and even military force. A detailed plan was approved on Jan 8th 1953 which was 12 days before Eisenhower was inaugurated.

The management of this covert operation was under the treasonous Dulles brothers, who would use the very same technique when JFK first entered office in setting him up with the Bay of Pigs fiasco, however, JFK managed to publicly expose Allan Dulles in this scheme and fired him. Dulles had been the Director of the CIA for 8 years up until that point, and was Deputy Director of the CIA for two years prior. Refer to my paper on this for further details.

A preliminary meeting in Washington saw representatives of the Near East and Africa Division (NEA) with British Intelligence. The key personalities were Christopher Montague Woodhouse who had been station chief for British Intelligence in Tehran and on the American side Kermit Roosevelt (son of Teddy Roosevelt) acting as NEA Division Chief. It was the British who would propose a joint political action to remove Prime Minister Mosaddegh according to CIA documents, which were in part leaked by the New York Times on April 16th 2000. The final plan was codenamed TPAJAX.

Appendix B, aka “London Draft of the TPAJAX Operational Plan” was black propaganda aimed at hammering out these themes 1) Mosaddegh favors the Tudeh Party and the USSR 2) Mosaddegh is an enemy of Islam since he associates with Tudeh.

The aim of such tactics was to drive a wedge between Mosaddegh and his National Front on the one side and his clerical allies, especially Kashani on the other. Demonstrations against Mosaddegh in the streets were to provide the pretext for bought MPs to hold a vote against him, if he refused to step down the plan was to have Fazlollah Zahedi, leader of the opposition, to arrest him. Zahedi, as laid out in Appendix B was selected by the British to replace Mosaddegh as Prime Minister after the coup.

Chief of Staff Gen. Taghi Riahi found out about the coup plans and alerted Mosaddegh in time. When the chief of the Imperial Guards, Col. Nasiri went to Mosaddegh’s house the evening before the planned coup day (Aug 16th) to arrest him, Nasiri himself was taken as prisoner by the pro- Mosaddegh military. Zahedi managed to flee.

The coup attempt had failed and the word spread fast, crowds flooded the streets supporting Mosaddegh and denouncing the Shah. The Shah left the country quickly.

The CIA informed of the fiasco alerted Kermit Roosevelt that he should leave Iran immediately. But Kermit believed the coup could still work and would make a second attempt three days later. British Intelligence and CIA orchestrated demonstrations set to the streets on Aug 19th. The royal decrees signed by the Shah for the deposal of Mosaddegh to be replaced by Zahedi were made public in the press that very day with the radio news announcing: that Zahedi was Prime Minister, that Mosaddegh had been ousted and that the Shah would return soon.

Military units were dispatched to Mosaddegh’s home. As his house was being destroyed by gunfire and tanks, Mosaddegh managed to escape. It is said he later turned himself in to the authorities.

After a ten-week period in a military prison, Mosaddegh was tried on charges of treason, because he had allegedly mobilized for a rebellion and had contradicted the Shah. In fact, the accused treason was a nationalistic response to a foreign led coup.

Mosaddegh was promptly found guilty and sentenced to death, later lessened to three years in prison, followed by house arrest.

Mosaddegh’s response to the kangaroo court proceedings was,

“My only crime is that I nationalized the oil industry and removed from this land the network of colonialism and the political and economic influence of the greatest empire [the British Empire] on Earth.”

Members of his government were also arrested, as were the leading military who remained loyal to him. Six hundred of the 6, 000 of these men were executed.

Even after Mosaddegh had passed away, on March 5th, 1967, his enemies were fearful of his influence. Mosaddegh had requested that upon his death, he be buried in the public graveyard beside the victims of the political violence that occurred on the 21st July 1952 from British-backed Ahmad Qavam who ordered soldiers to shoot at Mosaddegh nationalists during a demonstration, resulting in a blood bath. Not wanting his grave to become the site of political manifestations, a public funeral for Mosaddegh was denied and his body was quietly buried underneath the floorboards of a room in his house.

The Imam Khomeini Legacy and the fall of US Imperialism

The Imam Khomeini Legacy and the fall of US Imperialism

By Elham Hashemi

He started a revolution from the sleepy village in France where he was in exile. Him being thousands and thousands of miles away did not prevent the words of justice to reach the ears and hearts of millions across Iran as well as seekers of freedom across the world.

France was the last platform of Ayatollah Imam Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini during the late 1978 and early 1979 before his return to the Islamic Republic of Iran. It was his last stage abroad; he stayed for long years of exile in Turkey and Iraq before arriving to France later on.

There were key ideas on which Founder of the Islamic revolution Imam Khomeini based his revolution; most importantly being independent from any external powers, being genuine, depending on popular power and will, and basing life style and the constitution on the teachings of Islam (which promote justice, equality, and preserving human dignity and other human values). The Islamic Republic, its wise leader and free people decided at a historical moment to be different; unique in a sense that they decided and dared to break the manacles of imperialism and colonialism.

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini; Iran’s most revered spiritual figure brought a vivid revolution to Iran, which was a US ally monarchy that had no independent identity. On the 31st annual commemoration of his passing, the architect of the Islamic revolution’s spirit still lives among not only Iranians but many free people of the world.

Although many theorists, think tanks, and media outlets now believe in the growing decline of the United States, one of the most unique and first predictions about the fall of the American Empire has been made by the late Imam. It should be noted that Imam Khomeini’s predictions about the fall of the United States in the future came at a time when the United States, in competition with the Eastern bloc, had apparently become an undisputed hegemony and power in the world and at the height of its power.

Today, we see the US at the height of its fragility as the American people rise in face of probably the “clumsiest and foulest” US President Donald Trump who prefers using superlative forms in his speeches.

In one of his speeches mentioned in Volume 18 of Sahifeh Nour, Imam Khomeini pointed out that the oppressed will reach a phase when they will not tolerate the injustice inflicted upon them by the oppressor, and that is when they will rise. This includes the people of America, who will stand up one day to social injustice to which they are being exposed.

Also, in another speech mentioned in volume 11 of the Sahifeh Nour, Imam Khomeini assured that “the people of America will gradually wake up until they rise.”

Today, we see a revolution at the heart of the United States as the US regime’s violence reaches a peak and by the merciless killing of George Floyd which is only the starter of protests; much anger lies underneath.

The American regime, over the years has done injustice not only to the peoples of the world, but also to its own people. Today, anger and dissent across the American community and people unravels.

In a speech he made in Qom city in 1979 addressing the reporter of the Time Newspaper, Imam Khomeini that “The American government has done injustice to us in that it has robbed us of our possessions and properties through its agent in Iran, called Muhammad-Rida. It has done injustice to    the American nation in that it has jeopardized their decency and pride.”

Imam Khomeini had always differentiated between the American administration and the American people, a fixed belief that Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has as well. For instance, in his words and speeches, there was a clear differentiation between the Carter regime and his conspiracies versus the American people who were made to believe Iran was evil due to misleading information disseminated around the clock.

Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Khamenei has reiterated Imam Khomeini’s views numerous times.

“The arrogant power of the US and the seditious and malicious power of the Zionist regime, from 40 years ago onwards, have increasingly declined. We should consider this in our calculations. The political, social and economic condition of the US in the past and in the present time should be considered in our calculations. Again, this has been acknowledged by some Americans. Some have referred to it as “a termite-like decline.” This has been coined by an American writer. He compares the decline of America decline to what occurs with termite. That is to say, it is becoming hollow from the inside like what termites do. The Americans have said this themselves. This is the case in economic, social and political areas.

Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei’s views and futuristic readings are based on divine tradition and reading of recurrent history.

As Ayatollah Khamenei expressed “The US is declining. And the factors in the decline of the US have not come into being in the present time or in the recent past so much so that someone would try to cure them. They have come into being throughout history. The factor and element which has brought about such a condition for the Americans is a long-term factor. They have created a condition in the course of history which has led to the current situation, and it cannot be cured so easily. –This is a divine tradition. They are condemned to decline and disappear from the scene of global power.”

Today, 3 decades to the demise of the leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Khomeini who is remembered and revered by not only popular masses in Iran and elsewhere but also by leaders across the world, his legacy of human rights and justice remains alive and the world witnesses his reading of history and facts.

Quds Day: Reminder of Palestinian struggle

By Salman Parviz

May 21, 2020 – 14:5

Originating in Iran with the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini declared the last Friday of the holy month of Ramadan as Quds Day with the aim of forging unity among the Muslims and Arab nations so that they will unanimously express their backing for the Palestinian nation each year.

To mark the occasion amid the novel coronavirus pandemic the International Quds Day Conference was held online May 18 and 19.

This year’s Quds Day has special significance in the denunciation of the so-called “Deal of the Century” and proposed annexation of Jordan Valley and occupied West Bank, a display of shocking disregard for international law. The deal has given green light to Israeli sovereignty on the illegal settlements built since the 1967 war, which is now colonized by more than 600,000 Israeli Jews.

Protests in the region on May 15 marked the 72nd anniversary of the Nakba or “catastrophe”, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced into exile following creation of the Zionist state in 1948. It was another opportunity to denounce the policies of U.S. President D. Trump’s ultra-right policies and alliance with Israel.

While successive U.S. presidents and administrations have supported Israel, none has done as much in such a short time to embolden its right-wing settler-led colonialist government than Trump whose administration recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017, stalling the road map for a two-state solution.

Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner worked closely with former U.S. special envoy for the Middle East, Jason Greenblatt, to design the “Deal of the Century”. The plan was announced in January after several months of delay. What Palestinians saw as a “surrender note”, referred in one of the Tehran Times’ headlines as the “Highway to Hell” and what many consider “Heist of the Century”.

After three inconclusive elections in the Zionist state a three-year power-sharing agreement was announced in April which allows Netanyahu first bite at leading before handing power to Benny Gantz. At the heart of that agreement is the illegal annexation of large swathes of the West Bank, including the Jordan Valley and the Northern Dead Sea.

Israel is 21st century’s Middle East version of apartheid-era South Africa, the only remaining apartheid state where Palestinians remain, at best, second class citizens in Israel, under occupation in Gaza, East Jerusalem and West Bank.

Of historical significance is the plight of residents of Gaza Strip. In January 2006, Hamas won a sweeping majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections ending more than 40 years of domination by Fatah, the political faction built by the late Yasir Arafat.

Following the elections U.S., EU and Canada cut off funding to the Palestinian Authority despite Canada having helped to facilitate and monitor the elections. Worth mentioning is that the Israel-Hezbollah conflict ensued during the summer of 2006.

Gaza Strip was put under Israeli and Egyptian blockade in 2007 when the Hamas resistance movement started controlling the enclave. As a result of Israel’s stifling measures the UN has warned in the past that the Gaza Strip would become “uninhabitable” by 2020.

More than two million people cramped up in a 362 square kilometer area, deprived of their fundamental human rights including freedom of movement. Under strict air, sea and ground siege imposed by Israel and Egypt for the last thirteen years, Gaza Strip is considered the largest open-air prison in the world.

This prison verdict is backed by international community, mainly the Western powers and the U.S. During the siege the coastal enclave has undergone three major Israeli offensives.

Today around 6.5 million Palestinians live abroad as refugees or members of the diaspora.

Quds day is a reminder of the plight of Palestinian people.


يوم القدس العالمي..دعوة لإنعاش الذاكرة في زمن التهويد والتطبيع

د.خليل حمدان

في الخامس عشر من شهر آب 1979، وفي العام الأول لانتصار الثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية أعلن قائد الثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية الإمام الراحل السيد روح الله الموسوي الخميني، يوم القدس العالميّ، إذ دعا شعوب العالم لإحياء هذا اليوم في آخر جمعة من شهر رمضان المبارك، في محاولة حثيثة لإنعاش ذاكرة الشعوب بعد محاولات محوها من قبل حكامٍ لأنظمة استبدادية لا تقيم للقيم وزناً، ولا للمقدّسات حرمة. إنّ مواكبة القادة في إيران الثورة للقضية الفلسطينية، ليس مستجدّاً، بل تشكّلت في أسباب هذه الثورة وأهدافها. فمعظم الثورات اندلعت في العالم لأسباب محلّية لمواجهة طاغيةٍ عاث في الأرض فساداً وأفقر العباد وأقفر البلاد، وقد تكون ميزة للثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية أنّ أسبابها ليست فقط داخلية على الرغم من وجود كلّ المبرّرات لاندلاعها، وما ظلم الشاه وجلاوزته إلا السبب الكافي. ولكن كان الاعتراض الأشدّ على شاه إيران، علاقته بالكيان الصهيوني الغاصب على حساب الشعب الفلسطيني والقدس. ففلسطين من اسباب الثورة. ومن هنا نجد أنّ أدبيّات قادة الثورة الإسلامية في إيران في كلّ مناسبة، ومن خلال مؤلّفات ومنشورات وتسجيلات، نجد أنّ الهمّ الأكبر لهذه الثورة نصرة القدس وفلسطين وشعب فلسطين، وهي ميزة من ميزاتها على الرغم من أنّها إسلامية، إلا أنّها لم تقسم العالم إلى ديار الكفر وديار الإيمان كما هي حال بعض الحركات الأخرى في العالم، بل ثبّتت علاقتها ومواقفها على أساس جبهة المظلومين في وجه الظالمين، أو جبهة المستضعفين في وجه المستكبرين. فلا تكفير ولا تنفير ولا فتن، بل وحدة من أجل العدالة لكل إنسان والانسان كلّه. وما دعم قضيّة الشعب الفنزويلّي والتضامن معه، إلا مصداق حيّ، وترجمة حقيقيّة لتلك الأسس والقناعات الراسخة لدى قادة هذه الثورة. وإن كانت مناسبة إحياء يوم القدس، حيث نستذكر من خلالها القادة والشهداء الأبرار، الذين قضوا ومضوا على هذا الدرب، ولا يمكن ان يستقيم الكلام عن تحرير القدس من دون أن نستذكر قائدنا الامام السيد موسى الصدر. ويبقى الإمام السيد موسى الصدر (أعاده الله وأخويه) علامةً فارقةً في هذه المسيرة، حيث صدح باسم الله ثائراً وقائداً: “إنّ القدس هي قبلتنا وملتقى قيمنا، وتجسّد وحدتنا ومعراج رسالتنا، إنّها قدسنا وقضيتنا”.

