“Israel” to Ask Allies to Pass “Discreet Message” to ICC Not to Open War Crimes Probe in Occupied Palestine

“Israel” to Ask Allies to Pass “Discreet Message” to ICC Not to Open War Crimes Probe in Occupied Palestine

By Staff, Agencies

Tel Aviv intends to lure “dozens of” its allies to convey a “discreet message” to the International Criminal Court [ICC] prosecutor, Fatou Bensoud, pressuring her not to proceed with the probe into war crimes committed by the “Israeli” entity in the occupied territories, an Axios report said Sunday.

The ICC ruled on Friday that it had jurisdiction to open an investigation into war crimes committed by “Israel” in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East al-Quds [Jerusalem].

The report cited two Israeli officials who said that the country’s foreign ministry sent a classified table [designated as “Urgent”] to its ambassadors around the globe on Sunday. According to the lobbying instructions in the cable, the “Israeli” diplomats should reach out to foreign ministers and heads of government and ask them to issue official statements objecting to the ICC ruling.

“We ask that [governments] send a discreet message to the prosecutor asking her not to move forward with the investigation against Israeli and not give this case a high priority”, the cable reportedly read.

“You are instructed to tell the highest levels of government that if an investigation against ‘Israel’ starts it will create a continuous crisis between Israel and the Palestinian Authority that will not allow any diplomatic progress to take place between the parties”, it reportedly added.

The “Israeli” entity’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu lambasted the ICC move on Saturday, calling it “pure anti-Semitism” and called instead to “investigate brutal dictatorships like Iran and Syria.”

Earlier on Saturday, the “Israel” Occupation Forces [IOF] called the ICC’s decision biased and said it would continue to protect the security of the country and its citizens, respecting national and international law.

The US Department of State has expressed concerns over the ICC decision to exercise its jurisdiction over the “Israeli” entity.

In a statement on Friday, US State Department spokesman Ned Price said: “‘Israel’ is not a State Party to the Rome Statute. We will continue to uphold President Biden’s strong commitment to ‘Israel’ and its security, including opposing actions that seek to target ‘Israel’ unfairly.”

The ICC announcement said that the court’s “territorial jurisdiction in the situation in Palestine [….] extends to the territories occupied by ‘Israel’ since 1967, namely Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem [al-Quds]”. Bensoud also added that there is “a reasonable basis” to believe that war crimes “have been or are being committed in the West Bank” by the “Israeli” entity, requesting an investigation.

The move was welcomed by the Palestinian Authority, with Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh calling it as “a victory for justice and humanity, for the values of truth, fairness and freedom, and for the blood of the victims and their families”.

Hamas also welcomed the ICC ruling, stressing that “any decision that contributes to supporting the rights of the Palestinian people and defends their freedom is an appropriate decision, consistent with human values, human rights charters, protection of civilians under occupation and the prosecution of war criminals”.

In December 2019, ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said that there was sufficient evidence to open a full investigation into possible war crimes committed in Palestine.

The announcement was made after the conclusions of a nearly five year preliminary examination into the situation in Palestine, which primarily focused on the 2014 Gaza War and the “Israeli” entity’s possible “intentionally launching disproportionate attacks” but also looked into the incidents at the Gaza border with the entity in March 2018 which resulted in the killing of over 200 individuals, including 40 children.

The ‘Western’ Racist Roots of Israeli Apartheid

by Jeremy Salt

Source

Palestinian phoenix 4510c

Joe Biden supports a two-state solution to the ‘Palestine problem’. Well, first of all, it never was a Palestine problem. It was a  zionist problem, leading to the colonization and takeover of Palestine by a settler minority. 

Second, the two-state solution is a chimera. Israel is not interested and by supporting a two-state solution that is a delusion,  Biden is actually supporting the continuation of a policy of no solution. In fact, his bogus two-state solution is no more than a mask drawn over the face of his real policy, of continuing lavish support for Israel whatever it does. The one issue Biden does have to face is the Israeli threat to attack Iran if he dares to take the US back into the nuclear agreement breached by Trump. We have to wait to see how he works this out.   

By themselves, the Palestinians have never counted for less in the strategic and political calculations of the zionists. They are treated as a defeated people who should have surrendered long ago and true, the zionists have never been stronger at the material level,  the Palestinians never weaker. 

Only the Palestinians have the right to decide what to do next in the current calamitous situation, but friends can make suggestions and an obvious one would be the need to reconstitute themselves as a national community, building tactical and strategic consensus, before going any further.

In the absence of a two-state solution, the pendulum swings back to one state, either one  Jewish national state or one state for all.  This second aspiration takes the issue back to the 1960s and the one secular state advanced at that time by the PLO.

This soon foundered on the reef of zionist ideology, which from the beginning was based on a Jewish state established over all of Palestine.  That was the whole point of taking the land in the first place: it was a delusion to think the zionists would ever accept anything less than a Jewish state.  Israel’s extended dissembling over the past two decades has merely enabled what was intended,  its colonization of east Jerusalem and the West Bank to reach the point of what many believe to be irreversibility.   

Irreversibility has no meaning in history, of course. The examples are too numerous even to bother proving the point but apparent irreversibility manifested in the 600,000 settlers occupying East Jerusalem and the West Bank has led many Palestinians back to the idea of  one state for all across all of Palestine. 

The pooling of resources in one state with equal rights for Jews, Muslims and Christians (and anyone else) is an attractive and sensible option, of course,  even with all the immense practical difficulties that such an idea entails, beginning with acceptance of the right to return of Palestinians (and their heirs) to the places they came from,  taken over by Jewish settlers in 1948/9 as illegally as the settlers living in east Jerusalem or the West Bank since 1967.

However, even if all this could be sorted out theoretically (and a new name devised for this shared land),  the Jews of today’s Israel do not want it any more than their forebears did.   

For secular Jews living in pre-1967 Israel/occupied Palestine,  the ‘right’ of Israel to exist as a Jewish state is the rock of their collective existence:   for religious Jews living in the territories taken in 1967,  God’s mandate and not Israel’s ‘right’ to exist explains their position but the two positions dovetail in the belief of the necessity of a Jewish state, across all if not most of Palestine.

Just as there were a handful of brave Afrikaners who fought white settler apartheid, so there have always been Jews who challenge zionist racism:  Judah Magnes and the small circle around him in the 1920s-40s who believed in a binational state,  Uri Avnery and the peaceniks in the 1960s and 1970s and currently,  the scholar Ilan Pappe and the journalists Amira Hass and Gideon Levy.  They expose the lies of the state and the endorsement of its crimes by the people but they represent a tiny minority, allowing the state and the people to shrug them off. 

The similarities between apartheid South Africa and apartheid Israel should not blind people into thinking that the outcome will be the same, that one day,  like the white settlers in South Africa,  the zionists will voluntarily see the error of their ways and change course. 

As far as we can see ahead, this would be another delusion. By 1990 the small white minority of South Africa had declined to about 13 percent of the total population.  Apart from the numbers, the apartheid regime was isolated internationally, with sanctions being imposed that spelled economic ruin: ultimately it had no choice but to give in to what was manifestly inevitable.    

By comparison, while the demographics continue to change against them all the time,  Jews still constitute about 50 percent of the population of Palestine between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River. They still have sufficient numbers as well as the armed might for Israel to be able to put down any Palestinian challenge from inside.   

Furthermore,  there is little effective pressure on Israel from the ‘western’ world to change its ways.   BDS has damaged Israel,  but at the cost of a counter-reaction which has resulted in  Israel being given additional protection by the passage of anti-BDS measures by state legislatures across the US and by parliaments in Canada,  Britain, France and Germany.  The gains have been heavily offset by the cost.

The cash flow from the US continues undiminished,  and neither the UN as a collective body or any of its member governments seeks to restrain Israel in any serious way. Not only that,  but they give their fervent support to the charge of anti-semitism which Israel continues to use unscrupulously to destroy those who stand against its racism, the most recent high profile scalp being Jeremy Corbyn’s.

In such an environment of international indulgence,  with only notional marginal interest at home in a genuine one-state settlement, the Israeli government sees no need to change course.  It knows it can do virtually whatever it wants  without the ‘international community’ stepping forward to stand in its way.  Not even the killing of children on the West Bank or in Gaza have been sufficient to push it into making Israel pay for the consequences of its actions.   

Holocaust guilt helps to explain indulgence of Israel but so does the racism of the ‘west,’  past and present,  as manifested yet again by the recent slaughter of hundreds of thousands of innocent people in Middle Eastern lands.

Far from generating absolute horror at such crimes,  these deaths count for little in the ‘western’ homeland.  Black lives in the US, Canada, or Australia might matter but black or brown lives destroyed in Iraq,  Syria,  Libya, Yemen,  Palestine and numerous other places count for very little in these same countries.

The deaths of 3000 people on 9/11 were widely described as a turning point.  By comparison, no episode of the mass killing of people of color has ever been described as a turning point in history. 

These deaths have little impact in the countries where they are decided:  the faces are faceless, the names nameless,  the features featureless,  the deaths not counted,  no more than an estimate if someone asks.    

There is no turning point for these victims of racist wars:  their world will continue to turn the same way it always has done.  Their deaths do not register because they are not exceptional  – as the deaths on 9/11 were –  but only the normal continuation of what has been going on for centuries in Latin America,  Africa, the Middle East and South-east Asia, with no end in sight even now, and one does not sit up and take notice of the normal.

The ending of these lives of unequal value at the hands of ‘western’ armies is ignored or quickly forgotten:  no-one in the ‘western’ homeland is ever held responsible, not the politicians launching the wars,  not the pilots firing the missiles, and not the media giving encouragement on the home front.

These two complementary forms of racism, zionist apartheid  on one hand and deeply imprinted  ‘western’ racism on the other,  have been fundamental to the success of Zionism from the beginning. 

With support continuing from the US at all levels,  and with the ‘international community’ reluctant to intervene,  it would be a delusion to think that Israel will one day voluntarily accept a genuine one-state settlement.  The great bulk of Jewish Israelis do not want it and the state will fight it tooth and claw if it ever becomes a serious threat (an extremely remote prospect at the moment).   

There are no signs that sufficient momentum can be developed to compel Israel to accept such a solution.  BDS is effective but only up to a certain point.  The ‘international community’ is not interested in challenging Israel in any meaningful way.  Arab governments never genuinely committed to the Palestine cause in the first place are now coming out of hiding and signing agreements with the enemy who never was. 

To see where any prospect of breaking this deadlock might lie, one has to look at the regional strategic situation as seen through Israeli eyes. The dominant feature in military circles is alarm, born not just of Israel’s failure to intimidate its enemies but the fact that they are stronger now than they were a decade ago. 

The exception is Syria, which has withstood the most determined attempt ever made to destroy an Arab government, has had to pay a terrible price in the loss of life and destruction of its towns and cities and is still battling armed takfiri groups in different parts of the country. It has to concentrate on its own recovery: there is not much else it can do at the moment but its strategic allies, Iran and Hizbullah, remain a standing cause of active preparation for war in Israel.

Inside their homeland, the Palestinians can be killed, bullied and beaten, and otherwise oppressed by a suffocating network of pseudo-legal ‘laws’ but Israel has no such control beyond Palestine’s borders. This external dimension of the Palestinian question –  as an Arab question, historically, politically, culturally, and geographically; as a Muslim question, with the enormous weight that this signifies; and as a human rights question that resonates around the world – has always represented the greatest threat to the zionist state,  as by themselves the Palestinians would never have been capable of overcoming the vast power wielded against them after 1918. 

Resistance to Israel by Iran and Hizbullah arises from the centrality of Palestine in Arab and Muslim consciousness.  They have paid heavily for their commitment but they have not backed off because,  to put it as it is understood in Iran and by Hizbullah, the cause is sacred. Their resistance is deeply principled,  something the ‘western’ homeland cannot allow itself to understand if Israel is to be defended,  but as much as they are demeaned and abused in the ‘western’ homeland as ‘terrorists’  it is they who have human rights and international law on their side,  not Israel.  

In this external form, from beyond Palestine’s borders, the Palestinian phoenix rises again from the ashes of its suffering to haunt its enemy.  An idea can be much harder to crush than a people, because it has to be countermanded by ideas and Israel has none in its armoury, at least not any good ones. 

In the event of another regional war, unfortunately, a probability more than a possibility, on the basis of all past experience, Iran and Hizbullah have the missile capacity to damage Israel well beyond anything it has ever experienced.

Only the trauma of such an experience is likely to push Israel in the direction of one state for everyone living in the land of Palestine,  with the doors of return opened to the refugees. This is clearly the common-sense solution, the humane solution, but it is not one that Israel is likely to embrace voluntarily.

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine 21- 27 January 2021

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory 21- 27 January 2021

Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine

21- 27 January 2021

  • Child killed in Salfit in alleged stab attack
  • IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem: 9 Palestinians wounded, including a child and a journalist
  • Two IOF shootings reported at agricultural lands, and three at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip
  • In 101 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 97 civilians arrested, including 10 children and 2 women
  • Patient companion arrested at Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing, northern Gaza Strip
  • Israeli decision to confiscate 600 dunums from Deir Istiya, Salfit
  • 5 establishments demolished in Jerusalem; mosque foundation demolished, and 14 demolition notices served in Hebron
  • 10,300 trees razed, cease-construction and demolition notices served to 3 houses in the northern Jordan valleys
  • Settlers seized an 800 dunums hill in Bethlehem and attack houses and vehicles in the West Bank
  • IOF established 74 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 5 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians that are mostly conducted after midnight and in the early morning hours.

Additionally, this week witnessed a continued escalation in settler attacks, mainly stone throwing at civilian houses and vehicles in the West Bank. Also, IOF demolitions of Palestinian homes and properties continued in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem; a wide-scale confiscation and seizure campaign of Palestinian lands was conducted by IOF in the West Bank.

This week, PCHR documented 225 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

IOF wounded 9 Palestinians, including a child and a journalist, in excessive use of force against civilians in the West Bank. Atallah Mohammed Rayan (17) was killed by IOF on 26 January 2021 near Haris village intersction, northern Salfit, after IOF alleged he attempted to stab a soldier. PCHR investigation into the incident indicates that IOF could have controlled the teen using a less lethal force. Additionally, 4 Palestinains, including a jouranlists, were wounded by IOF in separate incidents during the occupation forces’ incursions into Ramallah and al-Bireh; 3 were wounded in IOF attacks on two peaceful protests in Kafr Qaddum – Qalqilya; and a child was wounded in IOF incursion into Jenin refugee camp, and another Palestinain was injured in IOF incursion into occupied East Jerusaelm.

In the Gaza Strip, two IOF shootings were reported on agricultural lands eastern Khan Younis, and three shootings on fishing boats off Gaza’s northern shore.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 101 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 97 Palestinians were arrested, including 10 children and 2 women.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF arrested a patient’s companion at Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 14 incidents:

  • Tubas: 2 houses received demolition notices in Kherbet Yerza; a cease-construction notice served to a house in Kherbet al-Meyta. Also, 7 tents and sheep barns dismantled in the northern Jordan valleys; 10,000 forest trees and 300 olive trees destroyed in a 400 dunum land in Kherbet Einon.
  • Salfit: Confiscation decision of 600 dunums from Deir Istiya.
  • Bethlehem: demolition notices to an agricultural room and a water tank in al-Khader village; under-construction house demolished in al-Walaja.
  • Nablus: al-Khan spring demolished and a steel fence in Khan al-Laban; 5 demolition notices served to 4 buildings and a barracks in Asira ash-Shamaliya.
  • Occupied East Jerusalem: 5 establishments demolished, and a land razed in Anata.
  • Hebron: 14 demolition notice served in Khirbet Zanuta; mosque foundations demolished in Kherbet Um Qassa; lavatory dismantled in al-Rakeez village, eastern Yatta.
  • Settler-attacks:PCHR fieldworkers reported and documented 16 settler-violence incidents:
  • Ramallah: Palestinian vehicle assaulted near Burqa wounding a 3-year old.
  • Bethlehem: settlers constructed two roads and seized an 800 dunum hill in Baddyet Bethlehem (east); civilian vehicles assaulted on the bypass road between Za’atara and Teqoa and the “Kfar Etzion” settlement junction. Also, 3 dunums were razed in Al-Masara and shepherds were assaulted.
  • Nablus: settler attacks and stone thrown on vehicles near Hawara checkpoint, “Yitzhar” settlement and Burin and in southeastern Nablus. Settlers also attacked civilian houses in Burin and Madama.
  • Qalqilya: civilian vechiles assaulted by Jinsafut entrance.
  • Hebron: settler attacks on vehicles travelling on Bypass Road (60); 100 olive tree seedlings uprooted and shepherds assaulted.
  • Salfit: 100 olive trees damaged in Kafr ad-Dik.

 Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity
  • At approximately 04:50 on Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF moved into al-Bireh city, north of Ramallah, and stationed in al-Balou’ neighborhood. They raided and searched Amal Mo’amer ‘Arabi Nakhlah’s (17) house and arrested him. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who responded with teargas canisters and sound bombs. As a result, journalist, Mohammed Turukman (24) was shot and injured with a rubber bullet in the right shoulder and was taken to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah for treatment. Also, dozens of civilians suffocated due to teargas inhalation.
  • At approximately 14:15, IOF stationed in military site no. 16 along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, northeast of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza Strip, opened sporadic fire at Palestinian shepherds who approached the fence, causing fear among them and forcing them to flee. No casualties or material damage were reported.
  • At approximately 20:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, and stationed in ‘Obaid neighborhood, west of the village. IOF established a military checkpoint at the village entrance, searched Palestinian civilians and checked their IDs. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones, Molotov Cocktails and fireworks at IOF, who responded with rubber bullets and heavy teargas canisters; no casualties were reported. IOF arrested Mohammed ‘Aziz ‘Obaid (17) and withdrew later.
  • At approximately 22:30, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, and stationed in al-Nakhla and al-Qa’ neighborhoods. IOF established military checkpoints at the neighborhood entrances, searched Palestinian civilians and checked their IDs. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones, empty bottles and fireworks at IOF, who responded with rubber bullets and heavy teargas canisters; no casualties were reported. IOF arrested Ahmed Marwan Abu Jum’a (21), Ibrahim Nader Abu Hatab (19) and Ibrahim Khaled al- Haniti (18) and withdrew later.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of Al-Fukhari village; no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Friday, 21 January 2021, a peaceful protest took off in front of Deir Jarir village council, northeast of Ramallah, in the center of the West Bank, towards lands under the threat of confiscation and in protest to the establishment of new settlement outposts in al-Shurfa area, where Israeli settlers set up a tent and a water tank on the village’s agricultural lands. The protestors raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation and settlers. When the protestors arrived at the area, they found a large number of Israeli soldiers awaiting them. The protestors performed the Friday prayer on the lands under the threat of confiscation while Israeli soldiers surrounding them. Following the Friday prayer, the protestors chanted slogans again against the Israeli occupation and settlers. IOF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, dozens of protestors suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 12:30 on Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF stationed at the northern entrance to Kafr Qaddum village, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a peaceful protest organized by dozens of Palestinian young men. IOF chased Palestinian young men gathered in the area, clashed with them and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at them. As a result, a 22-year-old male was shot with a rubber bullet in his hand, causing fractures in it, and was taken to a hospital for treatment.
  • At approximately 12:30 on Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF stationed at the northern entrance to Kafr Qaddum village, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a peaceful protest organized by dozens of Palestinian young men. IOF chased Palestinian young men gathered in the area, clashed with them and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at them. As a result, a 20-year-old male was hit with a teargas canister in his elbow and an 18-year-old male was hit with a teargas canister in his back.
  • At approximately 13:30, dozens of Palestinian young men, from Yatta City, along with international and Israeli peace activists organized a peaceful protest at the entrance to Tawameen village, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The protestors raised Palestinian flags and banners written on them slogans against settlement, and chanted slogans. The protest was organized a day after Israeli settlers’ arrival at caves belonging to Mur family in Tawameen village and damaged its contents. In the meantime, a large number of IOF arrived at the area and fired sound bombs and teargas canisters at them. As a result, many protestors and journalists suffocated due to teargas inhalation. IOF also prevented the journalists from photographing, declared the area as a closed-military zone and threatened the protestors to be arrested. Meanwhile, a number of Israeli settlers arrived at the area, cursed the protestors and attempted to beat them. The protestors withdrew from the area while journalists passed through the Bypass road in order to reach Susya village, where their vehicles were parked. While they were on their way, a number of Israeli settlers attacked them and unleashed their dogs towards them, forcing them to flee. As a result, journalist Hamza Hattab (37), a reporter of “Wafa” news agency, sustained bruises in his hand; and journalist Mashhour al-Wahwah, cameraman at“Wafa” news agency, sustained bruises. In the meantime, the settlers gathered and chanted racist slogans against Arabs.
  • At approximately 18:20, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, and off al-Sudaniyia Shore, west of Jabalia refugee camp, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles, opened sporadic fire around them and fired flare bombs in the sky, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 21:50, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, and off al-Sudaniyia Shore, west of Jabalia refugee camp, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3-6 nautical miles, opened sporadic fire around them and fired flare bombs in the sky, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:30 on Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF backed by military vehicles moved into Deir Abu Mash’al village, northwest of Ramallah, and closed the village’s main entrance and sub-roads. IOF vehicles stationed in the center of the village, near Deir Abu Mash’al mixed school. Meanwhile, a number of Israeli soldiers stepped out of the vehicles, deployed in the neighborhoods’ entrances, raided and searched several houses, and fired teargas canisters around them. IOF detained Fateh Rezeq Zahran (28) while present in front of his house, handcuffed him, took him to Israeli vehicles, and interrogated him for half an hour before releasing him. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli soldiers and vehicles. IOF immediately attacked the protestors, chased them in the village’s neighborhoods and fired live and rubber bullets, teargas canisters and sound bombs at them. As a result, two protestors were wounded and taken to Palestine Medical Complex for treatment. The wounded were identified as: a 20-year-old male, who was shot and injured with a live bullet in his foot; and a 22-year-old male who was shot and injured with a rubber bullet in his foot. Also, many protestors suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot. IOF also detained at least 25 civilians at the village’s main entrance and prevented them from enter the village. The IOF incursion into the village continued until 17:30. This IOF action came as a collective punishment policy after unknown persons threw stones at a vehicle belonging to a female settler passing through the settlement road “64”, which connects between Deir Abu Mash’al and “Hallamish” settlement.
  • At approximately 09:15 on Monday, 25 January 2021, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, and off al-Sudaniyia Shore, west of Jabalia refugee camp, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3-6 nautical miles, opened heavy fire and fired shells around them for an hour, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 16:30, IOF moved into Iraq Burin village, south of Nablus, north of the West Bank. Meanwhile, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones at IOF, who responded with teargas canisters to disperse them. As a result, many protestors suffocated to due teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 17:15, IOF moved into Sanur village, south of Jenin, north of the West Bank. Meanwhile, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones at IOF, who responded with teargas canisters to disperse them. As a result, many protestors suffocated to due teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 00:30 on Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF moved into Tubas city, north of the West Bank. Meanwhile, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones at IOF, who responded with teargas canisters to disperse them. As a result, many protestors suffocated to due teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin, north of the West Bank. Meanwhile, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones at IOF, who responded with teargas canisters, sound bombs and live and rubber bullets to disperse them. As a result, a 16-year-old child was shot and injured with a live bullet in his left thigh and taken to Dr. Khalil Suliman Hospital for treatment. Also, many protestors suffocated to due teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot. Before IOF withdrawal from the city, they raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested ‘Ali Ahmed ‘Ali ‘Amer (20) , from Jenin refugee camp, and ‘Imran ‘Emad al-Deen Ahmed Saqer (22), from Wad Burqin.
  • On Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF killed a Palestinian child on ‘Aber al-Samera Street near Haris village intersection, north of Salfit, under the pretext that he attempted to stab an Israeli female soldier. PCHR’s investigations points out that IOF could have controlled the child by using less lethal force.

According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 11:30, while the child was walking on ‘Aber al-Samera street, few meters away from the vehicles lane,  female and male soldiers were walking in front of him heading to a military checkpoint established on the street, 20 meters away. Verbal altercation erupted between the two soldiers and the child and then developed to a fist fight. Few moments later, a third soldier present in the area intervened and shot the child, wounding him directly. A number of Israeli soldiers gathered around the child who fell on the ground, beat him with gun butts and left him to bleed out without providing first aid until he succumbed to his wounds. Forty minutes later, the soldiers took him via an Israeli ambulance to an unknown destination.

