US should know ‘Resistance’ now controls all of West Asia: Naqqash


US should know ‘Resistance’ now controls all of West Asia: Naqqash

from Middle East Observer


Senior Lebanese political analyst Anees Naqqash says that the United States should know that the ‘Resistance Axis’ is the one that now controls the entire West Asia region, and that Washington is in no position to impose conditions on Lebanon (such as closing the Lebanese-Syrian border) in return for easing its economic pressure on the country.

Naqqash, who is closely-linked to Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement, is a prominent fixture on Lebanese and Arab television, especially on channels affiliated with the so-called ‘Resistance Axis’.

The ‘Resistance Axis’ broadly refers to a strategic anti-Israel/anti-US imperialist alliance composed of, but not limited to, Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Iraq’s Hashed al-Shaabi, Yemen’s Ansarullah, and various Palestinian armed factions.

Source: Al Mayadeen News

Date: June 29, 2020

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Extended Transcript:

(Please note: below is an extended transcript providing more translation segments from the original interview. The actual transcript for subtitled video can be found at bottom of page under ‘Video transcript section’)


Not all Lebanese are united against American imperialism. There are some (Lebanese) intellectuals, politicians and journalists who serve America more than it ever asks them to. We read (their writings), we follow them, we hear their statements, and we marvel at their enthusiasm for America, as if they had not learnt any lessons from history. Now is this issue over, as the ambassador – the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – claimed? I do not think so. We are only at the starting line. The American attack on Lebanon did not begin with the (current economic) sanctions, it started in 1948 when (the US) supported the (Israeli) Zionist entity and incited it to wage wars against Arab countries. We will never forget that, and our peoples should never forget either. America is the enemy of the peoples of the region and the main supporter of Israel. This is one.

Regarding Lebanon in particular, (the US) harmed Lebanon more than once. With great hypocrisy, it claims to be Lebanon’s friend, but has always demanded that Israel stays stronger than Lebanon, that Israel despises and strikes Lebanon. In the July war (in 2006), it was very clear that the war was at the request of Dick Cheney, the American (vice president at the time). Israel was thus implementing an American decision. This is another thing that our people should not forget. Today, (the US) and Israel cannot eliminate the resistance (Hezbollah) through war. Therefore, they resorted to striking the social, economic and political environment in Lebanon through economic blockade. They are being delusional. They will not achieve their goal. They hope that people supporting the resistance will turn against it.

Now, the proactive response to the results (Americans) dream of came from Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, and I think this is what provoked the (US) ambassador (in Lebanon). This statement was orchestrated by the US State Department, not the ambassador. The proof is that Pompeo said his piece as well.  Sayyed Nasrallah’s statement was strongly worded, highly threatening, full of high expectations and highly strategic. He said, at the beginning, and promised his people that we have plans to get through this economic blockade and our people will not go hungry. Then, he went on to talk about the end of the American-Israeli goals from this starvation and this blockade and said “we will kill you. You want to prevent us from destroying Israel and prevent us from fighting you and killing you, we assure you…” He (Sayyed Nasrallah) said it three times: “We will kill you. We will kill you. We will kill you”. This (repetition) means that we will win the economic battle and the battle that you (Israel) want to avoid, i.e. the military battle. The time when these plans will be unveiled and the big clash will break out, is determined by the Axis of Resistance and objective circumstances.

But surely our people will not go hungry. Our allies are strong. We heard a statement from Russia and China condemning the statements of the United States and its ambassador (in Lebanon). These two great powers confirmed that they stand by Lebanon and condemn these American statements.



I want to get back to the issue of exaggeration regarding the food crisis. I do not think that the people who were willing to sacrifice their lives when they were under fire, who lost their homes and livelihoods in the July war (2006), would be brought down with bread and butter. This is impossible.

We launched the slogan “plant a garden” at the beginning of the crisis, before it worsened. Today there are thousands of hectares and thousands of gardens. Our people will not starve. We are prepared for this long-running battle. There are friendly countries that will lend us a helping hand. As we saw Iran helped Venezuela and broke a much more important and much larger blockade than the blockade imposed on Lebanon, since Lebanon is much smaller than Venezuela.

The most important thing is that Lebanon is not subject to sanctions alone. Syria is subject to sanctions, undermining peace and security in Iraq and besieging the country in several ways are also types of sanctions, Iran has sanctions, China is threatened with sanctions and a trade war, Russia is subject to sanctions. So we are facing a world war launched by the United States under the title of “economic sanctions” on more than one country. Therefore, these countries must find ways to work together.

Two weeks ago, a delegation went to Syria and left last week after signing an agreement to extend a line of credit from Iran in order to provide Syria with several products and raw materials. Yesterday, President Putin also ordered the Russian army to use all its economic, cultural and media means to help Syria stand on its own feet. We are not alone.

The United States is playing its final cards and it will fail, especially as it faces its own economic crisis. The US is threatened by civil war more than Lebanon is threatened by any local violent actions. I am certain of that. We are in the midst of a conflict that will end in our favor, just as we planned and prepared. We assure our people, as we have always done, that victory will be ours. We would never promise to take any steps if we were not prepared for such a challenge.


Video transcript section:


(As for the US demand that Lebanon) close its borders with Syria, this means opening up the borders with Israel because Lebanon only borders Syria and the (Mediterranean) sea. When someone asks (us/the Lebanese) to close the borders with Syria, they will not only be asking us to seal the borders with a neighboring and friendly country, but with all countries beyond Syria, like Iraq, Jordan and other Arab countries.

We need to export (goods) now more than ever. We need to work with neighboring countries because we can use our local currency (in regional trade) and achieve economic integration. The US is overtly demanding that Lebanon commit a greater economic suicide (by closing its borders with Syria). However, this will not happen because our people are in control. America should know that our people (the Resistance Axis) are not only in control of the borders with Syria, we are in control of all of West Asia. This is what America should understand.

The US State Department is creating a smokescreen. If the (US State Department) consults the Pentagon (regarding this policy), the Pentagon will tell it that you will not able to pursue this policy if a war erupted or if all resistance forces moved (into action) using their full power. What are they threatening us with? They (Americans) are using the last method (card) they have, only to please Israel and some of the Arabs who are struggling for power. The US wants to show them that it is still taking action, but they are losing this battle. Closing (Lebanon’s) borders (with Syria) is a myth (i.e. an impossibility). We threaten them not only with opening up the borders (with Syria), but with abolishing them completely if we decide to do so today. There is no force on the face of the earth, no Lebanese, Arab or foreign force that can prevent us from abolishing the borders if we decide to. They (Americans) know this fact.

As for economic integration, this region is rich in resources, and some major countries are ready to help. The country (Iran) who sent seven oil tankers accompanied by a giant tanker carrying foodstuffs to open (its) first commercial center in Venezuela, (can do that again in Lebanon).

Sanctions on Hezbollah Are Doomed To Failure; Islamic Economy and Ethics Rule


Sanctions on Hezbollah Are Doomed To Failure; Islamic Economy and Ethics Rule

By Nour Rida

Sanctions on Lebanon in general and Hezbollah in particular are doomed to fail. Trump roars sometimes claiming to impose the harshest batch of sanctions, and shrugs other times when asked by the media about the Middle East, Lebanon, Iran, or even Corona. The best he could do in the current COVID-19 crisis was get a few people killed after advising the consumption of hand sanitizer to protect oneself from the virus. The same shrugs come along with misconception and incorrect answers when he is asked about Lebanon and its resistance movement.

The US ambassador in Lebanon, Dorothy Shea, for her part uses the same old literature of the US administration and dual diplomacy; that of double standards and critical discourse by putting all the blame on the resistance movement that has been preventing ‘Israeli’ attacks on Lebanon and remaining totally silent on all ‘Israeli’ provocations and violations. She attacks the resistance movement and supports US sanctions on Hezbollah and Syria (represented in the Caesar act) and carries out the US non-stop meddling in Lebanese affairs; another Jeffrey Feltman attacking the resistance only without a mustache.

This is America, anyone who expects otherwise is naïve or ill-informed. However, what America should know, or better say “the American government” should know is that no matter how tough the sanctions on Hezbollah get, no matter how much is spent on media campaigns against the resistance movement, and no matter how bad the US government tries to choke the resistance movement and its people, it is doomed to complete failure.

Academic studies can be an interesting source to start the discussion. Some theorists provide empirical  evidence  that  the  imposition  of  sanctions  increases  state-sponsored  repression  and  suggests  that  these  sanctions  contribute  to  worsening  humanitarian conditions of the civilian population. Others find that the imposition of economic   sanctions   curtails   political   and   civil   rights   of   the   citizens,   thereby   resulting   in deteriorating democratic freedom. That can be true; but only in a merely materialistic framework. This does not apply to Lebanon and its people. For those who are not keeping up with the news; Lebanon’s local currency has been deteriorating rapidly. Since October, there has been riots and protests across the country. ‘Israeli’ threats are non-stop and Trump and his surrounding officials keep vowing to choke Hezbollah.

The result of all this propaganda hype and intended pressure is reversed. It is delightful to see that when bakeries were on strike and did not distribute bread to supermarkets for economic reasons and people had to line up to buy bread; bread bags were everywhere for free right on the next day or in wholesale price everywhere especially in the areas where Hezbollah supporters live.

Samer, a young man who volunteered to take the bread and deliver it to some supermarkets and keep the rest on a table at his doorstep for people to take for free told al-Ahed news “This is how we live. The people serve the people. We all support one another when in trouble or in times of hardships.”

Fatima who has been a volunteer with the social groups of Hezbollah for years told al-Ahed news “The tougher it gets the more resilient and creative we get. We provide each other and our society with services at low cost or even through barter. Also a lot of what we do is for free too and in all fields and domains, you just name it.”

Fatima also told al-Ahed news “Oh and by the way, these services are not only limited to the Shiites. Anyone in need can benefit from the services. Since the beginning of the crisis, different NGOs with different religious backgrounds have been helping everyone. This is one of Lebanon’s pretty characteristics, despite political divisions, people from different religious backgrounds try to spread love and peace their own way.”

Propaganda and media reports come with so much reassurance that Trump’s sanctions on Hezbollah threaten Lebanon’s stability. Despite the fact that sanctions can have concrete consequences when they expand and increase, and there will be more impact on the economy but that is momentary. Lebanon has vast rich lands that work quite well for agriculture. With the coming of COVID-19 and the worsening performance of the Lebanese Pound, the Lebanese youth quickly turned to start-ups and small jobs. The thing is, the people of Lebanon are not only thick-skinned when it comes to Trump and his nonsense, but are also steadfast in face of hardships no matter how bad it gets. And when it comes to the resistance movement, there is a huge and steadfast popular platform that would never turn against Hezbollah, keep in mind that the resistance movement along with the army and the people is what preserves Lebanon’s sovereignty and independence.

When we talk about a group of people or a political party, to better know their mindset look at their reference group or ideology. For the Hezbollah supporters, life does not only have one materialistic or capitalist dimension. Money is not everything and human soul is way more important to them. This is called human ethics. The core ideas of Hezbollah are typical to that of the Islamic school of thought resembled by the founder of the Islamic Revolution Imam Khomeini. This is not because Hezbollah decides to be an Iranian follower or proxy as mainstream media keeps propagating; it is rather because they share the same Islamic identity and belong to the same school of thought.

As Imam Khomeini expressed once; “This very economic sanction was a divine blessing, causing the mind of our experts to be set in motion and they are proceeding towards self-sufficiency.”

More into that, Shahid Baker Sadr, who was a Shi’a jurist, exegete of the Qur’an, thinker and also a political activist holds that Islam, through its distribution methods, can regulate the distribution of economic wealth in the best possible way. In the issue of distribution, he considers “oppression” as the fundamental social problem.

These are examples on the Shiite school of thought when it comes to economy and it ought to explain a lot.

It dates back to Islamic history. The main governing principle of the economic notion of Imam Ali (The first governor or Imam of the Shiite faith) is the observance of rights of every person regardless of creed faith and culture and implementation of justice, abstinence and austerity regarding the employees of the government from accumulating illegal wealth, struggle against the rentiers and returning the confiscated estates and properties back to the public treasury, protection of human dignity and observing their sanctity in the society ,social security for the poor and needy whereas these affairs are greatly undermined in today’s governments.

This encapsulates the theory and explanation of the idea of Islamic economy and presents a suitable model for the implementation of justice and struggle against corruption.

This is where Lebanon’s Hezbollah comes from and this is how their people think and act. With such a mindset, no economic sanctions can draw the people or the party weak, and nothing will break them. It is the American administration’s ignorance that leads it to more mistakes and turns the table against it.

قرار «إسرائيل» بالتنقيب عن النفط في لبنان:‏ إعلان حرب أم استثمار فرصة؟

العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط

منذ أن ظهر التباين بين لبنان والعدو الإسرائيلي بشأن حدود المنطقة البحرية الاقتصادية الخالصة للبنان، امتنعت «إسرائيل» عن الاقتراب من المنطقة التي يتمسك بها لبنان ويصرّ على أنها جزء من حقوقه خشية من ردّ فعل المقاومة، ولم تفلح الوساطة الأميركية رغم مضيّ أكثر من 6 سنوات على انطلاقاتها لم تفلح في حلّ الخلاف حول المنطقة المتنازع عليها والبالغة مساحتها 862 كلم2.

الخلاف اللبناني الإسرائيلي هذا فاقمه أيضاً العدوان الإسرائيلي على 13 منطقة حدودية جنوبي خط الحدود الدولية مع فلسطين المحتلة، التي تطمح «إسرائيل» لإسقاطها وإعادة ترسيمها مجدّداً بما يكسبها مساحات تحتلها الآن وتدّعي خلافاً للحقيقة والقانون بأنها مناطق متنازع عليها، وهي ليست مطلقاً محلّ نزاع لأن اتفاقية بوليه نيوكمب نهائية وحاسمة وتؤكد أنّ هذه المناطق لبنانية من دون أدنى شكّ وبهذا اعترفت الأمم المتحدة في العام 2000 وعلى هذا جرى التحقق من الاندحار الإسرائيلي من قبل لجنة برئاستي في ذاك العام.

بيد انّ المطامع الإسرائيلية لا تقتصر في لبنان على البحر وما فيه او الحدود البرية ومناطقها الـ 13 المعتدى عليها بل تشمل أيضاً الحدود اللبنانية السورية حيث ضمّت «إسرائيل» وبدعم أميركي مزارع شبعا اللبنانية إلى الجولان السوري وضمّت إليها كامل المنطقة مضافة إليها الغجر اللبنانية وبعض المساحات في العباسية والنخيلة، ما جعل الحقوق اللبنانية موضع المطامع الإسرائيلية تصل إلى 862 كلم2 في البحر، و25 مليون متر مربع جنوبي خط الحدود الدولية مع فلسطين المحتلة و42 كلم2 في مزارع شبعا والغجر.

وترى «إسرائيل» انّ القانون الدولي لن يوفر لها أيّ فرصة لنيل شيء مما تطمع به، فقانون البحار يعطي الحق للبنان في البحر واتفاقية بوليه نيوكمب المصادق عليها دولياً تثبت حدوده مع فلسطين بشكل نهائي لا يغيّر في نهائيته ما أقدم عليه ترامب في خريطته المرفقة برؤيته للسلام تلك الخريطة التي أغفلت الحدود وعملت بخط هدنة مؤقت، وأخيراً الاتفاقات اللبنانية السورية حول مزارع شبعا التي تؤكد لبنانية المزارع.

ولأنّ القانون بكلّ قواعده نصاً واتفاقيات دولية يمنع «إسرائيل» من نيل ما تطلب، فإنّ «إسرائيل» تعود إلى منطق القوة الذي هو في الأصل أساس نشأتها، ولكن إعمال منطق القوة ضدّ لبنان بعد العام 2006 بات بالحسّ «الإسرائيلي» العملي والتجريبي متعذّراً بسبب معادلة الردع الاستراتيجي التي فرضتها المقاومة التي يقودها ويمارسها حزب الله. أضف إلى ذلك انّ وجود المقاومة وحلفائها في السلطة اللبنانية بات من شأنه أن يمنع أيّ حكومة في لبنان من التنازل لـ «إسرائيل» مهما كانت الضغوط الأميركية. ما يعني أنّ «إسرائيل» وصلت في مواجهة لبنان إلى الحائط المسدود لأنّ القانون لا يعطيها حقاً والمقاومة تحرمها من استعمال القوة لاغتصاب ما تريده. وباتت «إسرائيل» أمام فرض من اثنين: أما أن تخضع لقواعد القانون وتتخلى عن أطماعها، أو أن تزيل عقبة حزب الله لتعود وتستند إلى منطق حق القوة وتغتصب ما تريد إما باتفاقية إذعان وإما بفرض ميداني تنتجه الحرب.