وإنّ الإمام الصدر كان يعتبر أنّ القدس وفلسطين هما المكوّن الجمعيّ للعرب والمسلمين والمسيحيين والأحرار والعالم.

على درب الإمام مضت أفواج المقاومة اللبنانية أمل، وكان الشهداء في مواجهة الاحتلال الصهيوني. على درب الإمام الصدر، ما زالت هذه القضية حاضرةً في فكرنا وقلبنا وعقلنا. ومع الأخ الرئيس نبيه برّي، الذي في أكثر من مناسبة حذّر من عبث العابثين المحاولين لإسقاط القدس، داعياً ومطالباً بإغلاق السفارات العربية في واشنطن، وإنّ محاولات إسقاط القدس هي بداية، بل نهاية معظم العواصم العربية بالضربة القاضية.

في يوم القدس العالمي نستذكر شهيداً كبيراً عاش للّه واستشهد في سبيله، أحد كبار المسؤولين في حركتنا، الشهيد القائد مصطفى شمران، إذ تشهد له مواقع النضال والجهاد في لبنان وإيران. نستذكره مستعرضين خريطة آماله وآلامه حين قال: “أسعد لحظات حياتي، سقوط شاه إيران، وأكبر أمل عندي تحرير القدس، وأكبر ألم عندي، تغييب الإمام السيد موسى الصدر”.

أجل ستبقى القدس المؤشّر الحقيقي للجهاد والنضال، وهي البوصلة لمواجهة الظلم الأكبر المتمثّل باحتلال فلسطين. يوم القدس العالمي يجسّد وحدتنا بتعبير الإمام الصدر، هي مناسبة لتوجيه تحيّة لجميع الشهداء والجرحى والأسرى والقادة، والمستمرّين في حفظ هذه المسيرة من فلسطين والى كلّ العالم.

تحيّة إلى الإمام القائد السيد موسى الصدر الذي دفع ثمن إخلاصه للقدس وكامل القضية الفلسطينية، فأخفوه وأخويه خدمةً للمشروع الفتنوي والمعتدي، المتمثّل بالاحتلال الصهيوني، وعلى يد المجرم صنيعة “إسرائيل” معمّر القذافي.

أجل، ينبغي أن تبقى القدس حاضرةً لدى الأجيال على مساحة العالم، فإن كان رهان الصهاينة على مقولة أنّ الكبار يموتون والصغار ينسون، فإنّ حفظ القدس وتحريرها على عاتق الأجيال المؤمنة، وذلك بتحرير الوعي وإنعاش الذاكرة في مواجهة تكبيل الوعي، حيث ما زالت أبواق إعلامية صفراء عربية وإسلامية، مدفوعة من أنظمة التطبيع والتهويد وذلك بتعميم اليأس بين الناس.

أجل، ينبغي أن تبقى القدس حاضرة وتتقدّم على ما سواها، لأنّ تهويدها لم يعُد احتمالاً في ظلّ إصرار الإدارة الأميركية بدعم الصهاينة بتصفية القضية الفلسطينية، أرضاً وحجراً وبشراً، من مقدّمات دعم الكيان الكامل وتغطية جرائمه، الى محاولة الإدارة الأميركية لحشد أوسع تأييد دولي لتنفيذ صفقة القرن. هناك الكثير ما يمكن قوله فيما لا تحتويه سطور، ولكن نورد ما يستنبطه تصريح السفير الأميركي لدى الاحتلال الإسرائيلي دايفيد فريدمان مؤخّراً: “ليس من المنطق أن تتنازل إسرائيل عن الخليل وبيت إيل، تماماً مثلما أنّ الولايات المتحدة لا يمكن أن تتنازل عن تمثال الحرّية”. وأضاف: “إنّ مسألة الإعلان عن ضمّ أجزاء من الضفة الغربية وغور الأردن ستكون مسألة أسابيع وستنتهي”. لعلّ القضية الفلسطينية تمرّ بأخطر مراحلها. فإن لم يستشعر البعض بخطر تهويد القدس وكلّ فلسطين، فإنّه يعيش في سبات عميق، وقد لا يفيد إن استُدرك الأمر بعد فوات الأوان. أليس السكوت على الظلم هو نوع من أنواع الظلم؟

يوم القدس يوم التأكيد على المقاومة ودورها واستمرارها. يوم وحدة الموقف لجميع القوى الفلسطينية واللبنانية والعربية والإسلامية والمسيحية في العالم، على قاعدة أنّ “إسرائيل” شرّ مطلق والتعامل معها حرام، و”إسرائيل” غدّة سرطانية.

*عضو هيئة الرئاسة لحركة أمل.

فيديوات متعلقة

مقالات متعلقة

في العام الحادي والأربعين ليوم القدس العالميّ

 رامز مصطفى ابو عماد

رامز مصطفى

في شهر رمضان المبارك من كلّ عام، وفي جمعته الأخيرة، شعبنا الفلسطيني كما سائر شعوب الأمة وأحرار العالم يحيون يوم القدس العالمي، الذي دعا إليه الإمام الخميني، رحمه الله، بعد أربعة أشهر من قيام الجمهورية الإسلامية في تموز من العام 1979، في نداء أراد منه:


ـ تحذير وتنبيه الأمة إلى ما يُخطط ويُراد للقدس من تهويد وسيطرة صهيونية على المدينة ومقدساتها الدينية. وفي ذلك رؤية استشرافية من قبل الإمام الخميني، رحمه الله.


ـ دعوة خالصة إلى شعوب الأمة من أجل توحيد كلمتها، كشعوب مستضعفة. والوقوف صفاً واحداً للدفاع عن القدس عاصمة فلسطين، وحشد إمكانياتها ومقدراتها لتحقيق هدف الدفاع والتحرير، من خلال إعلان ثورة الشعوب المستضعفة في وجه المستكبرين.


ـ الدعوة إلى عدم الاكتفاء على رفض سياسات الكيان وحركته الصهيونية، بل التحرك والنزول إلى الساحات والميادين للتعبير عن هذا الرفض، الذي يشكل في مجموعه الردّ على تلك السياسات الإجراميّة، وفي مقدّمتها الاستيلاء على القدس، بهدف حسم الصراع لصالح الكيان.


ـ تخطّي الحدود القطرية لأيّ بلد، أو أيّ شعب بعينه بمن فيهم الفلسطينيون، بهدف إعطاء القدس بعدها العالمي. لأنّ قضية القدس على وجه الخصوص، كما قضيتهم بالعموم لا تعني الشعب الفلسطيني، بل قضية الأمة وسائر الشعوب والقوى، التي ترفض هيمنة قوى الاستعمار والاستكبار والرأسمالية العالمية، وفي مقدّمتهم الولايات المتحدة الأميركية، وقاعدتهم المتقدمة الكيان الصهيوني.


ـ الردّ الحاسم على حالة التردّي التي تعيشها الأمة المُتخلِّفة أنظمتها عن نصرتها للحق الفلسطيني والدفاع عن حقوقه وعناوينه الثابتة والمشروعة، والذوْد عما تتعرض له القدس من تهويد وتغيير متعمّد لمعالمها الدينية والثقافية والتاريخية والديمغرافية. بل هي اليوم في أغلبها تهرول للتطبيع مع الكيان على حساب الحق الفلسطيني وحقوق الأمة، وحجتهم الواهية والمغرضة أنّ الجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية تتهدّدهم.


ـ التأكيد على أنّ قضية القدس هي الخط الفاصل بين قوى الخير وقوى الشر. لذلك يجب إبقاء الصراع مفتوحاً، إلى أن تتحقق هزيمة قوى الشر والبغي والعدوان ومشروعهم الصهيوأميركي على أرض فلسطين وفي عموم المنطقة، بل وفي العالم أجمع.

يكتسب يوم القدس هذا العام أهمية إضافية، لما تتعرّض له مدينة القدس من عمليات تهويد متمادية لم يسبق لها مثيل، يشنّها قادة الكيان الصهيوني في معركة مفتوحة من أجل حسم هويتها الثقافية والدينية والتاريخية والعمرانية والديمغرافية لصالح كيانهم المغتصب. حيث تأتي تلك السياسات الصهيونية أولاً، في ظلّ ما تسمّى بـ “صفقة القرن” التي أعلن عنها الرئيس الأميركي في كانون الثاني من العام الحالي، واليوم تُستكمل فصولها من خلال حكومة الرأسين لنتنياهو وغانتس، في ضمّ واسع للمستوطنات في الضفة والسيطرة على منطقة غور الأردن وشمال البحر الميت. وثانياً، بالتزامن مع مضيّ 72 عاماً على نكبة الشعب الفلسطيني في الخامس عشر من أيار عام 1948، حيث يؤكد فيها شعبنا الفلسطيني على تمسكه وتصميمه على عودته إلى أرضه فلسطين مهما تعاظمت التحديات وكبرت التضحيات. وثالثاً، مع الذكرى العشرين لانتصار المقاومة في لبنان بقيادة حزب الله، الذي تمكن من دحر الاحتلال الصهيونيّ عن أرض الجنوب، من دون قيد أو شرط.

ونحن نحيي يوم القدس العالمي هذا العام، نفتقد وتفتقد فلسطين وعاصمتها القدس، شهيدها وقائد لوائها المجاهد الكبير اللواء قاسم سليماني. الذي أتى استشهاده في مرحلة بالغة الدقة، أحوج ما نكون إليه في معركة الصمود والتصدّي للهجمة الأميركيّة الصهيونيّة على أمتنا، بهدف إخضاعها لمشيئتهم ومشروعهم، الذي يتهاوى سريعاً في عموم المنطقة، على وقع ما تحقق ويتحقق من انتصارات في الميدان السوري، بفضل صمود الجيش السوري وحلفائه. ونحن نفتقد الشهيد الكبير القائد قاسم سليماني، نؤكد أننا سنبقى على عهدنا للشهيد وما تركه من أثر كبير وفعّال على تطوير قدرات وتوفير الإمكانيات لقوى المقاومة في فلسطين ولبنان والعراق واليمن، التي كان لها الدور الكبير والحاسم في صمودها وانتصارها.

بعد مرور 41 عاماً على النداء الذي أطلقه الإمام الخميني، رحمه الله، بإعلان يوم القدس العالمي، لا تزال الجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية ومرشد ثورتها سماحة الإمام القائد السيد علي الخامنئي، على التزامهم وتبنّيهم المطلق لقضية القدس عاصمة فلسطين والأمة. وتوفير كلّ أشكال الدعم والإسناد لها، على الرغم مما تعانيه إيران من حائجة الحصار والعقوبات غير المسبوقة التي تفرضها الإدارة الأميركية والدول الذيلية لها. إلاّ أنّ ذلك لن يؤثر على توجّهات والتزامات إيران اتجاه قضايا الأمة، والقضية الفلسطينية في مقدّمتها.

*كاتب فلسطيني

لماذا يفشل الغرب في مواجهة إيران؟

العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط

منذ أن نجحت الثورة الإسلاميّة في إيران في إقامة دولة مستقلة فعلياً تحوّلت إيران إلى عقدة للغرب الاستعماريّ لا يطيقها ويبحث عن أيّ وسيلة تقود إلى إنهاء هذه الظاهرة التي شكلت كابوساً للغرب عامة ولأميركا و«إسرائيل» خاصة. ولم يحاول الغرب التعايش مع هذا المتغيّر الدولي بل رأى أنّ الحلّ الوحيد له هو الإجهاز على هذه الدولة قبل تفاقم خطرها المتمثل بما أطلق عليه «تصدير الثورة» واجتياح الفكر التحريري الاستقلالي جيران إيران أولاً، وفي طليعتهم دول الخليج التي تشكل محميات للاستعمار يحكمها عبر عائلات تتحكّم بها وتمكّنه من وضع اليد على نفطها ومالها.

ولأجل التخلّص من النظام الإسلامي في إيران شنّت الحرب عليها من قبل صدام حسين بتوجيه أميركي وتمويل خليجي خاصة السعودية التي أفهمها الأميركيّون أنّ بقاء هذا النظام في إيران يشكل خطراً على العائلة المالكة في السعودية وكلّ العائلات المالكة في الخليج.

بيد أنّ إيران رغم حالة التفكّك والتضعضع الذاتي التي كانت عليها في الأشهر الأولى لانتصار الثورة، استطاعت ان تصمد وتستوعب الهجوم العراقي رغم أنها خسرت أرضاً في البدء وتكبّدت خسائر فادحة، لكنها صمدت واستعادت أرضها وقبلت بإنهاء الحرب من دون أن تتمكّن من معاقبة المعتدي، لكن أميركا لم ترضها تلك النتيجة وتحت عناوين وذرائع شتى فرضت عليها تدابير كيدية أسمتها عقوبات رغم عدم انطباق التسمية على الحقيقة القانونية لتلك التدابير. ومنذ 32 عاماً وحتى الآن ترزح إيران تحت وطأة ما يسمّى عقوبات متنوّعة منها ما هو أحادي كتلك التي تفرضها أميركا، ومنها ما هو جماعي خارج مجلس الأمن كتلك التي يفرضها الاتحاد الأوروبيّ وأميركا، ومنها ما هو دولي أممي كتلك التي تفرض بقرار من مجلس الأمن بضغط أميركي.

لقد لجأ الغرب إلى العقوبات التي من شأنها أن تخنق إيران وتجعلها تتراجع عن سياستها الاستقلاليّة، وعن دعمها لحركات التحرّر والمقاومة في العالم ومنعها أيضاً من امتلاك مصادر القوة (العسكرية والاقتصادية والعلمية) لإبقائها دولة من العالم الثالث وسوقاً استهلاكية لسلع الغرب وفرض التبعية الاقتصادية بعد السياسية لمجموعة المنتصرين في الحرب الثانية.

لكن إيران سفّهت أحلام محاصريها وثبتت على سياستها الاستقلالية، رغم ما أحدثته الحرب الاقتصادية من شرور وأضرار في الداخل الإيراني، لا بل حققت إيران رغم الحصار قفزات في مجال القوة الإنتاجية والصناعية يكاد المراقب يقول معها إنّ إيران وصلت إلى المستوى الذي زرع اليأس في النفس الاستعمارية وأفهمها انّ إسقاط إيران بات حلماً لا يُدرَك.