The Israeli spokesperson said that a Palestinian child attempted to stab a female soldier several times before the soldiers neutralized him. It should be noted that Israeli authorities did not publish any video corroborating the incident, despite that there were cameras in the area. It was found later that the victim is ‘Atallah Mohammed Rayan (17), from Qarawat Bani Hassan village, west of Salfit. PCHR’s fieldworker said that Rayan is a senior high school student and he used to head to his father’s marble factory in Rujeib village after returning from school. PCHR points out that IOF could have controlled the child without killing him, and that even if the Israeli claims were true, the child did not pose threat to the lives of the soldiers who could have controlled him, arrested him and used less lethal force against him without killing him and leaving him to bleed out without providing first aid, despite the presence of an Israeli medical crew.

At approximately 17:00, IOF backed by military vehicles moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan village, west of Salfit. They raided and searched Rayan’s house and interrogated all the family members. During which, IOF informed Rayan’s family that he attempted to stab a female soldier; Rayan’s family denied having any information about the incident or that their son intended to carry out a stab attack, expressing their shock to what happened to him. During the IOF incursion into the village, Palestinian young men threw stones at IOF and clashes erupted between them. IOF fired rubber bullets and teargas canisters at the young men; no casualties were reported.

  • At approximately 16:00, IOF attacked and severely beat a Palestinian male while present near “Beitar Illit” settlement, which is established on Husan, Nahalin and Wadi_Fukin villages’ lands, southwest of Bethlehem. Eyewitnesses stated that the guards of “Beitar Illit” settlement severely beat Hider Eyad Hider Hamamra (24), from Husan village, while he was at the entrance to the settlement, causing bruises to him. He was taken to a hospital for treatment.
  • At approximately 21:00, IOF moved into Hizma village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, and stationed in the center of the village. IOF raided and searched several shops. During which, Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF, who attacked the protestors, chased them in the eastern neighborhood and fired rubber bullets, teargas canisters and heavy sound bombs at them. As a result, Qusai Hamed Shareef al-Khatib (21), was shot and injured with a live bullet in his foot and was taken to a hospital for treatment.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Wednesday, 27 January 2021, IOF backed by military vehicles moved into Kafr_Malik village, northeast of Ramallah, and stationed in the village’s eastern side. The IOF deployed between civilians’ houses and indiscriminately fired teargas canisters at them. During which, a group of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF, who chased the stone-throwers and fired rubber bullets, teargas canisters and sound bombs at them. As a result, a 20-year-old male was shot with a rubber bullet in his foot and was taken to a medical center in Silwad village. Also, many civilians suffocated due to teargas inhalation. The IOF incursion continued until 19:00; no arrests were reported.
  1. Incursions and arrests:

Thursday, 21 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Surif, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Abdul Rahman Hazem Hadoush’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron and stationed at several neighborhoods in the city. They raided and searched four houses and arrested (4) civilians; Mohammed Maher Bader (59), a member at the dissolved legislative council, Mohannad As’ad al-Tawil (40), Dia’ Hesham Zaheda (34), and Arafat Mohammed al-Qawasmi (38).
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Hosny Isma’el Za’aqiq’s (59) house and arrested his two sons Isma’el (25) and Nidal (21).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Ya’bad, southwest of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Hussain Thabet Ba’jawi (26).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed As’ad Nazzal (22).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Aqabat Jabr refugee camp. Southwest of Jericho. They raided and searched Mahmoud Arafat Jalaita’s (29) house and arrested him. Meanwhile, IOF arrested Ahmed Bassam al-Mimi (18), while present in al-Quds street in the southern entrance of the camp.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Kobar, north of Ramallah governorate. They raided and searched three houses in al-Tahta neighborhood and arrested (3) civilians; Jameel Mohammed Daraghmeh (38), Naseem Abdul Salam al-Barghouthi (25), and Mohye Wissam al-Barghouthi (24). Meanwhile, another IOF stormed Ali Waheed al-Barghouthi’s house in the center of the village, opened fire at the windows and doors of the house and threw sound bombs inside it, then they severely beaten and arrested his son, Alaa’ (27).

Alaa’s mother said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“While I was sleeping, I heard the Israeli soldiers using loud speakers calling my husband by saying “Ali, get out of your house”, they kept calling him for 30 minutes without storming the house, so my son Alaa and I went to open the door. As soon as we opened the door, the Israeli soldiers came in,  caught, and handcuffed Alaa and started beating him with their riffles’ butts and detained him out of the house. And then, one of the soldiers ordered me to wake up my daughters, but I told him to let them sleep, so he said: “If you are worried about your daughters, get them out of the house in 3 minutes,” and then he threw a sound bomb inside the house, so I ran out of the house with my daughters, and they were very scared. My daughter, Mira (7), was running barefoot while she was crying all the way until we arrived at my mother in law’s house, next to ours. We kept looking at our house, and saw the Israeli soldiers beating Alaa nonstop, noting that Alaa was ill a few day ago, and the doctors told him that he better gets rest to recover. However, the soldiers ordered us to get out of the houses, and one of them confiscated the mobile phone of my 17-years-old daughter, investigated with Alaa and asked him about his father, Alaa replied that his father is at work. Immediately, they stormed and searched the house thoroughly and damaged its contents and opened fire at the walls and the windows. In the end, they threatened me while I was trying to give Alaa a jacket because it was cold outside and he was not feeling well, but they refused and arrested him two hours after the raid.”

  • At approximately 15:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Ayoub Baha’i Obaid’s (29) house and arrested him, and handed his brother, Roshdi (24), a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into Beit Hanina, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Fatema Khader’s (65) house and took her to al-Qishleh police center and released her after several hours of investigation on conditions that ban her entry to the Aqsa Mosque for a week and ordered her to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services on Thursday.
  • At approximately 23:30, IOF established a temporary military checkpoint at the entrance of Izbat al-Tabib village, east of Qalqilya, and arrested Shaddad Hisham Odwan (25), from Azzun, east of Qalqilya.
  • IOF carried out two incursions in al-Shuyukh and Beit Ula villages in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 22 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:05, IOF moved into Asira al- Shamaliya, north of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Amjad Afif Sawalmah (30) and his brother Ali (29).
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into al-Isawiya, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Majd al-Dein Maher Fhaidat’s (15) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Fhaidat is suffering heart issues, and he underwent open-heart surgery since years, and he needs continued medical follow-up. Furthermore, Fhaidat’s father was a former prisoner and he died inside the Israeli prisons in 2005 due to medical negligence.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF arrested Majed Ragheb al-Jo’ba (40), while present near al-Sahera Gate “Herod’s Gate”, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s gates. IOF took him to al-Bareed police center in Salah al-Dein street.

It should be noted that al-Jo’ba is a former prisoner who spent 7-years in the Israeli prisons on charge of belonging to Hamas Movement, and his activities within the Aqsa Youth Group. Furthermore, IOF banned al-Jo’ba from entering Jerusalem and the West Bank for 6-months in 2018, and allowed him to present only in the occupied territories of 1948 and Eizariya, east of Jerusalem, and renewed that decision several times for separated periods, summonsed him and threatened of taking serious actions against him.

Saturday, 23 January 2021:

  • At approximately 05:10, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mo’taz Ziyad Saba’na (21).

Sunday, 24 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron and stationed in several neighborhoods. They raided and searched several houses and handed six civilians summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in “Gush Etzion”, south of Bethlehem. The civilians are: Ahmed Yaser al-Sharbati (40), Anas Sidqi al-Jo’ba (39), Mohameed Redwan al-Hashlamoun (41), Yousef Othman Salhab (38), Yazan Emad Nairoukh (27), and Taleb Mahmoud al-Dwaik (36).
  • At approximately 01:15, IOF moved into Qabatia, southeast of Jenin, and stationed at Jabal al-Damuni area. They surrounded a Hyundai vehicle and arrested 3 civilians inside it, bombed the vehicle and took them to an unknown destination. The arrestees are: Ahmed Hasan Abu al-Rab (26), Jehad Abu al-Rab (24), and Majdi Kmeil (25).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Beit Fajjar village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Ra’fat Deiriya’s (15) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:00, Israeli Infantry Unit stormed and searched Mohammed Mostafa al-Jamal’s (38) house, in the southern side of Hebron’s Old City, and arrested him.
  • In morning hours, IOF stormed Dome of the Rock Mosque, in the Aqsa Mosque, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They prevented the restoration works inside it for the second consecutive day. The Islamic Endowments (Waqf) Department in Jerusalem stated that IOF banned the restoration crew from continuing their duty inside the Dome of the Rock Mosque, as they started restoring the ground two weeks ago.

The Supreme Islamic Council in Jerusalem said in a statement that the Israeli police interrupted all the restoration works in the Aqsa Mosque, took photos of ID Cards of the workers and technicians, banned them from working in the Mosque and threatened them of arresting if they attempted to continue their work in the Mosque. They added, the Israeli police is working on stopping all the activities and works of the Construction Committee in the Aqsa Mosque, and prevented the restoration works in places that need immediate restoration. Also, the Israeli Authorities prevented the entry of the most basic materials needed for restoration, as they were left unable to do their restoration or maintenance duties in the Mosque facilities, in addition to their employees who are exposed to prosecution or threatens of arrest or exit.

  • At approximately 12:30, IOF moved into the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Saber Mohammed Abu Nab’s (16) house, severely beaten and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ameer Khaled al-Malki’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:20, IOF arrested (4) children while present near the entrance of Beit Ijza village, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem, and took them to unknown destinations. The arrestees are: Majd Ramadan Abu Kafia (10), Mo’tasem Ahmed Ghareeb (9), Mohammed Saleem Ghareeb (10), and Aysar Mousa Salem (10).
  • At approximately 15:30, IOF arrested Mohammed Hisham al-Bashiti (46), while present in Bab al-Asbat “Lions’ Gate” area, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s Gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. It should be noted that the Israeli Authorities are attacking the family of Mohammed al-Bashiti, in order to pressurize them to leave their house which overlooks the Mosque, as al-Bashiti family stated that the Israeli Authorities wanted to desperate us to take our house. Mohammed al-Bashiti’s sons are always exposed to arrests and attacks, as his elder son, Hisham (20), was arrested for the first time when he was 13, and now he is under arrest on charge of throwing stones. Referring to the second son, Hatem (18), he was arrested and summonsed dozens of times with his younger brother Abdul Rahman (16), who was arrested up to 20-times last year, despite of suffering of diabetes.
  • IOF carried out two incursions in Sa’ir and al-Mowreq villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 25 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohannad Fahmi Qawar (24), his brother Rani (19), and Adham Jamal Farraj (29).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mohammed Hatem Abu al-Hawa’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Kafr Ni’ma village, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Mohammed Sayed Abu ‘Adi (47), Mohammed Nabil Abdo (20), and Mohammed Naji Abdo (22).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Beitunia, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Ahmed Noah Hreish’s (31) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Anata village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Mahdi al-Rashq’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Tha’er Abdul Raheem Washha’s (41) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Beit Rima, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Omar Jameel al-Rimawi’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF stationed at Beit Hanoun “Erez” checkpoint, arrested a man while accompanying his wife, who is a brain cancer patient.

According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 08:00, Walaa Mohammed Mostafa al-Refa’i (35), married with 3 children from al-Maghazi camp, headed to Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing with his wife Walaa Nabil Mahmoud al-Refa’i (33), who has a brain tumor. Mrs. Al-Refa’i has a scheduled surgery at al-Maqassed Hospital. At approximately 11:00, an Israeli soldier took Mr. Al-Refa’i for investigation, while the patient remained waiting in the hall. At 16:30, the Israeli soldier ordered Mrs. Al-Refa’i to travel alone or to return to the Gaza Strip. She told the Israeli soldiers that she was going to have a brain surgery and could not go alone; she was instructed to have her companion replaced by someone else. Mrs. Al-Refa’i’s mother joined her and they went to al-Maqassed Hospital in occupied East Jerusalem. At approximately 19:00, Mr. al-Refa’i phoned his wife and told her that he is detained by Israeli authorities and was taken to Ashkelon Prison.

  • At approximately 13:00, IOF arrested Sherin Khalil al-A’raj (49), from al-Walaja village, northwest of Bethlehem, while present near the Magistrate Court in the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF took her to “Petah Tikva” investigation center, and extended her arrest for 7-days, and prevented her from meeting her lawyer.

It should be noted that al-A’raj is living out of oPt, and she is a UN employee for more than 15 years and hold UN travel documents. Noting that the Israeli Authorities banned al-A’raj from entering Palestine for 5 years, and she was summonsed and arrested when she came to visit the West Bank to spend the vacation with her family.

  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into Ras al-Amud neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Haitham Hisham al-‘Abbasi’s (30) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in al-Maskoubiya police Center in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF stationed at Shu’afat refugee camp’s military checkpoint, arrested Fadi Zakaria Kashur (32) and Hussam Naser Yaghmour (28), while passing through the checkpoint.

Tuesday, 26 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Shu’afat refugee camp, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched dozens of houses and arrested (9) civilians, claiming that they were throwing stones and empty bottles at the Israeli soldiers. The arrestees are: Mo’taz Jaradat, Yazan Saya’ra, Bara’ Saya’ra, Hamza Jaradat, Mahmoud Alqam, Hamido Alqam, Yasine Taha, Qotaiba Farhan, and Mohammed Farroukh.
  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Balata refugee camp, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed Abdul Kareem Hashash (20).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Nur Shams refugee camp in Tulkarm, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Fadi Nizar Jab’awi (24) and Oday Issam Qasem (23).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Eizariya village, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Nizar Eyad Bassa (22) and Hussam Mohammed Far’oun (18) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Qalqilya, north of the West Bank, and stationed in the center of the city. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Abdullah Zuhair Walwil (30), Abdul Rahman Belal Hijjawi (20), and Qasem Abdul Raheem Nazzal (35).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Marah Rabah village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Qusai Hani Taqatqa’s (16) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ahmed Jameel al-Silwadi’s (18) house amd arrested him.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF arrested Yazan Emad Nairoukh (27), from Hebron, after referring to the Israeli Intelligence Services in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem. Nairoukh received a summons when IOF raided his house in the previous day.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF handed Samed Asila (51), Head of al-Aqsa Mosque Night Guards, a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services. Lately, the Israeli police increased bothering the Aqsa Mosque’s guards and Islamic Endowments (Waqf) Department’s employees.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into the African Community Quarter, near al-Majlis Gate, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s Gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Jehad Naser Qaws’s (26) house and took him to one of the investigation centers in the city. It should be noted that Qaws was arrested three times during this month.
  • At approximately 20:10, IOF moved into Qalqilya, north of the West Bank, and stationed in the middle of the city. They chased a group of young men claiming that they were throwing stones at the Israeli soldiers in the southern checkpoint area. Later, IOF arrested ‘Asef Azzam Owda (16).
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Khalil Atta Abu al-Hawa’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Tayasir, east of Tubas; Beit Ummar, Halhul, and al-Shuyukh villages in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 27 January 2021:

  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Wadi Shaheen area in Bethlehem. They raided and searched Ameer Sameer Tabanja’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Hizma, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (5) civilians; Owda al-Khateeb (24), Osama Ali al-Khateeb (29), Adel Issam al-Khateeb (19), Mos’ab Abdul Rahman al-Khateeb (27), and Nadeem Abdul Hameed al-Khateeb (26).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Sebastia, northwest of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ayham Nahed Aqel (22).
  • At approximately 02:20, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Majdi Naser Washha (27) and Mohannad Najeeb Saif (24) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Madama, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Thabet Nassar Ezzat Nassar (43).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Tammun, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mostafa Hussain Bani Owda (25).
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Qabatiya southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Tareq Ziyad Abu al-Rab (20), and Anwar Nidal Saba’na (22).
  • At approximately 03:45, IOF moved into Burqin village, west of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ghassan Mohammed Ali Shalamish (41), along with his sons; Haitham (18) and Eyad (15).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Nizar Mohammed Nawaj’a (33), working at the Palestinian Intelligence Services, and Issa Ali al-Najjar (36).
  • At approximately 15:30, IOF stationed at Mevo Dotan checkpoint, southwest of Jenin, arrested Mostafa Faisal Zakarna (20), from Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (7) incursions in Tubas, Zububa, west of Jenin; Ramallah, Beitunia, and Silwad in Ramallah governorate; Fawwar refugee camp and Beit Ummar in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 10:30 On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF accompanied with an Israeli Civil Administration SUV moved into Kherbet Yerza in the Northern Jordan Valley in eastern Tubas, north of the West Bank. The Civil Administration officers handed 2 notices for 96 hours regarding 2 houses belonging to Rami and Hafiz Na’im Hafiz Masa’id.
  • On the same day, the Israeli authorities declared on its Civil Administration website that they will confiscate 600 dunums from the agricultural lands of Deir Istiya village, north of Salfit, in favor of Karnei Shomron and Immanuel settlements, west of the village. According to the Israeli authorities’ announcement, they will change the agricultural lands into industrial lands regarding Immanuel settlement and confiscate the lands of nature resorts, yards, and services in favor of settlement residential units in Area C, settlement area in al-Bala’ah neighborhood, and Khelet al-Karsone.  The lands that will be confiscated in favor of Immanuel settlement are around 300 dunums belonging to Mahmoud ‘Abed Mahmoud ‘Afounah and his siblings; Yousif al-Haj Dawoud Jadallah; and ‘Abdullah Abu Salem Hazeem.  Also, 300 other dunums will be confiscated from Deir Istiya village in favor of Karnei Shomron belonging to ‘Abdel Rahman Qaddourah ‘Ali; ‘Abdel Fattah Mahmoud Mansour; and Ahmed Mustafa ‘Issa Abu Hajlah.

It should be noted that the Israeli authorities gave the mentioned civilians 60 days to challenge the decision; they started the legal proceedings.

  • On Sunday evening, 24 January 2021, IOF notified to demolish an agricultural room and a water tank in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.
  • Hasan Breijiyeh, Director of Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, said that IOF notified to demolish an agricultural room belonging to Ibrahim Soliman Salah in Wad al-Shami area, west of the village, under the pretext of unlicensed construction. Breijiyeh added that IOF notified also to destroy a water tank used by the farmers in the area.
  • At approximately 06:30 on Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF accompanied with an Israeli Administration SUV, a bulldozer and crane moved into al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya village, southeast of Nablus. IOF surrounded Khan al-Lubban, which is an ottoman caravansary located in the eastern side of the village. The bulldozer destroyed al-Khan Spring and a 40-meter iron fence and confiscated it. IOF also destroyed and confiscated 2 steel gates of al-Khan gates along with a mobile bathroom belonging to Khaled al-Daraghmah, who lives in al-Khan as well, to expel him and seize control of al-Khan.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF accompanied with an Israeli Civil Administration moved into Kherbet al-Mayetah in the Northern Jordan Valley, east of Tubas. The Civil Administration officer handed a notice to stop construction works in an under-construction house belonging to Khaled ‘Ali Salamah al-Faqir from al-Kherbeh.  IOF took photos of the civilian houses there and notified 2 residential rooms belonging to ‘Adnan ‘Abdel Mahdi Ghayyad al-Salamin in Zeraa’ ‘Awwad Community in the Northern Jordan Valley under the pretext of illegal construction in Area C.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF demolished 5 facilities and levelled a plot of land in ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

Mayor of ‘Anata village, Taha al-Refa’ie, said that IOF accompanied with bulldozers moved into Marj al-‘Anati area in the village and started destroying a fence belonging to Waleed ‘Aref al-‘Ajaleen and another belonging to ‘Alaa’ Abu Shames in addition to a barrack used as a store belonging to ‘Abdel Baqi Helweh and another one of 200 sqm used as a horses stable belonging to Samer al-Natshah.  Al-Refa’ie added that before their withdrawal, IOF demolished a barrack belonging to Mohammed Ibrahim Helwah and levelled the land surrounding a gas station belonging to Amin Ja’afrah near the village entrance.

  • At approximately 10:30, IOF accompanied with an Israeli Civil Administration SUV moved into al-Sarih area and Khelet al-Lahham near the northern entrance to ‘Asirah village, northwest of Nablus. The Civil Administration officer handed 5 demolition notices for 4 buildings and a barrack in the area under the pretext of illegal construction in Area C

The persons affected were:

NameNotified Facilitynotes
1-Mohammed ‘Abdel Jalil al-SholiA 7-storey residential building comprised of 23 apartments and shops ( each floor is 180 sqms)The building shelters 9 families 30 persons, including 19 children
2-Sa’id Salim Mohammed YasinA house built on an area of 89 sqmsIt shelters a family of 6, including 3 children
3-Bader al-Deen Ahmed ‘Abdullah HamadnahA 2-storey house; first floor is 116 sqms and the second is 160 sqmsIt shelters 2 families of 5
4-Mohammed Mahmoud Sa’id NajiA 3-storey house; the first floor is 116 sqms, the second is 240 sqms, and the stairwell is 20 sqms.It shelters 2 families of 10, including 4 children
5-Nabil Hamed Mousa HamadnahA house of a first 35sqm floor and 184sqm second floorIt shelters 6 persons, including 4 children
6-Hussein Sa’id HamadnahA barrack roofed with tin plates and built of bricks on an area of 120 sqms in 1779Used as a store for the family
  • At Approximately 10:30 on Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF demolished an under construction house in al-Walaja village, northwest of Bethlehem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

Khader al-A’araj, Head of Al-Walajah Village Council, said that IOF moved into Khelet al-Samak, northwest of the village, and demolished a 2-storey under-construction house built on an area of 190 sqm belonging to Mohammed ‘Abdul Latif Jayousi, from Jerusalem.  Al-A’araj added that following the demolition, clashes erupted in the area between the village young men and Israeli soldiers, who heavily fired rubber bullets and teargas canisters; as a result, the protesters suffocated due to teargas inhalation.  IOF also arrested Nabil Ahmed al-Teen (16) and severely beat him.

  • At approximately 11:00 on Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF backed by a military vehicle and accompanied with an Israeli Civil Administration vehicle moved into Kherbet Zanuta, west of ad-Dhahiriya village and located 20 kilometers south of Hebron. The Civil Administration officer distributed 14 demolition notices under the pretext of unlicensed construction in Area C.  Nearby localities include ad-Dhahiriya to the northwest and Khirbet Shweika to the northwest, as well as two Israeli settlements, “Teneh Omarim” to the west and “Shim’a” to the east. The Meitarim industrial zone just to its east was built for the settlers. The village has a population of 70 citizens, who live in rooms built of tin plates, stones, and clay and in caves.   On 14 December 2020, IOF handed notices to stop construction works in those facilities, and the new notices included the following:
Person affectedFacilityDescriptionAreaBuilt inFamilyChildren (male)WomenChildren (female)Funded byNotice
Shehdah Soliman Hamad KhdeiratDwellingTin plates16sqm201821SelfDemolition order
Same personA barrack for grazing sheepTin plates, shade cloth and stones120sqm20202SelfDemolition order
Basim Melhem Hamad KhdeiratResidential roomStones and tin plates30sqm2018421SelfDemolition order
Same personSheep barrackShade cloth and iron pipes100sqm2019841SelfDemolition order
‘Amer ‘Amer Isma’il al-TolDwellingShade cloth, tin plates and iron pipes40sqm19947514SelfDemolition order
Ahmed ‘Arm al-TolSheep barrackStones, tin plates and iron pipes80sqm20183114SelfDemolition order
‘Aser Shafiq Soliman al-TolResidential roomTin plates and concrete slab30sqm2015631SelfDemolition order
Same personPergolaTin plates20sqm2010631SelfDemolition order
Same personSheep barrackShade cloth and iron angles90sqm2018631YMCADemolition order
Same personDwellingTin plates and concrete slab35sqm2014631YMCADemolition order
Fares Hasan Fares SamamrahSheep barrackPipes and shade cloth150sqm2018171123YMCADemolition order
Susya village councilA roomTin plates40sqm2020OrganizationsDemolition order
ClinicA roomTin plates20sqm2020OrganizationsDemolition order
MAghidah ‘Ali Ahmed BattahA roomTin plates40sqm201921Her ownNotice to stop construction works
  • At approximately 10:45 on Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF accompanied with 3 Israeli Civil Administration SUVs and other vehicles with workers and an excavator, moved into Khirbat Al-Burj in the Northern Jordan Valley, east of Tubas. The workers immediately dismantled tents and sheep barns belonging to 5 Palestinian families and confiscated them.
No.Person affectedDamage
1-Mustafa Khalil Warrad Zawahrah2 tents dismantled and confiscated (160sqms for each)A 130sqm sheep barn confiscated and dismantled
2-Khalil Warrad Zawahrah2 sheep barns confiscated and dismantled (130sqms and 80sqms)A 100sqm Pergola confiscated
3-Redwan Khalil Warrad Zawahrah3 tents uprooted and confiscated (180sqms for each)A 120sqm sheep barn dismantled and confiscated
4-Nayef Mohammed Saray’ah al-FaqirA 160sqm sheep barn destroyed and confiscatedA 60sqm sheep tent uprooted and confiscated
5-Radi Khalil Warrad Zawahrah2 sheep tents uprooted and confiscated (160sqms for each)

Afterwards, IOF headed to Hamamat al-Maleh in the Northern Jordan Valleys, east of Tubas, north of the West Bank.  IOF uprooted and confiscated 2 tents; one was residential and the other was used for sheep.  Each tent was 60 sqms and belonged to Burhan ‘Ali Zamel Daraghmah.