وفي السنوات الأخيرة راهنت «إسرائيل» على الحرب الكونيّة على سورية لتفكيك محور المقاومة وإسقاط حزب الله، لكن الحرب استنفدت مراحلها ولم يتحقق شيء مما تمنّت، وراهنت على استراتيجية الضغوط القصوى ضدّ محور المقاومة بما فيه إيران وسورية وحزب لله، ولمست في الأسابيع الأخيرة نوعاً من الجنون الأميركي ضد ّلبنان عامة وحزب الله خاصة، وظنّت انّ ما كتبته صحيفة «واشنطن بوست» الأميركية من أنّ «لبنان يتجه إلى الانهيار والبؤس والجوع»، انه كلام سيتحقق، ونظرت بارتياح إلى سلوك سفيرة أميركا في لبنان السلوك الخارج على كل قواعد القانون الدولي العام واتفاقية فيينا التي تنظم السلوك والعلاقات الدبلوماسية بين الدول، وكانت غبطتها شديدة عندما لمست الانقسام اللبناني العمودي والحادّ حول أداء تلك السفيرة، وكوّنت من كلّ مشاهداتها صورة جعلتها تظنّ بأن فرصة اتخاذ القرارات الصعبة في مواجهة لبنان قد حانت، فسارعت إلى استغلالها واتخذت في مجلس وزرائها قراراً بالسماح بالتنقيب عن النفط والغاز في المناطق المتنازع عليها مع لبنان وتحديداً في البلوكات 8 و9 و10 من تلك المنطقة اللبنانية. فإلى أين سيقود هذا القرار؟

في البدء لا بدّ من التأكيد أنّ حسم النزاع على حدود المنطقة الاقتصادية من جانب واحد هو عمل غير مقبول خاصة إذا جاء من طرف لم يوقع قانون البحار كما هو حال «إسرائيل»، كما أنّ قبول لبنان الرسمي بالأمر الواقع الإسرائيلي المفروض هو أمر غير مقبول وغير متوقع، وبالتالي يكون على لبنان ومن أجل حماية حقوقه أن يتصرف بكلّ ما هو متاح له من مسالك ويلج كلّ ما يمكنه ولوجه من أبواب، وتأتي في طليعة تلك الوسائل الدبلوماسية بما فيها اللجوء إلى الأمم المتحدة وهيئاتها وكذلك اللجوء إلى طرف ثالث من الدول التي تدعي صداقة لبنان وفي طليعتها أميركا.

بيد أننا لا نثق بكلّ تلك المخارج. فالتجارب علمتنا أنها عقيمة ويكفي ان نتذكر انّ تحرير الجنوب لم يتمّ بالقرار 425 الذي بقي 22 عاماً طيّ النسيان، ولو لم تكن هناك مقاومة لكان احتلال الجنوب مستمرّاً ما يعني أنّ على لبنان أن لا يركن إلا لقوّته المشكّلة من الجيش والمقاومة التي يحتضنها شعب متمسك بحقوقه، وهذا تعرفه «إسرائيل» وسمعته أكثر من مرة من قائد المقاومة الذي وبكلّ وضوح أنذر «إسرائيل» بالردّ على أيّ عدوان على المنطقة الاقتصادية في الحدود التي ترسمها لها الدولة اللبنانيّة، فهل «إسرائيل» المطلعة على هذا الموقف تسعى إلى هذه المواجهة باتخاذها قرار التنقيب؟

«إسرائيل» تعرف انّ المقاومة لا تهدّد استعراضياً، وأنها قادرة على المواجهة ولكنها كما يبدو تظنّ انّ سياسة الضغوط القصوى والحصار الخانق ومحاولات الفتنة مع احتمالات الحرب الأهلية الشاملة في لبنان ستمنع المقاومة عن الردّ او ستشغل المقاومة عن هم الجنوب لتدافع عن نفسها وعن بيئتها في الداخل، ما يوفر لـ «إسرائيل» فرصة العمل من جانب واحد وهي فرصة لا تتكرّر وتكون «إسرائيل» اتخذت قرارها محدوّة باحتمال من ثلاثة:


ـ جسّ نبض لبنان للوقوف على إرادته وقدرته على الردّ. ولأنه لا يعنيها ولا تهتمّ بكلّ ما هو سياسة ودبلوماسية فإنّ «إسرائيل» ستراقب ردّ الفعل في الميدان من قبل الجيش اللبناني وحزب الله ومقاومته بتنسيق أو من غير تنسيق مع الحكومة. فإذا لمست الجدية اللبنانية في اللجوء إلى القوّة فإنها ستجد لنفسها مخرجاً يجنّبها المواجهة التي قد تطوّر إلى حرب لا تريدها الآن.


ـ الضغط على لبنان وهو في حالة التردّي القائمة والانهيار، الضغط عليه للذهاب إلى مفاوضات غير متكافئة لفرض التنازل عن حدوده البرية وإعادة ترسيمها والتنازل عن مزارع شبعا والغجر والتنازل عن 500 كلم2 على الأقل من المنطقة الاقتصادية الخالصة.


ـ استدراج لبنان ومقاومته إلى حرب تندلع إذا ردّت المقاومة على العدوان، حرب تظنّ «إسرائيل» أنّ ظروفها باتت مؤاتية لها مع استشراء الإرهاب الاقتصادي الأميركي واستراتيجية التجويع للتركيع، فتستدرج لبنان إلى حرب تحمل المقاومة فيها مسؤولية اندلاعها والآلة الإعلامية الصهيوأميركية المتكئة على الداخل اللبناني باتت جاهزة لهذا الأمر، لكن «إسرائيل» كما قلنا ونكرّر لن تدخل الحرب إلا بعد أن تطمئن إلى اهتراء الداخل اللبناني والفتنة الجاهزة للانفجار لإشغال المقاومة عن الهمّ الوطني الكبير.

وعليه نرى القرار الإسرائيلي بالتنقيب على النفط داخل المنطقة الاقتصادية اللبنانية قراراً بالغ الخطورة يستدعي من لبنان أعلى درجات الحذر والحكمة والحزم في التعامل، لأنّ تداعياته مفتوحة على كلّ الاحتمالات من البسيط في السياسة إلى الخطير في الحرب وبينهما صيانة الحقوق أو هدرها ورغم انخفاض احتمال الحرب فعلى لبنان ومقاومته أن يستعدّا لكلّ ذلك خاصة في الأشهر التي تفصلنا عن تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر المقبل موعد الانتخابات الأميركية.

أستاذ جامعي – خبير استراتيجي.

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مائة عام من الاستقلال تنتهي ب “وطن عربي محتل”!طلال سلمان


طلال سلمان

يبدو الوطن العربي، في هذه اللحظة، وكأنه “ارض مشاع” لكل قادر منها نصيب: دوله متهالكة، او تائهة عن مصيرها، او فاقدة هويتها، ومصيرها ووجودها متروك للريح.
حتى جامعة الدول العربية، التي هي مجرد “مبكى”، لا تجتمع الا في مناسبات الحزن او الاغتصاب، كما تفعل الحبشة مع السودان ومصر ببناء “سد النهضة” على حساب جيرانها الاقربين واصدقائها التاريخيين، قبل أن يغزوها الاميركيون ومعهم العدو الاسرائيلي لمنحها فائضا من القوة على حساب مصر والسودان.
وسوريا غائبة او مغيبة عن جامعة الدول العربية بناء لقرار اتخذته امارة قطر العظمى ومساندة عدد من المفيدين منها، ولو على حساب قضايا العرب المقدسة، وفي الطليعة منها فلسطين..

أما العراق المنهك بترسبات حكم صدام حسين، فعلى ارضه، بعد، قوات اميركية وفرنسية، وايرانية، مع غزو تركي لبعض شماله بذريعة مقاتلة الاكراد.. علماً أن تركيا اردوغان قد شفطت من نهري دجلة والفرات ما استطاعت من المياه لتفرض العطش مع الجوع على ارض الرافدين.

..وها هو لبنان يعاني من آثار الحصار الشديد المضروب على سوريا، مع استمرار الغارات الاسرائيلية على مواقع محددة فيها بذريعة ضرب “القوات الايرانية، مع استهداف لوجود “حزب الله” كرديف، ومع تحاشي اصابة القوات الروسية المنتشرة فيها، وكذلك مواقع القوات التركية الغازية التي تحتل بعض الارض السورية في الشرق والشمال ( منبج ثم القامشلي ومحاولة التقدم نحو دير الزور) .

لن نتحدث عن السعودية وامارات الخليج فهي “رهينة المحبسين” الولايات المتحدة الاميركية والاسر الحاكمة.. وبرغم ذلك فإنها لا تتردد في غزو اليمن واعادة تقسمه إلى شمال وجنوب (صنعاء وعدن) مع خلاف حول شبه جزيرة سوقطره الخ..

في الجهة المقابلة تبرز ليبيا، التي جعلها معمر القذافي “جماهيرية” والتي يتزاحم على احتلالها، الآن، السلطان اردوغان بجيش المرتزقة معظمهم من اللاجئين السوريين إلى خليفة العثمانيين، فضلاً عن تطلع ايطاليا لاستعادة ما تعتبره من “املاكها” السابقة، كذلك فرنسا التي كانت تحتل الجنوب (سبها وما احاط بها) فضلاً عن البريطانيين الذين جاءوا إلى طبرق بذريعة أن الجنرال مونتغمري كان يجتاجها لطرد الجنرال رومل وجيش النازي بعيدا عن مصر الواقعة آنذاك تحت الاحتلال البريطاني.

لكأننا في العام 1920 حين تقاسم المشرق العربي (لبنان وسوريا والعراق بين بريطانيا وفرنسا)، كما تم اختراع امارة شرقي الاردن، لاسترضاء الشريف حسين، مطلق الرصاصة الأولى لتحرير الامة، ومن ثم تم اعطاء نجله الثاني الامير فيصل الاول ملك العراق، بدلاً من سوريا التي لم تقبله او لم يقبله (الفرنسيون عليها..)

شعب لبنان محاصر بالجوع، وشعب سوريا بخطر تقسيم الامر الواقع: فشماله مفتوح للغزو التركي، وفي دمشق وسائر المناطق القوات الروسية، وفي بعض انحاء الشمال قوات ايرانية تساندها قوت من “حزب الله”.

لقد دارت الارض بالأمة العربية دورة كاملة، فاذا “الجحاش ملك”، كما تقول العجائز واذا الماضي ذكريات موجعة، واذا المستقبل… لله يا مسحنين!.
يا أمة ضحكت من جهلها الامم!

الشيخ الخزعلي: لا توجد مذكرة قبض قضائية بحق عناصر الحشد.. وبيان العمليات المشتركة كتبه الأمريكان

ألعهد العراقية



كشف الأمين العام لحركة عصائب أهل الحق الشيخ قيس الخزعلي، الجمعة، أنه لا توجد مذكرة قبض صادرة من القضاء بحق عناصر الحشد الشعبي، مبينا ان ورئيس الحكومة مصطفى الكاظمي هو من أصدر الأمر.

وقال الشيخ الخزعلي خلال كلمته بمناسبة الذكرى الـ (22) لاستشهاد اية الله السيد محمد الصدر، إن “كل رؤساء الوزراء السابقين لم يقوموا باستهداف المقاومين الا الكاظمي حاول استهداف الحشد الشعبي”.

وتابع  الشيخ الخزعلي: “نصيحة الى الكاظمي لا تقف ضد ابناء الحشد الشعبي لأنهم يمثلون الشعب”.

وبين ان “بيان العمليات المشتركة الخاص باعتقال عناصر الحشد كتب من قبل الامريكان”.

الشيخ الخزعلي : رئيس الحكومة لا يستطيع الوقوف بوجه الحشد الشعبي المطالب بالسيادة

أكد الامين العام لحركة عصائب اهل الحق الشيخ قيس الخزعلي، الجمعة، ان رئيس الحكومة لا يستطيع الوقوف بوجه ابناء الحشد الشعبي المطالبين بالسيادة.

و قال الشيخ الخزعلي خلال كلمة له ” لا رئيس الوزراء ولا غيرة يستطيع الوقوف بوجه ابناء الحشد الشعبي المطالبين بالسيادة، “مؤكدا ان ” حكومة الكاظمي مؤقتة عملها اجراء انتخابات مبكرة وعبور التحديات الاقتصادية”.

و اضاف ” كل عمليات القصف التي حدثت بالاونة الاخيرة استهدفت مقرات القوات والسفارة الامريكية، ولايوجد اي فصيل من المقاومة يستهدف المؤسسات بالمنطقة الخضراء”.

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PCHR: Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (18 – 24 Jun 2020)


June 25, 2020 10:26 PM


Israeli forces continued to commit crimes and multifaceted violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including invasions into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, the Israeli military’s excessive use of force killed 1 civilian, rendered 22 injuries among Palestinian civilians, including a child during raids and attacks on peaceful protests in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, which have also witnessed wide-scale demolitions and distribution of demolition notices of civilian houses and properties over the past several weeks, as Israeli occupation authorities prepare to commence its annexation plan of large parts of West Bank territories.

This week, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) documented 191 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli Forces and settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt).
IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: IOF shot and wounded 22 Palestinians, including a child, with live and rubber-coated steel bullets in a show of excessive use of force against unarmed civilians in the West Bank.

In Gaza, 6 shootings against agricultural lands in eastern Gaza Strip were reported; and once against fishing boats sailing in northern Gaza sea.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 105 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 88 Palestinians were arrested, including 7 children and 4 women.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: IOF continued its settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 24 violations, including;

  • Hebron: confiscation of sheep barn, caravan, oil pump and archaeological pillars, and distributed two cease-construction notices to two houses;
  • Bethlehem: construction on a settlement-road;
  • East Jerusalem: 2 civilians forced to self-demolish their homes, demolition notices given to two buildings and a house at al-Madares St.; several demolition notices in al-‘Isawiya; 3 houses demolished; confiscation al-Abbasy family land in Silwan village; confiscation a blacksmith workshop and tools; raid on mechanic shops in al-Sawahra and Abu-Dis;
  • Nahalin village: car wash and a house demolished; notice to evacuate a land and to cease rehabilitation work at an agricultural land; and confiscation of a construction vehicle;
  • Salfit: notice to cease-construction on an agricultural room and a rainwater well; 1 house self-demolished and another residential building (3-storey) demolished; other demolitions included: 1 residential facility; 7 small commercial facilities; 1 barracks; under-construction apartment and sports center wall;
  • Ramallah: demolition of 3 houses, including 1 under-construction;
  • Northern Jordan Valley: 48 olive trees bulldozed.

PCHR also documented 2 illegal Israeli settler attacks that included assault in Bethlehem and Ramallah that injured 4 civilians.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement: The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the History of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Furthermore, since the PA ended security coordination with Israeli authorities in May 2020, hundreds of critically ill patients whose condition cannot afford delays in treatment were denied travel.

This week, 2 children died because they were unable to travel for treatment abroad. This was amplified by the restrictions put in place by IOF since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic, that had already had grave implications on the humanitarian and economic situation of the Gaza Strip population.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

I. Violation of the Right to Life and to Bodily Integrity/Shooting and other Violations

  • At approximately 08:10 on Friday, 19 June 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands, adjacent to the border area. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 13:00 on Friday, 19 June 2020, IOF stationed at the northern entrance to Kufur Qaddoum village’s lands, north of Qalqilia, suppressed a protest in which dozens of Palestinian civilians participated. IOF the young concussion grenades, and tear-gas canisters at them. As a result, 10 civilians, including a child, were shot and injured with shrapnel and rubber-coated steel rounds. (The names of the wounded civilians area available at PCHR)
  • At approximately 15:00 on Friday, 19 June 2020, IOF suppressed a peaceful protest at the northern entrance to al-Bireh city called for by national factions in Ramallah and al-Bireh to pretest against the Israeli annexation plan to part of the West Bank lands. Israeli soldiers stationed at al-Mahkamah checkpoint, adjacent to “Beit Eil” settlement, north of the city, fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, dozens of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 07:30 on Saturday, 20 June 2020, reinforced with military SUVs stormed al-Maghir village, northeast of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses. In the meantime, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered and threw atones and Molotov Cocktails at Israeli soldiers stationed in the center of the village. Israeli soldiers opened fire at the civilians. As a result, a 22-year-old young man was shot with a rubber-coated steel round in his head. He was transferred to Palestine Medical Complex for treatment.
  • At approximately 07:30 on the same Saturday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence in eastern al-Maghazi area in central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:30 on the same Saturday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza Strip, opened fire at a group of civilians in lands adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 00:10 on Sunday 21 June 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Deir al-Balah shores in central Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishermen and their boats. Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:30 on the same Monday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of al-Maghazi in central Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian shepherds in lands adjacent to the border area. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:30 on the same Monday, IOF stationed at al-Hamrah checkpoint, north of the West Bank, fired rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at Palestinian civilians, who gathered near the checkpoint after Israeli soldiers stationed at the above-mentioned checkpoint prevented dozens of Palestinian buses from crossing the checkpoint to participate in a protest in Jericho against the Israeli annexation plan to be implemented in the next month. As a result, many civilians suffocated due to tear gas canisters. They received medical treatment on the field.
  • At approximately 15:00 on the same Monday, a number of civilians gathered in Bab al-Zawiyah area in the center of Hebron and threw stones at Military Checkpoint (56) established at the entrance to al-Shuhada’a street, which is closed. Israeli soldiers chased stone-throwers and indiscriminately fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a number of young men suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 16:00on the same Monday, an Israeli infantry unit stormed al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron. Israeli soldiers indiscriminately fired tear gas canisters at the camp’s main street claiming that they were stoned. As a result, a number of civilians suffocated to tear gas inhalation. The infantry unit withdrew later from the camp. Neither casualties nor houses incursions were reported.
  • At approximately 17:30 on the same Monday, a number of Palestinian young men gathered in “al-Qatou’a” area, west of Deir Abu Mash’al village, adjacent to the settlement street linking between “Halmish” settlement, north west of Ramallah, to confront Israeli settlers protected by IOF, who carried out riots in the area. They young men threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at settlers’ vehicles passing through the above-mentioned street. Israeli soldiers immediately fired rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, Mos’ab Abu Ata (15) was shot with a rubber bullet in his foot. He was taken via an Israeli ambulance that handed him over to a PRCS ambulance, which referred him to Palestine Medical Complex for treatment.
  • At approximately 22:40 on the same Monday, IOF moved into Nablus from the eastern entrance (Beit Furik) and southern entrance (Howarah) and stationed in the eastern area of the city, to secure the entry of dozens of buses carrying settlers to the above-mentioned area in order to perform prayers in “Joseph’s Tomb” in Balatat al-Balad village. A number of Palestinian civilians gathered and set tires on fire, put barricades, and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli vehicles. IOF immediately fired rubber bullets and sound bombs at civilians to disperse them. As a result, a 24-year-old young man was shot with a rubber bullet in right hand. He was transferred to Rafidia Governmental Hospital for medical treatment. Many also were suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. They received medical treatment on the field.
  • On Tuesday evening, 23 June 2020, Israeli Forces killed a Palestinian young man after opening fire at his vehicle, which collided into the traffic island in the center of al-container military checkpoint, east of Bethlehem. IOF claimed that the victim attempted to carry out a run-over attack, but according to the information collected by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) the victim was in fact was en route to pick up his mother, in preparation for his sister’s wedding, which was supposed to be held in the evening in Abu Dies village. PCHR stresses that IOF used disproportionate force, especially that the victim posed no real threat to the soldiers’ lives in light of the heavy fortifications at the checkpoint.
     According to PCHR’s investigations and eyewitness testimonies, at approximately 15:53 on Tuesday, Ahmed Mostafa Mousa Erekat (26), from Abu Dis village in occupied East Jerusalem, was waiting in queue at al-container military checkpoint in eastern Bethlehem, to cross into Bethlehem where he was supposed to pick up his mother and sisters from a beauty salon in the city and return to Abu Dies village to attend his sister, Eman’s wedding. At approximately 15:55, when Erekat vehicle approached the checkpoint, it deviated from its path and collided into the traffic island opposite the glass room where Israeli border guard soldiers stationed. The soldiers immediately opened fire at the vehicle, wounding Erekat with several live bullets in his upper body. They pulled him out of the vehicle, threw him on the ground and prevented Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS)’s medical crew from approaching him or providing first aid; leaving him to bleed to death on the ground at the checkpoint.
  • At approximately 15:25 on the same Tuesday, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Wadi al-Douh area, northeast of Beit Hanoun in northern Gaza Strip, sporadically opened fire at the border area and fired a number of tear gas canisters. Palestinian shepherds who were adjacent to the border fence, panicked and left the area. Neither casualties nor material damage was reported.
  • At approximately 08:25 on Wednesday, 24 June 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Blah in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire agricultural lands, adjacent to border area. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 18:00 on the same Wednesday, dozens of Palestinian outraged young men at the killing of Ahmed Mustafa Oraiqat (27) gathered in front of Ahmed’s house in Abu Dis village, east of occupied East Jerusalem as the protest took part in all the village streets. The protestors chanted slogans condemning the killing of Qraiqat, headed to the Mount area in the village, and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at Israeli military vehicles. A large Israeli force immediately stormed the village and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors and clashed with them for 4 hours. At approximately 13:00 on the same day, confrontations between IOF and Palestinian young men took part in Ras Kabsah area, adjacent to al-‘Izariyah village, during which IOF fired a barrage of tear gas canisters. As a result, a house owned by Walid Hatem al-Huseini was completely burned after it was hit with many tear gas canisters. Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said that its crews offered medical treatment to 9 persons who were shot with rubber bullets and more than 28 persons suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and they received medical treatment on the field.