لقد طوّرت إيران نفسها بشكل تكاملي متعدّد الاتجاهات وفي كلّ المجالات التي تميّز الدول المتقدّمة في العالم المعاصر، سواء في ذلك على صعيد السلع الاستهلاكية المعيشية وقد حققت فيه شبه اكتفاء ذاتي بلغ 85% او في المجالات العلمية والصناعية، وقد طرقت بنجاح الباب النووي السلمي ووصلت أيضاً إلى مستوى مَن يطلق الأقمار الصناعيّة ويضعها بنجاح على مدار تشغيلي استثماري، او على صعيد البنية التحتية خاصة في مجالات النقل والكهرباء والاتصالات والخدمات العامة، والأهمّ كان في مجال التصنيع العسكري الذي تمارس فيه القوى العظمى احتكاراً صارماً وتمنع مشاركتها فيه، لكن إيران عرفت كيف تلج مجاله وتؤمّن لنفسها ولقواتها المسلحة من جيش وحرس ثوري وتعبئة شعبية ما يلزمهم من السلاح والذخيرة المتطوّرة التي تمكّنهم من تأمين دفاع موثوق محكم عن إيران أرضاً وشعباً ونظاماً وثروات، كما ويمكّنها من مؤازرة الحلفاء في ممارستهم لحق المقاومة والدفاع المشروع عن النفس. وهنا يطرح السؤال كيف نجحت إيران حيث فشل الآخرون؟

بكلّ تأكيد نجحت إيران في المواجهة طيلة السنوات الـ 41 من عمر ثورتها، أما سبب النجاح برأينا فهو عائد إلى عوامل تميّز الواقع الإيراني من وجوهه كلها، عوامل تضافرت بشكل ليس من شأنه تخطي الصعوبات والمآزق بل من شأنها أيضاً أن ترتقي بإيران إلى مصاف الدول الكبرى في نظام عالمي قيد التشكل على أساس المجموعات الاستراتيجية، حيث تتجه إيران اليوم لتكون نواة مجموعة استراتيجية تفرض نفسها في النظام العالمي الجديد ويمكن ذكر أهمّ عوامل القوة هذه:


ـ العامل الفكري العقائدي الديني. أقامت إيران نظامها السياسي على أسس دينية عقائدية، تتفتح فيه على مقولة إنشاء الدولة المستقلة القوية الممهّدة للإمام المهدي، وباتت العقيدة الدينية حافزاً للتضحية والإقدام والتطوّر خلافاً لما جعلها آخرون من المسلمين عامل تخلّف. فالإسلام الحركيّ الذي تعمل به إيران هو إسلام يقود الحياة ويطوّر المجتمع وينافس من أجل الرفاه دون انحراف إسلام محفز وليس مثبطاً. ويضاف ذلك إلى طبيعة الإنسان الإيراني المتميّز بالصلابة وطول النفس والعناد والإصرار على النجاح والتمسك بالحقوق.


ـ العامل السياسي: اعتمدت إيران نظاماً سياسياً متماسكاً تحتلّ الإرادة الشعبية الصلب والأساس في إنتاجه وتجديد السلطة عبر انتخابات نزيهة تجعل منه منتجاً شعبياً وتجعل الشعب مدافعاً عنه يرفض أيّ مسّ فيه، لأنه نظامه الذي اختاره ويجدّد أشخاصه بإرادته، هذا في الأصل؛ أما في الهيكلية فالنظام السياسي الإيراني نظام قوي متماسك قائم على المؤسسات المنفصلة والمتعاونة والتي يراقب بعضها بعضاً في حدود الدستور ويعمل في ظلّ قيادة رشيدة تجمع الديني إلى السياسي في أدائها فيطمئن الشعب إلى حكمتها وقوتها والتزامها بالدستور وفلسفته وأحكام الشريعة الإسلامية ومقاصدها.


ـ العامل الجغرافيّ الطبيعيّ. تمتلك إيران موقعاً جغرافياً ومساحة وثروات طبيعية تجعلها في موقع الاستغناء عن الآخر بنسبة عالية من دون أن يكون الآخر بموقع الاستغناء عنها اقتصادياً او سياسياً. وهذا العنصر مكّن إيران من النجاح في سياسة الاكتفاء الذاتي اقتصادياً والوصول إلى موقع التأثير دولياً وإقليمياً في المجالات الأخرى.


ـ العامل الاستراتيجي التحالفي. في هذا العامل أمرأن الأول طبيعة الخيار الإيراني في تقديم الدعم وإنشاء التحالفات دولياً والثاني النجاح في تشكيل محور المقاومة الإقليميّ. فإيران تبني تحالفاتها على أساس دعم قضية حق لرفع ظلم، وتقيم علاقة مع الأشخاص والمكوّنات الذين يؤمنون بعدالة هذه القضية ويستعدّون للدفاع عنها وخير مثال هنا موقفها من قضية فلسطين التي جهد الآخرون في إبعادها عنها ففشلوا. وهنا التباين بين إيران ودول الغرب الاستعماريّ التي تقيم التحالف انطلاقاً من المصالح الفردية والذاتية التي تريد اقتناصها من الآخرين. ففي الحالة الإيرانيّة يكون التكتل أو المحور او التحالف انطلاقاً من المبادئ التي تجمع المتحالفين ولذا تقيم تحالفاتها على مبادئ وحقوق وقضايا عادلة ثم تبحث في الأشخاص الذين يخدمونه. وبهذا أنشات إيران شبكة تحالفات متفاوتة السقوف أهمية وتأثيراً، أولها محور المقاومة يليها التفاهم مع روسيا والصين، وبعدها العمل في منظومة شنغهاي الاقتصادية وغيرها. وتوصف السياسة الإيرانية بأنها أخلاقية إنسانية لا غدر فيها، وحليف إيران مطمئن، في حين يوصف أداء الغرب باللاإنساني أو اللاأخلاقي وحليفه قلق.

هذه أهمّ العوامل التي منحت إيران مناعة وقوة وقدرة جعلتها تستعصي على الحرب والحصار وفرضتها لاعباً إقليمياً مركزياً وطرفاً دولياً لا يمكن تجاوزه وأبعدت ضمن المنطق والمعقول شبح الحرب عنها، وأكسبتها قدرة تمكنها من المسّ بهيبة أميركا الدولة المتصدّية لقيادة العالم. وعليه نرى مع وجود إيران هذه نستبعد حرباً تشنّها أميركا او «إسرائيل» على محور المقاومة، ونرى أنّ الأشهر والسنوات المقبلة ستحمل ترهّلاً وتراجعاً في صفوف أعداء إيران مترافقاً مع تقدّم إيران وحلفائها بشكل حثيث نحو تحقيق أهدافهم الاستراتيجية الكبرى خاصة لجهة المحافظة على الاستقلالية الوطنية وحمل الآخرين على التسليم بها ونصرة قضية فلسطين وصولاً إلى تحصيل حقوق شعبها وليس من فراغ يحتفل بيوم القدس العالم سنوياً وبشكل ثابت.

*أستاذ جامعي – خبير استراتيجي.

Friday’s Talk from Tehran- Nasser Kandil حديث الجمعة من طهران – ناصر قنديل

Friday’s Talk from Tehran- Nasser Kandil

Iran after the assassination of Soleimani celebrates the commemoration of the revolution and the preparation for the parliamentary elections.

The consensus around the choice of resistance thatSoleimaniwas asking for has been achieved by his martyrdom and has frustrated the external bet on the interior

The reformist movement faces the dangers of the loss of the parliamentary elections in which it dreamt of a majority.

The nuclear file is not for the negotiation with Washington, if Europe withdraws, Iran will leave the UN treaty.

The linkage between the ousting of the Americans and the fall of the Deal of the Century needs an Iranian country that can build a resilient economy.

The political diversity is present strongly and the vitality of discussions presents Iran as an example of a 41-year-old vivid revolution.


This Friday’s Talkwill be devoted for one file: Iran which is still living the repercussions of the assassination of the Commander QassemSoleimani and celebrates the forty-first commemoration of the victory of the Islamic Revolution and is preparing for the parliamentary electionsat the end of this month. My visit to Tehran has allowed me to meet a number of senior officials, to discuss many issues, ideas, hypotheses with a number of elites, intellectuals, and journalists, and to listen to some examples deprived from analyzing the trends of the public opinion and the points of view of its classes regarding many titles. So this pushed me to share these impressions, conclusions, and readings with the widest number of readers and followers.

The martyrdom of Soleimani is the earthquake of conscience:

The photos of QassemSoleimani fill the streets, the facades of the big buildings, the offices of the government officials and the armed forces, and the advisory offices working with the Leader of the Revolution Al Sayyed Ali Al Khamenei. Soleimani’s name is repeated tens of times in every talk with any official or a leader in Iran. The talk starts with an idea in which Soleimani is mentioned then it continues with another idea to mention Soleimani once again. The feeling of fulfillment to this leader is accompanied with the feeling of underestimation, and maybe with the feeling of guilt, but the feeling of the burden of responsibility and the collective love to him is felt by everyone.

This young man who is religious, devotional, and humble in his relationship with God, Prophets, and the People of the house, who is faithful in every word he says, who loves the poor and the needy, who is concerned about the future of Iran from all kinds of obsession, the obsession of authority, the obsession of money, the obsession of corruption, the obsession of bureaucracy, and the obsession of laziness and inactivity, and who is sixty-year old, has become the difficult number to Israel, America, and Al-Qaeda and ISIS organizations and a number of the Gulf countries until the date of his martyrdom. This leader made the contemporary glory of Iran, so that it turns through his leading position into a fearful superpower. As he was during his life the guard of the revolution and the republic behind the enemy’s lines amid a large political internal division over his role, he has become after his martyrdom the guard because of the deterrent popular gathering against every thought of escalation against Iran which is fortified with a popular flood that emerged to revenge for the blood of Soleimani contrary to the bets and hypotheses based on the decline of the popular support of the choice of revolution, republic, and their leader Al Sayyed Al Khamenei and his policies. Iran which is technically and militarily capable and which targeted Ain Al-Assad base showed that it has the resolution and the will along with the war techniques sufficient to evade from the targets of the American technical capacities. It frustrated the bet on the American technical superiority as it frustrated the bet on Iranian internal division.

Soleimani was spending a lot of time and effort before the nuclear file and after it to make out of the option of supporting the resistance against the American hegemony and the Israeli aggression a subject that gets a political consensus among the competing movements for the power in Iran. Despite his conviction of the decisive reference role of Al Sayyed Khamenei in such strategic matters, but he was seeing in neutralizing this trend a strength to Iran and a message to the abroad that enhances the position of Iran in the confrontation of its opponents and rationalizes the internal political conflicts by making them just political competition that deals with the problem of economy, construction, education, health, services, the constitutional organizations and their activation and combating corruption. But what has been achieved during the negotiation on the nuclear understanding and after signing it through unifying the position inside the ranks of the Iranian leaderships has enhanced the position of the Iranian negotiator through the abidance of the conservatives and fundamentalists especially the leadership of the Revolutionary Guard with this position which it started to be affected after the American withdrawal from the nuclear understanding and the emerge of positions that behold the role of the Guard especially the role played by Soleimani the responsibility of the deterioration of relationships with the Americans which has been culminated with the withdrawal from the nuclear understanding. However the martyrdom of Soleimani at the hands of the Americans and the subsequent announcement of the Deal of the Century reveal the goals of America in the region especially in Iran, and how Soleimani and his role were an additive value to Iran and an insurance policy that protects it, and how the resistance option was not mere an ally that is given capabilities from Iran to do its active role in the confrontation of the region but rather a partner in protecting Iran and raising its status. Therefore, every investment spent by Iran in supporting the resistance forces is a serious investment in favor of its national security and a protection of its political independence and food sufficiency, it is not an attrition of its resources which are supposed to be allocated to its internal affairs as some symbols of the reformist movement said, or as their supporters chant in demonstrations. Therefore, the funeral of Soleimani and the accompanied popular flood formed a message far from being addressed to the Americans and many people who deal with the public affairs in Iran in the authority and in the opposition only but to reveal the truth of the position of the Iranian people towards the confrontation with the Americans and towards the higher policies drawn by Al Sayyed Al Khamenei that most of which Soleimani was entrusted with.

The elections and the coming change:

The feeling of remorse expressed by those who did not respond to Soleimani’s efforts of the unification of the interior is no longer enough according to those who share with him the opinion and the choice and to the most of those belong to the conservative and fundamentalist movement who speak out in what they believe in terms of the call to question the reformist movement in the parliamentary elections since the martyrdom of Soleimaniwhich has no relation with the parties in the interior formed an end of a phase and a start of another, in other words the end of the bets promoted by the reformist movement on making understandings with Washington with good intentions. The announcement of the Deal of the Century completes what is interpreted by the assassination of Soleimani from the point of view of those who call to follow a strict policy regarding the future of the relationship with Washington, the nuclear file, the economic construction, and the social and cultural fortification, reforming the role and the position in the region in a way that is appropriate to the change caused by the assassination of Soleimani and the Deal of the Century. Those consider that this strategic burden that must be bear by the constitutional institutions cannot be entrusted to those who have opposite convictions because those cannot be entrusted to lead Iran according to the orders of Al Sayyed Al Khamenei while they are talking in their assemblies that they do not believe in them.

The traditional conservative movements expect the winning in the parliamentary elections. It is remarkable that the groups that support the former President AhmadiNejad are among them.  The expectations of relative neutral sources talk about a great winning of the conservatives that may range between two-thirds to third-quarters of the new parliament. It is remarkable as well that the speaker of the parliament Ali Larijani whose term is at its end did not submit his candidacy for the elections in preparation for the candidacy for the presidency of the republic which its elections will take place after a year and a half, where the former mayor of Tehran Mohammed BaqirQalibaf is the most prominent candidate for the presidency of the council. The President Hassan Rohani expressed his protest against the Guardians ’Council’s refusal of dozens of reformist candidates including nearly eighty deputies. The objections of the Guardian Council as shown by sources of reformists and conservatives have no bias or politicization rather these objections are based on an a fundamental factor related to the files of corruption and the illicit wealth which the council had investigated when it studied all the applications of candidacy, therefore, it refused the nominations of many reformists and conservatives, since it reflected what has happened to many politicians after forty years in power and after the winning of the revolution, but it reveals that the supervision strong independent institutions are still have the spirit of revolution and held accountability according to assets and rules where there is no favoritism or nepotism. Just for that, when the President Rohanirefused the nominations by saying we do not want to turn the elections into appointments he got a direct response from Al Sayyed Al Khamenei without mentioning his name, but it was understood that he was meant by his saying: those who object the role of a prestigious and efficient institution in ensuring the right electoral process; the Guardian Council forget that they reached to their positions through elections.