  • At approximately 05:00 on Wednesday, 27 January 2021m IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Um Qussa, east of Yatta city, south of Hebron. IOF deployed in the area and demolished a 120-sqaure-meter floor and concrete columns built in August 2018 to establish a mosque in the area. It should be noted that the Israeli Civil Administration officers handed Palestinian civilians military orders to demolish the mosque on 25 January 2021, under the pretext of non-licensing.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers and environmental and nature crews moved into Kherbet ‘Aynoun, east of Tubas. Israeli soldiers cut and damaged 10 thousand forest trees and 300 olive trees planted 8 years ago in 400 dunums. These trees were planted within a project funded by the Brazilian Consulate.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-Rakiz village, east of Yatta City. The Israeli Civil Administration officers dismantled and confiscated a two-square-meter lavatory belonging to Mohammed Hasan Abu ‘Arram (44), under the pretext of non-licensing in Area “C”. 

Settler attacks on Palestinian civilians and their property

  • On Thursday morning, 21 January 2021, Israeli settlers from “Nickodem” settlement established on the eastern lands of Bethlhem, moved into a hill in eastern Badia of Bethlehem after making two roads to reach it in order to seize control over it.

Hasan Breijiyeh, Director of the Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission in Bethlehem said that the hill that was stormed by settlers is 800 dunums and extend to the Dead Sea belonging to the family of al-Zawahrah.  Breijiyeh added that the settlers moved into the hill with their cars on the same day morning under IOF’s protection after making 2 dirt roads to reach it.  Breijiyeh added that this crowned a series of measures taken by the settlers over months in the area, including recurrent raids and making roads and other measures that were all under the very eyes of the IOF and their protection, encouraging settlers to seize more Palestinian lands.  Breijiyeh also said that the owners of the hill have papers proving their ownership of it and that they have not received any confiscation notices in this regard.  He explained that the plan to seize the hill is an official one supported by the Israeli government and settlement organizations who fund the settlers as part of a huge Israeli settlement project connected with other projects established in the Jordan Valleys.  Breijiyeh pointed out that if the hill was seized, the Israeli organizations would have the eastern Badia area under their control in Kisan and al-Rashayidah villages in addition to Jeb al-Theeb village, which is around thousands of uninhabited dunums but planted with different trees. Breijiyeh said that those who seize this area call themselves “Hilltop Youth”, who have a long history in seizing mountains and hills across the West Bank.

  • At approximately 20:00, settlers gathered at the crossroads of Huwara checkpoint, “Yitzahar” settlement, Burin village and Shilo traffic lights, southeast of Nablus. The settlers rioted the streets and threw stones at the Palestinian vehicles crossing the crossroads.
  • At approximately 20:30, a group of settlers from “Yitzahar” settlement established on the southeastern lands of Nablus, north of the West Bank, attacked the Palestinian vehicles traveling on Ramallah-Nablus Road near Burin village intersection and broke the windshield of a car belonging to ‘Abdel Karim Idris ‘Odah, from Huwara village.
  • Around the same time, a group of settlers attacked near Burqa village, northeast of Ramallah in central West Bank a Palestinian car driven by Hanin Walid Sawaftah (26) and accompanied by her husband ‘Alaa Ihsan Sawaftah (36) and her 2 children, Jad (3) and Majd (6), from Ramallah. They were on their way to Tubas to visit their family in the city.  As a result, Jad was injured in the head and taken to the Palestine Medical Complex for treatment.

‘Alaa Sawaftah said to PCHR’s fieldworker:

“At approximately 20:30 on the same day, I was with my wife Hanin Walid Sawaftah who was driving the car along with our kids Jad and Majd.  We were on our way out of Ramallah heading to Tubas to visit our family, taking Burqa village road, northeast of Ramallah.  When we approached the village, we were surprised with settlers gathering at the village intersection and throwing stones at our vehicle.  As a result, a stone hit the window next to my wife and another in the backside window, breaking the glass and wounding Jad’s face.  Many stones also fell on the car before my wife could drive away to DCO Checkpoint at the western entrance to Ramallah, where there were Israeli soldiers and police. My wife stopped at the checkpoint and told them what happened.  The Israeli police brought a paramedic who gave us first aid and then called a Palestinian ambulance.  My child and I got in the ambulance while my wife came in the car to the Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah, where we were all checked by the doctors, but Jad sustained cuts in the face and was treated.  We left the hospital home in Ramallah.”

  • At approximately 20:30, dozens of Israeli settlers protested on the bypass road between Za’atarah and Teqoa villages, east of Bethlehem, and threw stones at the civilians.

Eyewitnesses said that the settlers were under the protection of IOF and closed the bypass road in front of the Palestinian cars.  They threw stones at the civilian cars and caused damage to some of them.

  • At approximately 21:00, dozens of Israeli settlers at Kfar Etzion settlement’s intersection, south of Bethlehem, for the fifth consecutive week.

Eyewitnesses said that the settlers were under the protection of IOF and raised slogans demanding Arabs to leave.  They closed the main street in front of the Palestinian cars and threw stones at the civilian cars, causing damage to some of them.

  • At approximately 22:00, a group of settlers gathered at Jinsafut village, east of Qalqilya, and threw stones at the Palestinian vehicles. As a result, the windshield and side window of a car belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud ‘Abdel Karim Yousif were broken.  The settlers also threw stones at the houses belonging to Falah Mohammed Bashir and ‘Alaa Mohammed Bashir, breaking the house windows.  The settlers also punctured wheels of a car belonging to Khaled ‘Abdel Rahman Bashir.
  • At approximately 17:00 on Friday, 22 January 2021, dozens of settlers from “Karmei Tzur” settlement established on the confiscated Palestinian lands, north of Halhoul, north of Hebron, gathered on Bypass Road (60) leading to Hebron. The settlers threw stones at the Palestinian vehicles and obstructed their movement.  No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 20:00, a group of settlers gathered on Bypass Road (60) leading to the southern entrance to Hebron near “Beit Hagai” settlement and stopped the Palestinian vehicles. They obstructed their movement and chanted slogans against Arabs.  During which, IOF closed the road, forcing the Palestinian drivers to take the internal roads for fear of settlers.
  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, Israeli settlers under the protection of IOF levelled vacant areas of land in al-Mo’asara village, south of Bethlehem, to make an Israeli settlement road connecting “Migdal Oz” settlement with “Efrat” settlement established on Bethlehem lands.

Hasan Breijiyeh, Director of the Settlement and Colonization Resistance Commission in Bethlehem, said that the Israeli authorities levelled a 3-dunum land belonging to Soliman Mousa Breijiyeh near “Migdal Oz” settlement on Beit Fajjar village lands near al-Ma’asara village, south of Bethlehem.  They started establishing a new settlement road connecting “Migdal Oz” settlement with “Efrat” settlement.  The landowner, Soliman Breijiyeh, said that he was surprised with the Israeli settlers’ moving into the area on the same day morning.  They levelled a land near the “Migdal Oz” settlement.  Breijiyeh added that he went to the Israeli police in “Beitar Illit” settlement and them to the police in “Etzion” settlement attempting to stop the settlers’ attack on his land.  However, the Israeli police did not receive his complaint, forcing him to stay in his land to prevent settlers from building the settlement road through his land.  Breijiyeh said that despite having papers proving ownership of the land, the IOF have always prevented him from approaching or exploiting his land under the pretext of being located near the settlement.

  • At approximately 15:00, a group of settlers from the “Price Tag” groups made their way from “Yitzahar” settlement established on Madma village, southeast of Nablus, and attacked the southeastern outskirts of the village. They threw stones at a house belonging to Mashhour Mohammed Qot, but no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 16:00, a group of settlers from the “Price Tag” groups made their way from “‘Arousa” settlement outpost established on the eastern Burin village lands, southeast of Nablus, attacked the eastern outskirts of the village and threw stones at a house belonging to Ibrahim ‘Adel ‘Eid, but no casualties were reported.
  • On the same day, a group of settlers from the “Protectors of Mountains” group damaged 100 olive trees in a land belonging to Jamal ‘Ali Ahmed in Kafr ad-Dik village in Salfit.

Jamal Ahmed said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“at approximately 10:00, I received a phone call from a friend in the village telling me that he saw the olive trees in my land destroyed and the land damaged.  I headed there immediately in Hriket al-‘Aweinah area in Thaher Subh Mount, north of Kafr Ad-Dik village in Salfit, I found the olive trees (around 100) destroyed.  I own 50 dunums in the area; 18 of them were attacked.  I have filed many cases before the Israeli courts in this regard since the ninety’s, and no final ruling has been issued so far to expel us from the land; however, a previous decision was issued by the Supreme Court in ‘Ofer in 1990 saying this land is a private property but in vain because the settlers continued to carry out their almost weekly attacks in the area.  These settlers call themselves the “Protectors of Moutnains”.  They riot lands, damage and break trees.  I bought these 100 seedlings 6 years ago and they cost me 50 shekels for each.  The rest trees were damage by settlers previously and are useless now.”

  • At approximately 09:00 on Monday, 25 January 2021, settlers attacked shepherds and prevent them from herding sheep in the area surrounding their settlements established on Kisan village lands, east of Bethlehem.

According to Ahmed Ghazal, Head of Kisan village Council, said that “Ibei HaNahal” settlers threw stones at the shepherds from Kisan village, wounding Khalaf ‘Abayat after a stone hit him.  The settlers used their dogs to attack the sheep and prevented shepherds from herding sheep in the lands surrounding the village near their settlement established on the Palestinian lands.  Ghazal added that the settlers’ attacks against the shepherds in Kisan recently escalated in addition to seizing vacant areas of lands and demolishing barracks.

  • On the same morning, a group of settlers from “Kiryat Arba” settlement established on confiscated Palestinian lands moved into eastern Hebron. Settlers uprooted about 100 olive seedlings planted one year ago from a 25-dunum land belonging to Aref Mohammad Omar Jaber (44) in al-Baqa’a area next to the aforementioned settlement. It is noteworthy that around two months ago, settlers built a room of bricks and wood on the aforementioned civilian’s land in an attempt to seize it. Jaber filed several complaints before the Israeli police about the recurrent attacks of settlers on his land.
  • At approximately 10:00, a group of settlers from “Ma’on” settlement established on the confiscated Palestinian lands in eastern Yatta, south of Hebron, attacked shepherds while herding their sheep in Sedet al-Tha’lah area, forcing them to leave the land. The Israeli authorities declared the area as a state property and started establishing settlement roads to reach the agricultural projects established by settlers there.
  1. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West Bank:

In addition to 108 permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals 74 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 5 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF tightened their measures at Jaba’ checkpoint, which connects between Jerusalem and Ramallah, and obstructed vehicles’ movement.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • On Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF tightened their measures at Jaba’ checkpoint, which connects between Jerusalem and Ramallah, and obstructed vehicles’ movement.
  • On Wednesday, 27 January 2021, IOF tightened their measures at Jaba’ checkpoint, which connects between Jerusalem and Ramallah, and obstructed vehicles’ movement. IOF also established 2 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Hizma village and at Jaba village’s square, east of occupied East Jerusalem.

Ramallah:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021m IOF established 2 checkpoints under the bridge of Atara village and at the entrance to Ein Yabrud village.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir_Ibzi village.
  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrance to Silwad, Deir_Ibzi and Nabi Salih villages.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Beitin, Aboud, Ein Yabrud and Deir Dibwan villages.
  • On Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the entrances to Nabi Salih, Deir_Ibzi, Ras Karkar, Sinjil and Ein_Siniya villages.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the western entrances to Tuqu village, at the northern entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the western entrances to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the western entrances to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, in ‘Aqabet Hussina area, and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Husan and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the western entrances to Tuqu village and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Wednesday, 27 January 2021, IOF stationed at al-Container checkpoint tightened their measures. IOF also established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village and in ‘Aqabet Hussina area.

Jericho:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho.
  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho, at the entrance to Ein ad-Duyuk and on al-Mo’arajat road.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho.
  • On Monday, 25 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the intersection of al-Auja village, near the Arab Construction Project Association, east of the city, at the southern entrance to the city, and at the entrance to Ein ad-Duyuk village.
  • On Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF closed al-Hamra checkpoint for 3 consecutive hours, north of Jericho. IOF also obstructed the vehicles’ movement, forcing Palestinian civilians to pass through sub-roads. IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho and at the intersection of al-Auja

Nablus:

  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints near the intersection of Sarra village and neat the entrance to Tell village.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to ad-Dhahiriya and Sa’ir villages.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Halhul city and at the entrances to Beit Ummar and Idhna villages.
  • On Saturday, 23 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Beit Ummar, Beit Awwa, Khasa, and Ash-Shuyukh village.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Hebron, and at the entrances to as-Samu and Bani Na’im villages.
  • On Tuesday, 26 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the southern entrance to Halhul city and at the entrance to Al-Arroub refugee camp.

Qalqilya:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrance to Azzun village, east of the city, and at the northern entrance to Qalqilya and at the entrance to Hableh village.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established a checkpoint between Izbat al-Ashqar and Kafr_Thulth village, east of the city.

Salfit:

  • On Thursday, 21 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Kafr ad-Dik and Deir Ballut villages, west of Salfit, and at the entrance to Salfit.
  • On Friday, 22 January 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Deir Ballut and Kafr ad-Dik villages, north of Salfit.
  • On Sunday, 24 January 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Qarawat_Bani_Hassan, Kifl_Haris and Deir Ballut villages, west of Salfit.

Related

Apartheid from the Sea to the River

By Jeremy Salt

Source

BTselem apartheid Israel Palestine Latuff 46b11

B’Tselem’s description of Israel an apartheid state is valuable because B’Tselem, Israel’s leading human rights organization, is saying it.  Otherwise, the reaction should be of course it is. B’Tselem applies the word to all of Palestine and not just the remaining territories seized in 1967.  Again, of course it should.  Structural discrimination against the Palestinians is built into every level of government except elections,  which allows Israel repeatedly to tell the world that it is the only democracy in the Middle East, as if the ballot box is the only measure of democracy, blurring the reality unless people take a close look.

Israel and the policy of apartheid were born in the same year, 1948,  Israel as a colonial-settler declared unilaterally over occupied Palestine on May 15 and apartheid as the election-winning policy of South Africa’s National Party on May 26. On December 9 the same year, the UN General Assemby adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.  

The convention describes genocide as acts intended to destroy “in whole or part” a national,  ethnical, racial or religious group.   There is no other way to describe Israel’s intentions in 1948.  Hundreds of Palestinian villages were razed and about 800,000 people driven out of their native land to make way for European settlers.   As for why they had to go there are two reasons:   they were not Jews,  and they were living in a land the zionists wanted to turn into a Jewish state.   

The occupation of the rest of Palestine in 1967 and the military, economic and pseudo-legal weapons used to suffocate the Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem ever since are no more than an extension of what began in 1948.

B’tselem’s declaration revives the debate over whether zionism is a ‘racist’ ideology.  For the victims of racism in other colonized countries,  of course it is. Only in the imperial ‘west,’ with its own long history of racism, occupation and massacre, could the question even arise. 

In fact, racism has been in zionism’s DNA ever since Herzl talked of “spiriting” the Palestians out of their land to make way for a Jewish state.   How to get rid of them was the central consideration of the Zionist planners who followed him.

Everything evil committed against the Palestinians since 1948 speaks to the historical racism of the zionist enterprise.  You don’t treat people with the brutality that has accompanied the zionist march through history if you think they have the same rights as you do. Your soldiers, police and settlers do not kill or massacre people if they think they have the same right to life as they do.

Your state doesn’t create different laws and different rights if it thinks all people should have the same rights and live under the same laws. The state does not give a false right of return to Jews wherever they live and deny the genuine right of return of Palestinians. The state does not declare that the state is the state of the Jewish people and not the state of  its citizens,  Jewish or not.  

On November 10, 1975, the UN General Assembly passed resolution 3379,  describing zionism “as a form of racism and racial discrimination.” The word ‘race’ has no basis in science but everyone knows what it means in practice:   discrimination against specific groups on the basis of religion, ethnicity or skin color.  The Israeli ambassador,  Chaim Herzog,  was so enraged when the resolution was passed (72-35 with 32 abstentions) that he tore up his printout.

The passage of this resolution led to an immediate counter-attack by Israel, supported by the US and other governments.   As always, the bludgeon used was anti-semitism, with the US, from behind the scenes, prodding governments that had voted for the resolution to change their minds.  The tactics worked. On December 16,1991, the General Assembly revoked the resolution in resolution 46/86, passed 111-25 with 13 abstentions and 15 absentees.

Daniel Moynihan, the US ambassador at the UN and a zionist diehard, commented before 3379 was revoked that the UN “is about to make anti-semitism international law.” Of course, the resolution had nothing to do with anti-semitism but was born of the growing need to expose the ideology of a state which even by then had wrought massive destruction in the Middle East.

On the basis of  the commitments it had made to respect UN principles,   Israel was accepted as a UN member (Resolution 273, May 11, 1949), the General Assembly having resolved  that Israel “is a peace-loving State which accepts the obligations contained in the charter and is able and willing to carry  out those obligations.”  The next day it signed a protocol accepting resolution 194 (III) of 1948, setting out the basic rights of the Palestinians, including the right of return to their homeland, and the preservation of their property.

Nothing could have been further from the truth. Even at the time Israel was not “peace loving”: in hindsight the phrase is grotesque.  Neither did Israel have any intention of abiding by the commitments it had made to the Palestinians whom it had ethnically cleansed.  They would never be allowed to return. 

As for their property,  Israel was asked to suspend its ‘’Emergency Applications on Absentee Property’’ until a final peace settlement could be reached.  It responded that the so-called “custodian of absentee property” was acting only as a trustee for the owners,  “whose property is being administered in their interests.” 

This was a blatant lie. The “absentee property” was already being distributed among settlers old and new. It included village and town houses and a mass of agricultural land which had Chaim Weizmann, the state’s first president, in absolute raptures.  So much of it, and all of it acquired at absolutely no cost:

“ … about five million dunums of land [1.235 million acres] at least which could be taken under the plough almost at once,  but we have not yet got the people. In the district between Ramleh and Latrun there are about two milion dunums of the best land in Palestine for which, if we had to buy it, we would have to pay at least LP [Palestine pounds] per dunum and as you know, one could never buy land between Ramleh and Latrun. Now it is all free, overgrown with weeds and it is very doubtful whether the Arabs will ever come back to work it. Eveybody seems to think they have gone for good.”

This master dissembler knew perfectly well that Israel had no intention of allowing  ‘the Arabs’ back,  and as for a land “overgrown with weeds,” it was fertile and intensively worked by Palestinian farmers.

Everything the owners of “absentee property” had left behind was destroyed or stolen, down to furniture and small household items. The houses left standing were handed over to settlers,  senior zionist figures taking some of the best for themselves. 

An additional category was added to the list of absentees. These were the “present absentees” who fled from one part of Palestine to another during the fighting.   They were not allowed back to their original place of residence and their property was stolen too.

The lies told by Israel to secure UN membership were followed by the serial violations of Palestinian rights and international law along the spectrum of human rights which have continued to the present day. 

This being the case,  the rules of the club should surely prevail.  Anyone who joins a club and refuses to abide by the rules is usually warned once, warned twice,  suspended on the third offence and then thrown out if it still ignores the conditions of membership.  

Israel was admitted to the club on the basis of a false application.  It then refused to obey the rules, not once, twice or thrice but thousands of times but is still allowed to remain a member. 

Without the protection of the US, the UN General Assembly almost certainly would have voted for suspension of Israel decades ago and then ejection if it still refused to comply.   Thanks to the US, however, not only does  Israel remain a member but it is never punished for its crimes.

Noam Chomsky has described Israeli apartheid as “much worse” than South African apartheid. On the basis of the number of people who have died as a result of Israel’s racist policies, there is actually no comparison.

Under an apartheid government,  South African police, soldiers and white settlers beat, tortured and killed Africans.  Israeli police, soldiers and settlers do the same to Palestinians but whereas the worst state massacres in apartheid South Africa were Sharpeville (March 21, 1960), when police killed 69 people and wounded 180 others demonstrating against the pass laws,  and Soweto (June 16, 1976),  when at least 176 students (estimates are as high as 700) demonstrating against having to learn Afrikaans were killed,  the victims of Israel’s massacres run into the tens of thousands. 

This state of affairs will continue as long as the “international community” refuses to punish Israel for violation of the laws it has passed to protect human rights and preserve global peace.  Such punishment would be imposed through suspension from the UN and the suspension by governments of diplomatic and trade relations with Israel, but as long as it does not have to pay for its crimes and its contempt for international law it will see no reason to change.   As long as it refuses to change, it will remain a threat to Middle Eastern regional and global peace.

Dr Tim Anderson: dismantling apartheid in occupied Palestine

HRW: “Israel” Systematically Repressed Palestinians in 2020

HRW: “Israel” Systematically Repressed Palestinians in 2020

By Staff, Agencies

Human Rights Watch [HRW] says the apartheid “Israeli” regime “systematically repressed and discriminated” against Palestinians last year.

HRW said in a report on the year 2020 that the “Israeli” regime’s practices “far exceeded the security justifications” it often gave.

In the occupied West Bank, including East al-Quds [Jerusalem], the “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF] martyred 20 Palestinians and injured at least 2,001 as of October 5, HRW cited figures presented by the United Nations [UN] Office of Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs [OCHA].

“‘Israeli’ authorities have rarely held accountable security forces who used excessive force or settlers who attacked Palestinians,” HRW said.

It also cited the “Jerusalem [al-Quds] Legal Aid and Human Rights Center” as saying that the apartheid  “Israeli” entity held, as of September, the bodies of 67 Palestinians martyred since 2015.

The apartheid “Israeli” regime said in September last year that it would use the bodies of deceased Palestinians as bargaining chips to have the bodies of IOF members purportedly held by resistance factions in Gaza released.

The HRW also criticized the entity’s 13-year-old siege of the Gaza Strip and other restrictions imposed on the Palestinians in the enclave.

“These restrictions, not based on an individualized assessment of security risk, robbed with rare exceptions the 2 million Palestinians living there [the Gaza Strip] of their right to freedom of movement, limited their access to electricity and water, and devastated the economy,” the organization said.

The HRW also denounced the “Israeli” move to tighten the restrictions in August as “unlawful collective punishment.”

The report added that, “Egypt also sharply restricted the movement of people and goods at its Rafah crossing with Gaza.”

The New York-based group also said that the apartheid “Israeli” regime facilitated the further transfer of “Israelis” into settlements constructed in the occupied West Bank, slamming the practice as “a war crime”.

The HRW referred to a report by Peace Now in which the “Israeli” group said the “Israeli” entity last year approved the construction of more settler units in the occupied West Bank – 12,159 as of October 15 –more than in any other year since the group began tracking those statistics in 2012.

More than 600,000 “Israeli” settlers live in over 230 settlements built since the 1967 “Israeli” occupation of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and East al-Quds.

All “Israeli” settlements are illegal under international law as they are built on occupied land.

The HRW also cited OCHA as saying that the “Israeli” entity demolished 568 Palestinian houses and other structures in the West Bank, including in East al-Quds, as of October 19, 2020, leaving 759 people displaced.

Most buildings were demolished under the pretext of lacking “Israeli” building permits, which are almost never given.

Referring to about 600 checkpoints and other permanent obstacles set up by the entity within the West Bank as of June, the HRW said, “‘Israeli’ forces routinely turn away or humiliate and delay Palestinians at checkpoints without explanation.”

‘Beyond Vietnam’: Where Do We Go from Here?

January 14, 2021

Martin Luther King (1929 – 1968)

By Benay Blend

In “Beyond Vietnam” (1967), his speech delivered at the Riverside Church in New York, Martin Luther King opened by quoting from Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. “A time comes when silence is betrayal,” King explained, then concluded: “That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.”

King’s words that followed still ring true today. In what was perhaps the most significant, but least appreciated, speeches of his career, King warned against falling into “conformist thought,” in particular regarding official policy during times of war.

There is no war today like Vietnam, but there is an ongoing foreign policy that commits imperialist acts abroad. As Peter Dreier notes, over 50 years since King’s Riverside Church address, the US remains involved in several ground wars as well as a war on “terrorism,” which is principally a battle against Muslims as well as immigrants, the latter of whom are motivated to flee their countries because of US-sponsored violence abroad.