II. Incursions and Arrests:

Thursday, 18 June 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Jabal Handaza area, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Hatem Yousef al-Refati’s (37) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Bani Na’eem village, east of Hebron. They raided and searched Yehya Khader Humaidat’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Nahaleen, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Bara’ Ibrahim Shakarna’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Sourif village, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Malek Tayseer Ghunaimat’s (30) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ammer village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Ahmed Haitham Slaibi’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:10, IOF moved into Jayyous village, northeast of Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Suhaib Wael Shamasnah (21).
  • At approximately 04:20, IOF moved into al-Mazra’a al-Gharbeya village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Sa’ed Taha al-Khatib’s (27) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with 8 military vehicles, moved into al-Beira and stationed in Um al-Sharayit neighborhood. They raided and searched Majd Ibrahim al-Boushi’s (32) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF moved into Kafr Tholth village, northeast of Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mahmoud Sameeh Shawahna (22).
  • At approximately 04:40, an undercover unit from the IOF “Mista’arvim” moved into ‘Aqabat Jabr refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They sneaked by a Ford mini-bus carrying Palestinian registration plates and stationed in front of Mohammed Abdul Karim Abu Zeina’s (27) house and arrested him. Meanwhile, IOF stormed the village and surrounded their house and covered the unit’s withdrawal and took Zeina to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiya, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Adam Shafiq Obaid’s (20) house and handed Obaid a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 05:15, IOF moved into Jinsafut village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abdul Rahman Mahmoud Bashir (28), and Sami Abdul Rahman Mahmoud Shubair (33).
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF arrested Fadi Ali Alian (34), the guard of the Aqsa Mosque’s guard, while working in the mosque’s yard in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. IOF took him to one of the investigation centers in the city.
  • At approximately 15:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiya, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and handed (4) civilians summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services; Anwar Sami Obaid (22), Mohammed Ayman Obaid (20), Mohammed Esmat Obaid (20), and Yousif Ali al-Kaswani (22).
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into Azoun village, east of Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Qais Zahran Owda (22).
  • At approximately 20:30, IOF stationed at Za’tara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, north of the occupied East Jerusalem, arrested Osaid Mor’eb Jaghoub (22), from Bita village, southeast of the city. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 21:50, IOF stationed in front of Gate (104) established adjacent to the annexation wall, west of Tulkarem, arrested Ibrahim Hussam Mahmoud Darwish (23) and ‘Amer Mahmoud Helal (25), from Tulkarem.
  • IOF carried out (7) incursions in ‘Atouf, southeast of Tubas, Kafr Qalil and Bita, Southeast of Nablus, al-Nabi Saleh and Betounia in Ramallah, Azoun, east of Qalqilia, and Ezbit Shofa, north of Tulkarem. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 19 June 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Kreesa village, east of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched Husain Ali Husain Shawaheen’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:55, IOF moved into Qafin village, north of Tulkarem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (4) civilians: Mohammed Nabil Mahmoud To’ma (26), Ahmed Nabil Mohammed Sabbah (28), Ridwan Nasr al-Dein Ajouli (27), and Adeeb Mohammed Sabbah (24).
  • After Friday prayers, dozens of Susya village’s civilians, south of Hebron, a peaceful protest against the Israeli Authorities’ decision of annexing more areas in the West Bank on July 1. Meanwhile, IOF and group of Susya settlers arrived and tried to ban the protestors from entering the main street and prevented the journalists from documenting the incident. After dispersing the protestors, IOF withdrew, and no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 13:50, IOF stationed at the entrance of Salem military court, west of Jenin, arrested Abdul Rahman Taha Abu Sereya (25), from Jenin refugee camp. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:20, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into al-Mghayer village, northeast of Ramallah, and stationed at the main rotary of the village. They raided and searched two houses and arrested a man and a child; Mo’ayad Rayeq al-Na’san (17) and Rajeh Fayeq al-Na’san (20).
  • IOF carried out (11) incursions in Jenin and Qabatya, southeast of Jenin; Kafr Ra’i, southwest of Jenin; Bita, southeast of Nablus; Jericho, Termas’eya, and Na’leen, in Ramallah; Kafr Tholth, east of Qalqilia; Ra’s ‘Ateya, east of Tulkarem; and al-Zaweya, north of Salfit. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 20 June 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Kharas village, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Tha’er Aziz Halahela’s (41) house and confiscated his Laptop, and no arrest was reported. It should be noted that Halahela was detained a month ago.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiya, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Hasan Khaled Alian’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 08:30, IOF stationed at Za’tara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, arrested Ali Jamal Abu Salah (28), from ‘Arraba village, southwest of the Jenin. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out an incursion in Derastya, north of Salfit. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 21 June 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast if the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (9) civilians including (4) children. The arrestees are: Omar Marwan Obaid (18), Mahmoud Marwan al-‘Anati (21), Mahmoud Marwan Owda (16), Hasan Yaser Darweesh (14), Mohammed Murad Dari (17), Mohammed Sameeh Alian (14), Mohammed Nasim Obaid, Mahmoud Abdu Ra’ouf Mahmoud (23), and Ahmed Eyad Awda. IOF also handed Ahmed Khalil Obaid (20) and As’ad Dari (23) summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ammer, north of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Hamad Yousef Mohammed Bahr (26) and Mohammed Ibrahim Mustafa Sabarna (24). Meanwhile, IOF stormed al-Manasra furniture store in Safa, the northern neighborhood of the city, they opened the store’s doors with special tools, and started searching until 02:30. IOF withdrew and took the arrestees to an unknown destination.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, moved into Yatta, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Eyad Diab Abu Qbaita’s (35) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:20, IOF moved into Dura al-Qara’, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Salim Edris Hamdan (32) and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOFD reinforced with two military vehicles moved into al-Mazra’a al-Gharbeyya village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Ra’fat Mohammed Saleem Abu Rabea’s (45) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF moved into al-Rahmah Gate praying hall, east of al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They arrested one of the mosque’s guards and (5) civilians including (2) children and took them to al-Qashla police station in Jerusalem’s Old City. After several hours of investigation, IOF released them on condition that banning their entry to the Aqsa Mosque for a week and refer to the police station to extend their banning decision again for several months. The arrestees are: Abdul Karim Qa’oud, Shifa’ Abu Ghalya (18), Aya Abu Nab (21), Aya Ma’touq (18), Mayar al-Natsheh (16), and Maram al-Natsheh (17).

Monday, 22 June 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Tayaseer village, east of Tubas, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Eyad Mithqal Daraghma (35), Duham Fayez Subaih (28), works at the Palestinian National Security, and Zahi Ahmed Abu Muhsen (45).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Beit Fujjar, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Akram Taqateqa’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:20, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the occupied West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Waseem Jehad Nazzal (25), Ahmed Ibrahim al-Sheikh (18), and his brother Mohammed (19).
  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into ‘Anabta village, north of Tulkarem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Marwan Salim Hannoun (23).
  • At approximately 06:25, IOF moved into Zeita village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Bader Mazen Sayed Ahmed (24).
  • At approximately 20:00, IOF stationed at Howara’s main street in Howara village, southeast of Nablus, arrested (3) civilians from Bita village while presented near a fast-food restaurant. IOF took Sa’eed Rabah Dwaikat (18), Aseel Naser Dwaikat (19), and Ahmed Yaser Dwaikat (18), to unknown destinations.
  • IOF carried out (6) incursions in Bita, southeast of Nablus; Yatta, Sa’eer, and Beit Ammer, in Hebron; Beit Sirra and Na’leen in Ramallah. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 23 June 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (9) civilians, and took them to al-Maskoubeya investigation center, then released them after several hours on financial bail of 10,000 NIS and home confinement. The arrestees are: Mhmoud Shafiq Obaid (20), Amjad Ali Obaid (24), Mohammed Waleed Obaid (21), Ali Mohammed Obaid, Majd Nayef Mustafa (19), Tamer Darwish (21), Eyas Hussain Obaid, Nayef Waseem Obaid (18), and Mahmoud Ramadan Obaid (23).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qalandia refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Isma’el Ahmed Abu Latifa (28), Abdullah Mohammed Alqam (26), and Anas Mohammed Ya’qoub (24).
  • At approximately 03:10, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Kobqr village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mujahed Basel al-Barghouthi’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into al-Saf street in Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Ibrahim Maher Khamees (18) and Nidal Ibrahim Abu ‘Ahour (41) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Wadi Hilwa village in Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ibtisam Sharaf’s (50) house and arrested her.
  • At approximately 18:40, IOF established a temporary military checkpoint on the main entrance of al-Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah, arrested Wahbi Ehsan al-Rimawi (29), from Beit Rima village, while passing through the checkpoint. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 20:30, IOF stationed at al-Mahkama checkpoint, near Beit Eil settlement north of the city, arrested Mustafa Mahmoud Ghawanma (17) and Ahmed Ali Safi (17).
  • IOF carried out an incursion in Qabatya, north of the occupied West Bank. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 24 June 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Sawahra al-Sharqeya, east of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Noah Fahd Za’atra’s (30) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Qalqilia. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Wael Ali Abu Qamar (44) and Yousef Mohammed al-Ra’i (39). Meanwhile, a special unit headed to arrest Bara’ (24) and his brother Hussain Ali Abtali, in Jaljoulia street in the city.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Halhoul, north of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Oday Younis al-Douda (24) and Mohammed Younis al-Bow (20).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qalandiya refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Sameer Zayyat’s (46) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron and stationed at al-Duhdah neighborhood. They raided and searched Mathna Omar al-Qawasma’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into ‘Azoun village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Belal Mohammed Miskawi (39), and Ibrahim Shaker Shbaita.

III. Settlement Expansion and Settler Violence in the Occupied West Bank

i. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Illegal Settlement Expansion Activities