Those who follow-up and those who are interested along with the opinion polls do not expect that the Iranians who want to elect the parliament within less than twenty days are more than 50%. This ratio may decrease in Tehran to only 30%. One of the reasons of reluctance is that the voters do not know that the Supreme Leader needs a wider representation of options, demands, and objects in the parliament which represents people in all its different classes and moods, because some consider strongly that there is a part of voters cannot be ignored think that their participation will not cause a change as long as everything belongs to the country and its decisions is under the control of the Higher Leader so what is the advantage  of such participation? But those who are close from the source of decision say that this reluctance contradicts the understanding of the role of the Wilayat el Faqih who does not make a decision from nothing or illegally, but he makes balance between what is shown by the institutions that represent the choices of people in a legal wayand the interest, so he made out of them orders to authorities. So those recognize the weak needed mobilization under the title that the Higher Leader needs your participation to build on them decisions so your absence confuses his decision.

Those who are close from the authority refuse to say that this reluctance is a result of despair, on the contrary they consider it stems from trust, this trust is the same that appeared in the crowds of millions who pledged allegiance to the Higher Leader in order to revenge for the blood of the Commander QassemSoleimani. Furthermore, the people who participated in the festivals of the commemoration  of revolution after forty-one years of its founding do not do that out of courtesy or fear but because it knows the gains which it got from the revolution which brought Iran not only to the rank of the superpowers politically and militarily but also to be a country that lives a food sufficiency and a semi- industrial sufficiency, a scientific progress in which it competes the countries of the industrial world, and it provides the main services with cheap prices as electricity, gas, internet, and fuels which despite the increase of its price it remained the cheapest in the world, where the price of a liter of water equls twice times the price of a liter of gasoline.

In the commemoration of revolution: Independence and Development

The four decades that have passed since the revolution and the building of the country and what they have achieved at the levels of independence and development formed the criterion for the rise and the fall of the liberal projects in the third world. Iran has passed them but looking to pass them fully. The upcoming challenges which the conservatives, the fundamentalists, and the extremists are looking to wage to manage the country in the last period of the term of the President Al Sheikh Hassan Rohani are related to the nuclear file and the issues of poverty, corruption combating, and the issues of the regional environment whether they are related to the relationship with each of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Yemen as arenas of the resistance forces or  related to the Gulf and the management of the relationship with the positions which it lives at the forefront Saudi Arabia.

According to the conservatives there is no return to negotiation with the Americans regarding the nuclear file, but this does not mean the final exit from the nuclear agreement and from the treaty of non-proliferation of the Nuclear Weapons but it means leaving the issue related to how to deal with the remaining partner in the agreement, it means Europe including France, Britain, and Germany. If the Europeans go to the Security Council to work under the terms of leaving the agreement, the talk about the exit from the agreement and the treaty will become on table. The understanding with the Americans is hopeless and there is no interest for Iran to have an agreement with them, if the other partners dare to carry out the agreement despite the threat of the American sanctions, since the sanctions that concern Iran are those which restrict Europe, the American military exit from the region will not be a slogan, but rather an independent project that many countries do not dare to present. Iran bears the responsibility on the behalf of everyone to make it the title of the future stage, it does not matter how far it is. Iran cannot expect the results of the American elections, but until then Iran will interpret its commitment through cooperation with the peoples of the region and the resistance forces to impose that withdrawal, where the Iranian and the Iraqi people have said their word regarding along with the majority of the Lebanese and the Afghans. Syria is approaching form the moment of deciding the fate of the American troops on its land.

The relationship with Washington is determined by the issue of the blood of the Commander QassemSoleimani and the future of Palestine. The Deal of the Century which has shown the credibility of the options of the resistance forces has provided an opportunity to form a wide front, it is not important to be organized under one institution but rather it is a popular political resisting front spreading on the Islamic world rises up for the right of return of  the Palestinian refugees and against the tamper with the future of Jerusalem in favor of the occupation. Therefore, the region is going to confrontation. Iran cannot behave as if its issue is confined to how to build its international relationships but tohow to lead the region under the titles of the American withdrawal and the fall of the Deal of the Century and how Iran can be a component that integrates with the people and the Revolutionary Guard and under the supervision of the Higher Leader and can win in these two battles. So this requires a review of the economic and political approach taken by the governments which linked the fate of their plans with the hypothesis of partnership with the West whether through the nuclear understanding or through understandings in politics and economy that reflects the regional position of Iran. These hypotheses have led to a waste of time and money in the investment on an illusion that will not be realistic except by showing more ability and imposing more of the policy of fait accompli.

Many experts and thinkers from the conservatives and extremists see that one part of the problem of the Iranian people with the governmental policies is a result of the leakage of resources resulting from the siege, and one part is a result of the emergence of economic problems as the tyranny of the rentier economy in the real estate market and currencies in the major cities especially in Tehran, and the failure of integrating the national capital which most of it was accumulated during the revolution in a productive investment process, and another part is the result of the corruption phenomenon and the illicit wealth which is the main  concern of the political process and which must turn in the successive governments into an institution that is not affected by the authority circulation and the policy changes.

It is remarkable that the Iranians whom you meet in Tehran as officials, advisors, experts, and military leaders do not feel embarrassed to talk about the problems of state- construction experienced by the revolution and the country, but they consider that it is a courage to talk in such issues to show that the revolution is still vivid and capable to face these problems. Despite the economic and financial suffocation they feel comfortable with the situation of their country which they assure that it has passed the most difficult consequences of sanctions, and began to adapt to the economic and investment alternatives of the sectors which are linked to the opportunities of openness and transcended the foundational stage of turning the challenges into opportunities.

The vivid discussions experienced by Tehran and the diversity and the multiplicity of movements, ideas, and visions are an expression of the strong project launched by Imam Ruhollah Khomeini whichits leadership and patronage has been continued by Al Sayyed Al Khamenei. Iran is a real state and has real institutions, serious economy and judiciary, a highly prepared combating ability, a professional diplomacy, and a wide variety of media that expresses the opposing ideas in the community, a life cycle lived by the Iranians away from the austeritybut under controls related to Islam, and a high degree of tolerance found in restaurants, streets, and the public parks. This confidence is worthy to respect, the next generation which did not live in the time of revolution to owe it the getting rid of the previous regime gets the opportunities of modern education and the partnership of the scientific research and innovation,without forgetting that the creativity spreads in the atmosphere of dream and freedom will reflect in the young enthusiastic political interpretations that are not in their view a cause for concern but rather a hope, because the whole world changes where people searches for peace and the internal balance of individuals and peoples. The Iranians see that they get the high ratio of this balance comparing with what is known and lived by the peoples on these two levels.

Translated by LinaShehadeh,

حديث الجمعة من طهران – ناصر قنديل

إيران بعد اغتيال سليمانيّ تحتفل بذكرى الثورة وتلاقي الانتخابات البرلمانية: ‭}‬ الإجماع الذي كان يطلبه سليمانيّ حول خيار المقاومة تحقق باستشهاده وأسقط الرهان الخارجيّ على الداخل ‭}‬ التيار الإصلاحيّ يواجه مخاطر خسارة الانتخابات البرلمانيّة التي حلم بتحقيق الأغلبيّة فيها ‭}‬ الملف النوويّ ليس للتفاوض مع واشنطن وإن خرجت أوروبا ستخرج إيران من المعاهدة الأمميّة ‭}‬ الربط بين إخراج الأميركيّين وإسقاط صفقة القرن يحتاج دولة إيرانيّة تبني اقتصاداً قادراً على الصمود ‭}‬ التنوّع السياسي حاضر بقوة وحيوية النقاشات تقدّم إيران نموذجاً لثورة حيّة عمرها 41 عاماً

حديث الجمعة من طهران – ناصر قنديل

حديث الجمعة هذا الأسبوع سيكون مخصصاً لملف واحد هو إيران التي لا تزال تعيش ارتدادات زلزال اغتيال القائد قاسم سليمانيّ، وتحتفل بالذكرى الحادية والأربعين لانتصار الثورة الإسلامية، وتستعد للانتخابات البرلمانية نهاية هذا الشهر. وقد أتاحت لي الزيارة التي أقوم لها إلى طهران اللقاء بعدد من كبار المسؤولين ومناقشة الكثير من القضايا والأفكار والفرضيّات مع عدد من النخب والمثقفين والإعلاميين، والسماع لبعض النماذج المستقاة من تحليل اتجاهات الرأي العام وتوزّع شرائحه حول العديد من العناوين، ما جعلني أرغب بتشارك هذه الانطباعات والاستنتاجات والقراءات مع أوسع عدد من القراء والمتابعين.

استشهاد سليمانيّ زلزال الضمير

صور الجنرال قاسم سليمانيّ تملأ الشوارع وجداريات الأبنية الكبرى ومكاتب المسؤولين في الحكومة والقوات المسلحة، والمكاتب الاستشارية العاملة مع مرشد الثورة السيد علي الخامنئي، لكن اسم سليمانيّ يتردد عشرات المرات في كل حديث تجريه مع أي من المسؤولين والقادة في إيران، ويدور الحديث حول فكرة تبدأ بذكر سليمانيّ ثم يعود ليدخل فكرة ثانية من مدخل سليمانيّ آخر. فالشعور بالمديونيّة لهذا القائد لدى الكثيرين، يرافقه شعور بالتقصير في التقدير، وربما شعور بالذنب لدى آخرين، لكن الشعور بعبء المسؤولية التي خلّفها والحب الجامع الذي أظهره له الشعب تلمسه لدى الجميع.

هذا الشاب المفعَم بالإيمان الديني والمتعبّد والخاشع في علاقته بالله والأنبياء وأهل البيت، الصادق في كل كلمة يقولها، المحب للفقراء والمساكين، القلق على مستقبل الدولة الإيرانية، من كل أنواع التغوّل، تغوّل السلطة وتغوّل المال وتغوّل الفساد وتغوّل البيروقراطية وتغوّل الكسل والخمول، هو الستينيّ الذي صار الرقم الصعب بالنسبة لـ»إسرائيل» وأميركا وتنظيمي القاعدة وداعش وعدد من دول الخليج، حتى تاريخ استشهاده. وهو القائد الذي صنع مجد إيران المعاصر لتتحوّل بموقعه القيادي وشكل توظيفه لهذا الموقع إلى دولة عظمى مهابة الجانب. ومثلما كان في حياته حارس الثورة والجمهورية خلف خطوط “العدو»، وسط انقسام سياسي كبير داخلياً حول دوره، صار بعد استشهاده الحارس بقوة ما أظهره استشهاده من مناخ شعبي رادع تجاه كل تفكير بالتصعيد بوجه إيران المحصّنة بطوفان شعبي خرج يطلب الانتقام لدم سليمانيّ بعكس الرهانات والافتراضات القائمة على تراجع التأييد الشعبي لخيار الثورة والجمهورية وقائدهما السيد الخامنئي، وسياساته، وإيران المحميّة باقتدار تقني وعسكري أظهرته الصواريخ التي استهدفت قاعدة عين الأسد، قالت إنها تملك العزيمة والإرادة وتملك معهما تقنيات حربية كافية للتملص من قدرات التقنية الأميركية لبلوغ أهدافها الحربية، وأسقطت الرهان على التفوق التقني الأميركي بمثل ما سقط الرهان على الانقسام الداخلي الإيراني.

كان سليمانيّ ينفق الكثير من الوقت والجهد، قبل الاتفاق النووي وبعده، ليجعل من دعم خيار المقاومة بوجه الهيمنة الأميركية والعدوانية الإسرائيلية موضوع إجماع سياسي عابر للتيارات المتنافسة على السلطة في إيران، رغم قناعته بالدور المرجعي الحاسم للسيد الخامنئي في مثل هذه الأمور الاستراتيجية، لكنه كان يرى في تحييد هذا التوجه عن خطابات التنافس قوة لإيران ورسالة للخارج تعزّز موقع إبران في مواجهة أعدائها وخصومها، وتعقلن الصراعات السياسية الداخلية، وتضعها في نصابها كتنافس سياسيّ يطال مشاكل الاقتصاد والعمران ومكافحة الفساد والتربية والصحة والخدمات والمؤسسات الدستورية وتفعيلها، لكن ما نجح بتحقيقه في فترة التفاوض على الاتفاق النووي وبعد توقيعه على هذا الصعيد، بتوحيد الموقف داخل صفوف القيادات الإيرانية، عزّز موقع المفاوض الإيراني، بالتزام المحافظين والأصوليين، وخصوصاً قيادة الحرس الثوري بهذا الموقف، بدأ يتصدع بعد الانسحاب الأميركي من الاتفاق، وظهور مواقف أخذت تتسع بين صفوف الإصلاحيين تحمّل دور الحرس وخصوصاّ الدور الذي اضطلع به سليمانيّ مسؤولية تدهور العلاقات مع الأميركيين الذي توّج بالانسحاب من الاتفاق النووي، ليأتي استشهاد سليمانيّ على أيدي الأميركيين وما تلاه من إعلان لصفقة القرن، فيكشف طبيعة ما كان يعدّه الأميركيون للمنطقة، ولإيران في المقدمة، وكيف أن سليمانيّ ودوره كانا قيمة مضافة تملكها إيران وبوليصة تأمين تحميها، وكيف أن خيار المقاومة ليس مجرد حليف توفر له إيران مقدّرات تضمن قيامه بدور فاعل في مواجهات المنطقة، بل هو من الباب الخلفي شريك في حماية إيران نفسها ورفع مكانتها؛ وبالتالي كيف أن كل استثمار تنفقه إيران في دعم قوى المقاومة هو استثمار جدي لأمنها القومي ولحماية استقلالها السياسي واكتفائها الغذائي، وليس استنزافاً لموارد يُفترض تخصيصها للشؤون الداخلية، كما كان يقول بعض رموز التيار الإصلاحي، أو كما كان أنصارهم يهتفون في التظاهرات، لتشكل جنازة سليمانيّ وما رافقها من طوفان شعبي رسالة أبعد مدى من كونها موجّهة للأميركيين، بل أيضاً للعديد من متعاطي الشأن العام في إيران، في السلطة وفي المعارضة، لاكتشاف حقيقة موقف الشعب الإيراني من خيارات المواجهة مع الأميركيين، ومن السياسات العليا التي يرسمها السيد الخامنئي والتي كان سليمانيّ مؤتمناً على أغلبها.