In particular, there is foreign aid that goes, among other destinations, to the state of Israel. In this way, the Unites States allows the Zionist state to continue its Occupation of Palestinians by using all the brutality that we used in Vietnam.

As Ramzy Baroud observes, by going against “not only the state apparatus” but also the “liberal hierarchy” which posed as if they were his allies, King’s self-described “inner truth” cost him some support. “It was a lonely, moral stance,” wrote Michelle Alexander. “And it cost him.”

In her landmark Opinion Piece published one year ago in the New York Times, Alexander goes on to hold up King’s example as a standard that still holds true today. In particular, Alexander is concerned with questioning her own silence on what she calls “one of the great moral challenges of our time: the crisis in Israel-Palestine.”

Alexander circumvents King’s well-known advocacy for Israel’s “right to exist” by suggesting that “if we are to honor King’s message and not merely the man, we must condemn Israel’s actions.”

It is impossible to know how King’s position on the Middle East would have changed over time. Building on Alexander’s piece, David Palumbo-Liu cites King’s opposition to apartheid South Africa as a clue to how he would feel towards the same practices in Israel today.

“The fact that King explicitly linked colonialism and segregation suggests that he would indeed recognize the expansion of the occupation as a settler-colonial project. If he did, he would then have to reevaluate his support for Israel pre-1967, as so many others have in recent years. He might well have come to recognize the absolute continuity between the 1948 dispossession, exile, and colonization of Palestinians and the post-1967 occupation.”

Indeed, Hagai El-Ad, executive director of B’Tselem, Israel’s largest human rights organization, has just called for the end of “the systematic promotion of the supremacy of one group of people over another,” i.e. apartheid very similar to what existed in South Africa.

In other ways King’s voice speaks to present-day concerns. In his 1968 call for an “economic bill of rights,” King challenged the notion that this country could afford both “guns and butter,” a conundrum that still prevails today. “We have come to see that this is a myth,” he explained, “that when a nation becomes involved in this kind of war, when the guns of war become a national obsession, social needs inevitably suffer.”

Theoretically we are not at war. On the other hand, as long as we give military aid to countries that repress their people we are not at peace. At a time when Congress continues to propose huge increases in the country’s military budget by cutting programs for the poor, King’s speech holds true today.

As Ramzy Baroud observes, there has been very little direct aid to Americans struggling under the impact of the virus, yet Congress continues to provide Israel with enormous sums of money ostensibly for defense. In reality, these funds are very much needed at home.

“The mere questioning of how Israel uses the funds – whether the military aid is being actively used to sustain Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine, finance Jewish settlements, fund annexation of Palestinian land or violate Palestinian human rights,” Baroud explains, remains a “major taboo.”

Many years ago, Reverend King described “adventures like Vietnam” as “some demonic, destructive suction tube” that drew “men and skills and money” into the effort to keep it going. What would he think now of massive funds that go to another country which oppresses its people in ways similar to the Jim Crow South in which King was born?

At the closing of her memorial to Martin Luther King, Alexander pledges “to speak with greater courage and conviction about injustices beyond our borders, particularly those that are funded by our government, and stand in solidarity with struggles for democracy and freedom. My conscience leaves me no other choice.”

King, too, chose to address his vision “beyond Vietnam,” thereby to “a world that borders on our doors.”

In a statement regarding the January 6th right-wing riots in D.C., the US Peace Council reiterated that guns at the expense of butter were part of the root cause of disaffection. “While a record $740B military appropriation sailed through Congress with only 20 Democrats in opposition,” the statement read, “desperately needed reforms that benefit working people have been sidetracked.”

Moreover, the statement refuted a comment often heard in response to recent riots. According to the press and much of social media, what happened at the Capital was “sedition,” because this is America, and its “not who we are.” In reality, notes the Peace Council, what is happening today

“is a microcosm of what the capitalist financial institutions and elites have wreaked upon the planet through trade agreements and an imperialist foreign policy that has suppressed populations through illegal acts of interference, aggression, and economic warfare designed to create the conditions for exploitation, the theft of land and resources and environmental destruction.”

Because the root causes of our problems extend beyond our borders, the Council calls for solutions very much in the manner of King’s focus on the global nature of oppression. Accordingly, the statement concludes that:

“A unified grassroots mass movement is needed to address the fundamental class contradictions of the system as a whole and not limit itself to fighting against the symptoms solely by seeking cosmetic changes through elections and reforms from above. We need to bring all contingents of the people’s movement — labor, social justice, civil rights, human rights, environmental, peace — together under a single coordinated network, with a clear agenda that addresses the root causes of the present crisis and not only its variegated symptoms.”

In this way, more people will come to understand that the catastrophes we face will not be solved as long as what we allow to be done in our name abroad comes home to our nation’s capital. King knew that local police, in conjunction with para-military hate groups, used violence in much the same way as the far-right factions that more recently invaded D.C.

In both cases, the Klan and other groups were/are motivated by a desire to oppose the struggle for civil rights at home. Nevertheless, “our actions cannot be limited to the US,” concludes the US Peace Council, “because if the global elites are willing to oppress and exploit people anywhere, the crises we face will continue.”

The United States, concluded King, is “on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.” In order to solve domestic problems while promoting global peace, he suggested “giv[ing] up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments,” and, he might have added, ending aid to countries like Israel that use the funds to wreak violence on Palestinians under the Occupation.

With “Beyond Vietnam,” concludes Baroud, King “courageously broke free from the confines of American exceptionalism,” thereby joining the civil rights struggle to “a worldwide movement of struggles against racism, colonialism and war.”

In 2021, it is more important now than ever to heed King’s words. Indeed, as Baroud suggests, “new strategies” will have “to replace the old ones” for the Palestinian struggle to succeed. His vision calls for unity among all factions, bringing together Palestinians in the homeland and elsewhere to formulate a blueprint for One Democratic State that would grant the Right of Return.

Harking back to King’s international idea, Baroud calls for “a global solidarity movement that rallies behind a unified Palestinian vision,” a plan that bypasses official circles that have done little to promote peace. While Baroud’s strategy focuses on freedom for the Palestinian people, if such a movement becomes one of transnational mutuality, it would be possible to bring about the liberation of all oppressed people worldwide, thereby remaining true to the “other, more revolutionary, radical and global King” that Baroud explains is more often “hidden from view.”

– Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

Israel is losing the fight to obscure its apartheid character

Israel’s separation wall is pictured on 11 February 2020 (AFP)
Jonathan Cook
Jonathan Cook, a British journalist based in Nazareth since 2001, is the the author of three books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He is a past winner of the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. His website and blog can be found at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net

Jonathan Cook

14 January 2021 11:31 UTC

New report by rights group B’Tselem will make it harder to smear Israel’s critics as antisemites for arguing that Israel is a racist state


For more than a decade, a handful of former Israeli politicians and US diplomats identified with what might be termed the “peace process industry” have intermittently warned that, without a two-state solution, Israel is in danger of becoming an “apartheid state”. 

The most notable among them include Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert, two former Israeli prime ministers, and John Kerry, who served as former US President Barack Obama’s secretary of state. Time is rapidly running out, they have all declared in the past. 

Their chief concern, it seems, was that without the alibi of some kind of Palestinian state – however circumscribed and feeble – the legitimacy of Israel as a “Jewish and democratic state” will increasingly come under scrutiny. Apartheid will arrive, the argument goes, when a minority of Israeli Jews rule over a majority of Palestinians in the area between the Mediterranean Sea and the River Jordan controlled by Israel. 

Demographic threshold

The apartheid threat has been wielded by the so-called “peace camp” in hopes of mobilising international pressure on the Israeli right, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The goal has been to force it into making sufficient concessions that the Palestinian leadership agrees to a demilitarised statelet, or statelets, on fragments on the original Palestinian homeland. 

Meanwhile, demographic trends have continued apace, and the Israeli right has ignored all warnings, preferring to pursue their Greater Israel ambitions instead. But strangely, the apartheid moment never arrived for the Israeli peace camp. Instead, its expressions of concern about apartheid fizzled into silence, as did its once-vocal worries about a Palestinian demographic majority.

How much sense would it have made in the former South Africa to claim that apartheid existed only in the Bantustans or black townships, while exempting white areas?

This entirely cynical approach to Palestinian statehood was very belatedly blown apart this week with the publication of a report by B’Tselem, Israel’s most prominent and respected human rights group. It broke ranks to declare what has been obvious for many, many years. Israel has created a permanent reality in which there are two peoples, Jews and Palestinians, sharing the same territorial space, but “a regime of Jewish supremacy” has been imposed by the stronger side. This unequivocally qualifies as apartheid, B’Tselem said. 

It dismisses the sophistry that apartheid relates to some self-serving demographic deadline – one that never materialises – rather than the explicitly segregationist practices and policies Israel has enforced throughout the territories it rules. It also dismisses arguments made by Israel’s partisans abroad that Israel cannot be an apartheid state because there are no South African-style “whites only” signs on park benches. 

Hagai El-Ad, B’Tselem’s executive director, notes that Israel’s version – “apartheid 2.0, if you will – avoids certain kinds of ugliness … That Israel’s definitions do not depend on skin colour make no material difference: it is the supremacist reality which is the heart of the matter.” The report concludes that the bar for apartheid was met after considering “the accumulation of policies and laws that Israel devised to entrench its control over Palestinians”.

Daring analysis

What is perhaps most daring about B’Tselem’s analysis is its admission that apartheid exists not just in the occupied territories, as has been observed before, including by former US President Jimmy Carter. It describes the entire region between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River – which encompasses both Israel and the Palestinian territories – as an apartheid regime. It thereby denies Israel’s claims to be a democratic state even inside its internationally recognised borders.

B’Tselem has abandoned the pretence that apartheid can be limited to the occupied territories, as though Israel – the state that rules Palestinians – is somehow exempt from being classified as integral to the apartheid enterprise it institutes and oversees.

That was always obvious. How much sense would it have made in the former South Africa to claim that apartheid existed only in the Bantustans or black townships, while exempting white areas? None at all. And yet, Israel has been getting away with precisely this clearcut casuistry for decades – largely aided by the peace camp, including B’Tselem.

Palestinian workers cross the Nilin checkpoint on 18 March 2020 (MEE/Mohammad Abu Zaid)
Palestinian workers cross the Nilin checkpoint on 18 March 2020 (MEE/Mohammad Abu Zaid)

Now, B’Tselem observes: “Jews go about their lives in a single, contiguous space where they enjoy full rights and self-determination. In contrast, Palestinians live in a space that is fragmented into several units, each with a different set of rights – given or denied by Israel, but always inferior to the rights accorded to Jews.”

Israel’s “Jewish supremacist ideology” is revealed in its obsession with “Judaising” land, in its bifurcated citizenship laws and policies that privilege Jews alone, in its regulations that restrict movement for Palestinians only, and in its denial of political participation to Palestinians. These discriminatory policies, B’Tselem notes, apply also to the fifth of Israel’s population who are Palestinian and have nominal Israeli citizenship. 

El-Ad concludes: “There is not a single square inch in the territory Israel controls where a Palestinian and a Jew are equal. The only first-class people here are Jewish citizens such as myself.”

Permanent occupation

What B’Tselem has done is echo the arguments long made by academics and Palestinian civil society, including the international boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, that Israel is a settler-colonial society. 

In an emailed response to the report, Omar Barghouti, one of the founders of the BDS movement, said it helped to put an end to “the vicious and deeply racist lies about the not-so-perfect Israeli democracy that has a problem called ‘the occupation’”. Why acknowledging Israeli apartheid is not enough

The B’Tselem report observes that, while “occupation” must be a temporary situation, Israel has no intention of ending its military rule over Palestinians, even after more than five decades. A Palestinian state is not conceivably on the agenda of any Israeli party in sight of power, and no one in the international community with any influence is demanding one. The two-state solution has been smothered into oblivion.

For that reason, it argues, all of Israel and the Palestinian territories under occupation are organised “under a single principle: advancing and cementing the supremacy of one group – Jews – over another – Palestinians”.

There are good reasons why B’Tselem is biting the bullet now, after decades of equivocation from it and the rest of the Israeli peace camp. Firstly, no one really believes that Israel will be pressured from outside into conceding a Palestinian state. Trump’s so-called “peace plan”, unveiled a year ago, gave Netanyahu everything he wanted, including support for annexing swaths of the West Bank on which illegal settlements have been built. 

Four years of Trump, and the recruitment of much of the Gulf to Netanyahu’s side, has shifted the conversation a long way from efforts to secure Palestinian statehood. Now, the focus is on how best to delay Israel’s move towards formal annexation. US president-elect Joe Biden will at best try to push things back to the dismal state they were in before Donald Trump took office. At worst, he will quietly assent to all or most of the damage Trump has inflicted on the Palestinian national cause.

Deeply isolated

Secondly, B’Tselem and other human rights groups are more deeply isolated at home than ever before. There is simply no political constituency in Israel for their research into the systematic abuses of Palestinians by the Israeli army and settlers. That means B’Tselem no longer needs to worry about messaging that could antagonise the sensibilities of Israel’s so-called “Zionist left” – because there is no meaningful peace camp left to alienate. 

The disappearance of this peace camp, unreliable as it was, has only been underscored by the Israeli general election due in late March. The battle for power this time is being waged between three or four far-right parties that all support annexation to varying degrees. 

Israel’s apologists will now face the much harder task of showing that B’Tselem is antisemitic, along with the Palestinian solidarity activists who cite its work

The Israeli left has ceased to exist at the political level. It comprises a handful of human and legal rights groups, mostly seen by the public as traitors supposedly meddling in Israel’s affairs on behalf of “European” interests. At this stage, B’Tselem has little to lose. It is almost entirely irrelevant inside Israel.

Thirdly, and as a result, the only audience for B’Tselem’s careful research exposing Israeli abuses is overseas. This new report seeks to liberate a conversation about Israel, partly among Palestinian solidarity activists abroad. Their campaigns have been stymied by the failure of the Palestinian leadership under Mahmoud Abbas to signal where they should direct their efforts, now that prospects for Palestinian statehood have vanished.

Activists have also been browbeaten into silence by smears from Israel’s partisans in the US and Europe, decrying any trenchant criticism of Israel as antisemitic. These slurs were relentlessly deployed against the UK’s Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn because of his support for the Palestinian cause.

Breaking a taboo

By calling Israel an apartheid state and a “regime of Jewish supremacy”, B’Tselem has given the lie to the Israel lobby’s claim – bolstered by a new definition promoted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance – that it is antisemitic to suggest Israel is a “racist endeavour”. 

B’Tselem, a veteran Israeli Jewish organisation with deep expertise in human rights and international law, has now explicitly declared that Israel is a racist state. Israel’s apologists will now face the much harder task of showing that B’Tselem is antisemitic, along with the Palestinian solidarity activists who cite its work.

Palestinian protesters confront Israeli soldiers during a protest in the occupied West Bank on 29 January 2020 (AFP)
Palestinian protesters confront Israeli soldiers during a protest in the occupied West Bank on 29 January 2020 (AFP)

The report is also intended to reach out to young American Jews, who are more willing than their parents to foreground the mistreatment of Palestinians and to forgo the Zionist idea that Israel is their bolthole in times of trouble. 

Significantly, the B’Tselem report has been published in the wake of two groundbreaking essays this past summer by influential American Jewish journalist Peter Beinart. In them, he broke a taboo in the US Jewish mainstream by declaring the two-state solution dead and calling for a single democratic state for Israelis and Palestinians.

It doubtless served as a wakeup call to Israeli groups such as B’Tselem that the conversation about Israel is moving on in the US and becoming much more polarised. Israeli human rights groups need to engage with this debate, not shy away from it.

Battle for equality

There is one possible lacuna in B’Tselem’s position. The report suggests a reticence to focus on outcomes. Nowhere is the two-state solution ruled out. Rather, the report notes: “There are various political paths to a just future.” Statements by El-Ad to Middle East Eye indicate that his organisation may still support a framework of international pressure for incremental, piecemeal change in Israeli policies that violate Palestinian human rights.Israeli settlers’ racism is not an aberration. It’s part of an apartheid systemRead More »

That is very much what western states, particularly Europe, have been paying lipservice to for decades, while Israeli apartheid has entrenched.

Does B’Tselem hope its apartheid criticisms will prove more effective than Barak and Olmert’s apartheid warnings, finally galvanising the international community into action to push for a Palestinian state? If so, Biden’s performance in office should soon dispel any such illusions. El-Ad observes that the goal now is “a rejection of supremacy, built on a commitment to justice and our shared humanity.” 

That cannot happen within the two-state framework, even on the untenable assumption that the international community ever seriously rallies behind Palestinian statehood, against Israel’s wishes. So why not say so explicitly? The best-case two-state scenarios on the table are for a tiny, divided, demilitarised, pseudo-Palestinian state with no control over its borders, airspace or electromagnetic frequencies.

That would not offer “justice” to Palestinians or recognise their “shared humanity” with Israeli Jews.

As welcome as the new report is, it is time for B’Tselem – as well as Palestinian solidarity activists who look to the organisation – to explicitly reject any reversion to a “peace process” premised on ending the occupation. The logic of an apartheid analysis needs to be followed to the very end. That requires unequivocally embracing a democratic single state guaranteeing equality and dignity for all.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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‘Fruits of Peace’: Beitar Will Remain a Bastion of Israeli Racism

December 26, 2020

Beitar Jerusalem is well known for its anti-Arab, anti-Muslim bias and for its violent, racist supporters. (Photo: File)

By Issam Khalidi

Just recently Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Nahyan, a member of the UAE royal family, has pledged to invest 300 million shekels, or about $90 million, into the Beitar (Jerusalem) club over the next decade.

It wouldn’t be a big surprise if Al Khalifa invested in a club other than Beitar. This deal even made many Israelis surprised. The question that comes to mind here is why did Bin Nahyan choose to invest in this club? Does he intend to win the sympathy and favor of the most extremists in the Israeli society, or to fit the club’s deflection and adjust its racial behavior?

Indeed, it is merely a trading deal without looking into its political and moral dimensions. Also, as Rina Bassist mentioned in Al-Monitor “Not only was the deal a most tangible and direct result of the normalization agreement between the two countries, but it also confronted Beitar fans with a new, almost unimaginable reality.”

It is an illusion to think that Bin Khalifa and others are interested in purchasing historical documents that were stolen from Palestinian homes, libraries and institutions as a result of the Nakba (i.e., catastrophe) of 1948, or restoring homes and landmarks that were abandoned by their residents who became refugees in neighboring countries.

Bin Khalifa said that his investment represents “the fruits of peace and brotherhood between the two countries and this step will further bring people together through sports.”

Of course, sport is soft power and a great tool for peace, brotherhood, and friendship that could bring people together. However, in order to bring Palestinians and Israelis together through sports few things are required. The most important of which is ending the Israeli occupation. Friendly meetings and tournaments cannot be undertaken under repression, land confiscation, checkpoints, apartheid wall, blockades, arrests, and killings. Rather, under an independent Palestinian state and equal rights for Palestinians.

Israel is the only beneficiary of this deal, as it is the beneficiary of all its normalization agreements with other countries, and other peace agreements signed with Egypt, Jordan, and PLO. This club and its fans cannot be tamed, because the epidemic of racism is so rampant, its roots are so deep in the Israeli society that it cannot be eradicated. Today, it is not surprising to see that a new Israeli generation is born with genes of racism.

Despite the club’s apparent enthusiasm over the deal, many of Beitar’s fans remain upset at this shocking buyout. Fans have reportedly spray-painted offensive and racist graffiti on the walls of the stadium as a sign of their disappointment and anger.

Beitar is considered one of the clubs in the Israeli First Division Football League, known for its hardline stances against Arab and Palestinians, and there is no Arab player among its ranks. Fans of “Beitar Jerusalem” are historically considered hostile to Muslims and Arabs, especially the notorious far-right fan group “La Familia” known for its songs against the Prophet Muhammad. In 2016, nineteen members of the group were charged with attempted murder, including supporters of rival squads.

In October, the Arab member in the Knesset, Ayman Odeh, requested the removal of a racist song by the “La Familia” group that insulted the Prophet Muhammad that was published on “YouTube”. The site later removed the video from its platform.

This football club in specific has never had any Arab player on its ranks. Two Palestinian citizens of Israel who play on Israeli teams describe the racism and violence they are subjected to by Beitar fans. Alaa Abu Saleh, who plays for Bnei Sakhnin, says “It’s like war.”

In June 2019, the club refrained from joining the Nigerian player, Muhammad Ali, because of his name, or changing his name, as a condition for accepting his play with the team.

Beitar team relies on its popularity on the people of eastern sects who usually live-in poor neighborhoods and are known for their hatred of Arabs, and most of them belong to the religious parties and the Likud party.

Beitar was founded by the revisionist Jabotinsky in 1926 emerged as a movement opposed to the workers’ Histadrut in Palestine, and the members wore brown shirts as part of the movement’s fascist coloration. As for those who split from the Haganah in 1930 and established (Etzel) and (Lehi), they were members of Beitar. Its members became involved in terrorist acts in Palestine in the 1930s. Haganah, Palmach, and Vaad Leumi these terrorist organizations played a pivotal role in the establishment of the State of Israel.

The club has been trying to change its image in recent years, and in 2017 it received an award from President Reuven Rivlin for its efforts in combating racism and significantly reducing the number of anti-Arab and Muslim chants in its matches. However, racism in Israel isn’t going away, it’s getting worse and has been spurred long ago by Zionism, which is a racist ideology.

The Jewish Holocaust survivor, historian, author, and a former president of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights, Israel Shahak wrote on the racism of Zionism and the State of Israel (1975):

“It is my considered opinion that the State of Israel is a racist state in the full meaning of this term: In this state, people are discriminated against, in the most permanent and legal way and in the most important areas of life, only because of their origin. This racist discrimination began in Zionism and is carried out today mainly in cooperation with the institutions of the Zionist movement.”

– Issam Khalidi is an independent scholar, the author of History of Sports in Palestine 1900-1948 (in Arabic), One Hundred Years of Football in Palestine (in Arabic and English), co-edited Soccer in the Middle East, as well as articles and essays on the subject of sports included at http://www.hpalestinesports.net. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

‘What Binds Us Together’: On What It Means to Support Indigenous Liberation

December 20, 2020

A depiction by the Navajo artist Remy of 16-year-old Fawzi al-Junaidi arrested by Israeli soldiers. (Photo: File)

By Benay Blend

In a recent interview with Michael Arria, Sumaya Awad and Brian Bean discuss their book Palestine: A Socialist Introduction (2020). The collection argues that socialism should be viewed as an important element in the struggle to liberate Palestine.

“What binds us together,” concludes Awad, “is our class politics. The working class together is what will build a new kind of world and a different system. And what that means is standing with the oppressed outside of our borders and with Palestine.”

While class is a clear connection around which to build campaigns, there are other avenues to explore. For example, in “The Liberation of Palestine Represents an Alternative Path for Native Americans,” Nick Estes (Lower Brule Sioux Tribe) describes Palestine as “the moral barometer of Indigenous North America,” thus adding the Indigeneity that Awad touches on to the commonalities that bind activists to the cause of Palestine.

Responding to the controversy that erupted in Santa Fe, New Mexico over a series of pro-Palestinian murals drawn by a local Navajo artist, Elena Ortiz (Ohkay Owingeh) expands on the historical connections between the Indigenous here and in Occupied Palestine.

“The images on that stucco wall,” explains Ortiz, “show the truth of settler colonialism and the effects it has on indigenous people. They were put there to show solidarity with our Palestinian relatives in the face of brutal occupation; to illuminate injustice and shed light on this nation’s complicity in Israel’s treatment of the Palestinian people.”

In that vein, she stresses the importance of acknowledging that the founding of the United States was a process that involved displacing and exploiting Indigenous nations that were living on the land prior to European conquest, a process very similar to the establishment, too, of the state of Israel.

Elaborating on the contradictions between Santa Fe’s reputation as a liberal “art center and home to vibrant Native cultures,” Ortiz asks how a Native-installed art exhibit could cause so much controversy. “Because it illuminates a truth that many people do not want to face?” she speculates, or, perhaps, it offends a lot of people?

In reality, those most offended were local Zionists who assumed the role of victim. “Why is Israel singled out as an aggressor when there are many troubled spots in the world?” asked Rabbi Berel Levertov of the Santa Fe Jewish Center-Chabad. “There are many facets to the story and to highlight Israel is just anti-semitic propaganda.”

Preferring a portrayal that depicts “normalization” of relations between the two—a “work of art depicting…Jews and Arabs living in Peace”—Levertov offered up an image very fitting, too, of Santa Fe, a City Different that hides its racism beneath a veneer of faux adobe.