  • At approximately 09:00 on Thursday, 18 June 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Tawana village, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. IOF were deployed between Palestinians’ houses while the Israeli Civil Administration officers got Jamal Mohammed ‘Issa Rab’i (44)’s sheep out of the barn and confiscated the shed and steel pipes, under the pretext of establishing the barn without getting a permission from the Israeli Civil Administration Department.
  • On Thursday, the Israeli Nature Authority staff raided al-‘Abasi family land in Silwan’s Wadi al-Rababah neighborhood to seize and confiscate it. Eyewitnesses said that the Israeli Nature Authority staff moved into the land and started working on it, so the land’s owners confronted them. During which, the Israeli Nature Authority staff pepper-sprayed ‘Abasi family members, including the elderly Mohamed Dawoud (90). As a result, they sustained burns in their faces and suffocated. The Israeli police arrived at the area and informed al-‘Abasi family that the Israeli Nature Authority staff could gardening the land upon the court’s decision and if they have any objection, they could head to the court.
  • At approximately 11:00, Israeli Municipality staff along with officers from the Israeli Ministry of Interior moved into the eastern lands of al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, where distributed demolition and eviction notices. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Head of the Follow-up Committee in al-‘Isawiya village, said that Israeli authorities distributed demolition and eviction notices in al-‘Isawiya village in favor of establishing National Parks on Palestinians’ lands. He added that Israeli authorities prevented the village residents from construction and demolished their houses, in addition to distributing notices every week, under the pretext of non-licensing. He also clarified that Israeli authorities refused to endorse the structural map that enables the residents to build and expand.
  • On the same day, IOF demolished a car wash in al-Manshiyia village, near Taqou’a village, east of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Mayor of Taqou’a Municipality, Tayseer Abu Mefreh, said that IOF moved into ak-Manshiyia village and demolished ‘Ali al-Khatib’s 70-square-meter car wash, under the pretext of non-licensing.
  • On the same day, Israeli military construction vehicles bulldozed a house in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Ahmed Salah, Head of al-Khader village, said that IOF moved into Kherbet ‘Alia in Um Rokba area in al-Khader village and demolished Sameer Ahmed Salah’s house comprised of 2 rooms and a kitchen and built of tin plates. Salah clarified that the house sheltered 6 persons. It should be noted that IOF demolished Salah’s 150-square-meter house 6 months ago.
  • On Saturday, 20 June 2020, Eyad and Feras Nabeel Da’nah implemented the Israeli Municipality order and self-demolished their houses in Hosh al-A’war area in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Feras Da’nah said that he was handed 2 demolition notices months ago and due to the outbreak of coronavirus, the Israeli municipality delayed the demolition. Since then, he went to several lawyers to stop the demolition, but in vain. Da’nah clarified that the municipality staff prevented him from completing the construction and ordered his brother ‘Alaa to vacate the 2 houses and self-demolish them, or they will pay the demolition costs for the municipality. He added that he submitted an application to license the houses and informed the municipality that he will pay all fines, but it refused. Da’nah pointed out that he borrowed NIS 10,000 in order to build the two houses and got a loan to live in the house with his two brothers.
  • On Sunday, 21 June 2020, Israeli authorities notified a Palestinian civilian to vacate his agricultural land in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that IOF notified Bassam Khalil Jaber Ghunaim to vacate his 6 dunums of agricultural lands in Khelt al-Fahem area in al-Khader village. It should be noted that al-Khader village residents are continuously exposed to IOF and settlers’ attacks, including levelling lands, uprooting trees and preventing farmers’ access to their lands.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Bereen, west of Bani Na’iem village, west of Hebron. The Israeli Civil Administration officers handed Fayiz Imraziq al-Faqeer and Isma’il Joudi Burqan notices to stop construction works in their 50-square-meter houses built of bricks and tin plates.
  • At approximately 13:00 on Sunday, 21 June 2020, IOF moved into Khelet Kharoub area in Burqeen village, west of Salfit. They distributed a notice to stop construction works in an agricultural room and a water well, in addition to hanging another notice on an agricultural room’s wall, under the pretext of being in Area C. The room owner, ‘Abed al-Fattah Samarah, said that IOF accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet Kharoub area, where I built an agricultural room and a water well. They also hanged a notice on the wall of an agricultural room built 8 months ago.
  • On Sunday, 21 June 2020, IOF stopped reclaiming agricultural lands and confiscated a bulldozer in Nahaleen village, west of Bethlehem. Hani Fanoun, Deputy of Nahaleen Municipality Mayor, said that IOF moved into Thour al-Za’faran area, south of the village, and stopped reclaiming agricultural lands. They then confiscated a bulldozer working in the land and detained its owner. Fanoun added that IOF threatened Nahaleen Municipality and Palestinian civilians not to return to the area and work on it, under the pretext of being under Israeli sovereignty.
  • On the same day, Israeli bulldozers, under IOF protection, built a new road for Israeli settlers in Nahaleen village. The new road will connect the two settlements “Beitar Illit” and “Gush Etizon”. IOF imposed tight measures on civilians to deny their access to the area. The building of this road will isolate 4 dunums of the village lands from its surrounding in a proactive step to control these lands planted with different types of trees.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 23 June 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Wad al-A’war area, south of Hebron. The military construction vehicles demolished Thair Farah ‘Abed al-Motaleb Ghaith’s 30-square-meter agricultural room, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Zaif area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The Israeli Civil Administration officers confiscated a 20-square-meter mobile caravan and a diesel fuel dispenser belonging to Ahmed Abu Rajab, who was handed a list of confiscated items to refer to the competent authorities in “Gush Etizon” settlement.
  • At the same time, IOF seized equipment from a blacksmith workshop and raided an automobile repair shop in al-Sawhrah and Abu Dies villages, southeast of occupied East Jerusalem. Activist Mohammed Hijazi said that a large force of IOF moved into al-Sawhrah village and seized equipment from ‘Urwa Ja’afrah’s blacksmith workshop. He added that IOF moved into Abu Dies village, where they raided and searched Nouh Za’atrah’s automobile repair shop.
  • On the same day, IOF demolished Mohammed al-Rajbi’s house in al-Bostan neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing.
  • Mohammed al-Rajbi said that IOF accompanied with Israeli Municipality staff raided his house sheltering him, his wife and their 4 children and demolished it with manual machineries, because their construction vehicles could reach the house location. Al-Rajbi added that he built his house in March 2020 and during that period, he received notices to stop construction works. When he lived in the house in May 2020, the Israeli Municipality issued an administrative demolition order against his house. Al-Rajbi also said that he attempted to freeze the demolition order, but in vain. After that, the court gave him until 15 June to vacate the house. Al-Rajbi clarified that his 130-square-meter house costs NIS 100,000, and that he could not self-demolish his house despite the high demolition costs that would be imposed on him after the municipality crews carried out the demolition.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Tawameen area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The Israeli Civil Administration officers confiscated hand tools used for excavation from Barakat Mahmoud Barakat Mur’s land.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Thaghrah area, east of Beit Ummer village, north of Hebron. IOF raided Khaled Yousef Berighith’s house and confiscated stone pillars. IOF handed Berighith a list of confiscated items and withdrew later.
  • On Tuesday, 23 June 2020, Israeli Municipality staff hanged demolition orders on 2 buildings and a house in Ras al-‘Amoud neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of non-licensing. Hussain Mohamed al-‘Abasi said that the municipality hanged a demolition order on his building comprising of a shop and 2 apartments; the first sheltering 4 persons and building on (75 sqm), and the second sheltering 7 persons and building on (40 sqm). Also, Israeli Municipality staff hanged a demolition order on Sa’ied ‘Ali al-‘Abasi’s 110-square-meter building comprising of 2 floors; each one includes 2 apartments sheltering 16 persons. It should be noted that al-‘Abasi’s building was built 60 years ago. Al-‘Abasi said that the municipality staff informed all the notified buildings’ owners that their houses will be demolished under the pretext of construction without licensing, noting that all buildings were established 25-60 years ago.
  • At approximately 07:30 on Wednesday, 24 June 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Betunia village, west of Ramallah. IOF demolished ‘Abed al-‘Aziz ‘Odah al-Farroukh’s under-construction house (110 sqm), under the pretext of illegal construction in Area C.
  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli Municipality staff demolished a floor comprised of 2 residential apartments in al-Raba’ia neighborhood in al-Mukaber Mount area, south of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Ra’fat Rabai’a, an apartment’s owner, said that he was shocked when the municipality staff raided his house and demolished it, noting that a court session was supposed to be held on afternoon regarding the demolition order. Rabai’a added that the municipality staff used manual machineries to demolish the 3rd He also said that each floor was comprised of 2 apartments and built 25 years ago. He clarified that in April 2020, he repaired the house roof built of bricks, so the municipality issued an order to stop working and appointed a court session. Rabai’a said he his apartment sheltered his family comprising of 5 persons while the 2nd under-construction apartment was for his brother Mohammed.
  • At approximately 09:00, Israeli municipality bulldozes demolished Sharhabeel ‘Alqam’s house in Beit Haninah neighborhood, north of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of non-licensing. ‘Alqam said that the municipality staff bulldozed his house, although a court session was supposed to be held at 13:30. He added that his 120-square-meter house, sheltered 9 persons and was built 2 months ago.
  • At approximately 09:15, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Beit Sira village, west of Ramallah. IOF were stationed at the entrance to al-Latroun Street, near a military checkpoint established there. The military construction vehicles demolished Ahmed Fayiz Abu Safia’s under-construction house (90 sqm), under the pretext of illegal construction in Area C. Meanwhile, clashes broke out between Palestinian young men and IOF, who indiscriminately fired a barrage of sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the stone-throwers. As a result, olive trees in the area were set ablaze. The Palestinian civil defense vehicles immediately arrived and put out the fire. It should be noted that Israeli authorities did not notify the mentioned house prior to the demolition.
  • At approximately 09:30, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Bardalah village, west of Jericho in northern Jordan valley. The military construction vehicles bulldozed 84 olive trees from agricultural lands and workers from private companies cut the trees with saws. The damaged trees belong to al-Rabai’a family, and they were as follows:(58) olive trees planted 9 years ago, property of ‘Izzat Faleh Mahmoud Raba’ia, were damaged.
    (13) olive trees planted 12 years ago, property of Mohmoud Faleh Mahmoud Raba’ia, were damaged.
    (7) olive trees planted 12 years ago, property of Hazza’ Faleh Mahmoud Raba’ia, were damaged.
  • At approximately 16:40, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Jabal area in al-Tira neighborhood, southwest of Ramallah. The military construction vehicles demolished Natheer Mohammed’s under-construction house (160 sqm), under the pretext of non-licensing.

ii. Israeli Settler Violence

  • On Friday, 19 June 2020, Israeli settlers beat and pushed Wadee’ Fadi Salah (15), from al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. As a result, he sustained bruises throughout his body and received treatment in Beit Jala Governmental Hospital. Activist Ahmed Salah said the Israeli settlers attacked Salah while staying near his house in Abu Sowd area, west of the village. They chased and pushed him from a great height, causing bruises and wounds throughout his body. He was then taken to a hospital in Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 12:00 on Tuesday, 23 June 2020, Israeli settlers, from ” Nahleel” settlement, which is established on Ras Karkar lands, west of Ramallah, attacked Ratib ‘Othman Abu Fikhidah (62) , his son ‘Othman (28) and his grandson Moheeb (18) while present in their agricultural lands in the village outskirts. As a result, they sustained wounds and bruises throughout their bodies and received treatment at Palestine Medical Complex.

Do Palestinians’ Lives Matter?

By Stuart Littlewood


Not according to the UK Government which continues to cuddle and slobber over the rogue regime that terrorizes, dispossesses and slaughters them.

Palestinian Lives Matter e2524

Lately, anti-racism activists and their fellow-travelers have been vandalizing statues in the UK, including a memorial to Winston Churchill. Even Nelson is threatened. And Robert Peel, like Churchill, has been boarded up for protection from the loonies. Incredibly Robert the Bruce, king of Scotland 1306-1329, hero of Bannockburn and bringer of independence, has been branded a racist by graffiti scribblers. Bruce (or de Brus), Earl of Carrick and 7th Lord of Annandale, was of Norman descent I believe. So, is our entire medieval history and culture – 1066 and all that – condemned? If it’s the feudal system and the struggle between mighty lords and their lowly vassals that bothers today’s hypersensitive agitators, most of our history books will have to be taken off the shelves and our monarchs consigned to the dustbin in order to appease them.

Why don’t these firebrands look for modern-day racists to complain about? In which case they might focus on “Israel’s knee-on-the-neck occupation of Palestine”, as Leslie Bravery describes it. This snarling, brutal entity illegally occupies Palestine and part of Syria and is stuffed with baddies with no redeeming features whatsoever. They have been busy ethnically cleansing the native Palestinians and stealing their lands for seven decades.  And what of their many supporters in high places? What should we call people who defend the indefensible… who admire the despicable… who applaud the expulsion at gunpoint of peaceable civilians and the confiscation of their homes?

Being a Friend of Israel – like most of the Conservative Party at Westminster – means embracing the terror and racism on which the state of Israel was built. It means embracing the dispossession of the innocent and oppression of the powerless. It means embracing the discriminatory laws against those who stubbornly remain in their homeland. It means embracing the jackboot gangsterdom that abducts civilians — including children — and imprisons and tortures them without trial. It means embracing the theft and annexation of Palestinian lands and water resources, the imposition of hundreds of military checkpoints, the severe restrictions on the movement of people and goods, and maximum interference with Palestinian life at every level.

It means not minding the bloodbaths inflicted by Israel on Gaza and feeling not too bothered about blowing hundreds of children to smithereens, maiming thousands more, trashing vital infrastructure such as hospitals, schools, power plants and clean water supplies, and causing $billions of devastation that will take 20 years to rebuild. And where is the money coming from? That’s right – from you and me.

It means turning a blind eye to the strangulation of the West Bank’s economy and the cruel 14-year blockade on Gaza. It means endorsing the denial of Palestinians’ right to self-determination and return to their homes. It means shrugging off the religious war that humiliates Muslims and Christians and prevents them visiting their holy places. It means meekly accepting a situation in which hard-pressed American and British taxpayers are having to subsidize Israel’s illegal occupation of the Holy Land.

And if, after all that, you are still Israel’s special friend, where is your self-respect?

Pandering to Israel has been immensely costly in blood and treasure and stupidly damaging to our reputation. Is it not ludicrous that a foreign military power which has no regard for international law and rejects weapons conventions and safeguards can exert such influence on foreign policy in the US and UK?

Everyone outside the Westminster/Washington bubble knows perfectly well that there can be no peace in the Holy Land without justice. In other words no peace until the occupation ends. Everyone knows that international law and countless UN resolutions still wait to be enforced. Everyone knows that Israel won’t comply unless sanctions are imposed. Everyone knows that the siege on Gaza won’t be lifted until warships are sent.

What’s more, everyone now knows that the US is not an honest broker, that Israel wants to keep the pot boiling and that justice won’t come from more sham ‘negotiations’. Nor will peace. Everyone knows who is the real cause of turmoil in the Middle East. And everyone knows that Her Majesty’s Government’s hand-wringing and empty words of ‘concern’ serve no purpose except to prolong the daily misery for Palestinians and buy time for Israel to complete its criminal scheme to make the occupation permanent.

And that is about to happen.

Can’t breathe!

For the last year Israel’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been saying he’ll “extend sovereignty on all the settlements” including sites that have security importance or are important to Israel’s heritage. And that will include Hebron, Jericho and the Jordan Valley.

The move would be another major step in the fulfillment of the long-running Plan Dalet (otherwise known as Plan D) which was the Zionists’ blueprint for the violent takeover of the Palestinian homeland as a prelude to declaring Israeli statehood – which they did in May 1948. It was drawn up by the Jewish underground militia, the Haganah, at the behest of David Ben-Gurion, then boss of the Jewish Agency.

Plan D’s intention was not only to gain control of the areas of the Jewish state and defend its borders but also to control the areas of Jewish presence outside those borders and ensure “freedom of military and economic activity” by occupying important high-ground positions on a number of transport routes.

“Outside the borders of the state” was a curious thing to say when nobody would admit to where Israel’s borders actually ran, but the aim was to steal land that wasn’t allocated to Israel but was reserved for a Palestinian state on the 1947 UN Partition Plan map. Since then Israel has purposely kept its borders fluid in order to accommodate the Zionists’ perpetual lust for expansion into Palestinian and Syrian territory and eventual takeover.

No doubt with this in mind the Israeli government has confirmed the appointment of the pro-annexation Settlements Minister Tzipi Hotovely as Israel’s next ambassador to the UK. Hotovely is a religious-nationalist extremist committed to the ‘Greater Israel’ project.  As Minister of Settlement Affairs in the Israeli government many here will regard her as a war criminal. All Israeli settlements (a more appropriate word would be ‘squats’) in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) violate Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and are considered illegal under international law. And many see Israel’s long-running squatter policy as a war crime for the simple reason that Article 8(2) of the Rome Statute defines “the transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory” as such “when committed as part of a plan or policy or as part of a large-scale commission of such crimes”.

Hotovely tends to run off at the mouth having criticised American Jews for not understanding the complexities of the region because “they never send their children to fight for their country, most of the Jews don’t have children serving as soldiers”. She herself slid out of compulsory military service by becoming an educational guide in Jerusalem and an emissary of the Jewish Agency in the United States.

She’s also keen to re-write New Israel’s sordid history: “We need to delete the word ‘occupation’ and we need to redefine the term ‘refugee’….” Hotovely rejects Palestinians’ hopes for statehood and instead dreams of a Greater Israel spanning the length and breadth of current Israel plus the Palestinian territories, saying “We need to return to the basic truth of our rights to this country…. This land is ours. All of it is ours. We did not come here to apologise for that.”

But what is the basic truth of her right to the land? She came there from the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic so a question that immediately springs to mind is: “What ancestral links does she have with the Holy Land? Has she had a DNA check-up? And what exactly gives her and her kind the right to lord it over the Palestinians who have been there all the time?”

In London she’ll replace Mark Regev, former Netanyahu spokesman and mastermind behind Israel’s propaganda programme of disinformation and dirty tricks. Under Regev’s watch in January 2017 a senior political officer at the Israeli embassy in London, Shai Masot, plotted with stooges among British MPs and other maggots in the rotting political woodwork to “take down” senior government figures including Boris Johnson’s deputy at the Foreign Office, Sir Alan Duncan.

Masot was almost certainly a Mossad asset. His hostile activities were revealed not, as one would have wished, by Britain’s own security services and media but an Al Jazeera undercover news team. Her Majesty’s Government’s response? “The UK has a strong relationship with Israel and we consider the matter closed.”

At a Labour Party conference fringe meeting Israel insider Miko Peled warned that “they are going to pull all the stops, they are going to smear, they are going to try anything they can to stop Corbyn…. the reason anti-Semitism is used is because they [the Israelis] have no argument….”

And that’s exactly what happened. Corbyn, a perceived threat to Israel’s cosy relationship with the UK, is now relegated to the sidelines.

Regev came to help silence criticism of the Israeli regime. Why the switch to lovely Tzipi? I’d say she’s here to smooth ruffled feelings caused by Israel’s latest planned land grab in the creeping annexation of the West Bank. And Regev, mission accomplished in the UK, is needed in Tel Aviv to defend Netanyahu from the ensuing flak if he goes ahead with annexation.

EU’s shame

Where does the EU stand in all this? A year ago one hundred and fifty-five European researchers and academics delivered a stinging rebuke to Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs & Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, and Carlos Moedas, European Commissioner for Science, Research & Innovation.

Their letter expressed the outrage felt throughout the world, and especially in European countries including the UK, at the EU’s policy of endlessly rewarding the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Israel. Perversely each new act of unspeakable brutality, each new onslaught of disproportionate force against civilians had brought fresh privileges, fresh co-operation, fresh embraces from an enthusiastic EU élite. The letter said among other things:

“In spite of continual and serious breaches of international law and violation of human rights, and regardless of the commitment for upholding human rights of European countries, Israel enjoys an exceptionally privileged status in dealing with Europe also through the Association Agreement and has been receiving grants from the European Commission in the area of research and innovation (FP7 and its successor Horizon 2020).

“Funds are granted even to Israeli arms producers such as Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries Ltd, the producers of lethal drones that were used in the Gaza military assaults against civilians, together with numerous academic institutions that have close ties with Israeli military industry.

“We appeal to the European Union to impose a comprehensive military embargo on Israel, as long as Israel continues to blatantly violate human rights. We are deeply disturbed that public funds contributed by European tax payers are channeled to a country that not only disregards human rights but also uses most advanced knowledge and technology for the very violation of human rights.”

The EU-Israel Association Agreement has a lot to answer for. It came into force in 2000 for the purpose of promoting (1) peace and security, (2) shared prosperity through, for example, the creation of a free trade zone, and (3) cross-cultural rapprochement. It governs not only EU-Israel relations but Israel’s relations with the EU’s other Mediterranean partners, including the Palestinian National Authority. To enjoy the Association’s privileges Israel undertook to show “respect for human rights and democratic principles” as set out as a general condition in Article 2, which says:

“Relations between the Parties, as well as all the provisions of the Agreement itself, shall be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles, which guides their internal and international policy and constitutes an essential element of this Agreement.”

Essential being the operative word.

Respecting human rights and democratic principles is not optional. Article 2 allows steps to be taken to enforce the contractual obligations regarding human rights and to dissuade partners from pursuing policies and practices that disrespect those rights. The Agreement also requires respect for self-determination of peoples and fundamental freedoms for all. Given Israel’s contempt for such principles the EU, had it been an honorable group, would have enforced Article 2 and not let matters slide. They would have suspended Israel’s membership until the regime fully complied. Israel relies heavily on exports to Europe so the EU could by now have forced an end to the brutal occupation of the Holy Land.

Rewarding annexation

Questions in the House of Commons last week revealed that the Government plans to host a UK-Israel trade and investment conference in London. One such question advertised the fact that “Israeli exports to the UK grew by 286% over the last decade, and bilateral trade levels are at a record high”. The Minister, Conor Burns, announced: “We strongly value our trading relationship with the State of Israel and are working closely with the Israeli government to implement the UK-Israel trade and partnership agreement.… We are working with the Israeli counterparts to host a UK-Israel trade and investment conference in London, which will have its primary focus on scoping out and identifying new opportunities and collaboration between Israel and the United Kingdom.”