الانتخابات والتغيير المقبل

الشعور بالندم الذي عبّر عنه الذين لم يستجيبوا لمساعي سليمانيّ الوحدويّة في الداخل، لم يعد كافياً بنظر الذين كانوا يشاركونه الرأي ويشتركون معه في الخيار، والذين ينتمي أغلبهم للتيار المحافظ والأصولي الذين يرون ويجاهرون بما يعتقدون، لجهة الدعوة لمحاسبة التيار الإصلاحي في الانتخابات البرلمانية، لأن استشهاد سليمانيّ شكّل نهاية مرحلة وبداية مرحلة. والأمر ليس انتقاماً لسليمانيّ من أطراف في الداخل، بل إن استشهاد سليمانيّ أعلن نهاية الرهانات التي سوّقها التيار الإصلاحي على فرص التفاهمات مع واشنطن، وفرص الأخذ بالنيات الطيبة، وما يعنيه إطلاق صفقة القرن يكمل ما يقوله اغتيال سليمانيّ، من وجهة نظر الداعين إلى سلوك سياسة متشدّدة تطال النظر لمستقبل العلاقة بواشنطن، والملف النووي، والبناء الاقتصادي، والتحصين الاجتماعي، والثقافي، وإعادة صياغة للدور والموقع في المنطقة بلغة تناسب التغيير الذي حمله تزاوج اغتيال سليمانيّ وصفقة القرن. وبرأي هؤلاء أن هذا العبء الاستراتيجي المطلوب أن تتحمّله مؤسسات الدولة الدستورية لا يمكن أن يركن لمن يحملون قناعات معاكسة ليتولوا مسؤوليّاتها، ولا يمكن أن يؤتمن هؤلاء على قيادة إيران وفقاً لتوجيهات السيد الخامنئي وهم يتحدثون في مجالسهم، أنهم لا يؤمنون بها.

التيارات المحافظة التقيلدية تتوقع فوزها في الانتخابات البرلمانية، واللافت أن جماعات مؤيدة للرئيس السابق أحمدي نجاد موجودة بين صفوف هؤلاء، وتوقعات المصادر المحايدة نسبياً تتحدّث عن فوز كاسح للمحافظين قد يتراوح بين نيلهم ثلثي أو ثلاثة أرباع المجلس الجديد. واللافت أيضاً أن رئيس المجلس الذي تنتهي ولايته علي لاريجاني لم يقدّم ترشيحه للانتخابات، في خطوة ربما تتصل بالتحضير للترشّح لرئاسة الجمهورية التي تستحق انتخاباتها بعد سنة ونصف، بينما ترشح للانتخابات البرلمانية رئيس بلدية طهران السابق محمد باقر قاليباف الذي يرجّح أن يكون أبرز المرشحين لرئاسة المجلس، بينما وجد السؤال حول كيفية تعامل الرئيس الشيخ حسن روحاني وحكومته مع هذا الوضع نصف جواب بكلام الرئيس روحاني الاحتجاجي على رفض مجلس صيانة الدستور لترشيحات العشرات من المرشحين الإصلاحيين، ومنهم قرابة ثمانين نائباً حالياً، واعتراضات المجلس كما تقول مصادر من خيارات متباينة بين إصلاحيين ومحافظين، ليس فيها تحيّز أو تسييس بل هي مبنية ومؤسسة على عامل جوهريّ يرتبط بملفات الفساد والثراء غير المشروع التي يحقق فيها المجلس عند دراسته لكل طلبات الترشيح، وقد رفض على أساسها ترشيحات لإصلاحيين ومحافظين، وهي تعبّر بالتالي عما لحق بعديد من المنتمين للطبقة السياسية بعد أربعين عاماً من الوجود في الحكم، ومن انتصار الثورة، لكنها تكشف بالمقابل أن مؤسسات الرقابة المستقلة والقوية لا تزال تحمل روح الثورة وتحاسب وفقاً لأصول وقواعد لم تدخلها المحسوبية والمحاباة، ولذلك عندما اعترض الرئيس الشيخ روحاني على رفض الترشيحات قال لا نريد للانتخابات أن تتحوّل إلى تنصيبات، لقي رداً مباشراً من السيد الخامنئي لم يذكره بالاسم، لكن كان مفهوماً أنه موجّه إليه بالقول، إن الذين يعترضون على دور مؤسسة مرموقة وكفوءة هي مجلس صيانة الدستور، في ضمان عملية انتخابية صحيحة ينسون أنهم وصلوا إلى مراكزهم عن طريق الانتخابات.

الإيرانيّون الذاهبون للانتخابات النيابية خلال أقل من عشرين يوماً، لا يتوقع المتابعون والمهتمون ومثلهم تفعل استطلاعات الرأي أن تزيد نسبة مشاركتهم عن الـ 50% إلا قليلاً، ويرجّح أن تنخفض في طهران إلى 30% فقط، وأحد أسباب العزوف هو أن الناخبين لا يعلمون أن المرشد يحتاج إلى أن يجسّد البرلمان أوسع تمثيل للخيارات والطلبات والاعتراضات التي تمثّل الشعب وشرائحه ومناخاتها ومزاجها، لأن البعض يعتقد بقوة أن نسبة من الناخبين لا يمكن تجاهلها تعتقد أن مشاركتها لن تغيّر كثيراً طالما أن المرشد سقف الدولة وقراراتها فما فائدة المشاركة؟ ويقول هؤلاء المقرّبون من مصدر القرار إن هذا العزوف بهذه الطريقة بالتفكير يتناقض مع فهم دور الولي الفقيه الذي لا يصنع قراراً من العدم، أو من فوق المؤسسات، بل يتولى إقامة التوازن بين ما تظهره المؤسسات من خيارات يريدها الشعب، ويقيسها بمعايير الشرع والمصلحة لتتحوّل إلى توجيهات للسلطات، ويعترف هؤلاء بضعف التعبئة اللازمة بهذا المضمون تحت عنوان، المرشد يحتاج مشاركتكم ليبني قراراته على بيّنة، وغيابكم يُربك القرار.

ويرفض هؤلاء المقرّبون القول بأن هذا العزوف باعتبار المرشد سقف القرار نابع من يأس، بل يرونه نابع من ثقة، هي الثقة ذاتها التي ظهرت في حشود الملايين التي بايعت المرشد للانتقام لدم القائد قاسم سليمانيّ، والناس التي تشترك في احتفالات ذكرى الثورة، بعد مرور واحد وأربعين عاماً على قيامها، لا تفعل ذلك مجاملة ولا خوفاً بل لأنها تعرف بتفاصيل حياتها المكاسب التي جنتها من الثورة التي لم تنقل إيران إلى مراتب الدول الهامة سياسياً وعسكرياً وحسب، وفي هذا مكانة وكرامة وعزة للإيرانيّين، بل نقلت إيران لتصير دولة تعيش اكتفاءً غذائياً وشبه اكتفاء صناعي، وتضاهي دول العالم الصناعي بتقدمها العلمي، وتوفر الخدمات الأساسية بأسعار رمزية من الكهرباء والغاز والإنترنت والمحروقات، التي رغم رفع أسعارها بقيت الأرخص في العالم، وبقي سعر ليتر المياه فيها أضعاف سعر ليتر البنزين.

في ذكرى الثورة: الاستقلال والتنمية

العقود الأربعة التي مضت من الثورة وبناء الدولة، وما حققته على مستوى مفهومي الاستقلال والتنمية اللذين شكّلا معيار صعود وهبوط المشاريع التحررية في العالم الثالث، وقد اجتازتهما إيران حتى الآن بدرجة جيد جداً، ولكن ذلك لا يجب أن يعني عدم التطلّع لنيل درجة ممتاز، لذلك فالتحديات المقبلة التي يرى المحافظون والأصوليّون والمتشدّدون أنهم سيخوضونها لإدارة الدولة حتى في المهلة الباقية من ولاية الرئيس الشيخ حسن روحاني، تطال التعامل مع الملف النووي كما تطال التعامل مع قضايا الفقر ومكافحة الفساد، وقضايا البيئة الإقليميّة سواء ما يتصل منها بالعلاقة بكل من العراق وسورية ولبنان وفلسطين واليمن كساحات لقوى المقاومة، أو ما يطال الخليج وإدارة العلاقة مع منوّعات المواقف التي يعيش في ظلها وأبرزها بالتأكيد ما تمثله السعودية.

في الملف النووي لا عودة للتفاوض مع الأميركيين، وفقاً لمنطق المحافظين، دون أن يعني ذلك حكماً الخروج النهائي من الاتفاق النووي، وكذلك من معاهدة عدم انتشار الأسلحة النووية، بل ترك الأمر بالنسبة والتناسب مرتبطاً بكيفية تعامل الشريك الباقي في الاتفاق وهو أوروبا، بثلاثيتها الفرنسية البريطانية الألمانية، فإن ذهب الأوروبيون إلى مجلس الأمن بداعي العمل بموجب أحكام الخروج من الاتفاق، يصير الحديث عن الخروج من الاتفاق والمعاهدة مطروحاً على الطاولة، أما الأميركيون فميؤوس من التفاهم معهم ولا مصلحة لإيران لإبرام اتفاق معهم، إذا تجرأ الشركاء الآخرون على تنفيذ الاتفاق رغم التهديد بالعقوبات الأميركية، لأن العقوبات التي تعني إيران هي تلك التي تقيّد أوروبا وليس العقوبات المباشرة من أميركا، ومع أميركا ملفات وملفات لا فرص لحلها بالتفاوض. فالخروج العسكري الأميركي من المنطقة ليس شعاراً، بل هو مشروع استقلاليّ، تعجز دول كثيرة من المنطقة عن طرحه وإيران تتحمّل المسؤولية عن الجميع بجعله عنوان مرحلة مقبلة ليس مهماً كم تطول وكم تقصر، ولا يدخل في الحساب الإيراني التنبؤ بما سيحدث في الانتخابات الأميركية وتأثيراته من هذه الزاوية. فعندما تنتهي الانتخابات لكل حادث حديث وحتى ذلك الحين إيران تتقدم لترجمة التزامها بالتعاون مع شعوب المنطقة وقوى المقاومة لفرض هذا الانسحاب. وقد قال الشعبان الإيراني والعراقي كلمتهما في هذا الشأن وتشاركهم بذلك النسبة الغالبة من اللبنانيين والأفغان، بينما تقترب الدولة السورية من اللحظة التي ستضع فيها على الطاولة مصير القوات الأميركية على أراضيها.

مع واشنطن حساب يصعب إغلاقه بدمج عنواني دم القائد قاسم سليمانيّ، ومستقبل فلسطين، ولذلك توفر صفقة القرن التي أظهرت بقوة لشعوب المنطقة صوابية خيارات قوى المقاومة، فرصة لتشكيل جبهة واسعة، ليس مهماً أن تنتظم في مؤسسات واحدة، بل هي جبهة شعبية سياسية ومقاومة مترامية الأطراف على مساحة العالم الإسلامي خرجت تنتفض على تصفية حق العودة للاجئين الفلسطينيين والعبث بمستقبل القدس لصالح الاحتلال، ولذلك فالمنطقة ذاهبة للمواجهة وإيران لا تستطيع أن تتصرّف وكأن قضيتها تنحصر في كيف تبني كدولة علاقاتها الدولية، بل كيف تقود المنطقة نحو عنواني الخروج الأميركي وإسقاط صفقة القرن، وكيف تكون الدولة في إيران مكوّناً يتكامل مع الشعب والحرس الثوري، وتحت إشراف المرشد، لصناعة معادلة قادرة على الفوز في المعركتين. وهذا يستدعي مراجعة للنهج الاقتصادي والسياسي الذي سلكته حكومات ربطت مصير خططها بفرضية الشراكة مع الغرب، سواء عبر التفاهم النووي أو من خلال توقع تفاهمات في السياسة والاقتصاد تترجم موقع إيران الإقليمي، وقد ترتب على هذه الفرضيات إهدار وقت ومال كثيرين، في الاستثمار على وهم لن يتحوّل إلى فرضية واقعية إلا بإظهار المزيد من الاقتدار، وفرض المزيد من حقائق الأمر الواقع.

يرى الكثير من الخبراء والمفكّرين على ضفة المحافظين والمتشددين، أن مشكلة الشعب الإيراني مع السياسات الحكومية في جزء منه نتاج لضعف الموارد الناتج عن الحصار، لكنه في جزء آخر نتاج لبروز ظواهر مرضية اقتصادياً بطغيان الاقتصاد الريعي في سوق العقارات والعملات في المدن الكبرى، وخصوصاً في طهران، وعدم النجاح بإدماج الرأسمال الوطني الذي تمت مراكمة أغلبه في زمن الثورة، في عملية استثمارية منتجة؛ وفي جزء ثالث جراء ظواهر الفساد والإثراء غير المشروع التي تشكل اليوم الهاجس الرئيسي للعملية السياسية، والتي يجب أن تتحوّل مع الحكومات اللاحقة إلى مؤسسة لا تتأثر بتداول السلطة وتغييرات السياسة.

اللافت والمثير للإعجاب هو أن الإيرانيين الذين تقابلهم في طهران من مسؤولين ومستشارين وخبراء وقادة عسكريين، لا يحرجهم الحديث عن مشاكل البناء التي تعيشها الثورة والدولة، بل يعتبرون الشجاعة في التحدث عن هذه المشاكل علامة ثقة بأن الثورة لا تزال حية وقادرة على التصدي لهذه المشاكل. ورغم الضيق الاقتصادي والمالي فهم مرتاحون لوضع بلدهم التي يؤكدون أنها تخطت الأصعب من نتائج العقوبات وهي بدأت بأسواقها تتأقلم مع الاتجاه نحو البدائل الاستثمارية والاقتصادية للقطاعات التي ارتبطت بفرص الانفتاح، وتجاوزت المرحلة التأسيسية لتحويل التحديات إلى فرص.