Several months later another controversy arose when Native people and their comrades succeeded in taking down a memorial ostensibly to Union soldiers. As Elena Ortiz explains, those same combatants participated in massacring Native people and removing them from their homelands.

“Under the shadow of that obelisk,” Ortiz asserts, “on Tewa homelands, in a place we call O’gha Po’geh, we still exist,” despite ongoing efforts by some to prove the opposite.

Alan Webber, the liberal mayor of Santa Fe who might seem a likely ally, proposed a belated Cultures, Histories, Art, Reconciliation and Truth committee. Tasked with replacing other controversial monuments with alternate public art, the commission bears resemblance to similar efforts towards “normalizing” Israeli/Palestinian relations.

Indigenous activists know better, specifically that there can be no peace until there is substantive justice. Elena Ortiz, daughter of the late Alphonso Ortiz, an anthropology professor who was my mentor at the University of New Mexico, says that “the city’s mood and dialogue” have exposed much deeper problems.

“Santa Fe, with its pseudo-liberal, left-leaning politics, thinks it’s somehow above” racial tensions that elsewhere have been exposed.

“But when you look at the vitriol that has come out since the obelisk, we’re peeling back this onion and we’re showing the racism that is endemic in Santa Fe. And we’re showing that, hey, Donald Trump doesn’t have anything on Santa Fe and this racism is so systemic.”

A city that bears a liberal façade, but in which racist and anti-Palestinian sentiments have exploded, Santa Fe is a perfect example of the ways in which Indigeneity unites solidarity activists around the cause of liberation, but at the same time exposes that sometimes a wing of the left-liberal camp declines to be on board.

Finally, President-elect Joe Biden’s selection of New Mexico Congressmember Deb Haaland (Laguna Pueblo) as secretary of the interior owes much to Indigenous movements who organized around land back as well as an end to fracking on and around Native land. An historic first, Haaland’s appointment marks a significant turn-around for an agency that for much of the nation’s history played a central role in the dislocation and abuse of all Indigenous tribes.

“That was a very, very important step for the Biden administration,” says Winona LaDuke, executive director of Honor the Earth, rural development economist and Native American activist. “Indian people know how to take care of this land.” ·

According to the Red Nation, Haaland’s nomination is also significant because she hails from a state that ranks fifth in the country for oil and gas production, much of which is on Indigenous land claimed by the federal and state governments. Moreover, the group explains,

“these conditions, and ongoing struggle against them, put NM at the center of the land back movement — in which a first step is returning public lands back to Indigenous people for any kind of sound environmental policy. Because of this context, Haaland’s appointment is significant.”

Because Haaland has taken a position against fracking on public land and has supported Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) legislation, her selection plays out within this context.

“We have yet to see, however, how this will all play out when she becomes secretary of DOI,” concludes the Red Nation statement. “Regardless, movements are pushing in this direction.”

“While there is widespread agreement among Native people that European colonialism and Indigenous genocide is criminal and immoral,” writes Nick Estes, “there are a surprisingly high number of Native politicians, elites, and public figures who don’t extend the same sympathies to Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims.” He continues that the term “anti-Palestinian opportunism” describes “how profitable and career-advancing it is for Indigenous people to align with the Zionist project.”

The future Secretary of the Interior falls into this category. “It’s profound to think about the history of this country’s policies to exterminate Native Americans and the resilience of our ancestors that gave me a place here today,” Haaland said.

Nevertheless, she does not view Palestine in the same light. For example, during her campaign for US Congress, Haaland compared Native Americans getting the right to vote in New Mexico in 1948 to the creation of the state of Israel. Reflecting on this statement, Estes concludes that “Haaland’s opportunism demonstrates that she is anything but an ally to Palestine and more of an opportunist willing to throw Palestinians under the bus when it benefits her political career.”

Recalling a panel in which she participated during the Palestine Writes festival, author and activist Susan Albuhawa explained that “true solidarity has a cost. What is it really worth to the oppressed if it’s easy and cheap and popular? Solidarity matters most when it’s hard, unpopular, and costly.”

Hopefully, in her upcoming appointed position, Haaland will use her platform to point out the ties that bind the Indigenous in this country with their relatives the Palestinians. Both have undergone ethnic cleansing and displacement, parallel experiences that should be called for what it is, crimes against humanity.

Recounting how the Intifada changed the political trajectory of the Palestinian people, Ramzy Baroud explains that “thanks to the Intifada, the Palestinian people have demonstrated their own capacity at challenging Israel without having their own military, challenging the Palestinian leadership by organically generating their own leaders, confronting the Arabs and, in fact, the whole world, regarding their own moral and legal responsibilities towards Palestine and the Palestinian people.”

Perhaps it is this acknowledgment of the need for a grassroots struggle against colonialism that is the tie that binds Indigenous resistance around the world. Commemorating the 2020 election which saw the ouster of Donald Trump, the Red Nation put out the following statement. Regarding what needs to be done, it puts forward the following view on socialism as the tie that binds.

“The battle of ideas against the ideology of greed and individualism, and the need for communal organization are key…Indigenous peoples, peoples of tribal nations, peoples of Maroon communities, peoples of the land have lived before capitalism and against capitalism. They have cultivated relations with each other and the land that do not rely on conquest and surplus but bring abundance and joy and dignity to all. These communal forms should be developed and become schools for freedom. We call these schools for Indigenous socialism. Join us in the struggle to create a better future.”

“To be a socialist you must be a principled champion for Palestine (p. 6),” write Awad and Bean. Their book bears out that certainly, this is true.

– Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

Prominent Iranian physicist assassinated near Tehran

Friday, 27 November 2020 2:08 PM  [ Last Update: Friday, 27 November 2020 9:10 PM ]

US Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) (L) talks with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) during a rally with fellow Democrats before voting on H.R. 1, or the People Act, on the East Steps of the US Capitol on March 08, 2019 in Washington, DC. (AFP photo)
A file photo of martyred Iranian physicist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh

Prominent Iranian physicist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh has been assassinated in a terrorist attack near the capital Tehran.

The Fars news agency reported that he had been targeted on Friday in a multi-pronged attack involving at least one explosion and small fire by a number of assailants in Absard city of Damavand County, Tehran Province.

The attack targeted the vehicle carrying Fakhrizadeh — who headed the Iranian Defense Ministry’s Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research (SPND), the agency said.

The Defense Ministry’s media office said Fakhrizadeh “was severely wounded in the course of clashes between his security team and terrorists, and was transferred to hospital,” where he succumbed to his injuries.

Fars said 3-4 people were killed in the shooting, all of whom were said to be terrorists.

Photos and footage shared online of the attack showed bullet holes on the windshield of Fakhrizadeh’s car and a pool of blood on the road.

The photo shows a car that was targeted in a deadly shooting attack by terrorists in Absard city, near the Iranian capital of Tehran, November 27, 2020. (By Fars news agency)

‘Serious indications of Israeli role’

In a statement, Iranian Foreign Ministry Mohammad Javad Zarif roundly condemned the terror attack, saying there were “serious indications” of the Israeli regime’s role in the assassination of Fakhrizadeh, a professor of physics at Imam Hussein University of Tehran.

“Terrorists murdered an eminent Iranian scientist today. This cowardice—with serious indications of Israeli role—shows desperate warmongering of perpetrators,” he said in a tweet.

The top Iranian diplomat called on the international community, especially the European Union, to “end their shameful double standards & condemn this act of state terror.”

‘Harsh revenge awaits criminals’

Meanwhile, Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff of the Iranian Armed Forces Major General Mohammad Baqeri blamed the “savage” attack on “terrorists tied to global arrogance and the evil Zionist regime.”

The assassination, he said, did deal a blow to Iran’s defense industry, but the enemies should know that “the path opened by the likes of Martyr Fakhrizadeh will never end.”

The photo shows the site of a terror attack, which targeted an Iranian scientist, in Absard city, north of the Iranian capital, Tehran, November 27, 2020. (By Fars news agency)

Baqeri said “harsh revenge” awaits the terror groups as well as all those who had a hand in the terror attack.

The commander assured the Iranian nation that the perpetrators of the terror attack will be pursued and brought to justice.

In a similar message, Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) Commander Major General Hossein Salami vowed a “harsh revenge and punishment” for those behind the act of terror.

The assassination of the Iranian scientist “was planned and run by the fake, terrorist and infanticide Zionist regime,” the chief IRGC commander added.

Iranian Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alavi also said in a statement that an operation had been launched to identify the terrorist elements complicit in the “brutal crime,” pledging that the Islamic Republic will avenge the martyr’s blood.

In turn, Brigadier General Hossein Dehqan, military advisor to Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, also reacted to Fakhrizadeh’s martyrdom in a tweet, vowing a crushing response to the perpetrator.

“We will come down hard on those who killed Martry Mohsen Fakhrizadeh like thunder and make them regret their deed,” he said.

“In the final days of their allied gambler’s political life, the Zionists are after intensifying pressure on Iran in order to trigger an all-out war,” said Dehqan in a reference to outgoing US President Donald Trump’s final days in office.

Fakhrizadeh’s name was mentioned multiple times in a presentation in 2018 by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, during which he repeated baseless claims about the Iranian nuclear program.

Netanyahu described the scientist as the director of Iran’s nuclear program and threatened, “Remember that name, Fakhrizadeh.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stands by a screen with a purported image of Iranian scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh during a news conference in Tel Aviv, Israel, April 30, 2018. (Photo by Reuters)

The Tel Aviv regime has made several attempts over the past years to throw a wrench in Tehran’s peaceful nuclear work.

The regime has been behind the assassination of several Iranian nuclear scientists. It has also conduced cyberattacks on Iranian nuclear sites.

‘The crime won’t block Iran path to scientific progress’

Iran’s Judiciary Chief Ebrahim Raeisi said the “big crime” was carried out by “traitorous elements linked to foreigners and international Zionism with the sinister goal of hindering the country’s scientific progress.”

Raeisi further praised the scientist’s role in speeding up Iran’s advancements in various scientific fields, including the nuclear industry, saying Fakhrizadeh’s martyrdom will not block the country’s path forward.

He called on the country’s security and intelligence institutions in addition to relevant judicial bodies to do their utmost to arrest and serve justice to the criminals and mercenaries involved in the crime as soon as possible.


Press TV’s website can also be accessed at the following alternate addresses:

www.presstv.ir

www.presstv.co.uk

www.presstv.tv

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (05- 11 November 2020)

Source

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05 – 11 November 2020

  • In 96 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 94 civilians arrested, including 9 children, 2 women (including a journalist)
  • IOF raids a hospital in Tulkarm and fired sound bombs inside its premises, inciting fear among patients and medical crews
  • IOF demolished a house and a car wash in Jerusalem, and bulldozed an aluminium workshop in Hebron
  • IOF established 70 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, Kamal N. Abu-Wa’ar, a 46-year-old Palestinian imprisoned by Israel for the last 17 years was pronounced dead on Tuesday evening, 10 November 2020, at Shamir Medical Center in Israel. The late Abu-Wa’ar, originally from Yabad village near Jenin, suffered throat cancer and his health had been steadily declining for over a year. Abu-Wa’ar is the second prisoner to die in Israeli prison this year.

Abu-Wa’ar’s death shed a light on the general decline in the living conditions for thousands of Palestinians in Israeli prisons, and reveals the extent of punitive measure Israel shamelessly adopts against them; namely medical negligence, as Israeli authorities delay offering needed medical treatment, and do not provide the necessary medications for hundreds of prisoners with chronic and dangerous diseases. This manifestation is a serious violation of the occupation authority’s duties to provide humane imprisonment conditions and health care pursuant to the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulations, particularly Articles 85 and 125.

IOF also continued to create new facts on the ground by maintaining its policy of demolishing, confiscating and razing Palestinian houses and properties for its settlement expansion schemes in the West Bank.

This week, PCHR documented 180 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information contained in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

Seven Palestinian civilians, including 3 children, sustained wounds in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank; as well as one fisherman in Gaza. Also this week, IOF raided Dr. Thabet Thabet Hospital in Tulkarem, northern West Bank; fired sound bombs in the emergency room terrorizing patients and medical crews and causing damage.

In the Gaza Strip, six IOF shootings were reported at agricultural lands eastern Gaza Strip; and two other shooting incidents against fishing boats, western Gaza.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 96 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 94 Palestinians were arrested, including 9 children and 2 women (one is journalist). In Gaza, IOF conducted a limited incursion into eastern Central Gaza.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 7 incidents, including:

  • Bethlehem: a Palestinian was served a notice to vacate his land for planned confiscation; an agricultural room was demolished;
  • East Jerusalem: Demolitions in Wadi Al-Rababa – Silwan village; a car wash, container and barracks were demolished in ‘Anata; and a house demolished in Sur Baher.
  • Hebron: an aluminium workshop destroyed; 5 cease-construction served to 3 Palestinians for alleged unlicensed construction.

Settler-attacks: PCHR fieldworkers reported and documented an incident where a group of settlers detained a Palestinian in his land in al-Rajman area, Beit Dajan, Nablus.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity
  • At approximately 17:00 on Thursday, 05 November 2020, IOF gunboats stationed off al-Waha area, northwest of Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles, opened heavy fire and pumped water at them, causing fear and panic among them and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 07:00 on Friday, 06 November 2020, IOF stationed near the annexation wall along Eastern Toura village borders, west of Jenin, opened fire at a 25-year-old civilian, from Nazlet Zeid village, when he was near the security fence. As a result, he was injured with a bullet in the right shoulder.
  • At approximately 09:40, IOF stationed inside the Gaza-Israel border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in Central Gaza Strip opened fire at the agricultural lands by the landfill, west of the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00, Palestinian young men gathered in Bab al-Zawiyah area in central Hebron and threw stones and empty bottles at the checkpoint established at the entrance to the closed Shuhadaa’ Street leading to Tel Rumeida area. IOF fired sound bombs and teargas canisters at the stone-throwers and chased them to the market area, forcing shops to close.  The clashes continued until 18:00, but no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 12:30 on Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF stationed at the “northern entrance” established on Kafr Qaddum lands, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a protest organized by dozens of Palestinian civilians. IOF chased the young men, who gathered in the area and clashed with them, firing rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. As a result, a 22-year-old civilian was injured with a rubber bullet in the back while another 20-year-old was injured with a rubber bullet in the foot.
  • At approximately 16:00, an IOF infantry unit moved from the watchtower established at the western entrance to al-‘Aroub refugee camp, into the refugee camp, north of Hebron.  The soldiers deployed between houses, and young men gathered in the area and confronted the troops by throwing stones at them.  The soldiers chased the stone-throwers through the neighborhoods, firing sound bombs and teargas canisters.  As a result, a number of young men suffocated due to teargas inhalation.  The soldiers were in the camp until 18:00 while no house raids were reported.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF gunboats stationed off al-Waha area, northwest of Beit Lahia, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 1 nautical mile and opened heavy fire at them.  As a result, Mohammad ‘Ali Yasin Zayed (26),  fisherman from Beit Lahia, sustained a minor injury caused by a rubber bullet in the left thigh when he was on a boat with his brother, Maysarah (18). The shooting and chasing also caused fear and panic among fishermen and forced them to flee.
  • At approximately 07:00 on Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF stationed inside the Gaza-Israel border fence, northeast of al-Bureij in central Gaza Strip, fired teargas canisters at bird hunters, west of the border fence.  No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 12:00, IOF stationed inside the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at the agricultural lands and a sanitation truck in eastern ‘Abasan town adjacent to the fence.  No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 20:00, Karam Eyad Mahmoud Sammar (17) from al-Yamun village, northwest of Jenin, sustained various bruises all over his body  after being assaulted by IOF when he was near the security fence in Rumana village to the western side of Jenin.  An ambulance arrived and took him to the Governmental Hospital in Jenin. Sammar was trying to infiltrate into Israel via the security fence seeking a job opportunity. 
  • At approximately 01:30 on Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF raided Dr. Thabet Thabet Governmental Hospital, IOF moved into the Hospital’s western yard in Tulkarm, north of the West Bank. One of its soldiers fired sound bombs inside the Emergency Department, causing fear among patients and their companions and some damage. 
  • At approximately 08:00 on Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF inside the border fence, northeast of al-Bureij in central Gaza Strip fired teargas canisters at some bird hunters, west of the border fence.  No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 07:30 on Tuesday 10 November 2020, IOF stationed inside the Gaza – Israel border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at the adjacent agricultural lands in eastern Qarara. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF moved into ‘Ebeid neighborhood, west of al-‘Isawiyah village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.  They deployed in the neighborhood and established checkpoints at the main entrance.  Meanwhile, young Palestinian men protested and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov Cocktails at the IOF, who responded by firing rubber-coated metal bullets, teargas canisters and sound bombs at the protesters.  IOF arrested Anwar Sai ‘Abeid (22).
  • Also on Tuesday evening, Kamal N. Abu-Wa’ar, a 46-year-old Palestinian imprisoned by Israel for the last 17 years was pronounced dead on Tuesday evening, 10 November 2020, at Shamir Medical Center in Israel. The late Abu-Wa’ar, originally from Yabad village near Jenin, suffered throat cancer and his health had been steadily declining for over a year.

In October 2019, Abu-Wa’ar, who was imprisoned at Jalbou’ prison, was diagnosed with throat cancer and transferred to Rambam Hospital in Haifa for chemotherapy, which was delivered to him via a chest-tube. His health condition rapidly deteriorated, as he suffered breakdown of platelets, extreme fatigue, and difficulty breathing, dysphasia, and extreme weight loss as he required tube feeding, according to the Commission of Detainees Affairs. Last July, Abu Wa’ar contracted COVID-19 and was transferred from Jalbou’ prison to Ramla Prison Clinic. He was put on an assistive breathing device; but unfortunately, his health continued to decline, and he was transferred back to Shamir Medical Center where he was pronounced dead yesterday.

Abu-Wa’ar’s death shed a light on the general decline in the living conditions for thousands of Palestinians in Israeli prisons, and reveals the extent of punitive measure Israel shamelessly adopts against them; namely medical negligence, as Israeli authorities delay offering needed medical treatment, and do not provide the necessary medications for hundreds of prisoners with chronic and dangerous diseases. This manifestation is a serious violation of the occupation authority’s duties to provide humane imprisonment conditions and health care pursuant to the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulations, particularly Articles 85 and 125.

Also, Abu-Wa’ar’s death highlights the persistent Israeli disregard for repeated calls for the release of dozens of Palestinian prisoners with chronic and serious diseases who have spent many years behind bars, all the while neglecting its duty to provide them with adequate health care services. Many Palestinian prisoners lost their lives due to this deliberate indifference, the latest victim was Sa’di Khalil al-Gharabli (74) from Gaza City, who died on 08 July 2020, after spending 26 years in imprisonment, and had suffered chronic diseases, including prostate cancer; yet, he was left to die in prison.

  • At approximately 06:50 on Wednesday, 11 November 2020, IOF stationed inside the Gaza-Israel border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at the adjacent agricultural lands and bird hunters, east of Khuza’a. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 08:30, IOF stationed by the annexation wall near “Oranit” settlement, southern Qalqilya, opened fire at a group of Palestinians attempting to cross into their lands to harvest olive trees in Azzun Atma village. As a result, Mo’nes M. I. Younis (16) from Sanniriya village, Qalqilya, sustained three rubber-bullet injuries in the abdomen and feet. He was immediately transported to Yaser Arafat Hospital in Salfit for treatment.
  • At approximately 13:00, a group of Palestinians gathered by the entrance of Fawwar refugee camp, Hebron, where IOF maintain a military watchtower. The group blocked the road and set tiers ablaze. Two IOF patrols arrived at the camp’s main road and were met with stones; soldiers chased the boys across fields and fired stun grenades and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, many suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. The clashes continued until 17:00, during which IOF closed the camp’s entrance and banned traffic to and from the camp.
  • At approximately 15:00, a group of young men and boys gathered by the entrance to Beit Ummar village, northern Hebron, where IOF maintain a military watchtower. The group threw stones at the watchtower and set tires on fire. IOF military vehicles arrived at the village; soldiers chased the stone-throwers in Asida area and fired stun grenades and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, many suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. The clashes continued until18:30, IOF fired rubber bullets and injured a 14-year-old boy in his right hand, and a 16-year-old boy in his left leg. They were both transported to the emergency department in the village.
  • At approximately 15:30, a group of young men and boys gathered by al-Bireh’s northern entrance and threw stones at Israeli soldiers stationed at al-Mahkama military checkpoint, established near “Beit El” settlement, north of al-Bireh. A group of soldiers fired tear gas and stun grenades, as well as rubber bullets and clashes erupted causing dozens of cases of tear-gas inhalation. IOF chased and arrested: Amro A. Arar (19); Ahmed H. Dar Omar (20) from Qarawat Bani Zeid village, northwestern Ramallah. The group gathered again and threw stones at the soldiers stationed behind cement blocks; the soldiers responded with shooting tear gas canisters, directly aimed at the boys, and chased them. They arrested 6 Palestinians, including 2 children and detained them inside al-Mahkama checkpoint. The arrestees are: Mounir S. Abu-Arkoub (17), from Kafr Ein village; Yousif A. Dardas (17) and Khaled M. al-Masri (24) from Abwein village; Fathi M. Fahel (20) from Kobar village; Amer A. Qendah (18), from Abu Shukheidim village; and Baraa Shalaldeh (20), from Ramallah.

II. Incursions and arrests:

Thursday, 05 November 2020:

  • At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast to the occupied East  Jerusalem. They raided and searched Yazan Amjad Obaid’s (19) house and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Khillat Hadour, the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched Abdullah Wissam Abu Shamsiya’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Illar, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (5) civilians and released them later. The arrestees are: Emad Ahmed Abu Esba, Nazeer Mohammed Nassar, Jameel Jamal Ja’ar, Jaser Mohammed Kharouf, and Nader Salem Kharouf.
  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Attil village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Marwan Mahmoud Sidqi and Amjad Adnan Abu Khalil. They were released later.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Deir al-Ghusun village, north of Tulkarm. They arrested Fo’ad Mohammed al-Qeb and released him later.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Seida village, north of Tulkarm, and arrested Lo’ay Fadi al-Ashqar and Fadi Monther Raddad. IOF released them later.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Abu Freiha area in Beit Sahur. They raided and searched Hamada Omar Abayat’s (30) house and took him to an unknown destination.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Yazan Amjad Obaid (19), and Yazan Emran Obaid (18), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Fawwar refugee camp, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Abdullah Mohammed Rasras’ (25) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Deir Sharaf village, west of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Fakher ‘Aqil As’ad Zaghloul (22).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Beit Hanina, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Ahmed Ali Shalalida’s house and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF moved into Azun, east of Qalqiliya, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians. The arrestees are: Abdul Karim Yaser Hussain (24), Mostafa Sufian al-Riyashi (23), and Zeid Fathi Swaidan (19).
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into Beit Rima village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Ghassan Ehsan al-Rimawi’s (31) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF stormed a bird’s store bear Road 90 in al-Auja village, north of Jericho governorate. They raided and searched the store which belongs to Omar Nasrallah al-Salaima and confiscated about 20 birds (various kinds).
  • At approximately 15:00, IOF moved into Wadi al-Joz, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched the Secretary General of the Clans of Jerusalem and Palestine, and head of the Arab Jerusalem Campaign, Abdullah Hasan ‘Alqam (53), and arrested him.
  • At approximately 17:30, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ali Mohammed al-Kaswani’s (18) house and took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Sebstia in Nablus governorate; al-Nazla al-Sharqiya and al-Wusta, north of Tulkarm; Azun, east of Qalqilya; and Kafr Ne’ma, west of Ramallah. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 06 November 2020:

  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into al-Mazra’a al-Gharbiya village, north of Ramallah governorate. They raided and searched Laith Mahmoud Ladadwa’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Jenin refugee camp, west of Jenin. They deployed among civilians’ houses and stormed two houses belonging to Najeeb Awni Hawil (30) and Ahmed Mahmoud Nasharti (28).
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Beit Kahil and Deir al-‘Asal, in Hebron governorate; Ramallah and Bituniya, west of Ramallah. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 07 November 2020:

  • At approximately 22:00, IOF arrested Hamza al-Tamimi (22), from Dahiyat al-Salam area in Anata, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem, while appearing for a summons from the Israeli Intelligence Services, and he was brought to the court the next morning. It should be noted that al-Tamimi was arrested a day before his wedding day.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF arrested Mosbah Majed al-Waridat (33), from al-Thahiriya, south of Hebron, while present near the border fence near “Meitar” military checkpoint, west of the village. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF stationed at Container military checkpoint, east of Bethlehem, arrested Monjed Mohammed al-Darawish (27), from Dura, south of Hebron governorate, while passing through the checkpoint. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (3) incursions into Yatta, Hebron and Surif. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 08 November 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into the prisoner Nazmi Mohammed Abu Baker’s (49) house, from Yabad, west of Jenin. They raided and searched the house and no arrests were reported. It should be noted that Abu Baker was accused of killing an Israeli soldier by throwing a stone at his head in an IOF raid into the village in May 2020.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (4) civilians; Ahmed Marwan Abu Jom’a (20), Ameer Ra’ed Abu Mfareh (21), Mohammed Naji Abu Jom’a (18), and Abdullah Mohammed Abu Jom’a (19).
  • At approximately 10:00, Ali Belal Taha (17), from Shu’fat refugee camp, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem, surrendered himself to al-Ramla prison to serve his 4 and a half months sentence. Taha was previously injured by IOF.