Then Andrew Percy MP, a notorious stooge for Israel, asked the Secretary of State for International Trade what recent discussions she’d had with her counterpart in the Israeli government on a UK-Israel free trade deal. Ranil Jayawardena, answering for the Secretary of State, said that the UK-Israel Trade and Partnership Agreement, signed in February 2019, will enter into force at the end of the Transition Period in January 2021. It will allow businesses to trade as freely as they do now, without additional tariffs or barriers. “Total trade between the United Kingdom and Israel increased by 15 percent in 2019 to £5.1bn. We value this trade relationship and are committed to strengthening it, so we will seek to work with counterparts in the new Israeli government to host a bilateral trade and investment summit in London.”

So there’s still a desire at the heart of UK government to reward racist Israel, not only for its knee-on-the-neck brutality but even for a crime of such enormity as can’t-breathe annexation.

هناك مشهد آخر يكشف إصرار دياب على الاستقلالية وموجود في أحداث السبت المنصرم الشديد ‏الطائفية

د.وفيق إبراهيم

تواصل قوى النظام السياسي اللبناني رشق رئيس الحكومة حسان دياب بكل أنواع الهجمات، وكأنها ليست تلك الأحزاب السياسية التي سبق لها ومنحته تأييدها حين كلفته بتشكيل الحكومة الحالية، وأولته ثقتها في المجلس النيابي منذ ثلاثة أشهر تقريباً.

للأمانة فإن الطرف الوحيد الذي ينأى بنفسه عن استهداف دياب وحكومته هو حزب الله، ولهذا تفسير وحيد يرتبط بحرص الحزب على وجود معادلة حكومية في زمن انهيار اقتصادي، وإصراره على الاستمرار في أداء دوره الإقليمي في مجابهة الارهاب، وهذا يحتاج أيضاً الى حكومة حيادية، من دون الوصول إلى مرحلة الإصابة بأضرار أميركية وخليجية.

حسان دياب هو إذاً رئيس في مرحلة استثنائية لحكومة متوازنة فيها مستقلون ومؤيدون باطنيون لأحزاب النظام السياسي، هؤلاء مستعدون للتخلي عن تظاهرهم بالحيادية عندما تتعرض مصالح عملائهم للتراجع في التحاصص والتلزيم والتعيين، فلا يبقى لحكومة المستقلين إلا حسان دياب ونفر قليل من وزراء يشعرون بغربة عن الاحتراف السياسي.

لقد جرى تكليف دياب بتشكيل هذه الحكومة منتقلاً من بيئة أكاديمية متميزة الى مشهد سياسي مخيف، سبق له وعرفه عندما كان وزيراً للتربية في حكومة نجيب ميقاتي، لذلك فهو على إلمام نسبي بالكهف السياسي اللبناني الذي يقتحمه مجدداً هناك نقاط متعددة يعرفها دياب وأولها أنه لم يصل بها، ولا يجسِّد انتصاراً لثورة أو انتفاضة تفرض عليه، إحداث تغيير جذري في إدارة السلطة وصلاحياتها وممارساتها.

إنه يجيد قراءة مشهد فيه طبقة سياسية قوية جداً أرادت استيعاب الانتفاضة الشعبية في الداخل، ومطالب الخارج بإصلاح نظام فاسد حتى الفطم منه، فانكفأت في ظاهر الأمور فقط وقبلت برئاسة حسان دياب لعله بأكاديميته السوية يستطيع جذب صندوق النقد الدولي ومؤتمر سيدر من جهة مُسكِتاً أهل الانتفاضة من جهة ثانية.

أما النقطة المخفيّة فهي إحساس قوى النظام السياسي ان الحكومة الحالية لن تعارض استمرارها بالإمساك بكل شيء رسمي من القوانين والمراسيم الى التحاصص والتعيين مع كل ما له علاقة بروائح المال العام.

هذه هي المعادلة التي وجد حسان دياب نفسه فيها فماذا فعل؟

استوعب فوراً أن قوته تأتي من حاجة النظام الطائفي لأكاديميته وحياديته وابتعاده عن التقاطعات المذهبية والطائفية الى جانب أنه أكثر قبولاً للجانب الدولي المتقاطع مع لبنان من ناحية، ولا تعاديه الانتفاضة الداخلية في ناحية ثانية. قد يعتقد البعض أن هذه المصادر القوية ليست بنيوية تنبثق بمجرد وصول الازمة الاقتصادية الى حالة مراوحة فقط.

إلا ان هذا الاعتقاد يراهن على الاستمرار في ضعف الانتفاضة وتأثيرها الشعبي والمزيد من طائفية النظام مع استمرار المظلة الدولية المتعددة حول لبنان، وهذه عناصر صدّعتها جائحة كورونا، التي تفرض تدريجياً تغييراً عميقاً في العلاقات السياسية الدولية ينسحب بالتأكيد على لبنان.

هنا يتفوّق رئيس الحكومة بتحليله الأكاديمي وقراءته العميقة لهذا التطور العالمي، محاولاً توفير الظروف لتأسيس قوة لبنانيّة ترث بالتدريج النظام الطائفي القائم، لذلك تبدو بصماته واضحة في القوانين والمشاريع والالتزامات والتعيينات، فيعمل على أساس قناعاته مع عدم كسر الجرة مع النظام الطائفي وتلبية الحدود الدنيا من ميول التيار الفعلي في الانتفاضة، من دون أن ينسى مراعاة الوضع الدولي..

هناك مثل بسيط عكس حقيقة مشاعر حسان دياب وتوازناته، ألم يذهب الى الجنوب معلناً تأييده للمقاومة التي حرّرت الأرض وضربت الإرهاب، مؤيداً في الوقت ذاته قوات اليونيفيل في الجنوب ومهرولاً نحو الحدود السورية ليؤكد اتجاه الدولة الى إقفال منابع التهريب، بذلك أرضى رئيس الحكومة حزب الله والأمم المتحدة والأميركيين وقوى النظام الطائفي، بمختلف تنوعاتها والانتفاضة في وقت واحد، كما لبَّى حاجة شخصيته السياسية الى التبلور والتشكل.

هناك مشهد آخر يكشف إصرار دياب على الاستقلالية كما بدا في أحداث السبت المنصرم الشديدة الطائفية.

لقد تلوّثت كل القوى السياسية اللبنانية في ذلك اليوم بالمزيد من الطائفية الدموية، المسيحية والاسلامية، لكن رئيس الحكومة بدا بعيداً جداً عن حروب الطوائف، مقابل ولائه لمشروع غير طائفي، يتعرض بدوره لحروب الطوائف في جلسات الحكومة.

فهناك إصرار من هذه القوى على الاستئثار بالتعيينات والمحاصصات والتعيينات وكأن لا وجود سياسياً لحسان دياب.

لكن رئيس الحكومة الموغل في قراءة عميقة للتوازنات ويقينه بعدم قدرته على تجاوزها بشكل كامل، يحاول اقتطاع نسبة وازنة منها لتعيين قسم نزيه ومتمكّن في الإدارات اللبنانيّة مستفيداً من الحروب بين قوى الطوائف والوزن النسبي للانتفاضة وحاجة المرحلة إليه، فيجمعها للاستحصال على تعيينات لا تواليه مباشرة بل تخدم تطويراً للدولة اللبنانية عن مستوى الإدارة النزيهة المجابهة للفساد والتي تكشفه مرحلياً.

إن ما تجب معرفته هو عجز حسان دياب عن التغيير الكامل ما يتطلب منه انتزاع أدوار لتيارات غير طائفية تجد نفسها مضطرة للتواجد داخل إدارات ومؤسسات مع موظفين معينين من أحزاب طائفية، وهذا لا يتحمل مسؤوليته حسان دياب، بل أحزاب الطوائف وتغطياتها الدينية والخارجية.

أما ما يثير الاستخفاف فهو ادعاء أحزاب الطوائف الإسلامية والمسيحية، أنهم بدأوا بإعلان معارضتهم لحسان دياب لأنه استهلك الفرصة التي منحوه إياها وهي ثلاثة أشهر.

هذه الأحزاب التي تسرق لبنان منذ ثلاثين عاماً تسببت بالانهيار الاقتصادي الحالي، وتخشى من أن يكون حسان دياب هو البديل الوطني النزيه لمفاسدها، فتخسر التاريخ والحاضر الطائفيين وبالتالي المستقبل.

فإلى أين يذهب لبنان؟ تجب المراهنة على حسان دياب ودعمه للتأسيس للبنان الجديد غير الطائفي القادر على حماية نفسه من الفساد الداخلي والعدو الإسرائيلي.


South Front

Early on June 5, the Israeli Air Force conducted strikes on a Syrian military facility near Masyaf. The strikes were conducted from Lebanese airspace. The Syrian Air Defense Forces intercepted several missiles, however the rest hit their targets. The bombed facility, which is run by the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center, is reportedly involved in the development and manufacturing of missiles.

Two improvised explosive devices exploded near a joint Russian-Turkish patrol moving along the M4 highway in southern Idlib on June 4. The explosions happened when the patrol was passing the militant-held town of Arihah. However, they caused no damage to military vehicles or casualties among Turkish or Russian personnel. Despite the incident, the 15th joint patrol became even longer than all the previous ones. It started in the government-held town of Tronba bypassed Arihah and reached the village of Kafer Shalaya.

The slowly but steadily expanding length of Russian-Turkish patrols is a visual confirmation of the implementation of the de-escalation deal reached by Moscow and Ankara. At the same time, the full implementation of the deal still faces serious difficulties due to the presence of terrorist groups in the area. For example, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham militants are still in control of Arihah and recent developments show that they are not planning to sit there idly.

Ankara understands this and its forces continue expanding a network of observation posts along the M4 highway to secure the patrols. Recently, the Turkish Army set up positions near Bsanqul, Kafer Shalaya, Urum al-Jawz and Mareian. Nonetheless, without proactive measures to put an end to the terrorist threat, the situation cannot be changed strategically.

Just recently, a new wave of violence rolled across the militant-held part of Greater Idlib after Hayat Tahrir al-Sham detained a member of another radical militant group – Houras al-Din. The militant was detained when he was collecting taxes from locals for military purposes and kept in a Hayat Tahrir al-Sham-run prison in Jisr al-Shughur. Later, Houras al-Din fighters stormed the prison and freed their counterpart.

Earlier, Houras al-Din and the Turkistan Islamic Party criticized Hayat Tahrir al-Sham for having too soft a stance towards the Russian-Turkish de-escalation agreement in southern Idlib. Tensions, caused by the internal struggle for influence and resources, often grow among Idlib militant groups during the ceasefire phases of the conflict. Therefore, if some power wants to unite them and use them as at least a relatively homogenous force, a new escalation would be very useful.

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السياسة كما الطبيعة تكره الفراغ

سعادة مصطفى أرشيد

يوم الأحد المقبل سيعلن بن يامين نتياهو عن تشكيلته الحكومية الجديدة، بالاشتراك مع حزب ازرق – ابيض، ويبدأ إجراءات الثقة البرلمانية بها، وذلك بعد طول انتظار، إذ إن المفاوضات الوزارية بين طرفي الإتلاف قد أخذت وقتاً طويلاً في نقاشات مستفيضة حول حصص كل حزب من المقاعد الوزارية والإدارات العليا في الدولة، وذلك أكثر مما اخذ الجانب السياسي من وقت وجهد. فالجانب السياسي وهو الأهم والأبرز سيكون في إعلان الحكومة عن إقرار عملية الضم لمناطق الأغوار وشمال البحر الميت والمستوطنات وبرية الخليل والشروع الفوري في تنفيذها سواء على مراحل متقاربة أم دفعة واحدة، الأمر الذي لن تواجهه صعوبات. فالمسألة تكاد أن تكون إجماعية في المجتمع العنصري المنزاح يميناً، ولن تنال الاثنين وسبعين صوتاً في الكنيست فقط وإنما سيؤيد هذه القرارات لفيف من الأطياف المعارضة للحكومة مثل نفتالي بينت الذي أعلن أنه ومن صفوف المعارضة سيدعم الحكومة بكل قوة في إجرائها، هذا وبالطبع سيصوت لصالح الضم لبرمان الذي لطالما كان من المبشرين والسباقين لهذا التوجه، ومثله الأحزاب الحريدية واليمينية الأخرى.

في هذه الأثناء أتت زيارة وزير الخارجية الأميركي السريعة لتل أبيب وهي الأولى له خارج الولايات المتحدة منذ بدء سريان قرار منع السفر الذي اتخذته واشنطن اثر انتشار وباء الكورونا، البيان المشترك الذي صدر عقب جولة المحادثات بين نتنياهو وضيفه ذكر في البيان انّ الحوار دار حول نقطتين :

الأولى حول قرار الضم المذكور والذي هو في الأساس البند المحوري في صفقة القرن والذي تدور حواليه ما يسميه الأميركان رؤية الرئيس ترامب لعملية السلام. وأشارت بعض المصادر إلى أن المحادثات أكدت دعم الإدارة الأميركية لعملية الضم، فيما مصادر أخرى ذكرت أن الوزير الأميركي طلب من نتنياهو أو( تمنى) عليه التريث قليلا في إعلانه عن الضم، ربما بسبب رجاء أردني بتأخير إعلان القرار وبتنفيذه على مراحل ريثما تستطيع الحكومة الأردنية تمريره، ولكن ذلك يذهب في مذاهب الظن، أما بشكل رسمي فلم توضح المصادر الأسباب، وهو ما ستكشفه الأيام المقبلة، لكن الوقائع والتصريحات المتلاحقة الصادرة عن البيت الأبيض أو على لسان بومبيو شخصياً تعتبر الضمّ مسألة داخلية اسرائيلية، أو في مقابلة السفير الأميركي دافيد فريدمان لصحيفة «إسرائيل هيوم» مؤخراً لا تشير إلى أنّ ضغطاً أو تمنياً قد تقدّم به الوزير الأميركي لتأجيل والتريث في قرار الضمّ.

الثانية في محادثات بومبيو – نتنياهو كانت حول مخاطر النشاط الإيراني وضرورة تقويضه وقطع موارد إمداده، وهو أمر يشمل الدور الإيراني في سورية والعراق وبالطبع حزب الله، وسبق ذلك قرار أميركي بسحب وحدات عسكرية أميركية من الخليج، ثم ما تردّد عن رغبة أميركية بالانسحاب من المشاركة في قوات حفظ السلام المرابطة في سيناء منذ توقيع اتفاقية السلام المصرية – الإسرائيلية عام 1978 (معاهدة كامب دافيد). وقد أشارت مراكز أبحاث أميركية مقربة من سياسة بلادها ودوائرها الحاكمة أن أسباب الانسحاب لها أسبابها المالية، فيما رأت مراكز أخرى أنّ الانسحاب من المنطقة هو بسبب انهيار سعر النفط وانخفاض الطلب عليه، الأمر الذي جعل أهمية المنطقة تتدنّى استراتيجياً، ولكن مراكز ثالثة وجدت السبب في نتائج الحصار الطويل الذي تعاني منه إيران وأنه قاد إلى متاعب داخلية ثم إلى أكلاف التورّط الإيراني في الملف السوري، وأخيراً إلى الانخفاض الحادّ بأسعار البترول، فذلك يعني بحساباتهم أنّ إيران قد ضعفت إلى الحد الذي جعلها غير قادرة على أن تمثل تهديداً استراتيجياً للمصالح الأميركية أو تهديداً وجودياً لـ «إسرائيل».

تضرب «إسرائيل» في سورية منذ مطلع نيسان الماضي بشكل شبه متواصل فهي مطلقة اليد أميركياً، فيما الحكومة السورية تبدو مكبلة اليد روسياً، ومع أنّ الضربات تستهدف الإيرانيين في سورية، إلا أن ذلك يتمّ على الأرض السورية ويمسّ سيادتها وأمنها ومصالحها، والإيرانيون في سورية ليسوا من فئة السياح والمتنزّهين وإنما هم خبراء قد يكونون عسكريين وقد لا يكونون، ولكنهم في كلّ الأحوال موجودون في سورية لدعم جهود الدولة في محاربة الإرهاب، وقد بدأ الإسرائيلي وصحافته يذهبون في تصوّراتهم الى أنّ هذه الضربات ستضطر إيران إلى الانسحاب من سورية.

عود إلى محادثات بومبيو – نتنياهو، في الملف الأول لا يبدو أنّ السلطة التي تقترض 800 مليون شيكل بصدد الرحيل أو حلّ نفسها أو الخروج من الاتفاقات مع الأميركي أو الإسرائيلي، وإلا فكيف يمكن للحكومة التي تعلن صبحاً ومساء أنها ستقوم بعمليه الضم أن تقرض السلطة التي تعلن قبل تسلم المبلغ أنها لن تقوم بسداده لأنها راحلة أو لأنها في حلّ من أية اتفاقات أو التزامات مع الإدارة الأميركية أو «إسرائيل»، وان رحلت السلطة فإنّ الأرض باقية بمن عليها ولا أظن أنّ هناك من سيملأ فراغها سوى «إسرائيل» وعساكرها، حقاً أنّ الأمور في فلسطين تغيظ الصديق وتسرّ العدو.

في الملف الثاني فمع ما تشيعه الصحافة الإسرائيليّة وشقيقاتها من بعض الصحف العربية، فمن الواضح أنّ إيران باقية في سورية ما دامت الدولة السورية تجد الحاجة لبقائها، وإيران تدرك أهمية الملفات السورية والعراقية لأمنها القومي، واعتبارات الأمن القومي هي محركها وآلتها الدائمة الدوران، ولكن المسألة الأهمّ والأخطر هي أن الانسحاب الأميركي من الخليج يتمّ في غياب تنسيق عربي إيراني وفي غياب استراتيجية عربية لملء الفراغ الناشئ عن الانسحاب الأميركي، وذلك سيجعل من «إسرائيل» المدعومة أميركياً تهرول لملء الفراغ… فالسياسة مثل الطبيعة تكره الفراغ.