الحيوية في النقاشات التي تعيشها طهران والتنوّع والتعدد في التيارات والأفكار والرؤى، تعبير عن مستوى قوة المشروع الذي أطلقه الإمام روح الله الخميني، وواصل قيادته ورعايته السيد الخامنئي، ففي إيران دولة حقيقية ومؤسسات دولة حقيقية، واقتصاد جدي، وقضاء جدي وبناء للقوة بكل جدية، وقدرة قتالية عالية الجهوزية والجدية ودبلوماسية شديدة الاحتراف، وإعلام متنوّع واسع التعبير عن مروحة الأفكار المتقابلة داخل المجتمع، ودورة حياة يعيشها الإيرانيون بعيداً عن التزمّت تحت سقف الضوابط المرتبطة بالإسلام، لكن بدرجة عالية من التسامج تلحظها في المطاعم والشارع والحدائق العامة، والجدير بالاحترام هو هذه الثقة بأن الأجيال الجديدة التي لم تعش زمن الثورة لتحفظ لها جميل التخلص من النظام السابق، تنال فرص التعليم الحديث وشراكة البحث العلمي والابتكار، مع معرفة صناع القرار بأن الإبداع يعيش في مناخ من الحلم والحرية سينعكسان بتعبيرات سياسية شابة واعتراضية وحماسية، لا تشكل بنظرهم سبباً للقلق بل للأمل، لأن العالم كله يتغير ويبحث الناس عن السكينة فيه وعن التوازن الداخلي للأفراد والشعوب. ويرى الإيرانيون أنهم يحصلون على النسبة الأعلى من هذا التوازن بالمقارنة مع مستويات ما يعرفه الأفراد وتعيشه الشعوب على هذين الصعيدين.

Al-Ahed Reveals Commander Soleimani’s Leadership Secrets through Major General Mohsen Rezaei’s Outlook

Al-Ahed Reveals Commander Soleimani’s Leadership Secrets through Major General Mohsen Rezaei’s Outlook


Note: The mystery surrounding the leadership skills of martyred leader Hajj Qassem Soleimani drew public attention and that of the elite in the Islamic world. A compilation of articles authored by leading university professors as well as experts in the sciences of defense and military leadership at the Imam Hossein University (PBUH) in Iran is set to be published. Major General Mohsen Rezaei, the secretary of the Expediency Discernment Council and the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Guards Corps at the time of the Sacred Defense, was asked to write an introduction to this compilation, which will soon hit the shelves.

Al-Ahed got a hold of the introduction and is making it available to our esteemed readers for the very first time.

In the name of Allah, the Entirely Merciful, the Especially Merciful.

{And those who strive for Us – We will surely guide them to Our ways.} (Surat Al-Ankaboot, verse 69)

Qassem Soleimani’s battlefield journeys and his leadership role date back to the time of the Sacred Defense when he was still a young man.  Prior to that, he did not attend any military school or have any military leadership training.

Most of the Revolutionary Guards Corps’ unit commanders acquired their experience on the battlefield during the period of the Sacred Defense. This is also true in the case of Hajj Qassem. They then became senior commanders who exposed the shortcomings of the most arrogant and highly equipped armies as well as the most formidable offensive organizations in West Asia.

On the opposite side of the aisle are generals from the most well-equipped and advanced armies in the world. Medals of varying colors decorate their military uniforms. They acquired their military knowledge and skills in no less than twenty consecutive years after passing specialized courses from the best and most prestigious military schools. They depended on the most advanced and most expensive technologies as well as on tens of billions of dollars. These same generals demonstrated very weak capabilities and were forced to retreat when confronted by hundreds of Qassem Soleimanis on the battlefield. Why? What are the secrets behind these victories?

My brother, the commander, the martyred General Qassem Soleimani believed that in addition to commemorating the martyrs and operations, the educational and leadership points of the Sacred Defense period must also be noted. And this matter was raised during one of the Iftar ceremonies I host in honor of the commanders each year. It was stressed that in addition to remembering the memories from the frontlines, it would be good to raise these meetings to another level and discuss jihadist principles used to manage the Sacred Defense. My brother Major General Rashid then gave a deep, concise, and detailed speech in this regard during the commanders’ Iftar, which came at the right time.

I’ll take this opportunity to put forward a piece of research on the mutual relationship between Qassem Soleimani and the Sacred Defense, hoping that the spirit of that high-standing martyr will be overlooking and complementing the research.

The bulk of the growing defense and security successes by the Islamic Revolution and the holy and popular system of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the result of the special approach in managing human resources during the Sacred Defense period.

Hajj Qassem Soleimani used to say repeatedly: “All I have is from the Sacred Defense period.” We also know that all that the Sacred Defense period had was from Qassem Soleimani. The secret of this relationship is the very precise compatibility between the two.

The key components in the management of the Islamic Revolution and the Sacred Defense are “smart collective learning” and the “bilateral training or mutual training”. These are the main factors that turned the Sacred Defense fronts into a comprehensive school. Imam Khomeini (may God be pleased with him) and Imam Khamenei have repeatedly emphasized the need to focus on the educational side of the fronts and that researchers and investigators in various universities, especially Imam Hossein University, should go in this direction. In-depth studies should be also be conducted in this field.

So, what does the “smart collective learning” of the Sacred Defense mean? This is a leap from individual learning to group learning, and from individual training to mutual training between multiple parties – from interim learning to permanent and continuous learning, and from stationary learning to dynamic learning.

In fact, we call this amazing phenomenon, a divine human miracle, and the gift of inspiration that was formed under the wilaya and with the blessing of jihad and martyrdom on the fronts of “smart collective learning”. The Quranic text describes it in Surat Al-Asr (Al-Tawasi) as a diverse spectrum of approaches and activities that transform all types of competitive incentives to cooperation and collaboration, and this cooperation develops and is used in the path of growth as well as individual and collective skills.

“Mutual learning” in Sacred Defense is often divided into two forms:

Mutual learning between the upper and lower ranks:

In this type of learning, the battalion commander with the commander of the legion, the division commander with the commander of the headquarters, and the commanders of the military headquarters with the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Guards Corps are all in a state of mutual interdependence. They learn from each other and exchange experiences and expertise.

The Revolutionary Guards do not have a series of officer ranks going in one direction without any interconnection. As a commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Guards, there was no operation I did without holding meetings with the battalion leaders, where I taught and learned. There was no operation done by Qassem Soleimani and the commanders of other legions, even the lowest ranks in the Guards such as group leaders and even company commanders, in which mutual learning was not applied.

Mutual learning between equal classes:

In this type of learning, leaders from equal ranks, for example headquarter commanders or corps commanders, adopt a mutual learning style.

Ultimately, “smart collective learning” is achieved through an organized and creative set of individual and group procedures, routines, processes, and instructions, in a way that everyone learns from each other while maintaining the hierarchy of leadership.

In this way, the traditional teacher-classroom style of learning is put aside to allow everyone in this comprehensive university to be both a teacher and a student at any given time and place. They become teachers and seekers of knowledge at the same time.

The next and most important step in achieving “smart collective learning” in Sacred Defense is for this type of learning to transcend time and become a continuous, future-oriented reality (with the ability to make changes, to be flexibile, and build the future). At this point in particular, soft power is generated.

The military and security dimensions of the soft power of the Islamic Revolution and the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran lie in its ability to be flexible and adapt to changes, especially since its been able to establish itself in the equations of southwest Asia.

Some experts divide people into four groups when it comes to generating change:

1- Those who make change

2- Those who predict change

3- Those who align with change

4- Those who confront change

The soft power of graduates from the Sacred Defense school who influenced the region through their will and work lies in their ascension from the aforementioned third group to the second and to the first, thus enabling them to bring about change, manage it, and ultimately build the future.

Collective learning in Sacred Defense includes two important characteristics: an “experienced person” and “an educational system that is prone to change”. In this way, creative flexibility is rooted in both the individual and the group in which the self can be quickly and accurately adapted to various experiences. Here, not only will the quality of the self be preserved, it will also continuously and progressively rise to reach the “capacity for renaissance and progress”. This “ability to change” will be a prerequisite for civilization.

It is appropriate to include some examples of this:

In the fall of 1985 and in the midst of the Sacred Defense period, Iran faced the crisis of hijacking aircraft. One January night in 1985, the late Hajj Sayyed Ahmad Khomeini called. We were then with the southern operations command in the midst of preparing for the Badr Operation. Orders from the Imam were conveyed, in which he said: The Guards should speed up efforts to position themselves inside airports, and secure flights.

Of course, the Revolutionary Guards lacked any experience in deploying its forces at airports to secure flights. Everyone knows that protection and air security require careful and sophisticated training and experience in the field of aviation. However, the flexibility of the Revolutionary Guards and the capabilities of the sons of the Islamic Revolution allowed the Guards to accomplish this mission immediately. It quickly adapted to this new and different environment and task.

With the deployment of forces at airports and securing flights with minimum capabilities and in the shortest possible time, great success has been achieved so far. Dozens of hijackings have been thwarted. And over the past 36 years, the Guards have been fully successful in this mission.

In any case, as a result of the culture of “smart collective learning”, the ability and effectiveness of the Qassem Soleimanis were demonstrated in Operation Fath-ol-Mobin. They were even more evident in Operation Tariq al-Qods. In Valfajr-8 and Karbala 5 operations, we witness first-hand their advanced capabilities.

After the end of the war and during his leadership of the southeastern headquarters, our dear Hajj Qassem managed to put an end to the absence of security and malicious acts that were then prevailing in Sistan and Baluchestan Province and extended towards Sirjan. He did so with the lowest possible cost, the most available means, and his forces. He also benefited from the participation of residents.

Moreover, he featured in the 33-day war with the Zionist entity as he employed his creative experiences alongside the brave and heroic Hezbollah leaders. He also triumphed in the battle against the Deash terrorist organization, using his experiences from the Sacred Defense period to defeat the organization with sophistication and intelligence. 

These facts are a prominent example of Imam Khomeini’s immortal statement: “During the war, we exported the revolution to the world.” There is also Imam Khamenei’s statement regarding “the Islamic Revolution’s second step” which is based on “efforts to achieve modern Islamic civilization”.

This “mutual effect” mixed with “mutual growth” or “mutual construction” between leaders and warriors of the Sacred Defense had an effect not only in the arenas of jihad or between warriors, but also on the interaction between two or more leaders.

In addition to the “shared principles of the jihadist leadership school”, each of the Sacred Defense leaders had distinct and different characteristics because of their active and creative participation in the field of jihad. In fact, the jihadist school of the Sacred Defense developed within each of the prominent leaders while they were on the battlefield.

Hajj Qassem exemplifies the jihadist leadership school of the Sacred Defense where the most positive features of jihadist management were demonstrated.

Qassem Soleimani achieved victories on the field of military jihad, including persuading the forces under his command and creating a kind of mutual support and harmony along the front. And whenever opportunity presented itself, he revealed his great capabilities in the field of political jihad as well as in the political and military discussions that required the ability to persuade and demonstrate affection, rapprochement, and alignment among the world’s political leaders. We witnessed this when he succeeded in his discussions with world leaders such as Putin, Erdogan, Bashar al-Assad and other political leaders.

In examining the mutual effect between the Qassem Soleimanis and the Sacred Defense, it appears that our defense during the past eight years is a beautiful painting from the hadith of the Messenger of Islam (PBUH) in which he says: “Every one of you is a shepherd and is responsible for his subjects.” We used to teach and learn from each other. In fact, we made each other.

The same is true when we used to say that Qassem Soleimani is a Sacred Defense trainee and one of the Sacred Defense trainers as well. On the one hand, he played a role in Sacred Defense, and on the other, he was creating it. Hajj Qassem always asked for martyrdom, and God Almighty honored his jihad with martyrdom.

In conclusion, I send my sincere greetings to the souls of the martyrs of the Islamic world, especially the martyrs of the Sacred Defense period and the resistance front, and in particular the commander and Major General martyr Hajj Qassem Soleimani, martyr Hajj Abu Mahdi Al-Mohandes, and their companions. I hope that through reading this valuable book, which is seeing the light of day due to efforts of my brothers at the Imam Hossein University (PBUH) who deserve praise, our young generation will learn about the secrets and mysteries of the jihad and divine providence that Hajj Qassem was bestowed with and carry them as a method in their way of life. 

May God grant success

Mohsen Rezaei

نقاش هادئ مع من يتحدث عن صراع نفوذ في المنطقة بين أميركا وإيران

إبراهيم ياسين

منذ انتصار الثورة الإيرانية على نظام الشاه التابع لأميركا، والداعم لكيان العدو الصهيوني، شنت الولايات المتحدة الأميركية ولا تزال بالتعاون مع الدول الغربية والأنظمة العربية التابعة لها حروباً متعدّدة الأشكال للقضاء على هذه الثورة وتقويضها ومنعها من الإستقرار والتقدّم وتحقيق استقلالها الوطني على كافة المستويات. فكانت الحرب الإيرانية العراقية التي شنّها العراق بدعم من الدول الغربية وأنظمة الخليج، والتي زُوِّد خلالها بأحدث الأسلحة الحربية وبأسلحة كيماوية، وحصدت آلاف القتلى من الجانبين، وخسائر مادية قدّرت بمليارات الدولارات، كما كان للحرب الإعلامية التي شنّتها واشنطن دور خطير في محاولة لتشويه صورة الثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية التحررية لدى الرأي العام العربي والإسلامي وحتى على المستوى العالمي، بهدف محاصرة الثورة ومنعها من التنامي والتجذُّر لما كانت تشكله من خطر على الهيمنة الأميركية الإستعمارية في المنطقة، وعلى أمن ووجود الكيان الصهيوني الغاصب في فلسطين المحتلة، واستطراداً الأنظمة الرجعية التابعة لواشنطن. وقد وظفت في هذا السياق الأموال الطائلة لشراء نُخبٍ وكُتّابٍ وإعلاميين، عدا عن الوسائل الإعلامية من صحف ومجلات وإذاعات ومحطات تلفزيونية و…

منذ ذلك الحين وحتى اليوم لا يزال الهدف الأميركي الغربي الصهيوني والعربي الرجعي هو محاصرة إيران الثورة وإضعاف قدراتها لكونها لعبت دوراً مهماً، وما زالت تلعبه حتى اليوم في إسناد المقاومة ضدّ الإحتلال الصهيوني، ومكّنتها من إلحاق الهزيمة به في لبنان وقطاع غزة، كما أسهمت إسهاماً هاماً في دعم المقاومة العراقية ضدّ الإحتلال الأميركي وكذلك ضُدّ تنظيم داعش الإرهابي صنيعة الأميركيين وإلحاق الهزيمة به، كما كان لها دور هامّ في دعم الدولة السورية في حربها ضدّ قوى الإرهاب التكفيري المدعوم أميركياً انطلاقاً من التحالف الإستراتيجي الذي جمع طهران بدمشق منذ بدايات الثورة الإيرانية حيث وقف الرئيس الراحل حافظ الأسد منفرداً بين الرؤساء العرب إلى جانب هذه الثورة التحررية المنتصرة، التي عوّضت سورية عن خسارتها لمصر بعد توقيع الرئيس أنور السادات لإتفاقية كامب ديفيد مع كيان العدو الصهيوني.