Bilal Taha stated that his son, Ali, received a summons to surrender himself after being sentenced to jail last week. Taha would stay in al-Ramla prison for 2 weeks (within the COVID-19 preventive measures) then he will be transferred to al-Damoun prison to serve the full duration of his sentence. Taha said that his son was injured in 02 July 2019, while passing through Shu’fat refugee camp’s checkpoint, when IOF opened fire at him and shot him in the leg.  IOF arrested him while he was bleeding; despite the injury they assaulted him and detained him in a room before transferring him to the hospital via an Israeli ambulance. His family knew nothing about him, and they were banned from accompanying him. Taha added that Ali spent 14 days under arrest in the hospital despite his injury, then he was released on an open-ended house arrest in Beit Hanina. In September 2019, his sentence was reduced from the house arrest in Beit Hanina to house arrest in his house in Shu’fat refugee camp. He also mentioned that Ali had received 8 surgeries and is still in need for two others.

  • At approximately 11:00, IOF moved into Beit Hanina, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Shady Saad al-Mtour’s (44) house, the Secretary of Fatah movement in Jerusalem, and handed him a summons to refer to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem.

Fadi al-Mtour, Shady’s brother, said that the Israeli Intelligence Services interrogated his brother for several hours and then they handed him a decision signed by the Israeli Minister of Internal Security that imposed restrictions on his movement claiming that he was perpetuating Palestinian sovereignty inside Jerusalem and threatening the security of Israel. Fadi added that his brother was prevented from making any activities in Jerusalem or providing any assistances, even humanitarian, for the city residents; he was also banned from organizing or participating in any conferences or events in the city. It should be noted that this decision came after dozens of decisions, summonses, and arrests against Mr. al-Mtour, including banning his entry to al-Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem’s Old City, and prohibition on his contact with 22 activists and prominent figures.

  • At approximately 15:00, IOF stationed at Bab Huta, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, arrested Shady Talal Abu Snaina (26). He was taken to one of the police stations in the city.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF arrested 3 civilians from al-Jalama village, north of Jenin, attempted to enter Israel through the annexation wall’s gate for work. IOF took Mohammed Yaser Sha’ban, Mohammed Zakaria Hamdan, and Fadi Mohye Abu Farha to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into Bab Huta, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s gates in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Rami Saleh al-Fakhouri’s (29) house and confiscated all the cell phones in the house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in al-Maskoubeya police station in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 17:30, IOF moved into al-Sa’diya neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Mohammed Khaled Hazina’s (24) house, confiscated all the cell phones in the house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 21:00, IOF moved into Silwan’s central neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Marwan Othman al-Ghoul’s (46) house, director of Silwan GYM, and handed him a summons to refer to the Maskoubeya police station on the next day.
  • IOF carried out (2) incursions into Seida town, northeastern Tulkarm. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 09 November 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Salah al-Masa’eed’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron, and stationed in al-Binouk and Abu Hilal neighborhoods. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Mohammed Yousef Shahin (29) and Mo’ayad Waleed Amro (19).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Beit Ta’mir village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (5) civilians including 3 brothers. The arrestees are: Murad Mohammed Abu Muhaimed (38), Mohammed Hashem Abu Muhaimed (42), Salah Jom’a Abu Muhaimed (25), and his brothers Mo’taz (29) and Fo’ad (28).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Eizariya, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ibrahim Fayez Murar’s house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Qaffin, north of Tulkarm, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Emad Fahmi Zaghloul (38). It should be noted that IOF confiscated his cell phone, money, and searched his office in al-Ashqar complex area, in Tulkarm.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed in Ein Sara area. They raided and searched Nidal Salah Zughaiar’s house and arrested his two sons; Mos’ab (25) and Salah (29).
  • At approximately 02:40, IOF moved into Nablus. They raided and searched several stores; no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qalandiya refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Laith Ammar (22) and Eyad al-Shahham’s (23) houses and arrested them.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Samer Abu Riyala (16) and Eisa Thafer Abu Riyala’s (16) family home and arrested them.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Shawawra village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched the former prisoner Oday ‘Adi Ibrahim Salim’s (31) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of the city.
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF stationed at Nablus-Jerusalem road, 3-kilometers away from al-Mahkama military checkpoint, established near “Beit El” settlement, north of al-Bireh, north of Ramallah governorate, detained Palestine TV staff while heading to Jiftlik village, north of Jericho.

Photojournalist, Mohammed Awawda (24), said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“At approximately 12:30, I was heading with 5 of the Palestine TV staff including the driver Mohammed Mousa, Maryam al-Tarifi, Abdul Karim Abu Sharif, and Hamed Nammoura from Jericho to Ramallah to shoot a TV program in Jiftlik village, north of Jericho governorate. When we arrived at Nablus-Jerusalem road, an Israeli police vehicle intercepted our way and the policemen surrounded, stopped and searched our car, ID cards and recording equipment. They detained us for 30 minutes claiming that they were doing the search procedure, before they let us continue on our way”.

  • At approximately 18:00, IOF moved into Batn al-Hawa neighborhood in Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Khaldoun Izzat Salah’s (47) house and took him to al-Bareed police station in Salah al-Dein street, in the center of the occupied East Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 18:30, IOF stationed at Yitzhar military checkpoint at the entrance of Huwara village, southeast of Nablus, north of the West Bank, arrested the journalist Bushra Jamal al-Tawil (27), and took her to Hasharon detention center in Israel.

Montaha al-Tawil, Bushra’s mother, said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“In the morning, Bushra left for Jenin with a friend for shopping. At approximately 18:30, she called me and told me that IOF stopped her vehicle at Yitzhar military checkpoint, examined her ID, and detained her. Bushra told me that an Israeli intelligence officer called her and informed her that she was under arrest and to be taken to Hasharon prison.”

It should be noted that the first time IOF arrested al-Tawil was on 06 July 2011, and she was sentenced to 16 months in jail, but was released within five months in the 2011 prisoner exchange deal. She was re-arrested on 02 July 2014 and sentenced to serve the remaining period of her 2011 imprisonment. On 17 May 2015, she was released after spending 10 and a half months in lock-up. In 2017, IOF arrested al-Tawil on administrative arrest, after raiding and searching her home. Again in 2019, she was arrested for her journalistic work, recording sit-ins for ex-Palestinian prisoners. She was released after 8 months in administrative detention.

  • At approximately 20:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Ma’moun Muhaisen’s house and arrested his sons Mo’men (19) and Mohammed (16). IOF took them to unknown destinations.
  • At approximately 21:50, IOF stationed at the entrance of Qusra village, southeast OF Nablus, arrested (3) civilians from the village, and released them later. The arrestees are: Ahmed Nimir Owda, Hammam Mohammed Mosbah, and Khaled Ibrahim Owda.
  • IOF carried out one incursion into Sebastia, Nablus. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 10 November 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Yabad village, southwestern Jenin; they raided and searched Mohammed A. Hamarshe’s (30) home and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Silat ad-Dhahr town, southwestern Jenin; they raided and searched Naief H. al-Qady’s (28) family home and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:20, IOF moved into Kafr Qallil village, south of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and withdrew at approximately 04:40. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 02:50, IOF moved into Mas-ha village in Salfit; soldiers raided and searched several houses and arrested Belal S. Amer (22).
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-‘Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron, and stationed in the center of the camp. They raided and searched two houses and arrested two children; Ammar Mohammed Jawabera (16), and Eyad Hani Ja’ara (15).
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron, and stationed in Kureisa area. They raided and searched Eyad Mohammed Abdullah Rajoub’s (33) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Halhul, north of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Mohammed Jehad al-Wawi’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF reinforced with 4 military construction vehicles moved 100 meters into the border fence by Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, then proceeded towards al-Maghazi. They razed the lands and later redeployed back on the Israeli side.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into the Youth Center at Shu’fat refugee camp, northeastern occupied East Jerusalem. They searched the center for two hours and seized several documents. Before withdrawing, IOF arrested Mohammed al-Bahri, Director of the Center, and escorted him to a detention center in the city.

The Youth Center issued a press statement highlighting that this is the second raid of its kind to the center and arrest of its director without legal cause within the year and it is motivated by the growing impact of the center in the refugee camp.

  • At approximately 18:00, Israeli special forces arrested Ahmed Hasan al-Lawzi (26), while on duty in a-Lawzi Gas Station in Jerusalem-Ramallah street, near Qalandiya military checkpoint, north of the occupied East Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into occupied East Jerusalem’s old city, raided and searched several houses and served summonses to three Palestinians: Ahed al-Resheq – Jerusalem Regional Committee member; Raed Hijazi – Jerusalem Mayor; and Naser Qaws – Head of Jerusalem’s The Palestinian Prisoners Society.

Wednesday, 11 November 2020:

  • At approximately 01:50, IOF stormed Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mo’ath Mohammed al-Ghandour.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF backed by several military vehicles stormed Fawwar refugee camp, south of Heborn. They raided 3 houses and arrested Hasan Karam Zaghmout (27), Ibrahim Ali Abu Wardah (21), and Jawad Zeyad Hadeeb (26).
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF backed by several military vehicles stormed Sa’ir village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Ali Mousa Jaradat’s (30) house and arrested him.
  •  At approximately 03:00, IOF stormed Fawwar refugee camp, in the center of Ramallah. They raided and searched Hamada Nakhlah’s (25) family house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF stormed Um Al-Sharayet neighborhood in the center of al-Birah, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched a house owned Ayman Abed Abu Sareea (26) and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF backed by several military vehicles stormed Kobar village, north of Ramallah. They patrolled the streets  and stationed in the eastern neighborhood. The soldiers deployed between houses and a number of them raided a 4-story building owned by Zebar family; each floor has 6 apartments. After blowing up the doors of the ground floor, which consists of a store and shops, the soldiers raided Mahmoud Yusuf Zebar’s (44) apartment and arrested him and his son Shadi (21). The soldiers also raided the apartment of Mahmoud’s brother Mohammed (43) and arrested him. The detainees were taken to the apartment of their brother Ra’ed and arrested his wife Nedaa Mohammed Suleiman (38). IOF further raided a house owned by Wa’el Yusuf al-Taqez (43) and arrested him. It should be noted that Israeli soldiers raided and searched Ra’ed’s house on 01 November 2020 and arrested his son Marcel. IOF released Nedaa Suleiman on the same evening.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF stormed al-Tour neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched 2 houses belonging to Mahmoud Ahmed Ashayer (17) and Na’im Ibrahim Ashayer (13) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF accompanied with a vehicle full of settlers stormed Kafl Hares village, north of Salfit. They stationed at the village’s square and broadcast Jewish songs in the area.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF stormed al-Thawri neighborhood, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched a house owned by Redwan Jamal Amro (34), Head of the Manuscripts Department at Al-Aqsa Mosque. They ruined the house contents and confiscated cell phones, PCs and a number of papers and books and then arrested Amro.

IOF’s arrest of Redwan was part of an Israeli campaign that escalated lately against al-Aqsa Mosque officers, especially those affiliated with Islamic Endowments (Awqaf) Department’s and Mosque’s guards. Few days ago, IOF raided and searched Directorate of Forensic Science Services near Bab al-Asbat and arrested head of the Directorate of Forensic Science, deputy director general of al-Aqsa Mosque, Najeh Dawoud Bakirat (64) and denied him access to the Old City, al-Aqsa Mosque and all roads leading to it for 6 months. IOF are targeting al-Aqsa officers and guards by arresting them, deporting them, in addition to harassment acts to dissuade them from protecting  and securing al-Aqsa Mosque.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • On Thursday, 05 November 2020, Israeli authorities notified Yusuf Rayan to evacuate his land in Khalayel Al-Louz village, southeast of Bethlehem, in preparation to its confiscation alleging that the land falls under the sovereignty of the State of Israel.

Hasan Brijiyah, Head of the Popular Anti-Settlement Committee in Bethlehem, said to PCHR’s fieldworker that Israeli authorities notified Yusuf Rayan to evacuate his agricultural land (dozens of dunums implanted with olive trees) in Khalayel Al-Louz village, alleging that this land is part of the State of Israel. Brijiyah also said that this practice is an example of the intense restriction policy imposed by IOF on civilians, especially that Khalayel Al-Louz,  Khelat Al Quton, and Khelat al-Nahlah areas, are excessively attacked by IOF and settlers for being  adjacent to “Efrat” and “Tuqu’ “ settlements which were established on Palestinians’ lands, east of Bethlehem.

  • On Monday morning, 09 November 2020, IOF’s bulldozers demolished an agricultural room owned by Yusuf Abu Hammad under the pretext of non-licensing. The room was located between Jurat ash-Sham’a and Wadi and Nis villages, south of Bethlehem,.

Abu Hammad said to PCHR’s fieldworker that the demolition shocked him, especially that he had built the room many years ago in his own land. Abu Hammad added that IOF alleged that the tin-plated 30-sqm room was built without a license.

  • At approximately 06:00 on Monday, 09 November 2020, the Israel Nature and Parks Authority’s crews and vehicles, secured by dozens of Israeli soldiers, stormed Wadi al-Rababah neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They carried out demolitions in the area. Eyewitnesses stated to PCHR’s fieldworker that the neighborhood’s residents confronted IOF’s vehicles in order to stop the demolition. Israeli soldiers fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the residents and attempted to disperse them. However, the residents withstood and forced the Israeli Nature and Parks Authority’s crews and vehicles to withdraw from the neighborhood. Before their withdrawal, IOF arrested Mahmoud Samrin (47).

Israeli Municipality and the Israeli Nature and Parks Authority have latterly intensified bulldozing and demolishing of Palestinians’ lands in Wadi al-Rababah neighborhood in Silwan village, for the intended purpose of establishing new settlements. IOF use force during these operations, despite of the previous judicial decision to stop them. Wadi al-Rababah is subjected to recurrent attacks by Israeli settlers in order to seize control of it under the pretext of being absentee-owned lands.  Wadi al-Rababah neighborhood is located in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, it was built on 350 dunums implanted with fruit and olive trees that are property of Silwan village residents. The neighborhood that has about 100 houses and a mosque is threatened of evacuation and confiscation of more than 100 dunums of these lands to establish the so-called ““National Park” project. Wadi al-Rababh area has a strategic importance as it is only 400 meters away from al-Aqsa Mosque and it is also located between al-Bustan neighborhood and the western side of occupied Jerusalem. Therefore, this area connects the western and eastern parts of the city. In addition, this area contains Canaanite, Roman and Islamic remains.

  • At approximately 08:0 on Tuesday, 10 November 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle and a bulldozer stormed Hebron’s northern neighborhood, adjacent to the bypass road. They demolished a 100 sqm, tin-plated aluminum workshop. The workshop is owned by Loai Abdul Rahim Ahmed al-Shani, and it was built one year ago. Israeli authorities handed the Military decision No. (96/ 1797) to al-Shani on Wednesday, 14 November 2020.

The military decision No. (1797) issued in 2018, allows the Civil Administration officer to issue a decision to demolish of remove any building where construction was not completed within 6 months or it was inhabited by it residents for less than 30 days from the date of the inspector’s arrival to the site.

This kind of notices deprive civilians their right to defend their houses or facilities. The Israeli Supreme Court also refuse the file an appeal to freeze or cancel these notices. Civilians further are  denied of applying a license for their targeted houses due to the short legal period allowed by the military order.

  • On Tuesday, 10 November 2020, IOF demolished several commercial facilities in ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied east Jerusalem’s Old City, under the pretext of building without a license.

‘Anata village Municipality stated that Israeli Civil Administration bulldozers stormed the village from its southern entrance and demolished a car wash, a container, and a barrack owned by Ammar al-Salaimeh under the pretext of building without a license. The car was adjacent to “Pisgat Ze’ev” settlement established on Palestinian lands, north of ‘Anata village.  The municipality emphasized that the car wash, the container, and the barrack were built on an area of 150sqm 5 months ago. IOF also leveled the land where the facilities were built before they withdrew from the village.

  • At approximately 09:00 on Wednesday, 11 November 2020, IOF backed by 2 military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle stormed Tawana village, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The soldiers deployed between houses while the Civil Administration officer handed 5 demolition notices to three civilians under the pretext of building without a license. These notices were as following:
Affected PersonFacilityDescriptionDistanceType of notification
Fadel Mohammed Ibrahim al-AmourAgricultural roomBricks and tin plates30sqmWritten summons
Ashraf Mahmoud al-AmourAgricultural roomBricks and tin plates65sqmHalt work
Ashraf Mahmoud al-AmourWater wellBricks and tin plates100sqmHalt work
Mohammed Issa Rab’iAgricultural residence———80sqmSummons
Mohammed Issa Rab’iWater wellBricks and tin plates90sqmSummons

Israeli authorities handed civilians notices in the form of summonses alleging that the facility’s owner, which has been served a previous notice, did not submit any legal documents before the Israeli competent authorities to settle his case.

  • At approximately 16:00 on Wednesday, 11 November 2020, Israeli municipality crews demolished Odai Rabaiya’s house in Sur Baher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem under the pretext of building without license. IOF also arrested Mohammed and Ahmed Robaiya after they heavily beat them.

Rabaiya stated to PCHR’s fieldworker that he was shocked when IOF raided his house. The municipality crews emptied its contents and closed the whole area and then demolished the house. Rabaiya emphasized that he and his family of 5, including 4 children, have been living in the house since 2016. The Israeli Municipality issued a decision in 2017 to demolish the house. He managed to delay the decision several times and the municipality imposed a construction fine of NIS 55,000 on him, that he is still paying to this date. Rabaiya added that last July, the Israeli court gave him 21 days before applying the demolition, but he managed to delay it until early this month through his engineer and lawyer. The Israeli municipality rejected to freeze or delay the demolition decision and informed him that he must proceed with self-demolishing his house without defining a time limit.

Israeli Settlers’ Attacks

  • At approximately 13:10, Monday, 10 November 2020,  a group of Israeli settlers detained Tareq Abu Ghunaim in his land in al-Rajman area, adjacent to Beit Dajan village, east of Nablus. The settlers searched his cell phone, questioned him, and released him later.

V. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West bank:

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals movement between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. IOF established 70 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 3 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against

Individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • On Thursday evening, 05 November 2020, IOF tightened its arbitrary measures at Beit Iksa checkpoint, northwest of occupied East Jerusalem, obstructed the traffic movement for civilians, and established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Al-Eizariya village, and Biddu village’s tunnel.
  • On Saturday morning, 07 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to ‘Anat village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.
  •  At approximately 9:00 on Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF closed Qalandiya military checkpoint for hours under the pretext of suspicious object, causing severe traffic jam.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Eizariya village, east of occupied East Jerusalem.
  •  At approximately 18:30 on Tuesday, 10 November 2020, IOF closed Qalandiya military checkpoint for hours, causing a sever traffic jam.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 05 November  2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem, and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Friday, 06 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints the northern and western entrances to Tuqu village, the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and in Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.
  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the entrances to Husan and Nahalin villages, and in Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Tuesday, 10 November 2020, IOF tightened its measures at the Container checkpoint, east of Bethlehem and established 3 checkpoints at the entrances  to Jannatah and Tuqu village, at Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.

Ramallah:

  • On Friday, 06 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the northern entrance to Birzeit village, north of Ramallah.
  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint under the bridge of ‘Atara village, north of Ramallah.
  • On Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Beitin village, east of Ramallah.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Nabi Salih village, northwest of Ramallah.

Tubas:

  • On Sunday 08 November 2020, IOF stationed at “Tayasir” Checkpoint, east of Tubas, north of the West Bank, tightened its military measures, obstructed the traffic movement, and checked civilians’ ID cards.

Jericho:

  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF established 3checkpoints at the northern entrance to Jericho, southern entrance to Jericho, and the road linking between Jericho and Ramallah.
  • On Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.

Nablus:

  • On Thursday, 05 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Beit Furik village, east of Nablus.
  • On Friday, 06 November 2020, IOF tightened its measures at the entrance to Beit Furik villahe, west of Nablus and closed the gate established at the abovementioned entrance and reopened it later.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF tightened  its measures at Beit Furik checkpoint, east of Nablus.

Jenin:

  • On Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Ti’inik village.
  •  On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF tightened its measures at Beit Furik checkpoint, east of Nablus.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 02 November 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the al-Aroub refugee camp, and Surif village.
  • On Friday, 06 November 202, IOF established 4 checkpoints at: Hebron’s southern entrance, Sa’ir, Beit Einun, and Beit Awwa villages.
  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at Kharsa and Beit Awwa villages, Hebron’s southern entrance and Beit Ummar village.
  • On Sunday 08 November 2020, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the western entrance to Hebron, Idhna, Bani Na’im, ad-Dhahiriya, and Beit Kahel villages.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to  Beit ‘Amra, and Idhna villages.
  • On Wednesday, 11 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to al-Fawar refugee camp, Sa’ir, Ash-Shuyukh, and Idhna villages.

Qalqilya:

  • On Thursday, 05 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Izbat at-Tabib village, east of Qalqilya.
  • On Friday, 06 November 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Izbat at-Tabib village, Azzun village, and the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On Sunday, 08 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Jit village, north of Qalqilya.
  •  On Monday, 09 November 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Jit village, north of Qalqilya, eastern entrance to Qalqilya.

Tulkarm:

  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF tightened its measures at Izbat Shufa checkpoint, south east of Tulkarm .

Salfit:

  • On Thursday, 05 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Deir Istiya, Deir Ballut, Hares villages and northern entrance to Salfit.
  • On Saturday, 07 November 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance Deir Istiya village, and the northern entrance to Salfit.
  • On Monday, 09 November 2020, an Israeli force established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Deir Ballut and Kafr ad-Dik villages, west of Salfit.

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (29 Oct. 04 Nov. 2020)

Source

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (29 Oct. 04 Nov. 2020)

29 October – 04 November 2020

  • In 82 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 57 civilians arrested, including 7 children, 2 women and a journalist
  • Collective punishment policy: IOF demolished family home of Palestinian imprisoned by Israel
  • IOF demolished 70 homes and facilities, displacing 60 Palestinians; and confiscated tractors and other properties in the northern Jordan valleys
  • Settler-attacks: trees and electric poles cut; irrigation system destroyed in Nablus
  • IOF established 47 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 6 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, IOF and Israeli police assaulted several Palestinian civilians in excessive use of force. IOF also continued to create new facts on the ground by maintaining its policy of demolishing, confiscating and razing Palestinian houses and properties for its settlement expansion schemes in the West Bank. This week, Kherbet Hemsa al-Foqa in the northern Jordan valleys witnessed a destruction campaign against its Palestinian community that displaced dozens of civilians. Also, Israeli settlers continued to assault Palestinian farmers and agricultural lands.

This week, PCHR documented 151 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information contained in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

Six Palestinian civilians, including 4 children, sustained wounds in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank: 3 children, one classified in critical condition, were wounded after IOF targeted their vehicle in Jenin; another child sustained wounds in clashes in Hebron; meanwhile, 2 other civilians were wounded in IOF suppression of Kafr Qaddum – Qalqilya weekly protest against settlement expansion.

In the Gaza Strip, two IOF shootings were reported at agricultural lands eastern Khan Younis; and four other shooting incidents against fishing boats off Gaza’s northern sea.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 82 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 57 Palestinians were arrested, including 7 children and 2 women. In Gaza, IOF conducted a limited incursion into eastern Central Gaza.

Collective Punishment Policy:

Israeli occupation forces continue to practice its collective punishment policy against the families of Palestinians accused of being involved in acts of resistance against IOF or settlers. On Sunday evening, 01 November 2020, IOF demolished Khalil Abdul Khaliq Mohammed Dwaikat’s family home in Rujeib, southeastern Nablus, northern West Bank. Dwaikat is currently imprisoned by Israel.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 5 violations, including:

  • Ramallah: verbal notice to the new temporary offices of the Military Medical Services’ Rescue and Emergency HQ in al-Bireh, under the pretext of being in area C.
  • Hebron: under-construction house demolished, and 8 cease-construction notices served to shelters and a water well.
  • Tubas: 9 tractors, 5 water tanks, 5 carts and 2 private vehicles confiscated; 70 homes and facilities demolished, displacing 60 civilians (mostly children): 11 residential tents, 27 barracks, some used for housing, and several barns, as well as, kitchens, mobile-lavatories, water tanks and other properties. IOF also confiscated two tractors and a private Subaru car.
  • East Jerusalem: house demolished, and a barracks used as a stable.