*سياسي فلسطيني مقيم في الصفة الغربية.

متى سيكون الردّ المناسب على الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية المتكررة في سوريا؟

شارل أبي نادر

المصدر: الميادين نت 7 أيار

ما هي أسباب هذه الاستراتيجية في عدم الرد المناسب، والتي يعتمدها الجيش العربي السوري وحلفاؤه من الإيرانيين وحزب الله؟

تتكرَّر الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية في سوريا على مواقع الجيش العربي السوري أو على مواقع حلفائه وتحركاتهم، من المستشارين الإيرانيين أو حزب الله اللبناني. ومع ازدياد وتيرة هذه الاعتداءات مؤخراً بشكل أكبر مما شهدناه خلال السنوات الأخيرة من الحرب على سوريا، وتوسّع رقعتها من جنوب سوريا نحو شمالها وشرقها، يبقى لافتاً أننا لا نشهد رداً مناسباً على تلك الاعتداءات، باستثناء البعض منها، إذ يتم إسقاط عدد غير بسيط من الصواريخ المعتدية قبل وصولها إلى أهدافها. 

 فما هي أسباب هذه الاستراتيجية في عدم الرد المناسب، والتي يعتمدها الجيش العربي السوري وحلفاؤه من الإيرانيين وحزب الله؟ وهل سنشهد تبديلاً في هذه الاستراتيجية ليكون هناك رد مناسب؟ 

في الواقع، الرد المناسب على أي اعتداء يُترجم عادة بعمل عسكري أو دبلوماسي من خلال شكوى في الأمم المتحدة. وبما أننا نتكلم عن استباحة صهيونية تتجاوز الأمم المتحدة ومجلس الأمن والقانون الدولي، إذ إنّ هذه المؤسسات الأممية غير معنية، ومنذ فترة طويلة، بما تقوم به “إسرائيل”، لا في سوريا، ولا في لبنان، ولا في فلسطين المحتلة، ولا في أي دولة عربية وغير عربية من الدول غير المؤيّدة للكيان الغاصب، ومقاربة هذه المنظّمات الدولية رضوخاً معروفة تاريخياً في ما خص ما يقوم به الكيان الصهيوني، لذلك، نذهب باتجاه أن الرد المناسب على الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية يجب أن يكون عسكرياً.

تتوزّع عناصر الرد العسكري المناسب بين الرد الموضعي على القاذفات وعلى مرابض إطلاق الصورايخ المعتدية فوق سوريا أو لبنان أو شرق المتوسط، أو من الممكن أن يمتد الرد إلى الجولان السوري المحتل، فعادة ما تكون تلك المنطقة السورية المحتلة الاستراتيجية منصة شبه دائمة وقاعدة انطلاق ثابتة لهذا الاعتداءات، هذا من جهة. ومن جهة ثانية، قد يكون الرد العسكري المناسب عبارة عن استهداف مماثل للعمق الصهيوني في فلسطين المحتلة. 

في الحالتين، هناك ثغرة تقنية عسكرية أساسية لا يمكن تجاوزها، تتعلق بالفارق الكبير بين قدرات العدو العسكرية وإمكانياته المتطورة وقدرات محور المقاومة في سوريا أو خارجها، وخصوصاً لناحية القاذفات التكتيكية والاستراتيجية الإسرائيلية التي تعتبر من الأولى عالمياً في مستواها التقني العسكري، الأمر الذي يحتّم الذهاب في هذه المواجهة، والمتعلقة حصراً بالرد على الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، نحو معادلة ردع وتوازن رعب، تقوم على امتلاك ونقل وتخزين قدرات وأسلحة نوعية تستطيع أن تشكل توازناً مقبولاً في الردع، يجبر العدو على وقف اعتداءاته.

إزاء هذا الفارق في القدرات، لا يمكن القول إن محور المقاومة في سوريا يستسلم أو يرضخ، فهو يتحضَّر ويتجهز ويعمل بشكل متواصل لتحضير الرد المناسب، وبتوقيت مناسب، يختاره هو، من دون أن ينجر إلى التوقيت الذي تحدده “إسرائيل”، حيث للأخيرة حساباتها الخاصة داخلياً أو إقليمياً أو دولياً.

من هنا تبدأ معركة محور المقاومة في سوريا نحو الرد على الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، حيث تقوم في أساسها على امتلاك أسلحة نوعية قادرة على تحقيق الردع وجمعها وتخزينها وتجهيزها، من صورايخ بر – بر، أو صواريخ بر – بحر، أو ساحل – بحر، أو طائرات مسيّرة، وهذا هو ما يقوم به محور المقاومة في سوريا ومحيطها.

هذا التحضير الذي يقوم به محور المقاومة يمكن اعتباره، ومن ضمن هذه الحرب المفتوحة، مرحلة أساسية لا يمكن تجاوزها أولاً، إذ لا يمكن القيام بأي إجراء عفوي ناتج من رد فعل غير مدروس، وفي توقيت غير مناسب، وثانياً، وربما هذا هو الأهم، أن هذا التحضير يجب أن يكون مكتملاً وفاعلاً، حتى يتم الدخول في مواجهة مضمونة أو على الأقل مؤذية للعدو بشكل رادع.

انطلاقاً من ذلك، يمكن اعتبار ما يحدث اليوم في سوريا معركة قائمة فعلياً بين العدو الإسرائيلي ومحور المقاومة، وعناصر هذه المعركة هي أنها من جهة تقوم على استهدافات إسرائيلية متواصلة وعنيفة لكل ما يعتبرون أو يشكون بأنه نقل أو تحريك أو تخزين لأسلحة نوعية لمحور المقاومة، ومن جهة ثانية تقوم وحدات محور المقاومة بتكديس كلّ ما يمكن أن يساهم في إكمال معادلة الردع وتوازن الرعب وجمعه وتجهيزه.

من الناحية العملية، ربما يجد محور المقاومة أن في إطالة الوقت قبل الرد بعض الإيجابيات، منها تجهيز أكبر وأكثر فعالية للقدرات النوعية، والعمل على إبقاء “إسرائيل” متوترة بشكل دائم، أولاً بانتظار الرد، وثانياً من فكرة تزايد قدرات محور المقاومة. والاحتمال الأخير يبقى هاجساً أساسياً للعدو وأكبر وأشد تأثيراً من هاجس: متى يكون الرد؟ 

من هنا، وحيث لا خيار لـ”إسرائيل” إلا استمرار استهداف كل تحرك أو نقل أو تمركز تشكّ فيه، في سوريا أو في محيطها، رغم خطر الانزلاق نحو المواجهة الواسعة، إذ إن تكديس القدرات النوعية في سوريا يُعتبر مرحلة أساسية من معركة محور المقاومة، فإننا سوف نشهد تكراراً وتواصلاً لهذه الاعتداءات، بوتيرة متغيّرة أحياناً، تبعاً لحزمة المعلومات الاستخبارية الإسرائيلية.

 ومن جهة أخرى، لا خيار لمحور المقاومة حالياً إلا الاستمرار، وبحذر، في عملية تكديس القدرات، وبأكبر قدر ممكن، استعداداً للمواجهة، مع الابتعاد عن الرد غير الملائم على الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، مع المخاطرة الدائمة بحصول خسائر وارتقاء شهداء، وحيث من الطبيعي أن هناك قراراً بالمواجهة والرد، وإلا لماذا تعريض المواقع والعناصر والكوادر والقادة للاعتداءات الإسرائيلية المتكرّرة؟ تبقى النقطة الأساس هي توقيت قرار الرد ومستواه ومكانه.

عميد متقاعد في الجيش اللبناني

Former Lebanese president elaborates on Rafik Hariri’s bribe to bomb southern Lebanon


By  Fadi Boudieh and Mehdi Azizi

May 8, 2020 – 11:24

TEHRAN– The former Lebanese president Emile Lahoud referred to Rafik Hariri’s half a million-dollar bribe to bomb southern Lebanon which made Lahoud demand his own resignation.

Emile Lahoud is the 15th President of Lebanon from Nov. 24, 1998, to Nov. 23, 2007. He was born on January 12, 1936, in the town of Baabdat. He is the son of General Jamil Lahoud, who played a key role in establishing the Lebanese army and strived to achieve independence for the country.

In an interview with Mehr News Agency, Emile Lahoud discussed a number of regional and global issues. This is the second and final part. The first one was previously published on Monday.

What is your assessment of the latest events in Lebanon? Are there still efforts to destroy the weapons of The Resistance and Hezbollah in Lebanon? Especially since all the plans and scenarios for disarming the Resistance failed?

Since the beginning of 2005, when Rafiq Hariri was assassinated, I have only spoken to the media once a year, after the anniversary of Lebanon’s independence, because I was the army commander at the time and was speaking on the anniversary of the army’s feast.

Rafiq Hariri was a businessman and was always looking for making more profit. When I was commander of the army, he offered me half a million dollars a month to buy army officers, but I strongly opposed him. When I became president, he offered me the same thing again, but as someone who believed in the rights and interests of the Lebanese people and the importance of resistance to deter Israeli threats, I strongly opposed the offer. Due to my thorough familiarity with military affairs, I strongly opposed the merger law (Hezbollah’s integration into the military), while the Lebanese authorities at the time insisted on doing so.

In 1993, I was the commander of the army, and I did not know Hafez al-Assad, the then president of Syria, and all Lebanese politicians opposed the merger of the army and complained to Hafez al-Assad. He further told them that Lahoud is right and that the merger should take place.

In 1993, when bombing Israel was planned, Rafik Hariri, Abu Jamal, al-Shahabi, and Ghazi al-Kanaan said that it was the right of the Lebanese government to get rid of Hezbollah. Hariri told me that the Lebanese Supreme Council of Defense was going to pass a resolution in order to terminate Hezbollah and that all I had to do was to hit (bomb) Hezbollah in the south.

My conscience would not allow me to bomb the Lebanese in their homes, and I demanded my resignation and told them to find someone else as commander of the army. Of course, I had predicted that they would not be able to pass the resolution in the Supreme Council of Defense. Despite this, they made their decision and informed me of the order to attack Hezbollah in southern Lebanon.

After the order was issued, as I entered my office, I saw a map prepared by the commander of the international forces for the destruction of Hezbollah. The commander of the international forces was affiliated with the intelligence service in which Jamil al-Sayyid and Michel Rahbani were playing a part in. I asked them to ignore the plan, but they refused, then I told them to look for another commander for the army.

The then foreign minister Farès Boueiz called and asked me to launch a missile attack on Hezbollah’s positions. I told him I was no longer in the army. During a trip to Damascus, Jamil al-Sayyid met with Mohammed Nasif and informed Hafez al-Assad of this issue, which surprised him. It was later revealed that Abu Jamal, al-Shahabi, Ghazi Kanaan, together with Rafik al-Hariri had made the decision.

For the first time, Hafez al-Assad wanted to meet with me. At that time, if this decision was made, Hezbollah could only resist for 2 hours. I said this to show that Lebanon is built on a mountain of corruption and commercial profit. Here, I need to mention the election law in Lebanon. I consider the election law in Lebanon to be a purely Israeli because each of the foreign parties, including France, the United States, and Saudi Arabia, is working to secure Israel’s consent to support their tribes in the Lebanese elections. I believe that the new election laws in Lebanon can save the country politically from the shackles of religious tribalism.

Can the government of Hassan al-Diab make a serious change? Given your political experience and knowledge of Lebanese political leaders, can the new prime minister implement these changes, especially since the region is undergoing new developments?

Hassan Diab is able to make changes, and he is an honorable man and follows a school that has taught us responsibility. It should be noted that the credentials of the cabinet ministers have been approved by Parliament, which has come to power on the basis of religious divisions. Most cabinet members are out of politics, and each has its own authority in parliament. Therefore, al-Diab had no choice but to make some concessions. In my opinion, Hassan al-Diab has done 100 times better than al-Hariri. If Hariri remained prime minister, things would certainly not have gotten any better.

In the tenth month of last year, when the entire Lebanese nation sought the survival of al-Hariri as prime minister, I explicitly stated that Hariri should leave because, due to his presence, the country’s affairs would not improve. So I announced that he should be replaced by al-Diab whom I didn’t know well at the time. However, after watching him closely for a while, I realized that he is a very good person and has taken the right path. I also stated that we must form an interim government to assume certain duties and responsibilities.

These tasks include monitoring individuals who have transferred their money out of Lebanon and whose assets must be transferred to Lebanese banks and the Lebanese economic cycle; the policy brings in $ 20 billion in foreign currency to the country. Unfortunately, they deny this today. Recently, Lebanese central bank governor Riad Salamé falsely claimed that there was no such amount, despite the $ 20 billion. Therefore, I believe that returning such money to Lebanon could solve the problem of the dollar or foreign currency in the country and reduce prices.

Today, decisions are being made in the Lebanese cabinet, but it is clear that cabinet members will not be able to prosecute the powerful corrupted individuals and punish them. It seems that today everyone is satisfied that we cannot provide the necessary foreign currency for our country; We have not borrowed money for seven months, and this is due to the fact that the Lebanese authorities have decided to use the deposited property instead of borrowing.

Here, I warn the government and the country’s political rulers not to encroach upon people’s property, because protecting this property is part of the people’s sacred rights. If the government plays with this property, I will be the first to stand up to it. We did not allow Israel to take our rights, so how can we allow government officials to oppress the rights of the people with their corruption.

End of part 2 of the interview

Terrorists of the Turkestan Party destroy Zeizoun Thermal power plant tower in Idlib countryside

IDLIB, (ST)  – In the context of their criminal and terrorist acts the so-called (Turkestan Party) supported by the Turkish regime destroyed the Zeizoun Thermal power plant tower in Idlib countryside after these organizations had previously dismantled and smuggled irrigation networks outside Syria.

Videos and pictures showed the terrorist organization “Turkestan Party” terrorist organization destroying the tower of the ZeizounThermal power plant in the vicinity of Jisr al-Shugur in the far southwestern countryside of Idlib.

Two years ago, Zeizoun Thermal power plant was subjected to systematic theft and looting by terrorist groups supported by Erdogan’sregime, which included electronic equipment related to electricity generation, huge electric equipment and operating engines under the supervision of technical terrorists who crossed the border, and the giant steam boiler pipes were removed and sent by truck to Turkey.

The Zeizoun Thermal power plant located near the city of Jisr al-Shugur in Idlib, is one of the plants responsible for supplying the country with electrical energy.

Raghda Sawas

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لماذا تستمرّ الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية على سوريا؟….عمر معربوني


على المستوى العسكري، ممّا لا شكّ فيه أن تثبيت خطّ الإمداد الاستراتيجي من طهران إلى لبنان ستكون له تداعيات سلبية على كيان العدو.

كان لتاريخ 9 حزيران /يونيو 2017 وقعٌ مهم لا تزال تردّداته قائمة حتى اللحظة بما يرتبط بتغيير قواعد الاشتباك داخل سوريا وفي المنطقة، ففي ذلك اليوم، وصلت وحدات الجيش العربي السوري والقوات الرديفة لها، لأول مرّة، إلى شمال شرق التنف، منذ أن استطاع تنظيم داعش الإرهابي السيطرة على مساحات واسعة من الجغرافيا السورية والعراقية.

وصول الوحدات العسكرية السورية إلى شمال شرق التنف، توازى مع عمليات تقدم للقوات العراقية والحشد الشعبي، لتكون أول عملية التقاء للقوات على خط الحدود السورية- العراقية بتاريخ 18 حزيران /يونيو 2017.

عملية الربط التي حصلت على اتجاهي الحدود، سبقتها مناورة تضليلية نفَّذها الجيش العربي السوري، من خلال التقدّم نحو نقاط تمركز قوات الاحتلال الأميركي في منطقة التنف، باندفاعة مباشرة نحوها، لإلهائها مع الجماعات الإرهابية المدعومة منها، لتحقيق الاندفاعة نحو الحدود السورية- العراقية.

سبق هذه الاندفاعة أكبر عمليات عسكرية شهدتها سوريا حينها، من تحرير الأحياء الشرقية في مدينة حلب، إلى تحرير شرق حلب ومدينة تدمر، التي استخدم فيها الجيش العربي السوري أنماطاً جديدة من القتال، اعتمدت على المناورات الواسعة وعمليات التطويق والإطباق، وهي الأنماط التي ساهمت في شل حركة الجماعات الإرهابية في مساحات واسعة من البادية السورية.

ثمة تاريخ آخر كانت له أهمية يوم 9 حزيران/يونيو 2017 نفسها في تغيير قواعد الاشتباك، وهو يوم 11 شباط/فبراير 2018، حين أسقطت الدفاعات الجوية السورية طائرة “أف– 16” في المجال الجوي لفلسطين المحتلّة بصاروخ “أس– 200″، لنكون منذ ذلك اليوم أمام متغيّر كبير تمثّل بعدم إقدام طائرات كيان العدو على خرق المجال الجوي السوري، واعتماد خطط باتت تعتمد على المجال الجوي اللبناني، والتسلل عبر الحدود الأردنية على ارتفاعات منخفضة بأكلاف عالية جداً لكل غارة تنفّذها طائرات العدو، باستخدامها صواريخ جوالة موجّهة كبديل من القنابل الانزلاقية المنخفضة الكلفة، والتي تستوجب وجود الطائرة فوق الهدف مباشرة لإلقائها.