انطلاقاً من ذلك أصبح في المنطقة محوران لا ثالث لهما: محور مقاوم تحرري ضدّ الإحتلال الصهيوني، وضُدّ كلّ أشكال الهيمنة الإستعمارية في المنطقة، ويضمّ كلاً من إيران وسورية والعراق ولبنان وفلسطين واليمن الآن، وبالتحالف تحديداً مع روسيا.

ومحورٌ آخر استعماري بقيادة الولايات المتحدة الأميركية ويضمّ إليها الكيان الصهيوني والأنظمة العربية الرجعية التي تدور في فلك الهيمنة الأميركية.

في الصراع بين هذين المحورين، لا يوجد موقف رمادي أو محايد تحت عنوان النأي بالنفس، أو الوقوف على مسافة واحدة من أميركا وإيران وروسيا وتركيا تحت عنوان “صراع على النفوذ” في المنطقة بين هذه الدول.

والمقصود من ترويج هذه المقولة، الإساءة لدور إيران الثورة وتشبيهها بالأميركي ودوره الإستعماري القذر الهادف إلى وضع المنطقة تحت هيمنته لمزيد من نهب ثرواتها الطبيعية.

هذا المنطق الخطير يستهدف الخلط المتعمّد بين من ينصر قوى التحرر والمقاومة ضدّ الإحتلال والإستعمار، وبين من يسعى إلى فرض هيمنته وإحتلاله في المنطقة وسرقة ثرواتها وتكريس وجود كيان الإحتلال الصهيوني وتصفية القضية الفلسطينية. فكيف يُمكن أن يُصوّر للرأي العام أنّ إيران لا تختلف عن أميركا لناحية السعي للسيطرة على المنطقة. فهل إيران تُمارس الهيمنة الإستعمارية ضدّ أيّ دولة عربية وتنهب خيراتها وتتواطأ مع كيان الإحتلال الصهيوني ضدّ الشعب الفلسطيني ومقاومته أم أنها تدعم الدول العربية التي تقاوم الهيمنة الإستعمارية وتدعم المقاومة الفلسطينية في مواجهة الإحتلال الصهيوني.

كلّ متابع موضوعي يُدرك أنّ إيران تُحارَب وتُحاصَر اقتصادياً لأنها تدعم المقاومة وتُساند قضية فلسطين، في حين أنّ أميركا والأنظمة العربية الرجعية تتآمر على المقاومة وتعمل على محاصرتها وتصفها بالإرهاب، كما تقوم بالتآمر على القضية الفلسطينية وتمكين الكيان الصهيوني من فرض مخططاته وتشريع وجوده عبر إقامة العلاقات العلنية معه (التطبيع) والتمهيد لتمرير “خطة أو صفقة القرن” لتصفية القضية. فهل هذا الإختلاف الجذري بين إيران الثورة والولايات المتحدة الأميركية يندرج كما “يزعم البعض” في إطار صراع النفوذ في المنطقة أم في إطار الصراع بين قوى التحرر والمقاومة وقوى الإستعمار والرجعية؟!

كما أنّ روسيا التي تقيم علاقات تحالفية مع سورية وإيران في مواجهة الهيمنة الأميركية وقوى الإرهاب، لا يُمكن مساواتها بالولايات المتحدة الأميركية. فروسيا صديق وحليف، بينما أميركا عدو يفرض هيمنته وسيطرته وينهب خيرات المنطقة ويدعم عدو الأمة الكيان الصهيوني. كما لا يمكن مقارنة إيران الثورة بدور تركيا أردوغان التي انخرطت بالحرب الإرهابية الأميركية على سورية في محاولة مكشوفة لإستعادة أمجاد الإمبراطورية العثمانية الإستعمارية الغابرة.

لقد كانت قيادة الثورة الإيرانية قبل انتصارها بقيادة الإمام الراحل الخميني على علاقة وطيدة مع الرئيس الراحل جمال عبد الناصر الذي وقف إلى جانب نضالات الشعب الإيراني، وأيضاً في زمن ثورة مُصدّق عام 1953 التي تآمرت عليها الولايات المتحدة الأميركية وأسقطتها. وهذه العلاقة كانت تنطلق من نفس المبادئ التحررية التي سار عليها الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر في مواجهة قوى الإستعمار الغربي والرجعية العربية.

إنّ إيران الثورة كانت ولما تزل صديقاً وسنداً قوياً لحقوق العرب العادلة وداعماً قوياً لمقاومتهم ضدّ عدوهم الصهيوني، ولذلك فإنّ العلاقة معها إنما هي علاقة أُخوة وتعاون وتنسيق من أجل تحقيق الأهداف المشتركة التي تسعى إليها الدول والقوى التحررية والتقدّمية في المنطقة التي تسعى إلى التحرر من الهيمنة الإستعمارية والإحتلال الصهيوني وقوى الإرهاب التي تدور في فلكها…


Posted on  by Elijah J Magnier

By Elijah J. Magnier:@ejmalrai

Many Iranians question the benefits of arming and financing Iran’s many allies in the Middle East while Iran is suffering the harshest ever US “maximum pressure”. Iran’s allies are spread over Afghanistan, Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine. Is Iranian support for these allies the main cause of the US’s aggressive attitude towards the Iranian people and their state, or there are other factors? What makes Iran finance these allies and strengthen them with the most advanced warfare equipment, and be ready to fight and die on their territory?

Since Iran’s “Islamic Revolution” prevailed in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the country has been heavily sanctioned, sanctions increasing with the advent of almost every new US President. In 1979, Iran had no allies but was surrounded by enemies.  Its regional neighbours joined western countries in supporting Saddam Hussein’s war (1980-1988) on the “Islamic Republic”. The US war on Iran has its origin in the fall of its proxy the Pahlavi Shah. It was disclosed how the CIA brought Pahlavi to power in an organised Coup d’état against the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohamad Musaddeq in 1953 in order to keep Iranian oil under US-UK control. Democracy has never been the real issue: western-provoked wars can be understood as motivated by self-interest and the quest for dominance. But attempts to overthrow regimes are always publicly justified by the West in the name of freedom and democracy.

In 1979, the US set a trap to drag the Soviets into invading Afghanistan by supporting the mujahedeen from whom al-Qaeda was born. This catastrophic result and similar destructive phenomena are habitually described as “unintended consequences” in order to rationalise the devastating costs of these savage interventions into other people’s lives and in world affairs. However, in 2001 the US fell back into exactly the same type of quagmire and invaded Afghanistan with tens of thousands of US troops. The US plan was to block the path of a possible return by Russia to Eurasia; to weaken the Russians and to encircle Iran with a chain of hostile elements; to bully all countries concerned into submission, particularly the oil-rich states, thus preventing any possible alliance with Russia and China. This is still the US objective in the Middle East. History has never been a good guide to powerful leaders and their administrations because they apparently consider themselves not subject to its lessons.

Iran found itself deprived of allies. With the consent of the Gulf states, notably Saudi Arabia, Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982 to remove and subdue the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) led by Yasser Arafat, who had rejected King Fahd’s peace initiative. However, the “unintended consequences” of the invasion and the occupation of the first Arab capital by Israel (Beirut) offered Iran an excellent opportunity to respond to the demands of a group of Lebanese asking for help to stand against the Israeli aggressor. Imam Khomeini replied to his Lebanese visitors (who described the horror and the killing committed by the Israeli war machine): “al-kheir fima waqaa”, meaning “What has happened is a blessing”. His visitors did not understand the meaning of Khomeini’s words until many years later. 

Iran found in the Lebanese Shia fertile ground to plant seeds for its ideology. The ground was already prepared in 1978. Lebanese Islamist followers of Sayyed Mohamad Baqer al-Sadr were already receiving training in various Palestinian camps, including the Zabadani training boot camp (Syria), and had embraced the Palestinian cause. When Imam Khomeini took power in Iran, Sayyed Mohammad Baqer al-Sadr asked his followers in Iraq and Lebanon to declare loyalty to Imam Khomeini and “melt into him as he has melted into Islam” (which means “adopt Imam Khomeini as your Imam and Marja’ al-Taqleed”). Iran established great ideological compatibility with the Lebanese Shia, who had historically been considered second-class citizens in Lebanon. Their territories in the south of Lebanon were considered disposable and were put on offer to Israel by Lebanese leaders (Maronite President Emile Eddé suggested to detach South of Lebanon and offer it to Israel to reduce the number of Muslim Shia) , elites and governments.

The Iranian constitution (articles 2 and 3) stipulates that the Iranian government will support any group or country suffering from an oppressor. Its outlook fit perfectly with the oppressed Lebanese Shia. 

The Iranian IRGC (Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps) travelled to Lebanon and shipped their weapons via Syria to strengthen the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon, known later as Hezbollah, and defend their country from the occupier. It was, therefore, necessary to establish a strategic relationship with the Syrian President because most shipments arrived via Syria. 

The Iranian-Syrian relationship went through various ups and downs. It had reached its high point in the last years of President Hafez al-Assad’s rule when his son Bashar was responsible for the relationship with Lebanon and Hezbollah in particular. 

The destinies of Lebanon, Syria and Iran became linked. President Bashar al-Assad was struggling to keep his country out of the conflict when the US-occupied Iraq in 2003. The circle around Iran became tighter, and US forces occupied neighbouring Iraq. Even though getting rid of Saddam Hussein was a blessing for the Iranian regime, Saddam was so weak that he did not represent any real danger to Iran. The US embargo had weakened him, and he had no friends in the Gulf countries after his invasion of Kuwait and his bombing of Saudi Arabia.

The US prevented Iran from moving forward to support the Iraqi resistance to overthrow Saddam Hussein, instead of establishing its own control over Baghdad. The next US objective was Syria and Lebanon. Secretary of State Colin Powell warned President Assad that he was next on the list of presidents to be taken down if he continued offering support to Hamas and Hezbollah. The US declared itself an occupying power, and the Iraqi right to defend their country was acknowledged by the United Nations resolutions. Assad, like Iran and Saudi Arabia, supported the insurgency against the US occupation forces in Iraq. The Saudis rejected Shia-dominated governance over Iraq. The Iranians were next on the US list. So, Iran chose to fight the US on Iraqi ground, which was much less costly than fighting on Iranian ground. Strengthening Iraqi allies was, therefore, an essential component of Iranian national security and an important line of defence. 

In 2006, the Bush administration pushed an unprepared Israeli Prime Minister Olmert to agree to destroy Hezbollah and was expecting the war to be expanded to Syria. This was an opportunity to conquer Syria and cut the supply of Iranian arms. The US and its allies were aiming to close the circle around Iran by eliminating its strong ally in Lebanon. Hezbollah was an impediment to the US-Israeli project of bringing all the Arabs to the negotiating table, eliminating the Palestinian cause and its defenders, and weakening Iran as a prelude to overthrowing its government.

When Israel bombed and invaded Lebanon in 2006 with the goal of defeating Hezbollah, President Assad opened his warehouses and offered dozens of game-changing anti-tank missiles and anything Hezbollah needed to fight back, regardless of Israeli air force superiority. Assad became an essential partner in the successful defeat of Israel in Lebanon. The fall of Hezbollah would have had devastating consequences for Syria and Iran. Joining the destinies and alliances of the Lebanese-Syrian-Iraqi-Iranian front was necessary for the survival of each.

In 2011, the world declared war on Syria. It took President Assad two years before he realised the plot was both regional and international, aiming to create chaos in the Levant and to produce a failed state dominated by jihadists. The same ideological jihadists first planted in Afghanistan were expanding and offered a perfect tool for the US to destroy Iran and its allies. The regional and world intelligence services infiltrated the jihadists, and well understood their strengths and weaknesses. They were well suited to fighting the Iranian ideology and Iran’s ally. Wahhabi jihadism was perfect cancer to destroy Iran on many fronts.

Jihadists were growing in Iraq and expanding in Syria under the eyes of the US, as US intelligence sources themselves revealed. The Levant was the perfect and most desirable ancient place for jihadists to mushroom and expand. This was when President Assad asked his allies for support. Iran’s IRGC forces came to Damascus and the journey to liberate Syria started. Syria, like Iraq, offered a vital defence line to Iran. It was another platform to fight – on non-Iranian soil – an enemy that was about to migrate to Iran (had Syrian been defeated). An opportunity that Iran could not miss because of Syria’s strategic importance.

It took Russia until September 2015 to wake up and intervene in the Middle Eastern arena, in Syria in particular. All these years, the US was planning to leave no place for Russia to create alliances, preparing to vanquish Iran and its allies, the “Axis of the Resistance” standing against US hegemony in the Middle East. All Gulf countries succumbed to US power, and today they are hosting the largest US military bases in the region. The US had deployed tens of thousands of troops to these bases and through them enjoyed superior firepower to any country in the world. Still, Iran and the Levant (Syria and Lebanon) remained impervious to the US attempt at complete dominance.

Without Iran’s allies, all US military efforts would have been concentrated on Iran alone. The US would have moved from sanctions to military attack with little fear of the dire consequences. Today, the US needs to consider the now unquestioned fact that if Iran is attacked, its allies in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq will open hell for the US and its allies in the Middle East. Forty years of Iranian support for its allies have created a wall of protection around it and a bond whereby the allies join their fate to that of Iran. There are no allies in the world any country could count on to sacrifice their men more readily and stand for a common ideological motivation and shared objectives.  Iran is not only investing in its partners, but it is also investing in its own security and well-being. Iran is prepared to offer the same sacrifices provided by its allies to support them when needed. 