Settler-attacks: PCHR documented 3 separate settler attacks: electric poles cut, irrigation system destroyed, plantation raided and damaged in As-Sawiya town; olive trees cut, and piece of land fenced with barbed wire near “Yitzhar” settlement, in Nablus.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity
  • At approximately 08:20 on Thursday, 29 October 2020, IOF stationed inside the Gaza – Israel border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at the adjacent agricultural lands in eastern Khuza’a. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 15:50, IOF gunboats stationed off al-Waha area, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles, opened heavy fire and pumped water at them, causing fear and panic among them and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 23:30, IOF stationed behind a truck parked on the roadside of Jenin-al-Nasrah Street, north of Jenin, opened fire at a passing white Palestinian Hyundai car traveling towards Jenin.  As a result, 3 children, who were in the car and are all from Jenin refugee camp, were injured.  The car driver, who was not injured, did not stop and continued driving to Dr. Khalil Soliman Governmental Hospital in Jenin, where doctors found out that Mahmoud Ahmed Mousa Khalil Halayjah (15) was injured with a bullet that penetrated his back and punctured his lungs.  Halayjah was classified as critical, and he was referred to An-Najah  Hospital in Nablus for treatment.  Regarding the other 2 injuries, one (15) sustained a shrapnel wound to the back while the other (17) sustained shrapnel wounds to the head.  Later, IOF claimed that they opened fire at the car because a homemade pipe bomb was thrown from it at an Israeli force stationed on the bypass road.  However, the injured children refuted the Israeli claims according to the statement made by one of them to PCHR fieldworker.
  • At approximately 07:15 on Friday, 30 October 2020, IOF stationed inside the border fence with Israel, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at the agricultural lands, east of Khuza’a, adjacent to the border fence.  No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 11:00, villagers from Beit Dajan village, northeast of Nablus, and representatives of the National Action Factions in Nablus organized a peaceful protest, which started from the village council heading to the lands under threat of confiscation in al-Marhan and al-Masyaf areas, northeast of the village.  The protesters raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation, settlers, annexation wall and the Deal of Century.  When the protestors arrived at the area, they found a large number of Israeli soldiers awaiting them. IOF suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, many civilians suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF stationed at the “northern entrance” established on Kafr Qaddum lands, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a protest organized by dozens of Palestinian civilians. IOF chased the young men, who gathered in the area and clashed with them, firing live bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. As a result, a 24-year-old civilian was injured with a rubber bullet in the hand.
  • Following the Friday Prayer at al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, IOF suppressed a mass protest against the caricatures insulting Prophet Muhammad.  They assaulted the protesters and arrested 3 civilians, including a photojournalist.

According to PCHR’s follow-up, thousands of worshippers gathered in al-Qibli Chapel yard at al-Aqsa Mosque, and chanted Takbirs (Allahu Akbar: a common Islamic Arabic expression meaning God is Great) and slogans against the cartoons insulting Prophet Muhammad.  They made their way to the Rock of the Dome yard and reached the Council Door.  As they were exiting al-Aqsa, IOF surrounded and assaulted them, attempting to obstruct their way.  IOF repeated the assault against protesters on al-Wad Street, closed the area with iron barriers, and forcibly dispersed them.  In this incident, IOF arrested 3 civilians and took them to the detention facilities.  The arrestees were identified as ‘Abdel ‘Afo Bassam Zaghir (28), a photojournalist, Ahmed Idkeik (20), and Sameh D’eis (41).

  • At approximately 17:30, 3 Israeli soldiers physically assaulted (punched and kicked) Mohammed ‘Aref Mohammed Jaber (17) near his house in Jaber neighborhood, east of al-Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron’s Old City. Jaber’s family tried to rescue him, but the soldiers took him to a military SUV stationed in the area.  He was then taken “Kiryat Arba” settlement, east of Hebron. According to Jaber’s father, the soldiers assaulted his son after settlers attacked him.  He added that when his family were trying to keep the soldiers away from his son, a soldier struck his wife on the face.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF prevented farmers from Beit Ummar village, north of Hebron, from harvesting the olive trees in their lands in Abu al-Reesh area near “Beit Ein” settlement.  IOF fired teargas canisters at the farmers while being in their agricultural fields.  As a result, a number of farmers suffocated due to teargas inhalation.
  • At approximately 15:00 on Saturday, 31 October 2020, Palestinian young men gathered in al-Zawiyah Gate area in central Hebron and threw stones at the military checkpoint established at the entrance to the closed Shuhadaa’ Street. IOF chased the stone-throwers on Wad al-Tofah Street and in the Clock Tower area and fired sound bombs and teargas canisters.  As a result, many civilians in the market suffocated due to teargas inhalation and shops had to close.  The clashes continued until 18:00; during which, IOF fired rubber bullets, wounding a 14-year-old child with a bullet in the right foot.  He was taken to Hebron Governmental Hospital for medical treatment. 
  • At approximately 16:30 on Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF stationed at the “northern entrance” established on Kafr Qaddum lands, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a protest organized by dozens of Palestinian civilians. IOF chased the young men, who gathered in the area and clashed with them, firing live bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. As a result, a 45-year-old civilian was injured with a rubber bullet in the lower back.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF gunboats stationed off al-Waha area, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 2 nautical miles, opened heavy fire at them and sound bombs around them, causing fear and panic among fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 12:30 on Monday afternoon, 02 November 2020, Israeli police officers assaulted Zakaria Mohammed Ibrahim (52) from Biddya village, west of Salfit, after chasing and detaining him on al-Kassarat road in Jamma’in village, south of Nablus.

Zakaria Ibrahim said that:

“While on my way to work in al-Kassarat area, I was surprised with Israeli police officers chasing me.  When I stopped, the armed police officers got out of the car, forcibly took me out my car, and started beating me until I fainted.  A Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) ambulance took me to Yasser ‘Arafat Governmental Hospital in Salfit.  All of this happened in full view of the Magen David Adom (MDA) crews, who were in the area.  When I woke up at the hospital, I learnt that I was given a ticket.”

  • At approximately 15:30 on Monday, Israeli naval forces stationed at sea off the Gaza northern seashore, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing at 3 nautical miles; they opened heavy fire at them causing fear and panic among the fishermen, who fled the area and no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 18:40 on Tuesday, 03 November 2020, Israeli naval forces stationed at sea off the Gaza northern seashore, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing at 3 nautical miles; they opened heavy fire at them causing fear and panic among the fishermen, who fled the area and no casualties were reported.

II. Incursions and Arrests

Thursday, 29 October 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into the eastern area of Nablus, north of the West Bank, and stationed in “Joseph Tomb” area to secure the entry of dozens of settlers to the Tomb. The settlers prayed then IOF secured their withdrawal.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Wadi Abu Freiha in Beit Sahour. They raided and searched Tareq Mousa al-‘Abayat’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Tabaqa village, south of Dura, southwest of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Hesham Ismael Abu Hawash’s (39) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Al-Fawagrah Lane, in Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Tal’at al-Khatib’s (27) house and arrested him. It should be noted that the abovementioned civilian is Dawoud al-Khatib’s brother, the prisoner who was dead at Ofer prison due to heart attack on 03 September 2020.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Marah Rabah village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to the two former prisoners Anwar Ahmed al-Faqih (40) and Khalil Qasem al-Sheikh (42) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud Abu al-Hawa (17) and Haitham Naseem Abu Khwais (17) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:20, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Mohammed Ziyad al-Sa’di (20), Ahmed Hussam Abu Tabeekh (21), and Abdullah Burhan Abdul Haleem (19).
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF moved into Wadi al-Joz neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Fadi Abdullah Mtawar’s (41) house and arrested him. IOF released him after several hours on a 7,000 NIS bail and house arrest for 5 days and ordered him to return to the investigation center at a later time.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF arrested Mohammed Saleh Abu Akar (24), from Ayda refugee camp, north of Bethlehem, while passing through a temporary military checkpoint near Gush Etzion settlement, south of Bethlehem. IOF severely beat him, and he was taken to Hadassah Hospital in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 13:30, IOF arrested Jehad Naser Qaws (26), while present near Bab al-Sahera area, in the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF severely beaten him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into Sur Baher neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Eyad Mohammed Atoun’s (47) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF arrested Mahmoud Ashraf Obaid (16), from al-Isawiya village, while present in Bab al-‘Amoud area in the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF severely beaten him and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF stationed at the northern entrance of Kifl Haris village, north of Salfit, arrested Emad Mahmoud al-Qaq (17), and took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (7) incursions in Halhul, al-Thahiriya village in Hebron governorate, Atel, Tulkarm, and Balaa villages in Tulkarm governorate, Qalqilya and Jayyous, north of Qalqilya. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 30 October 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Hadab village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Mahmoud Yousef al-‘Arjan’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Bassam Ahmed al-Qawasma’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Azzun village, east of Qalqiliya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Osama Mohanna Mish’al (20), and Ibrahim Mohammed Emran (20).
  • At approximately 15:00, IOF arrested Bashar Najeeb (20) and Ahmed Najeeb (19), while present in al-Wad street in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City.
  • At approximately 21:30, IOF stationed at al-Za’eem military checkpoint, east of the occupied East Jerusalem, arrested Hamida Alaa’ Dirbas (18), while passing through the checkpoint. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in al-Samu, Yatta, Beit Ula, and Hasakah villages in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 31 October 2020:

  • IOF carried out (6) incursions in Ya’bad, southwest of Jenin; Rujeib, southeast of Nablus; al-Beira, Beit Ummar and Beit Ula villages in Hebron governorate; Kafr al-Deik, west of Salfit. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 01 November 2020:

  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into Kobar village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Marsil Ra’ed Zibar (18), and Mohannad al-Izza (37).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Suhail Saleem Abu Dayya’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 08:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hanina village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron governorate. They surrounded and raided Karam Mahmoud Amro’s (39) house and detained his wife and 4 children, the oldest of whom is 8. Female soldiers searched his wife and continued searching and damaging the house for an hour and a half. Amro was detained and transferred to an armored personnel carrier parked outside. He was thrown on the ground, cuffed with zip tie handcuffs and blindfolded, a soldier struck him on the neck and he shortly fainted. Amro was released and transferred to al-Ahli Hospital in Hebron.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF moved into Bab Huta village, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Hamza Sa’di al-Julany’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF into Wadi al-Joz neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mofeed Zeyad Sa’eeda’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into al-Thawri neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Omar Mohammed Shwaiky’s (14) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out two incursions in Yabad, southwest of Jenin; and Nablus. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 02 November 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Qalqilya. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Shaher Ali al-Ra’i (51) and Mohammed Ahmed al-Ra’i (65) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 01:40, IOF moved into Izbat al-Jarad area, southwest of Tulkarm. They raided and searched Mohammed Qasem Jawabera’s (55) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Beitunia, west of Ramallah, and stationed at the Old City. IOF surrounded, raided and searched Khitam al-Sa’afin’s (57) house, the president of the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees. She was taken to Ofer investigation center, southwest of Ramallah. It should be noted that al-Sa’afin was arrested in 02 July 2017 and spent 3 months in administrative arrest.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Beira, north of Ramallah governorate. IOF stormed Shatha Zeyad al-Tawil’s (21) house and arrested her.
  • At approximately 02:40, IOF moved into Ramin village, south of Tulkarm. They raided and searched Jamal Jamil Ismael Borhom’s (55) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Ramallah and stationed in al-Masioun neighborhood. They raided and searched Ahmed Mohammed al-Ra’i’s (60) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 13:00, the Israeli Intelligence Services phone called the Palestine TV correspondent, journalist Christine Khaled al-Rinawi (31), and asked her to appear at al-Maskoubeya police station in West Jerusalem. At approximately 15:00, she arrived there and interrogated on the charge of violating the Israeli Minister of Internal Security’s 2019 decision, to close the Palestine TV office, and banning its activities in Jerusalem and Israel. Rinawi was released on bail of 3,000 NIS.

It should be noted that the Israeli Intelligence Services summonsed al-Rinawi about 7 times in one year for her work at Palestine TV in Jerusalem. On 20 November 2019, Israeli authorities closed Palestine TV office in al-Sawana neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, arrested the staff, and banned them from working with Palestine TV inside Jerusalem.

  • At approximately 22:45, IOF established a temporary military checkpoint at the northern entrance of Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They arrested Amal Mo’amar Nakhla (16), from al-Tira neighborhood in Ramallah, and took him to an unknown destination. Amal’s father stated that his son suffers a serious health conditions, he had undergone a surgical operation in the lungs two months and half ago and is still receiving intensive treatment.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Bani Na’im, al-Hadab, Beit ‘Amra, and Beit al-Rush villages in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 03 November 2020:

  • At approximately 01:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar village, north of Hebron, and stationed in Kaa al-Hara area. IOF stormed and searched two houses and arrested two civilians; Qusai Ahmed Abu Hashem (19), and Majed al-Hindi (18). IOF took them to “Gush Etzion” settlement detention center, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Tal village, southwest of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and no arrests were reported.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Khilat Assaf, behind Nour Shams refugee camp in Tulkarm. They raided and searched Mohammed Ahmed Shabrawi’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Jab’ village, south of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sari (33), and his brother Obaida Majeed Fashafisha (29).
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into Kobar village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Nidal Khaled Nabhan al-Barghouthi (29) and Mo’men Kifah al-Barghouthi (23) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 06:30, IOF reinforced with 5 military vehicles moved 100-meters to the west of the border fence, east of al-Bureij, heading to al-Maghazi and Deir al-Balah in the south. They combed and leveled lands and redeployed again inside the border fence, south of Khan Younis at approximately 14:30.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF stationed at Dotan military checkpoint, south of Jenin, arrested Ali Mohammed Abu Baker (22), while returning to his house. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out two incursions in al-Beira and Turmus Ayya villages in Ramallah governorate. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 04 November 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Ahmed Khalil Nazzal (21), Hatem Omar Nazzal (37), and Mohammed Faisal Kmeil (22).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Tur village in the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (5) civilians; Khalil al-Hedra, Yousef al-Hedra, Ibrahim al-Hedra, Hamada al-Hedra, and Mostafa al-Hedra.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF arrested Isma’el Mahmoud al-Amassi (58), fom al-Fawwar refugee camp, south of Hebron, while passing through a temporary military checkpoint established on the southern entrance of Hebron. IOF took him to an unknown destination.

III. Collective punishment policy

IOF continue to practice its collective punishment policy against the families of Palestinians accused of being involved in acts of resistance against IOF or settlers. On Sunday evening, 01 November 2020, IOF demolished Khalil Abdul Khaliq Mohammed Dwaikat’s family home in Rujeib, southeastern Nablus, northern West Bank. Dwaikat is currently imprisoned by Israel.

According to PCHR’s follow-up, at approximately 22:30 on Sunday, IOF, accompanied by several military vehicles, including a bulldozer, raided Rujeib town; IOF soldiers spread in the northern part of the town, mounted the roofs of several houses in the area and blocked the entrance to Dwaikat’s (46) family home, while randomly shooting tear gas canisters. A group of soldiers raided the house to execute a demolition decision that the family were previously notified of; the decision was issued by the Supreme Court on 25 October 2020, and granted the family until 18:00 on Sunday, 01 November 2020 to vacate. IOF accuses Dwaikat, who has been detained since 26 August 2020, of committing a stab-attack in Petah Tikva in Israel, where rabbi Shai Ohayon was killed.

At approximately 23:30, the forces began demolishing the two-story house (150 sqm). The house was home for Dwaikat’s wife, Najwa Khairy, and his five daughters, four of whom are children. They also uprooted 15 olive trees and other fruitful trees and demolished a retaining wall (length: 25 m; height: 2 m). The forces withdrew at approximately 02:00 on Monday, amidst heavy shooting of tear gas canisters. After their withdrawal, clashes erupted between IOF soldiers and Palestinians, during which several Palestinians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation and received treatment in the field.

It should be noted that IOF had previously raided the family house on 26 August 2020, interrogated both Dwaikat’s wife and his brother-in-law regarding Dwaikat and his work. At the time, a member of IOF’s Engineering Unit took the house measurements in a prelude to its demolition. IOF informed the family of the demolition decision verbally before withdrawing. The following day, Dwaikat’s brother, Khaled, submitted a complaint with HaMoked, who submitted a complaint with the Supreme Court, and the demolition decision was frozen within a month. On 25 October 2020, HaMoked and the family were shocked to learn that the Court had convened and issued a decision to demolish the house with one week notice to the family to evacuate, i.e. until the evening of the day the demolition was executed.

IV. Settlement expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

  • Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property
  • At approximately 03:00 on Thursday, 29 October 2020, IOF moved into Jabel Tawil area in al-Bireh, northern Ramallah; the soldiers raided the temporary Rescue and Emergency HQ of the City’s Military medical services. Mohammed Salah al-Qadi, a paramedic, stated to PCHR that IOF soldiers raided the office and gave us a verbal warning to evacuate the premises and threatened to demolish it, without giving a written notice under pretext it was established in area C.
  • At approximately 15:00 on Monday, 02 November 2020, IOF, accompanied by several military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration vehicles, moved into Khirbet Igzawey in souther Yatta, southern Hebron. They proceeded to demolish Kamal Issa Dababsa’s under-construction house (100 sqm), which was intended to shelter him and his family of 7. The demolition was alleged for unlicensed construction; Dababsa was previously served a military demolition notice No. 1779 on 20 October 2020.

It should be noted that IOF based this demolition on Military Order No. 1797 of 2018, which allows the “building inspector” at the Israeli Civil Administration, to issue a demolition/removal order on any construction that is not completed within 6 months, or has been occupied for less than 30 days after the inspector’s visit. This type of notices deprives Palestinians of their right to defend their houses and facilities, as the High Court of Israel refuses any petitions made to freeze or cancel such notices. Furthermore, demolition notices based on Military Order No. 1797 deprive citizens from applying for licensing their targeted buildings.

According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 12:00 on Tuesday IOF, accompanied by Israeli Civil Administration SUVs and construction vehicles, moved into Kherbet Hemsa al-Foqa in the northern Jordan valleys, eastern Tubas. The construction vehicles proceeded to demolish 70 civilian properties, including barracks and residential tents that sheltered 11 families (total 60 persons, mostly children). IOF demolished 11 residential tents, 27 barracks, some used for housing, and several barns, as well as, kitchens, mobile-lavatories, water tanks and other properties. IOF also confiscated two tractors and a private Subaru car.

  • At approximately 14:00, IOF accompanied by several military construction vehicles and Israeli Civil Administration vehicles, moved into Buweib village in eastern Yatta. IOF distributed several cease-construction notices for alleged unlicensed construction in area C.
OwnerEstablishmentAreaNotice type
Khalil H. Adda’ajnaConcrete storehouse200 m²Cease-construction
Mahmoud K. H. Adda’ajnaConcrete storehouse200 m²Cease-construction
Mohammed M. Adda’ajnaConcrete storehouse200 m²Cease-construction
Tayseer O. MahainaWater well150 mCease-construction
Mohammed O. MahainaTin-plated barracks400 m²Cease-construction
Burhan J. MahainaTin-plated barracks150 m²Cease-construction
Hassan M. Adda’ajnaTin-plated barracks150 m²Cease-construction
Mohammed A. HlikaqweyTwo rooms (tin-plated and made of bricks)70 m²Cease-construction
  • Also on Tuesday, IOF demolished, IOF demolished a house and barracks in Beit Hanina and Jabel Mukaber in occupied East Jerusalem under pretext of non-licensed construction.

According to Wadi Hilweh Information Center, IOF accompanied by Municipal officers and construction vehicles moved into Beit Hanina in occupied Eastern Jerusalem, blocked several roads and surrounded Amjad Idris’ house and proceeded to demolish it. Idris stated that the Israeli Municipality demolished his house as he was preparing to move-in with his family of 4.. He added that he had started building his home a month and a half ago and had prepared it for his family’s move-in. He added that IOF handed him a cease-construction order 10 days ago.

IOF also demolished a barracks used as a stable and razed a concrete-plot in Jabel Mukaber in occupied East Jerusalem.

  • Israeli Settlers’ Attacks
  • Early on Friday, 30 October 2020, a group of settlers from “Rehelim” settlement, established on stolen lands of As-Sawiya village, southeastern Nablus, cut several electric poles with chainsaws. They also destroyed an irrigation network on the western side of town before fleeing back into the settlement.
  • At approximately 02:54 on Sunday, 01 November 2020, 3 settlers in a grey vehicle, attacked Mohammed I. al-Khatib’s plantation, “Iloul Plantation,” located by As-Sawiya village entrance. The settlers uprooted several seedlings and caused damage as documented by the site’s surveillance cameras.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Tuesday, 03 November 2020, Mohammed Naser al-Din M. S. Allan (37), and his 73-year-old father, went to their 7-dunum land in As Sawma’ah area, northern Huwara in eastern Nablus. The land is planted with olive trees. Upon their arrival, they discovered that settlers from “Yitzhar” settlement cut 25 olive trees that are more than 30 years old. They also found that settlers established a metal fence in their land (3*2*1) in a prelude to confiscation of their land for the sake of expanding “Yitzhar.”

Mr. Allan stated to PCHR fieldworker that:

            “At approximately 11:00 on Tuesday, neighbors told me that we have security clearance from the IOF watchtower near “Yitzhar” settlement that allows us to enter our land. I went with my father only to find that settlers had assaulted our land and cut at least 25 olive trees (more than 30 years old) with chainsaws and installed a metal fence within, in a prelude to confiscating our land for the benefit of expanding “Yitzhar” settlement. A few months ago, settlers established a road that connects our land with the settlement. I immediately filed a complaint, through Huwara Municipality’s lawyer, with the Israeli courts where I presented all official property deeds and titles that prove my ownership. The case is still pending.”

IV. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West bank:

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals movement between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. IOF established 47 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested of them. IOF reinforced its restrictions on freedom of movement on its permanent military checkpoints. The following is a detailed record of the restrictions on the freedom of movement and temporary checkpoints established in the oPt that our fieldworkers managed to document.

Jerusalem:

  • On Friday afternoon, 30 October 2020, IOF closed Qalandiya checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem for few hours after claiming there was stone-throwing in the area, causing traffic jam.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 29 October 2020, IOF tightened its measures at the Container checkpoint, east of Bethlehem and established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Husan village and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Friday, 30 October 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the western entrance to Tuqu village and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the western entrance to Beit Fajjar and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Sunday, 01 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the southern entrance to Beit Fajjar village, the entrance to Jannatah village, the entrance to Beit Jala, and near the intersection of al-Nashash area, south of the city.

Ramallah:

  • On Friday, 30 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Sinjil village, east of Ramallah.
  • On Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to al-Janyah village, west of Ramallah.
  • On Monday, 02 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Sijil village, near Bridge of ‘Atara village and the villages of ‘Ein Siniya and Yabrud in Ramallah.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 29 October 2020, IOF established 6 checkpoints at the entrances to ‘Ayoun Abu Seif, Kharsa, Beit ‘Awwa and Beit Ummar and the entrance to al-Arroub refugee camp.
  • On Friday, 30 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the villages of Beit Ummar and Sa’ir and al-Arroub refugee camp.
  • On Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Fawwar refugee camp, Beit Kahil, southern Hebron and Kharsa village.
  • On Sunday, 01 November 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Idhna village, Fawwar refugee camp, and northern Hebron.
  • On 04 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Beit Ummar village, Al Aroub refugee camp and al-Kum village, as well as Hebron City’s western entrance.

Jericho:

On Sunday, 01 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.

Nablus:

  • On Thursday, 29 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Qusra village on Street 505 connecting Za’atarah checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, with Jericho, northwest of Nablus.
  • On Saturday, 31 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at Zububa village on Jenin-Jaffa Street, west of Jenin, northwest of Nablus.

Salfit:

  • On Sunday, 01 November 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit..

Qalqilya:

  • On Sunday, 01 November 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints on the entrance to Azzun village and the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On Monday, 02 November 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to ‘Ezet al-Tabib, ‘Ezbet Salman and ‘Ezbet Jal’oud  villages and at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.