بعد التاريخين المذكورين أعلاه، أصبحنا أمام وضع مختلف تماماً، سواء بالنسبة إلى ما تحقق من انتصارات على الجماعات الإرهابية أو بما يرتبط بالمواجهة مع كيان العدو، فالمعارك في مواجهة الجماعات الإرهابية وصلت إلى مرحلة متقدمة في الجانب المرتبط بتحرير الجغرافيا واستعادة الدولة السورية سيطرتها، رغم التعقيدات الكبيرة التي تتحكّم بالميدان في الشمال الشرقي والغربي لسوريا.

أمّا كيف أصبحنا أمام وضع مختلف، فمن المعروف أن خط الإمداد المرتبط بالمواجهة مع كيان العدو، وتحديداً على الجبهة السورية، كان مقتصراً على الجو والبحر، وهما خطّا إمداد بطيئان لا يستجيبان بمرونة لاحتياجات المعركة المستمرة، وهو أمر ينطبق أيضاً على البعد الاقتصادي، فعملية الربط بين الحدود السورية- العراقية ستمكّن دول محور المقاومة وقواها من تنفيذ عمليات تبادل تجاري سريعة، وخصوصاً إذا ما تمّ استكمال إنشاء خط السكة الحديدية من إيران، وصولاً إلى السواحل السورية، وهو ما سينعكس إيجاباً على مستويات التنمية في إيران والعراق وسوريا، وبالتأكيد لبنان، لكونه يرتبط عضوياً بهذه الجغرافيا الممتدة.

على المستوى العسكري، ممّا لا شكّ فيه أن تثبيت خطّ الإمداد الاستراتيجي من طهران إلى لبنان ستكون له تداعيات سلبية على كيان العدو، فالجبهتان اللبنانية والسورية أصبحتا تمتلكان عمقاً جغرافياً هائلاً يصل إلى حدود الألف كيلومتر من جنوب سوريا ولبنان، وصولاً حتى الحدود الإيرانية، مقابل جبهة صغيرة الامتداد تقارب 60 كلم عرضاً بالنسبة إلى الجبهتين السورية واللبنانية، وبعمق مماثل، وهي نقطة الضعف الأكبر لكيان العدو في أي مواجهة شاملة قادمة.

ثمة أمر آخر لا يقل خطورة بالنسبة إلى كيان العدوّ، يتمثل بالقدرات البشرية التي يُمكن دفعها إلى المواجهة، وهي قوات باتت تمتلك خبرات واسعة وعالية جداً، سواء بالنسبة إلى المقاومة اللبنانية، أو القوات الرديفة في سوريا، أو بالنسبة إلى الحشد الشعبي العراقي وفصائل المقاومة العراقية، وفصائل أخرى يُشرف عليها حرس الثورة الإسلامية الإيراني، وشاركت في أغلب معارك سوريا والعراق.

أمام هذه المتغيرات في حركة الميدان السوري، وعجز أميركا، ومعها كيان العدو، عن تحقيق الهدف الأساسي، وهو تفتيت سوريا، وتحويلها إلى إمارات متناحرة، والقضاء على المقاومة اللبنانية، تتجه أميركا وكيان العدو إلى عرقلة تحقيق الانتصار الناجز وتأخيره، عبر الضغوط الاقتصادية والعقوبات والحصار، ففي ما يرتبط بسوريا إن سيطرة القوات الأميركية على حقول النفط شمال شرق الفرات يكلّفها أعباء مالية كبيرة، وأزمات متكرّرة، وارتفاعاً في سعر الوقود، وخللاً في تشغيل محطات الكهرباء، وتأثيرات سلبية كبيرة في كل القطاعات الإنتاجية.

ما تعاني منه سوريا في قطاع النفط ينطبق أيضاً على الإنتاج الزراعي، وخصوصاً الزراعات الاستراتيجية، وتحديداً القمح والحبوب المختلفة، إذ تحوّلت سوريا من دولة تمتلك احتياطاً لخمس سنوات، إلى دولة مستوردة للقمح والأعلاف أيضاً، إذ كان للحرب نتائج سلبية على استثمار المراعي في أنحاء البادية السورية. 

وبالرجوع إلى المسألة الأساسية، وهي استمرار الاعتداءات الصهيونية على سوريا، بذريعة استهداف القوات الإيرانية والمقاومة اللبنانية، يطالعنا وزير الدفاع في كيان العدو بتصريح يُعلن فيه منذ يومين بدء مرحلة طرد إيران من سوريا، وليس احتواء نفوذها فقط.

وممّا جاء على لسانه حرفياً: “ضعوا السمّاعات على آذانكم وانتظروا. ستسمعون وسترون أشياء، فنحن لا نواصل لجم نشاطات التموضع الإيراني في سوريا فحسب، بل انتقلنا بشكل حاد من اللجم إلى الطرد. أقصد طرد إيران من سوريا”.

أتي كلام وزير دفاع العدو متزامناً مع عملية إعادة تموضع للقوات الأميركية من كركوك في العراق إلى الحسكة وحقول النفط في سوريا، ما يؤشر إلى دخولنا مرحلة أكثر تعقيداً، ستحاول فيها أميركا، بالتعاون مع كيان العدو، ضرب قواعد الاشتباك الحالية والمساكنة التي كانت قائمة، والتي كسرتها أميركا باغتيال الجنرال قاسم سليماني وأبو مهدي المهندس، لنصبح أمام مرحلة جديدة مفتوحة على كل الاحتمالات، في ظل تنامي جائحة كورونا التي عقّدت الوضع العالمي برمّته، ولكنها لم تمنع أميركا وكيان العدو عن الاستمرار في اعتماد استراتيجية العدوان والاستفزاز.



Early on May 1, several missiles launched from the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights hit positions of the Syrian Army near Tell Ahmar and Quneitra city. The strike reportedly led to no casualties among Syrian personnel, but destroyed several pieces of military equipment.

This was the second Israeli strike on Syria in less than a week. On April 27, Israeli airstrikes hit the countryside of Damascus, including the al-Mazzeh Airport. Pro-Israeli sources claim that underground facilities of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps were the target.

Meanwhile, a new drama is developing in the militant-held part of Greater Idlib. After briefly clashing with the Turkish Army near Nayrab, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham found themselves in the center of a new scandal.

On April 30, the group’s fighters were confronted by supporters of other radical groups in the town of Maaret Elnaasan in western Aleppo. According to pro-opposition sources, the main reason of tensions is the decision of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham to open a crossing for commercial purposes to the government-held area. This initiative faced resistance among militant groups directly controlled by Turkey. The Turkish Army even tried to block a road towards Maaret Elnaasan. However, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham militants were able to suppress the protest and the crossing was opened. The further protests that continued on May 1 forced Hayat Tahrir al-Sham to close the crossing.

Earlier in April, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham tried to open a similar commercial crossing near Saraqib, but this attempt was also blocked by Turkish-led forces.

Representatives of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham claim that the opening of such crossings is vital to contain the developing economic crisis in the militant-held area. According to them, a large part of goods produced within the militant-held area, first of all food, is being sold in the government-controlled territory.

Various fees on commercial activities and contraband traffic are among key sources of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham budget, which has been facing difficulties amid the shirking funding from its foreign sponsors. On the other hand, the ability to fill own budget from independent sources of income allows the terrorist group to remain to a large degree independent from direct Turkish support. Thus, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham is capable of remaining a relatively independent player and the most powerful militant group in the entire Greater Idlib.

At least 4 Syrian soldiers were killed and several others were injured in an ISIS attack on the army convoy near the T3 pumping station in the province of Homs. The terrorists used an improvised explosive device to strike the bus moving within the convoy and then shelled it with machine guns.

The attack likely came in response to the intensified security efforts of the army in the Homs-Deir Ezzor desert. Just recently, government troops eliminated several ISIS militants and captured 2 vehicles belonging to the terrorist group.

روسيا وسورية: اثر التسريبات الإعلامية وحقيقة العلاقة

العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط

من غير سابق إنذار فتح بعض الإعلام الروسي النار على سورية ورئيسها، بشكل قاد بعض المتسرّعين من المحللين إلى القول بأنّ روسيا قلبت ظهر المجن لسورية وعقدت صفقة مع أميركا وتركيا تخلّت بموجبها عن الرئيس الأسد، وانّ هناك انقلاباً ينذر بتغيير روسي جذري قريب في سورية، فهل هذا صحيح وما إمكان تحققه؟

قبل النقاش في الأمر لا بدّ من العودة إلى بدء العدوان المركب على سورية في العام 2011، حيث التزمت روسيا موقف الحذر الذي ترجمته معارضة سياسية للعدوان مع امتناع عن التدخل الميداني والاكتفاء بمراقبة السلوك الإرهابي الذي تقوده أميركا لإسقاط سورية وتغيير قيادتها وإلحاقها بمنطقة النفوذ الأميركي في المنطقة. ورغم أنّ المشروع الأميركي كان من شأنه في حال نجاحه تهديد المصالح الروسية في المنطقة، فإنّ روسيا حاذرت المواجهة مع أميركا واختارت العمل الدبلوماسي المقيّد الذي لا يمنع أميركا من استمرار العدوان، لكنه لا يترك أميركا طليقة اليد في المجال السياسي الدولي لفعل ما تشاء على الساحة السورية ولهذا جمعت روسيا في سلوكها بين الفيتو الذي مارسته في مجلس الأمن ضدّ مشاريع القرارات التي تمسّ بمصالح سورية، وبين الإحجام عن التدخل العسكري نصرة للحكومة السورية. سلوك اعتمدته بخلفية الشكّ بقدرة النظام السوري على الصمود ورغبة في إشعار أميركا أنها ليست وحدها في المنطقة.

بيد أنّ سورية وبقدراتها الذاتية ومدعومة من محور المقاومة سفّهت أحلام قوى العدوان عليها وصمدت إلى حدّ اقتنعت روسيا فيه بأنّ دعمها لها إنْ حصل لا يمكن ان يذهب هدراً، وإنْ تركها وحدها في مواجهة العدوان فلن يكون في مصلحة روسيا خاصة إذا انتشر الإرهاب خارج سورية، متذكرة المقولة التاريخية أنّ «الدفاع عن موسكو يبدأ على أسوار دمشق»، لكلّ هذا استجابت روسيا في العام 2015 للطلب السوري وللتشجيع الإيراني وحرّكت جيشها بقوته النارية من طيران ومنظومات صاروخية وجو فضائية لتقديم الإسناد الناري للجيش العربي السوري الذي يكافح الإرهاب على أرضه.

ومع الدخول العسكري الروسي إلى سورية، اختلط الأمر على الكثير وقلة عرفوا حقيقة العلاقة أما الآخرون فمنهم من ظنّ انّ التدخل الروسي هو وضع يد على سورية ومنهم من رأى انّ روسيا دخلت مع سورية في حلف عسكري استراتيجي عضوي يجعلها عدواً لمن تعاديه، وصديقاً لمن تصادقه، وغاب عنهم انّ لروسيا سياستها التي تتقاطع مع سورية في أمور وتعاكسها في أمور أخرى، وأنّ وجودها العسكري في سورية له مهمة محدّدة تتصل بالحرب على الإرهاب ومنعه من إسقاط النظام. فمهمتها محدّدة لا تتعداها إلى مواجهة «إسرائيل» او محاربة تركيا او الخصومة مع دول الخليج، وحتما ليست لقتال أوروبا أو أميركا إذ بقي هؤلاء في القاموس الروسي خارج دائرة العداء رغم انّ أميركا تصنّف روسيا عدواً.

لقد تعرّضت روسيا لأكثر من اختبار في سورية، وتصرفت في التعامل مع هذه الاختبارات بذهنية الطامح لإشغال مقعد في الصف الأمامي الأول دولياً، والعامل لاجتثاث الإرهاب من كامل الأرض السورية، ولم تحاول فرض انتداب على سورية التي لا يمكن أن تتقبّل أصلاً هذا الأمر من أيّ جهة أتى، ولكنها كانت وما زالت تحاول إسداء النصح للحكومة السورية والتعامل مع الأطراف التي لا صلة قائمة بينها وبين سورية بالشكل الذي تراه هي أنه يخدم أهدافها. فعقدت تفاهمات مع أميركا تمنع الصدام معها، ووضعت قواعد للتعامل مع التدخل الإسرائيلي في سورية، وجذبت تركيا إلى استانة للانضمام اليها مع إيران لتشكيل ثلاثية رعاية حلّ في سورية واستقبلت أكثر من طرف سوري وإقليمي ودولي للبحث بحلول للمسألة السورية. وهنا شاب الغموض في تحديد موقع روسية وصلتها بكلّ تلك الأطراف غموض زادت خطورته مع حملة بعض الإعلام الروسي ضدّ الرئيس الأسد إلى الحدّ الذي ذهب البعض بعيداً في التأويل والقول إنّ روسيا بدأت مسار البحث عن بديل له قبل الانتخابات المقبلة في العام 2021 فما هي الحقيقة؟

بداية نقول بأنّ سورية ليست مستعمرة روسية وليست تحت الوصاية الروسية، ولو كانت سورية بصدد قبول وصاية او استعمار او انتداب خارجي لما قاتلت دفاعاً عن استقلالها 9 سنوات حتى الآن. وبالتالي وفي معرض تحديد طبيعة علاقة روسيا بسورية يجب الانطلاق من مسلّمة استقلال سورية وسيادتها، وعلى سبيل المثال نقول إنّ روسيا وقعت على بيان جنيف في 30 حزيران 2012 الذي يتضمّن النص على مرحلة انتقالية تفضي إلى خروج الرئيس الأسد، ولكن سورية عملت كما ترى مصلحتها السيادية وأجرت انتخابات رئاسية في العام 2014 جدّدت للرئيس في موقعه وسقط البيان في غياهب النسيان.

إنّ روسيا تعلم ذلك، وتذكر انّ كثيراً من الاتفاقات التي عقدت بينها وبين أطراف تناهض سورية بقيت في الأدراج لأنّ سورية تحتفظ لنفسها بحق قبول أو رفض أيّ شيء وفقاً لمصالحها الوطنية. فروسيا تلتقي مع الآخرين على نقاط لا تقبل بها سورية وتعمل في كلّ السبل بعكسها، ومنها على سبيل المثال ما يُقال عن وجود تفاهم تركي أميركي روسي على منع الحسم العسكري في الميدان السوري أو تأخيره إلى ما بعد الاتفاق السياسي على شكل الدولة ونظامها كما والعمل على خروج إيران والقوى العسكرية التي تدور في فلكها من سورية، وأخيراً إحداث تغييرات بنيوية جذريّة في النظام السوري يهجر نظام القوة القومية والوطنية المركزي ويقيم نظام التعددية الذي يشبه أنظمة الضعف في لبنان والعراق.

بيد أنه مهما كان من أمر التفاهم او الخلاف، فإنّ روسيا تعلم جيداً رفض سورية لكلّ ما تقدّم من تفاهمات تخالف إرادتها، وأنها، أيّ سورية، أعلمت كلّ من يعنيه الأمر أنها تفضل الحرب على الإرهاب على الحلّ السياسي، وترفض إشراك من يستمرّ مقاتلاً في الميدان في المفاوضات السياسية أو تحديد مستقبل النظام، كما ترفض أيّ نوع من الوصاية او التدخل في صياغة الدستور السوري او تحديد شكل النظام، وترفض أيّ مسّ بحدود سورية او التنازل عن أيّ شبر منها بما في ذلك الجولان. وأخيراً تؤكد سورية على حقها في إنشاء شبكة العلاقات الدولية التي تناسبها ممارسة لسيادتها واستقلالها ما يعني رفض الإملاءات حول الدور الإيراني فيها.

فسورية، كما روسيا، يعلم كلّ منهما مناطق الاتفاق والخلاف والتباين. ويدرك الطرفان حاجة الواحد للآخر من دون ان تكون الحاجة السورية مدخلاً للتنازل عن السيادة والاستقلال. وسورية تعرف حدود الدعم الروسي لها وعمق العلاقة الروسية ـ «الإسرائيلية»، ورفض روسيا لأيّ مواجهة مع أي من أطراف الحلف الأطلسي و»إسرائيل» على الأرض السورية مهما كان حجم العدوان من قبلهم. ومع هذا تراهن على استمرار الدعم الروسي في المجال العسكري لمحاربة الإرهاب في حدود ما ذكر وتثق بالعلاقة الاستراتيجيّة مع روسيا، لكنها لا تصل إلى حدّ التسليم لروسيا بالقرار في سورية او توكيل روسيا بالتفاوض نيابة عن سورية. وهي تقدّر وقوف روسيا إلى جانبها في الميدان وفي مجلس الأمن وفي مواجهة خصومها خاصة في مسائل وحدة سورية وسيادتها على أرضها وثرواتها.

في الخلاصة نقول إنّ العلاقات الروسية السورية ليست من الطبيعة التي تفترض التطابق في كلّ شيء، وليست من الطبيعة التي تجعل طرفاً يسيطر على آخر ويملك قراره ويصادر سيادته، بل إنّ هناك مناطق اتفاق وأخرى فيها خلاف، وبما انّ الإعلام يصطاد في مناطق الخلاف فلا يكون من المفاجئ أن نسمع ونقرأ مواقف في غير مصلحة هذا المقام أو ذاك، لكن العبرة تبقى لما يصدر عمّن بيده القرار وصلاحية رسم السياسة. وفي هذا المجال نقول إنّ العلاقة الروسية السورية في موقع يناسب الطرفين قوة ووضوحاً وطمأنينة، ولن يكون هناك أيّ أثر للقنبلة الصوتية التي أطلقها بعض الإعلام المدفوع الأجر. فسورية قوية بذاتها ومحور مقاومتها ولن يُملى على شعبها شيء لا يريده. حقيقة يعلمها الجميع كما يعلمون انّ مقام الرئيس الأسد واستمراره في موقعه هو موطن من مواطن قوة سورية رمز انتصارها ولا يجرؤ أحد على العبث به.