Many Lebanese and Iraqis fought in the Iraq-Iran war. Thousands of Iranian, Iraqi and Lebanese Hezbollah (and other allies) lost their lives in Syria protecting the well-being of the Syrian ally and preventing the country from falling into the jihadists’ hands.

Many Iranians and Lebanese were killed in Iraq to support the Iraqis against the terror of ISIS. Iranians and Lebanese Hezbollah are today in Yemen, supporting it against the Saudi-led genocidal massacres. Iran and the Lebanese Hezbollah took the risk of supporting the Palestinians and their cause to free their land, to have their own state and the right to return home. No US allies anywhere in the world are ready to offer comparable solidarity to the US. Iran has created deep alliances whereas the US has failed to do so.

Iran openly attacked the US Ayn al-Assad military base following the unlawful assassination of Major General Qassem Soleimani. No other country in the world has dared to attack the US face-to-face and inflict over a hundred casualties on US service members while continuing to challenge US hegemony. There was no need for Iran to ask its allies to act on its behalf. Iran and its partners on the battlefield are united against their enemies. The US wants Iran without missiles, without armed drones, and without access to intelligence warfare. These vital programs have proved crucial to protecting the country and preventing it from becoming vulnerable. If Iran did not have the allies it has today and the missiles it has manufactured, the US would already have retaliated without hesitation.

The war is far from over. Iran and its allies are still in the heart of the struggle, and the US and Israel are not sitting idly by. Solidarity between Iran and its allies is needed more than ever. The question of how much of its annual budget Iran is spending on its partners is less than relevant, though ordinary Iranians may complain and even challenge its benefits. The spirit of sacrifice that unites allies in mutual protection cannot be limited to monetary considerations. It is priceless.

Proofread by: Maurice Brasher and C.G.B

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A Different Islamic Constitution; Transparent Elections and a Healthy Turnout

By Nour Rida

Tehran – With the nearing of the parliamentary elections in Iran, anti-Iranian news outlets have rushed to attack the electoral system in Iran and underscore that the disqualification of most candidates was decided based on their loyalty to the system. Mainstream media tried to put this in the context of disqualifying Reformist candidates only. This is not unprecedented. Let us remind that in June 2017, when Iran witnessed the presidential debates between the current Reformist president Hassan Rouhani and the Principalist candidate back then Seyed Ebrahim Raeesi, media outlets also rushed into suggesting that the “undemocratic” system will not allow the Reformists to win, claiming that Raeesi coming into office would mean the end of diplomacy and international relations for Iran. Rouhani won the elections.

Iran elections: a different Islamic constitution

The nationwide votes for the parliament and the midterm election of the Assembly of Experts will be held simultaneously on Friday. A total of 7,148 candidates, including dozens of Iranians from the religious minorities, are running for the parliament. There are 290 seats in the parliament up for grabs. The lawmakers are elected for a 4-year term, with no limitation for the incumbent or former parliamentarians to run again.

Parliamentary elections in Iran go as far back as 1906 and the Constitutional Revolution, calling for a Constitutional Monarchy. Post-Islamic Revolution however, Parliament is called the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and it passes laws within a very different Constitution; one based on Islamic Sharia Law.

As with the previous round, the major rivaling camps are those of Principlists and Reformists. In the last legislative elections, the Hope List comprising Reformist candidates secured relative majority at the parliament after winning 122 seats over two rounds of elections. In all, the Reformist camp together with moderate candidates took 137 seats against 120 seats that went to the Principlists.

Part of the fair elections also is that Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, Armenians and Assyrians are getting ready to cast their ballots in Iran’s eleventh parliamentary elections. Under the Constitution, there are five reserved seats in the legislature for Iran’s religious minorities.

One week before Iranians are expected to head to the polls for the country’s 11th parliamentary elections, the interior minister says inspection teams assigned by the ministry are comprehensively monitoring the electoral process against any potential fraudulent activity.

According to IRNA, the observer teams have been watchful of the candidates’ electoral engagement and the behavior of those associated with them over the past month.

A healthy turnout

Western mainstream media outlets claim that much of the country’s youth, particularly in the capital Tehran, plan to stay at home, foreshadowing what’s expected to be the lowest voter turnout in years.

But this is a judgment from afar. Many young people particularly in Tehran, despite being upset with the economic situation which is part of an economic crisis swiping across the region, have said they will take part in the elections. Others said they prefer to abstain from voting, but that is part of any normal elections isn’t it?  Also, Tehran is the capital of a country of 80 million people at least, and the turnout of elections in the capital is usually 35 to 40 percent for multiple reasons. First of all the low turnout in Tehran is due to the long voting process and the lack of interaction between voters and candidates, as experts note. It is not the best way to evaluate the elections of a country by looking at its metropolis or capital. All other cities count too, especially in a big country geographically and demographically speaking. 

Also concerning Tehran, there is no real connection between the voter and the candidate, unlike other cities across the country. In addition, the lack of TV debates makes it less interesting than presidential elections, which is normal as well. Moreover, experts point out that while Reformists do not do well across the country, they do much better in the capital.

Western governments, media and think tanks do not recognize that all major Iranian factions are disgusted with the regime in Washington. The turnout of people participating in the funeral of General Soleimani and the millions who poured into the streets on a snowy day to take part in the rallies on the anniversary of the victory of the Islamic Revolution says a lot. Simultaneously, some media outlets claim that the assassination of Soleimani will probably tilt the turnout towards Principlists, but that is a miscalculation because General Soleimani was popular among all Iranian political groups and camps and hence that will not have any impact on the attitude of the voters. Western governments topped by the American regime should end their miscalculations.

According to Iranian experts, turnout for parliamentary elections throughout the country over the past four decades has been between 50 and 70 percent. If the turnout is significantly below 50 percent then that would be seen as unhealthy.

Iran vs. US elections; transparent vs. non-transparent

The American administration also criticized the disqualification of the candidates in Iran, accusing the Islamic Republic of being “undemocratic”.

On this note, the Iranian Foreign Ministry on Monday urged U.S. officials to focus on fixing their own country’s “nontransparent” and undemocratic system before calling into question the legitimacy of elections in other nations.

Abbas Mousavi, spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, told reporters that the U.S. system “ignores the vote of the majority of people” and said “American officials had better address questions” about the country’s elections from the US public.

Mousavi appeared to be referring to the Electoral College, the archaic system the US uses to elect its president every four years. Two of the last three presidents—George W. Bush and Donald Trump—have lost the popular vote yet won the presidential election thanks to the Electoral College.

However, the Guardian Council states that the vetting process was done fairly, pointing to the fact that both Reformists and Principlists were among the disqualified.

In an exclusive interview with Fars news agency on Sunday, the spokesman for Iran’s election supervisory body, the Guardian Council, Abbas Ali Kadkhodaei said, “Despite the enemies’ false propaganda, and wrong allegations by some people inside the country, elections in Iran have never been symbolic and ceremonial and the Guardian Council, as a national judge of elections…, will not enter any deal on people’s right in the face of political pressure or in order to appease [political] factions.”

Kadkhodaei also noted that the Guardian Council approves qualification of nominees only based on the Constitution and believes that allocation of quotas for various political factions lacks legitimacy.

“Definitely, the Guardian Council assures the noble Iranian nation that it has made all necessary preparations to guarantee healthy and competitive elections, and will fulfill its supervisory duties with more accuracy,” Kadkhodaei said.

Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has called for a high turnout in the upcoming elections, saying a lively vote guarantees the Iranian nation’s security and contributes to efforts towards resolving the problems.

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الشباب ينتزعون السلطة والثوار يشكّلون الحكومة في عهد سليماني الجديد

محمد صادق الحسيني

على عكس ما أرادت أميركا وخلافاً لكل توقعات الغرب وأمنيات الأعراب والمنافقين والذين في قلوبهم مرض والمرجفون في المدينة..

تستعدّ طهران الجمعة المقبل ومعها المحافظات الإيرانية الحادية والثلاثين لاجتياح الشباب الثوري لمقاعد البرلمان الجديد الذي سيتشكل بإرادة شعبية مصمّمة على الدفاع عن قيم الثورة الإسلامية والقرار الوطني المستقل من خلال ملحمة مليونية جديدة وعرس وطني انتخابي هو الأكثر حماسة في تاريخ إيران…

وكأن الحاج قاسم سليماني كان منذوراً لهذه اللحظة التاريخية التي استشرفها الإمام السيد علي الخامنئي مبكراً يوم أطلق منشورها التاريخي الذي سماه بالخطوة الثانية للثورة الإسلامية…

أربعون عاماً من الكفاح المضني الذي لم يكلّ ولم يملّ يوماً سيبلوره الإيرانيون يوم الجمعة من خلال انتخاب وجوه جديدة من الشباب الثوري السائر على نهج ومدرسة الحاج قاسم سليماني..

كل المؤشرات والعلائم واستطلاعات الرأي تفيد بأن المزاج الشعبي العام في إيران قد تحوّل تحولاً كبيراً منذ نحو سنتين لغير صالح المراهنين على الحوار والمفاوضات مع الغرب..

وجاءت العملية الحمقاء والغادرة في مطار بغداد لتقصم ظهر البعير والعجل السامري اللذين ظنّا أن بإمكانهما قلب معادلات الداخل الإيراني لصالح الغرب الاستعماري الأعمى…

كتب جاك سترو وزير خارجية بريطانيا الاسبق وأحد الأعمدة الثلاثة من مفاوضي الغرب الخبثاء الذي راهنوا يوماً على ما بات يعرف بـ “توافقات سعد أباد” النووية في حينها يوم كان الشيخ حسن روحاني أميناً عاماً للمجلس الأعلى للأمن القومي الإيراني والتي مهدت للاتفاق النووي الحالي المتنازع عليه اليوم داخلياً وخارجياً بشدة، فكتب في مذكراته:

“أردنا من خلال هذه الاتفاقية ورهاننا عليها هو ان نخلق جيلاً من الشباب في الداخل الإيراني يمسك بعد نحو 10 الى 15 عاماً بتلابيب الإدارة في طهران يؤمن بأهمية وجدوى الحوار والمفاوضات بدلاً من المقاومة”…!

لكن هذا الذيل الأميركي القصير النظر ومعه منظرو الكاوبوي الأميركيون الذين يجهلون عمق وحيوية الروح العقائدية والوطنية الإيرانية التاريخية، لم يكونوا يدركون أنه سيأتي يوم على إيران هذه التي “ساكنتهم” مؤقتاً تظهر فيها العناصر الواقعية والاساسية المكونة للهوية الوطنية الإيرانية التي لطالما كانت “محافظة” وأصولية ومتديّنة حتى قبل دخول الإسلام الى إيران، فكيف بها اليوم وبعد تأثيرات الإسلام المحمدي الأصيل القوية ومن ثم الإسلام الثوري الخميني وخلفه إمام المقاومة الخامنائي كما يحبّذ أهلنا العرب تسميته…. وأخيرا وليس آخر مدرسة الحاج قاسم الأممية العابرة للحدود والموانع القومية والعرقية والطائفية والمذهبية…

يعني ليس فقط لن يأتي ذلك اليوم الذي سيبقى حسرة في قلب جاك سترو وقلب كل المنظرين من جنسه خارجيين كانوا او داخليين، بل إن ما ينتظر إيران من بعد استشهاد قاسم سليماني وأبو مهدي المهندس ورفاقهما على يد رأس محور الشر والاستكبار العالمي والشيطان الأكبر، ليس إلا إدارة مؤمنة حازمة نواتها الأولى في عهد الخطوة الثانية برلماناً شبابياً ثورياً سيتم انتزاع مقاعده بوسائل ديمقراطيتكم الغربية (الانتخابات) يا جاك سترو، ومن ثم الاستعداد لانتخابات ايضاً مفصلية وحاسمة أخرى في الربيع الذي يلي هذا الربيع لرفع رجل من جنس الحاج قاسم سليماني تعرفه الناس، الى سدة الرئاسة لتكتمل لوحة السجادة الإيرانية الجديدة التي تناسب عصر الشهيد القائد الحاج قاسم سليماني…

سيندم الغرب وأميركا بشكل خاص عندما سيطلعون على نتائج انتخابات مجلس الشورى المزمع إجراؤها هذه الجمعة، وسيندمون أكثر عندما سيفاجأون برئيس جمهورية قادم من جنس الحرس الثوري الإيراني وخريج كلية الاشتر التابعة لجامعة الإمام الحسين الطهرانية يعتلي منصة الرئاسة ليطالب هذه المرّة ليس فقط بدعم حركات التحرر في المنطقة وفي مقدّمتها لبنان وفلسطين واليمن، بل ليترجم أيضاً منشور خامنئي الثوري لإعادة رسم خريطة العالم على قواعد جديدة من جنس معادلة ونريد ان نمن على الذين استضعفوا في الأرض… اي ما بعد بعد تحرير فلسطين…!

المعلومات المتوافرة للمتابعين الفطنين لمجريات الاستحقاق الانتخابي الاول تؤكد أن ما لا يقلّ عن سبعين بالمئة من مقاعد مجلس الشورى الجديد ستكون من نصيب الأصوليين الثوريين الذي ستكون أولى مهامهم التشريع لقوانين جديدة تؤسس لاقتصاد إسلامي إيراني مقاوم ومن ثم التوجه فوراً الى المنطقة لاستكمال بناء قوة إيران الصاروخية وقوة جيش العشرين مليون لتحرير القدس، وهو الجيش الذي بدأ يتشكّل من هرمز الى باب المندب ومن البصرة الى بنت جبيل ومن مزار شريف الى أسوار جزائر المليون شهيد…

هذا ليس كلام شعارات تُصرَف في الخطابات الجماهيرية ولا للتحشيد الشعبي في هذا الاستحقاق أو ذاك. هذا برنامج متفق عليه في غرفة عمليات المقاومة المشتركة أعدّ له أسطورة الشرق القائد الملهم قاسم سليماني وسيتابع تنفيذه بدقة إسماعيل الوعد الصادق قاءاني، شاء مَن شاء وأبى مَن أبى…

هي سنن الله في أرضه.

من رحم الشهادة الملحمية في رافدين العراق سيخرج شرقنا الجديد انطلاقاً من المنازلة الكبرى ويوم قيامة فلسطين التي تنتظر وصول قوافل المهاجرين والأنصار إليها من امصار الوطن العربي الكبير والعالم الإسلامي الثوري الجديد…

بعدنا طيبين قولوا الله.

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