*أستاذ جامعي – خبير استراتيجي.

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Israel launches heavy strikes over Syrian capital

By News Desk -2020-04-270

Last night, the Israeli Air Force launched airstrikes over the Syrian capital, Damascus, causing a number of explosions over the southern suburbs.

According to a field source in Damascus, the Israeli Air Force fired several missiles towards the Sayyeda Zaynab District, prompting the Syrian air defenses to engage the hostile projectiles from the Mezzeh Airbase.

He would add that the Israeli Air Force conducted these airstrikes from Lebanese airspace, which is common occurrence.No casualties have been confirmed as of yet.

Last night’s airstrikes by the Israeli Air Force marks the second time this month that they have struck an area inside of Syria.

The last attack by the Israeli Air Force targeted the T-4 Airbase in the Homs Governorate; these strikes resulted in the death of three Syrian military personnel.

Despite possessing the Russian-made S-300 system, the Syrian air defenses have yet to use them against the Israeli forces, as they appear to be primarily concentrated in the western part of the Arab Republic.

Video footage of Syrian air defenses confronting Israeli missiles over Damascus

BEIRUT, LEBANON (9:10 A.M.) – The Syrian air defenses were activated last night when several Israeli missiles were fired from Lebanon into the southwestern part of the country.

The Syrian military reported that “our air defenses confronted the” Israeli hostile targets in the skies of Damascus and brought them down.”

According to a field source, the Israeli missiles were targeting the Sayyeda Zaynab District of Damascus, which is a popular destination for Muslims during Ramadan.

“The air defense forces responded to an Israeli missile attack in the sky of the southern countryside of the capital, Damascus,” a Syrian military source told Sputnik Arabic, saying that “the missile aggression was carried out by Israeli aircraft from the Lebanese airspace.”

The source confirmed, “The Syrian anti-aircraft were able to shoot down a number of missiles before they reached their targets, and work is underway to limit the damage .”

The security source stressed that the”the Israeli aggression was carried out by about 8 missiles and 5 of them were dropped before reaching its target.”

A video was later released by Al-Ikhbariya that showed the Syrian air defenses trying to bring down the Israeli missiles over southwestern Syria.

Related News

Israel launches heavy strikes over Syrian capital

By News Desk -2020-04-270

Last night, the Israeli Air Force launched airstrikes over the Syrian capital, Damascus, causing a number of explosions over the southern suburbs.

According to a field source in Damascus, the Israeli Air Force fired several missiles towards the Sayyeda Zaynab District, prompting the Syrian air defenses to engage the hostile projectiles from the Mezzeh Airbase.

He would add that the Israeli Air Force conducted these airstrikes from Lebanese airspace, which is common occurrence.No casualties have been confirmed as of yet.

Last night’s airstrikes by the Israeli Air Force marks the second time this month that they have struck an area inside of Syria.

The last attack by the Israeli Air Force targeted the T-4 Airbase in the Homs Governorate; these strikes resulted in the death of three Syrian military personnel.

Despite possessing the Russian-made S-300 system, the Syrian air defenses have yet to use them against the Israeli forces, as they appear to be primarily concentrated in the western part of the Arab Republic.

Video footage of Syrian air defenses confronting Israeli missiles over Damascus

BEIRUT, LEBANON (9:10 A.M.) – The Syrian air defenses were activated last night when several Israeli missiles were fired from Lebanon into the southwestern part of the country.

The Syrian military reported that “our air defenses confronted the” Israeli hostile targets in the skies of Damascus and brought them down.”

According to a field source, the Israeli missiles were targeting the Sayyeda Zaynab District of Damascus, which is a popular destination for Muslims during Ramadan.

“The air defense forces responded to an Israeli missile attack in the sky of the southern countryside of the capital, Damascus,” a Syrian military source told Sputnik Arabic, saying that “the missile aggression was carried out by Israeli aircraft from the Lebanese airspace.”

The source confirmed, “The Syrian anti-aircraft were able to shoot down a number of missiles before they reached their targets, and work is underway to limit the damage .”

The security source stressed that the”the Israeli aggression was carried out by about 8 missiles and 5 of them were dropped before reaching its target.”

A video was later released by Al-Ikhbariya that showed the Syrian air defenses trying to bring down the Israeli missiles over southwestern Syria.

حماقات الرسائل… وثغرات الحدود

إيهاب زكي

يصدف أننا في شهر شعبان، وفي شهر شعبان من العام 652هـ، أرسل فارس الدين أقطاي رسالة للسلطان عز الدين أيبك، بأنّ عروسه أميرة أيوبية يجب أن تنام في القلعة (مقرّ الحكم في دولة المماليك)، وقد فهم أيبك مضمون الرسالة، بأنّ أقطاي بزواجه من أميرةٍ أيوبيةٍ يعتقد أنّه أصبح أحق بالسلطنة، فنصب له فخاً ثم دعاه إلى القلعة، فانقضّ عليه أمراء أيبك وقتلوه، ثم أمسك أيبك برأس أقطاي وألقاه إلى الجند الذين أتوا للسؤال عن قائدهم ففرّوا جميعاً إلى الشام. وهذا يعني أنّ من يرسل الرسائل المبطنة أو المشفرة، عليه أن يكون حصيفاً بالقدر الكافي ليستقبل الردّ الذي يحب، لا أن يكون أحمقَ أو مغروراً حيث تنتظره المهالك. وهذه الواقعة التاريخية تصلح لإسقاطها على الرسالة التي أرسلتها “إسرائيل” لحزب الله، عبر قصفها سيارة كان يستقلها عناصر حزبية، ولكن رغم ألف نقطة مراقبة مخفية على الحدود ألقى الحزب برأس “إسرائيل” لجنودها من ثلاث ثغرات في السلك الشائك، رغم أنّ الحزب حتى كتابة هذه السطور لم يتبنَّ رسمياً هذا الاختراق.

تحوّل حزب الله من خطرٍ على شمال الأرض المحتلة إلى خطرٍ على أمن “إسرائيل”، ثم إلى خطرٍ استراتيجي على مصالحها، ثم إلى خطرٍ وجودي يهدّد بقاءها. وهي في هذه الحالة كالذي يرتطم بجدارٍ يفتقد للمناطق الرخوة. فتجنّب الحرب يعني أن يراكم الحزب قوةً وقدرة، وافتعالها يعني أنّها القاصمة، و”البروباغندا” التي تسمّيها سياسة “معركة بين الحروب” أثبتت فشلها في تحقيق أيٍّ من الأهداف المرجوّة ميدانياً وسياسياً، لذلك فإنّ السؤال المصيري الذي على صُنّاع القرار في كيان العدو مسارعة الزمن للإجابة عليه هو: “ماذا بعد؟”.

وحتى هذه اللحظة لا إجابات أو حتى مسارات ولو أفقياً بجانب الجدار الصلد، بل مراوحة في المكان، مكان “معركة بين الحروب” مع إنهاك بيِّن، حيث المرة الأولى التي يتعمّد العدو فيها عدم سفك الدم. وهذا لا يعني سوى أنّه منهك عسكرياً واستخبارياً، فعسكرياً هو لا يريد الوقوف مطوّلاً على “إجر ونص”، فضلاً عن تطوّر الوقوف إلى حرب، أمّا استخبارياً فيبدو أنّه يفتقر للمعلومات الدقيقة حول طبيعة وحجم الكادر البشري كما حول النُظم لوجستياً وأمنياً التي يواجه من خلالها حزب الله جائحة كورونا في لبنان، فأراد أن يستنتج جهوزية الحزب عبر هذا الاستهداف المحدّد والمحدود.

قال السيد نصر الله في أحد خطاباته السابقة “إنّ وجودنا في سورية لا يؤثر إطلاقاً في جهوزيتنا على الجبهة الجنوبية”، ومن هنا يجب أن يستنتج العدو أنّه تحت المجهر على الدوام لحظةً بلحظة، وطالما أنّ عدواناً بحجم الحرب على سورية لم يجعل الحزب يغفل لحظةً عن وجوده وتحركاته، فليس من المنطق أن يعلق آمالاً عريضة على جائحة كورونا، ولكن يبدو أنّ افتقاد الخيارات يجعل من مجرد الإعلان عن الوجود خياراً مثالياً، وإلّا فإنّ هذه العملية تفتقر للشجاعة والعزم، وتنمّ عن أيادٍ مرتعشة، وهذا بعكس التصميم الذي يتميّز به حزب الله في تنفيذ وعوده ووعيده.

كما أنّ الحزب الذي يخوض حرباً أمنية قاسية على مدار الساعة مع العدو، يمتاز بالتكتم الشديد، وهو التكتم الذي ينمّ عن أولوية الإنجاز لا غبار التباهي؛ بعكس العدو الذي يبحث عن الاستعراض، حيث يشكل المربّع الأخير لإظهار قدراته، حتى أنّ ما يسمّيها سياسة “الغموض البناء” لم تعد قادرة على بناء ما تثلم من قدراته، لذلك يتخلى عنها لصالح “الانفضاح الهدّام”، حيث انهدام الهيبة التي راكمها على مدار عقود، ويحاول من خلال مراكمة الفضائح أن يصنع ميزان ردعٍ جديداً، وهي من علامات التكلّس التي لا نهاية لها سوى الكسر.

إنّ أهمّ رأسٍ “إسرائيلي” قطعه إحداث الثغرات هو أمن الجدران، فمَن أحدثَ الثغرات طعن نظرية أمن الجدران في مقتل، فلم يعد الكيان في مأمنٍ مهما تسوَّر، وإنّ أمنه المؤقت هو فقط لمجرد أنّ قرار الحرب ليس في وارد الحزب حالياً لأسبابٍ لا تحصى. وهنا على سبيل الاستشهاد فقد لفتتني ملامح الجندي الإيراني، الذي كان على متن أحد الزوارق التي اقتربت من القطعة الحربية الأميركية في الخليج، فلم تكن مجرد ملامحٍ لجندي يمارس مهامه بحزمٍ عسكري، بل كانت ملامح مليئةً بالتحفز والغضب والمقت، وأنّ العائق الوحيد أمامها عن التهام هذه القطعة الحربية حتى بالأسنان هو القرار السياسي حصراً.

وهذه الملامح ذاتها ترتسم حتماً على وجوه مقاتلي حزب الله على الحدود الجنوبية، فهؤلاء المقاتلون لا ينظرون إلى الصراع مع “إسرائيل” باعتباره صراعاً حدودياً، أو من منطلق عدو اليوم صديق الغد، بل صراعاً وجودياً، وأنّ عدو الأمس واليوم هو عدو الأبد. ويقيناً أنّ جنود العدو رأوا نزراً يسيراً من هذه الملامح على مدار سِنيِّ الصراع. وفي النهاية وعلى سبيل الشماتة، فإنّ الإعلام العبري كما النفطي سيفتقد لحفلات اكتشاف “جيش المكتشفين” أنفاق لحزب الله، حيث يبدو أنّ الطريق من فوق الأرض أكثر يُسراً وأقلّ تكلفة وأسرع زمناً.

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A Yellow Card Surprises Tel Aviv

A Yellow Card Surprises Tel Aviv

Jihad Haidar

“Israel” sent a fiery message by targeting a car on Syrian territory that was carrying Hezbollah members. The attack didn’t cause any casualties. It was followed by three “silent” security incidents targeting the border fence with occupied Palestine. The occupation army described the incidents as “very dangerous”. What messages was the enemy trying to send, and how did it assess the response along the border fence?

The recent “Israeli” aggression was an extension of its broader policy towards Syria. It is also clear that it falls within the framework of the “battle between the wars”, which has carried on for more than seven years. However, the enemy’s strategy has gone through several stages. Each of these was based on gambits and estimates related to the prevailing conditions and centered on objectives set by the enemy’s leadership in line with the perceived nature and level of threat.

The aggression also carried another message: amidst the spread of the coronavirus in “Israel”, Tel Aviv would continue its aggressive strategy against the parties of the resistance axis in general, and Hezbollah in particular. As such, it wanted to say that any repercussions from the health and economic crisis would not deter “Israel” from confronting what it sees as a threat to its regional interests.

The enemy apparently wanted to suggest that it was prepared to venture into targeting Hezbollah members as well. It deliberately inflated the message in a bid to add more credibility to it, hoping to raise Hezbollah’s anxiety levels and change the existing equation.

Why did the enemy bet again on this particular stage?

The enemy’s calculations regarding Syria date back to the beginning of 2013, and the assumption that neither Damascus nor its allies in the axis of the resistance are willing to open a second front while faced with the Takfiri threat. This premise constituted the main pillar upon which the aggression was founded and continued until the current stage in which a set of factors and considerations overlapped.

Before the spread of the coronavirus, the enemy was wagering on the notion that the strategy of the axis of resistance was not to respond to these strikes as the strategy was based on a specific order of priorities at this stage. It was also because of specific estimates regarding the repercussions of this course that may result from exchanging fiery messages. The same concept was present among the enemy’s leadership, forcing it to abide by restrictions in order to avoid a scenario leading to a military confrontation that it does not want, at least at this stage.

After the spread of the virus, this approach strengthened within political and security decision-making institution. They seem to understand that Hezbollah has become more eager to avoid a military confrontation in light of Lebanon’s economic and health challenges. This may prompt them to broaden the level of targeting, in the hope that the worsening economic and health situation, locally and regionally, curbs Hezbollah’s influence and pushes it to accept the formula the enemy is aiming to impose.

Nevertheless, it appears that the enemy has also reached a critical conclusion – admitting that all operational, regional, and economic bets have not succeeded in curbing the upward trajectory of the axis of resistance and that of Hezbollah in particular. This prompted “Israel” to try to advance its operational options or to pave the way for such an advancement.

However, it seemed clear that the enemy was keen to avoid human casualties. This is due to its realization that any foolishness in this area will lead to an inevitable response by Hezbollah. In order to avoid this scenario, it was keen not to inflict casualties.

This is what Ron Ben-Yishai, Yedioth Ahronot’s security affairs commentator, explicitly pointed out.

“It was clear to the decision-makers in ‘Israel’ that the liquidation of a Hezbollah operative and official would cause a major escalation. It was clear that Hezbollah would respond. And this currently goes against ‘Israel’s’ interests,” Ben-Yishai said.

The same concept applies to the attack since it was carried out on Syrian soil; based on the equation that developed during the past years in which the Lebanese scene was protected with equations that differ from the regional scene. Otherwise, the enemy could have waited for the car to cross onto Lebanese territory and target it without spilling blood. Thus, the message would be more informative and more severe. It would show more determination from the enemy leadership.

Instead, its eagerness to deliver the message on Syrian soil reflected its concerns about a Hezbollah response. But it seems that the outcome surprised the “Israeli” decision-making establishment.  In the absence of martyrs, “Israel” should have been safe from any response. However, the fence incident muddled its calculations, opening possibilities with more than one scenario that is certain to boost “Israeli” anxiety levels.

The border fence infiltration messages

Hezbollah is yet to issue any statements regarding the incident at the border with occupied Palestine. However, several messages from the incident can be noted.

The enemy was not reluctant to link the two events due to their succession, and the fact that the operations of cutting the fence took place along more than one point with creative tactics that revealed a level of professionalism and creativity. The sensors were unable to detect the men who had outmaneuvered all defensive and control measures. This was acknowledged by ‘Israeli’ television Kan, which pointed out that “the entire border line is filled with a lot of control and defense measures, and the fact that these cells reached the fence and cut openings indicate high professionalism in the implementation, and perhaps in the information they gathered in preparation for cutting these openings.”

The enemy saw in the series of breaches of the fence an embodiment of the ability to infiltrate the borders, if necessary. This is further highlighted by the ‘‘Israel’ Defense’ website, which pointed out that this is one of the most “technological borders” for “Israel”. It gives the resistance – according to Tel Aviv’s political and security decision-making institutions – more cards to counter any aggressive options that require this level of response.

The enemy understood from the border incident that this level of aggressive messages in Syria would be matched by appropriate responses. It can be said that most of the commentators and experts who dealt with the border fence incident recognized this equation and reflected its presence as it should be among the enemy’s leaders. Military commentator for Channel 13, Alon Ben-David, was one of those who drew attention to this.

“Whoever reached the fence and cut holes in three places is telling ‘Israel’ I know how to reach the border. You will not see me. And I will cut holes in the fence whenever I want,” Ben-David said. “The ‘Israeli’ army observation points did not see Hezbollah members approaching” the fence. Ben-David described this message as very cruel, and therefore, it is likely to be reflected “in the continued operation of the ‘Israeli’ army against Hezbollah, whether in Syria or in Lebanon.”

The political and security institutions’ characterization of the fence incident as nothing less than “very serious” is an expression of their understanding of the messages. These messages only impose more restrictions on any aggressive options being studied or being prepared for implementation.

According to “Israeli” commentators, the message from the border fence incident was resounding. The time, place, and tactics were significant. They indicate that the price the enemy entity will pay is far higher than what it anticipated in any confrontation or attempt to exploit what it imagines as a new opportunity that will allow it to impose equations by which it expands its aggression.

In simple terms, “Israel” realized that it was dealt a yellow card, which is directed specifically at the decision-makers in Tel Aviv, and it will be subject to further study and assessment.

Whatever the scenarios that follow, the fence incident has turned into a prominent junction in the context of the security war between Hezbollah and the “Israeli” entity which has multiple tracks and arenas and is most sophisticated in terms of methods and tactics. What happened in recent days was nothing but a demonstration of a small part of this. It was done in an accurate manner that will not lead to a military confrontation that the two parties do not want at the present stage, at least.

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