Escalating the Demographic War: The Strategic Goal of Israeli Racism in Palestine

November 4, 2020

Racist graffiti on the walls of a Palestinian property in the West Bank. (Photo: via Social Media)

By Ramzy Baroud

The discussion on institutional Israeli racism against its own Palestinian Arab population has all but ceased following the final approval of the discriminatory Nation-State Law in July 2018. Indeed, the latest addition to Israel’s Basic Law is a mere start of a new government-espoused agenda that is designed to further marginalize over a fifth of Israel’s population.

On Wednesday, October 28, eighteen members of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) conjured up yet another ploy to target Israeli Arab citizens. They proposed a bill that would revoke Israeli citizenship for any Palestinian Arab prisoner in Israel who, directly or indirectly, receives any financial aid from the Palestinian Authority (PA).

Worthy of mention is that these MKs not only represent right-wing, ultra-right and religious parties, but also the Blue and White (Kahol Lavan) ‘centrist’ party. Namely, the proposed bill already has the support of Israel’s parliamentary majority.

But is this really about financial aid for prisoners? Particularly since the PA is nearly bankrupt, and its financial contributions to the families of Palestinian prisoners, even within the Occupied Territories – West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza – is symbolic?

Here is an alternative context. On Thursday, October 29, the Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, revealed that the Israeli government of right-wing Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, plans to expand the jurisdiction of the Jewish town of Harish in northern Israel by 50 percent. The aim is to prevent Palestinians from becoming the majority in that area.

The contingency plan was formulated by Israel’s Housing Ministry as a swift response to an internal document, which projects that, by the year 2050, Palestinian Arabs will constitute 51 percent of that region’s population of 700,000 residents.

These are just two examples of recent actions taken within two days, damning evidence that, indeed, the Nation-State law was the mere preface of a long period of institutional racism, which ultimately aims at winning a one-sided demographic war that was launched by Israel against the Palestinian people many years ago.

Since outright ethnic cleansing – which Israel practiced during and after the wars of 1948 and 1967 – is not an option, at least not for now, Israel is finding other ways to ensure a Jewish majority in Israel itself, in Jerusalem, in Area C within the occupied West Bank and, by extension, everywhere else in Palestine.

Israeli dissident historian, Professor Ilan Pappe, refers to this as ‘incremental genocide’. This slow-paced ethnic cleansing includes the expansion of the illegal Jewish settlements in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and the proposed annexation of nearly a third of the Occupied Territories.

The besieged Gaza Strip is a different story. Winning a demographic war in a densely populated but small region of two million inhabitants living within 365 sq. km, was never feasible. The so-called ‘redeployment’ out of Gaza by late Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, in 2005 was a strategic decision, which aimed at cutting Israel’s losses in Gaza in favor of expediting the colonization process in the West Bank and the Naqab Desert. Indeed, most of Gaza’s illegal Jewish settlers were eventually relocated to these demographically-contested regions.

But how is Israel to deal with its own Palestinian Arab population, which now constitutes a sizeable demographic minority and an influential, often united, political bloc?

In the Israeli general elections of March 2020, united Arab Palestinian political parties contesting under the umbrella group, The Joint List, achieved their greatest electoral success yet, as they emerged as Israel’s third-largest political party. This success rang alarm bells among Israel’s Jewish ruling elites, leading to the formation of Israel’s current ‘unity government’. Israel’s two major political parties, Likud and Kahol Lavan, made it clear that no Arab parties would be included in any government coalition.

A strong Arab political constituency represents a nightmare scenario for Israel’s government planners, who are obsessed with demographics and the marginalization of Palestinian Arabs in every possible arena. Hence, the very representatives of the Palestinian Arab community in Israel become a target for political repression.

In a report published in September 2019, the rights group, Amnesty International, revealed that “Palestinian members of the Knesset in Israel are increasingly facing discriminatory attacks.”

“Despite being democratically elected like their Jewish Israeli counterparts, Palestinian MKs are the target of deep-rooted discrimination and undue restrictions that hamstring their ability to speak out in defense of the rights of the Palestinian people,” Amnesty stated.

These revelations were communicated by Amnesty just prior to the September 27 elections. The targeting of Palestinian citizens of Israel is reminiscent of similar harassment and targeting of Palestinian officials and parties in the Occupied Territories, especially prior to local or general elections. Namely, Israel views its own Palestinian Arab population through the same prism that it views its militarily occupied Palestinians.

Since its establishment on the ruins of historic Palestine, and until 1979, Israel governed its Palestinian population through the Defense (Emergency) Regulations. The arbitrary legal system imposed numerous restrictions on those Palestinians who were allowed to remain in Israel following the 1948 Nakba, or ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

In practice, however, the emergency rule was lifted in name only. It was merely redefined, and replaced – according to the Israel-based Adalah rights group – by over 65 laws that directly target the Palestinian Arab minority of Israel. The Nation-State Law, which denies Israel’s Arab minority their legal status, therefore, protection under international law, further accentuates Israel’s relentless war on its Arab minority.

Moreover, “the definition of Israel as ‘the Jewish State’ or ‘the State of the Jewish People’ makes inequality a practical, political and ideological reality for Palestinian citizens of Israel,” according to Adalah.

Israeli racism is not random and cannot be simply classified as yet another human rights violation. It is the core of a sophisticated plan that aims at the political marginalization and economic strangulation of Israel’s Palestinian Arab minority within a constitutional, thus ‘legal’, framework.

Without fully appreciating the end goal of this Israeli strategy, Palestinians and their allies will not have the chance to properly combat it, as they certainly should.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA) and also at the Afro-Middle East Center (AMEC). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Anglo-Zionist Smearing of Jeremy Corbyn

By Stephen Lendman

Source

While anti-Semitism is real, time and again the accusation is made to smear and discredit individuals or groups for justifiable criticism of Israel.

It’s also an unjustifiable tactic used to divert attention from Israeli high crimes of war, against humanity, and persecution of Palestinians for not being Jewish — especially by Jewish state officials.

Anyone forthrightly criticizing Israeli apartheid ruthlessness is vulnerable to unjustifiable vilification.

Zionism is tyranny by another name. It’s undemocratic, hateful, ruthless, racist, destructive, and hostile to peace, equity, justice, and the rule of law.

It’s a monster threatening anyone and anything it opposes, a cancer infesting Israel, America, other Western societies and elsewhere.

The late Joel Kovel called Zionism “a machine for the manufacture of human rights abuses.”

Daring to criticize Israel and Zionist extremism got him fired by Bard College. Other US academics have been mistreated the same or in similar ways.

Zionism is an ideological scourge. It considers Jews superior to others. Nazism believed in Aryan superiority.

Anglo-Zionism is a hugely destructive force threatening everyone everywhere. 

Britain’s so-called Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) was legislatively established by the militantly hostile to peace, equity and justice Tony Blair regime in 2006.

Pretending to promote and enforce equality and non-discrimination in the UK, it unjustly and irresponsibly accused former Labor Party leader Jeremy Corbyn of “serious failings (on the issue of) addressing antisemitism and an inadequate process for handling antisemitism complaints (sic).” 

“Our investigation has highlighted multiple areas where its approach and leadership to tackling antisemitism was insufficient (sic),” according to its interim EHRC head Caroline Waters, adding:

“This is inexcusable and appeared to be a result of a lack of willingness to tackle antisemitism rather than an inability to do so (sic).”

Time and again in the West, anti-Semitism is over-hyped, and irresponsibly used to smear legitimate critics of Israeli viciousness.

Corbyn’s support for Palestinian rights got him falsely accused of anti-Semitic rhetoric and actions — the price he paid for honesty.

Throughout last year’s campaign ahead of parliamentary elections in Britain, establishment media one-sidedly supported hardline PM Boris Johnson-led Tories over Labor leader Corbyn’s progressive change agenda.

Last April, Keir Starmer replaced him as Labor leader in the wake of the vilification campaign against him that cost the party 59 seats in parliament.

On Thursday, a Labor spokesman said Corbyn was suspended from the party, pending an investigation, adding:

Under his leadership, the party became “institutionally anti-Semitic (sic).”

The phony accusation reflects how Israeli critics in government, academia, and other walks of life are systematically and wrongfully vilified.

Israeli influence in the West has much to do with singling out legitimate critics for vilification.

Often they’re sacked or in Corbyn’s case prevented from gaining a Labor Party electoral victory and being suspended — for doing the right thing.

Earlier and current anti-Semitism charges against Corbyn were and remain manufactured, not legitimate.

UK owned and controlled BBC propaganda falsely claimed anti-Semitism became “a big problem” in Britain’s Labor Party after “Corbyn’s election” as party leader in September 2015 (sic), adding:

“Mr Corbyn and his allies on the left had spent decades campaigning for Palestinian statehood, in contrast with the more nuanced position taken by many of his predecessors (sic).”

“Nuanced” is code language for one-sidedly supporting Israel, ignoring its decades of high crimes against Palestinians and regional states.

Accusations of anti-Semitism are longstanding canards used against public figures, academics, and others who forthrightly criticize Israel and call for accountability.

Ignored is that anti-Zionism isn’t anti-Semitism.

Yet the long ago discredited canard keeps resurfacing against figures like Corbyn and numerous other profiles in courage like him.

What Does Rabbinic Judaism Say About What Makes Jews and Gentiles Different?

Source

What Does Rabbinic Judaism Say About What Makes Jews and Gentiles Different?

September 21, 2020

By Michael Hoffman for The Saker Blog

Copyright©2020 by Independent History and Research

Author’s Preface

Studies of Orthodox Judaic believers (followers of the post-Second Temple Judaism faithful to the Mishnah, Gemara and derivative sacred texts representative of the theology of the ancient Pharisees), have almost always been marked by two extremes: giddy approbation, or its antipode, atavistic contempt. Both views are predicated on fallacious judgments. In the former case, credulous acceptance of pious sloganeering and lachrymose self-righteousness, and in the other, a callous dismissal of the humanity of those who are captives to Talmudism, along with a failure to discern in our own behavior and beliefs those sins for which we censure the rabbis.

Nothing in this study is to be construed as giving aid and comfort to Jew-haters, anti-Semites or pseudo-Christians who direct detestation toward or advocate the oppression of Judaic persons. Our work entails the analysis of iniquitous ideas and texts; not people. Like the goyim (gentiles), Judaic persons are fully human beings deserving of dignity, respect, compassionate understanding and love, having been made in the image and likeness of God. Christians are enjoined by our Savior to “Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you.” (Matthew 5:44). These are among the most profound, counter-intuitive words of wisdom ever spoken, exemplifying the crux of the theology of the believers who make up the true Klal Yisroel (people of Biblical Israel).

There are some worldly ones who, upon discovering the extent to which they or others may have been cursed, hated or spitefully used by certain adherents of Orthodox Judaism, proceed to disobey or at the least, derogate the command of Jesus in Matthew 5:44. By this act of disobedience they are engaging in the mockery of becoming what they oppose: a Talmudist in spirit and a Christian in name only.

Historically, the counterfeit of Christ’s ecclesia has sometimes been termed “Churchianity,” and it was this impostor institution bearing the name of Christ that mirrored the revenge and contempt which it denounced as the apex of evil when practiced by rabbis. This bipolar approach to Judaism severely undercut Christendom’s evangelical mission, and served demonic spirits in so doing. Jesus defined our love for Him very sharply and clearly. If we love Him, then we will keep His commandments. Matthew 5:44 is one of Our Savior’s commands which we must place uppermost in our minds as we proceed to explore the theology of the Talmud.

Furthermore, believers in rabbinic Judaism are urgently in need of our concern and missionary effort. In addition to the obvious reason that they have refused a saving faith in their Messiah Jesus, the negative consequences of institutionalizing that rejection are enormous: oppression by Talmudic and cognate theological dictates, including the suffocating, tyrannical micro-management of their lives. The misnamed “Laws of Family Purity” (Halakhos of Niddah) for instance, are among the most reprehensible forms of oppression of women ever devised (cf. this writer’s Judaism Discovered, pp. 729-747).

Another illustration is the requirement that Jewish women remove from their homes every speck of chametz —leavened grain of any type (wheat, oats etc.). This dictate is a source of neurosis and misery. Not even a crumb may be present in her home during the eight days of Pesach (Passover). Her “failure” to totally eradicate every particle is believed to invite a curse on the family due to the “negligence” of the wife. In the Kabbalistic texts, chametz represents a Jew’s individuality, something which, the Orthodox rabbis assert, “must be eliminated at all costs.”

Another wretched factor is Talmudism’s incitement to unethical conduct. Among the dense thicket of heinous halakhic injunctions, is the command for Jewish males to become completely drunk on alcohol every year on the holy day of Purim (BT Megillah 7b). Then there is the admonition to Jews in BT Moed Katan 17a, to perpetrate evil in secret:

“If one sees his yetzer hara (evil inclination) gaining sway over him, let him go where he is not known, put on sordid clothes and do the evil that his heart desires.”

The lives of their own unborn babies are also forfeit in Orthodox Judaism. It was the ruling of the famed rabbinic law-giver “Rashi” (Shlomo Yitzchaki), that a Jewish baby, before being born, is not a human being with a soul (nefesh).

According to rabbinic law, it is permitted to kill the dehumanized child with abortion in situations where the unborn infant is considered a “pursuer” (rodef) who represents a danger to the mother (cf. BT Sanhedrin 72b, and Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Sefer Nezikim, Rotzeach u’Shmirat Nefesh 1:9).

The exposition in this study of radical truths concerning the theology and praxis of Orthodox Judaism is imperative for the advancement of both the Gospel and human reason, as well as for the protection of innocent human beings, particularly in Palestine and Lebanon. It is intended equally for the enlightenment and liberation of Jews and non-Jews, and it is toward those ends and in that spirit alone, that we have undertaken this work.

Under Threat of Death

It is worth noting that on the authority of the law of the rabbis in the Babylonian Talmud, in Berakhot 58a, the publication of this study renders its author a rodef (רודף‎, homicidal “pursuer”). According to the law of din rodef, a person designated a rodef is liable to be killed on sight.

In BT Berakhot 58a, an interlocutor is asking a rabbi residing in Persia about the racist denigration of non-Jews. The religious authority being questioned, Rabbi Sheila, responds to the questioner by stating that gentiles are beasts of burden (“donkeys”). Rabbi Sheila then deduces that the man who is the questioner is going to report this denigration of non-Jews to the rulers of Persia. At that point the Talmud states, “This man has the legal status of a rodef.” This section of Berakhot 58a concludes with the rabbi righteously killing the would-be reporter.

The Talmudic permission for the murder of reporters and scholars who testify to the factual content of rabbinic law has never been rescinded.

The rodef is also found among those who seek to return land stolen from the Palestinians. As recently as November 4, 1995 a dramatic murder of an individual classified as a rodef took place in Tel Aviv, when no less an eminent personage than the Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who sought a land-for-peace treaty with the Palestinians, was gunned down by Yigal Amir, a zealous Israeli Talmud student. An alumnus of Bar Ilan University, Mr. Amir specifically cited the Talmud as his justification for murdering the Israeli Prime Minister.

In endeavoring to answer the question:

“What Does Rabbinic Judaism Say About What Makes Jews and Gentiles Different?”

Our Response is Rooted in Halakha (Rabbinic law)

The founding legal texts of rabbinic Judaism are the Mishnah and the Gemara. They are collectively termed the “Torah she-be’al peh” (תורה שבעל פה), i.e. the oral law committed to writing as the Talmud Bavli (i.e. Babylonian Talmud, abbreviated as “BT”).

According to the Babylonian Talmud, God himself is subservient to the rabbis: “Since God already gave the Torah to the Jewish people on Mt. Sinai we no longer pay attention to heavenly voices. God must submit to the decisions of a majority vote of the rabbis.”  (BT Bava Metzia 59b).

Consequently, the Word of God (Scripture) is subordinate to the traditions of the rabbis. These traditions were previously oral. They were committed to writing, first as the Mishnah, in the early centuries (Tannaitic era), after the crucifixion of Israel’s Messiah. The subsequent portion of the Talmudic canon (the Gemara) produced mainly during the Amoraim era (circa 300-450 A.D.) was written in the Aramaic language.

The Babylonian Talmud (as distinct from the Jerusalem Talmud which is not authoritative), is the holiest text of the religion of Judaism. The revered Pharisaic “sages of blessed memory” decree this themselves in the Talmud. In BT Shabbat 15c and Baba Metzia 33A, we see the Three Declarations of the much-honored, goyim-despising Rabbi Shimon ben Yohai, one of the most adored of all the “sages.” Yohai wrote: A. “He who occupies himself with Scripture gains merit that is no merit. B. “He who occupies himself with Mishnah gains merit for which people receive a reward. C. “He who occupies himself with Talmud — there is no source of merit greater than this.”

What part of the preceding unimpeachable statement from the supreme sacred book of Orthodox Judaism do gentiles and Christians not understand? Old Testament law is a distant second in Orthodox Judaism. It is studied, misapplied and nullified by being read through the distorting prism of the Talmud.

The non-Biblical basis of Orthodox Judaism is acknowledged in the Mishnah:  “The laws concerning the Sabbath, Festal-offerings and acts of trespass are as mountains hanging by a hair, for they have scant Scriptural basis but many laws” (Mishnah Hagiga i, 8).

“Torah-True” Jews?

“Torah” is Orthodox Judaism’s spurious badge of authority. The rabbis proclaim that they have the Torah, have mastered the Torah, base their laws on the Torah and that they are “Torah-true.” Yet these rabbinic claims are a deceptive play on words, for the “Torah” upon which they base their laws is not the Old Testament, but the counterfeit Torah SheBeal Peh. Hence, when the rabbis are acclaiming their relationship with the “Torah,” Christians are deceived into imagining that the rabbis are harkening to their allegiance to the Old Testament (Torah SheBichtav), when Orthodox Judaism’s laws emanate from the man-made Talmud Bavli, which is the “Torah” they regard as supreme.

In 2010 something of a confession concerning this fact came to the fore in the Judaic media. In an article at Ynetnews.com of Feb. 10, 2010 titled, “Time to Face Haredi Secret,” Efrat Shapira-Rosenberg reported a remarkable admission about the ultra-Orthodox “Haredi” (Hasidic) Judaics:

“Not too long ago I happened to speak with a young man who studies at one of the ‘flagships’ of the Haredi yeshiva (Talmudic academy) world; a yeshiva which is no doubt among the most important and elitist ones. We spoke about various issues, and at one point I referred to a certain Biblical character I’m especially fond of. This figure was not one of the Bible’s leading actors like Abraham or Moses, but it was not a particularly marginal character either, but rather, an interesting and significant one in my view; one that conveys an important message to biblical scholars.

“So why am I telling you all this? Because the guy had no idea what I was talking about. He never heard about this figure, he was unfamiliar with it, and he was certainly unfamiliar with the important messages it teaches us.

“…the time has come to shatter the myth and explicitly address the most open secret which we all have known for a while now – Haredi education in its various yeshivas only focuses on one thing, while creating ignorant students on every other front. An important clarification: I am not referring, like secular critics, to the Haredi disregard for subjects such as math, science, English literature, etc…This is a different problem.

“The issue I have is with the fact that the vast majority of yeshivas only teach Talmud and related questions and answers. That’s it.

“What about the Bible? I am not disparaging, Heaven forbid, the importance of the Talmud. Yet for once let’s talk about the religious people who strictly adhere to the mitzvahs (blessed deeds), yet are unfamiliar with the Bible…And this is not an anomaly – this is the norm. The only Biblical verses familiar to yeshiva students are those quoted by Talmud sages, and that’s that. The Bible is seen as a sort of inferior genre that is appropriate for young children (or for women)…” (End quote)

Jews who reject the Talmudic traditions of men and regard as supreme law only the Old Testament Word of God, are known as “Karaites” (“Scripturalists”). Karaism arose in reaction to the growing influence of the Talmud emanating from the Babylonian Talmudic academies in Pumbedita and Sura (in present day Iraq), among Jews of the late 7th and early 8th centuries. The Jewish patriarch of Karaism was an 8th century rabbinic convert from Talmudism, Anan ben David. His book of precepts, Sefer ha-Mizvot, undercut the authority of the Mishnah and Gemara. He famously stated, “Search diligently in the Scriptures and do not rely on my opinion.”

Due to their Bible-only devotion, throughout their history Karaite Jews have been persecuted and even killed by Talmudic zealots. The existence of the Karaites is largely unknown to the Vatican II Catholics and fundamentalist Protestants who imagine that Talmudic rabbis are faithful Scripturalists.

The Talmud of Babylon and its successor texts:

Authoritative Halakha or mere Commentary and Debates?

In order to answer the question about what makes Jews different, it is necessary that we refute a familiar defense against charges that the Babylonian Talmud is the basis of the laws of Orthodox Judaism. Apologists assert that the more blatantly horrible passages in the Babylonian Talmud do not constitute the law of Judaism (halakha), but only commentary and debate. The truth is very different, however. Halakha is comprised of the traditions found in the non-Biblical, sacred rabbinic texts. Those texts as a whole comprise the Oral Law, what Josephus termed, paradôsis (“tradition”).

The oral traditions of the Pharisees is the foundation of the Talmud, as Jesus declared (cf. Mark 7; Matthew 15). Those traditions consist of extra-Biblical superstitions and occultism, self-worship, racist hatred for non-Jews and sheer nonsense. BT Ketubot 60b-61a: “If a woman copulates in a grain mill she will have epileptic children. One who copulates on the ground will have children with long necks.” BT Berakoth 55a: “A certain matron said to Rabbi Judah b. Ila’i: ‘Your face is [red] like that that of pig-breeders and goyim!’ The rabbi replied, ‘On my faith both are forbidden me, but there are 24 toilets between my house and the Beth Midrash (house of study), and when I go there I test myself in all of them.”

Apologists assert that the Talmud is only a record of debates (mahloket) between tanna’im and amora’im (the authors of the Talmud Bavli known collectively as Chazal who lived in the early centuries A.D.), and that by focusing on one portion of the controversy and upholding that passage as authoritative, the critic errs, for no legal sanction is given to either side of the “debates in the Talmud.” This is demonstrably false. The Mishnah and subsequent rabbinic amplifications of it comprise the halakha, by which every believing Orthodox Judaic person is bound, down to the most minute and intimate particulars of his or her daily life.

How Talmudic law is deduced and adjudicated is often an enigma to outsiders, but that it constitutes halakha is certain. The key point is that the appearance of Talmudic indeterminacy does not preclude law-making by majority rabbinic consensus — which is the process by which Talmudic halakha is determined in a given time and particular situation, both in terms of a decision on what constitutes the oral law of the elders as presented in the Mishnah (halakha lemosheh misinai), as well as the subsequent Mitzvot derabanan (rabbinical commandments) found in the Gemara, arising from the deductive process known as Middot shehatorah nidreshet bahen.

As a public relations ploy, many rabbis and Zionist leaders pretend otherwise, revealing the low opinion they have of the public, who they believe will swallow the line about the Talmud being a mere book of discourses and disputes, where no definitive teaching or authoritative law-making emerges. The intent behind the deliberate sowing of this deception rests in the stratagem that by promoting the idea that the Talmud is a collection of debates and commentary without force of law, no indictment of it is possible, since another text can always be cited to contradict the offending one. However, the investigator who examines the historic discipline and practice of Orthodox Judaism can ascertain that a body of law codified in the Babylonian Talmud exerts the most profound command over individual Judaics and governs their conduct.

What is disputed in the Talmud is often the Yud Gimmel Midot, not the Halakha l’Moshe M’Sinai. In presenting the Talmud to the public this distinction is often not made. There are thousands of discourses in authoritative rabbinic texts about minutiae, such as which dishes can be washed on Shabbos (the Sabbath), and how they may be washed. Disagreements along those lines are not disagreements concerning the non-negotiable, core Talmudic dogma that forms the halakha itself.

Let’s look at a dispute involving situation ethics: the ban on a Jewish man shaving his beard, the hair-splitting dimensions of which would try the patience of most sane people. Rabbi Maimonides (also referred to as the “Rambam”), asserted that the rationale behind the ban was the fact that the goyim, as personified by the chukos ho’akum (customs) of Catholic priests, were clean-shaven. To distinguish goyim from Jews therefore, Maimonides decreed that beards on Jewish males were obligatory. A point in this dissertation on this particular situation ethic was raised centuries later by the learned posek (determiner of halakha), Rabbi Yosef Babad, in his Minchas Chinuch, a 19th century disquisition on the 13th century Sefer ha-Chinuch, itself a treatise on the halakha codified by Maimonides in the 12th century. Rabbi Babad in his ruling followed the clarification proffered by a 17th century halakhist, Rabbi ha-Levi Segal (“the Taz”), stating that there were extenuating circumstances and dispensations in connection with shaving, in that when it becomes the general practice of Catholic priests to grow beards, Jews would no longer be obliged not to shave.

To say that there are tens of thousands of other cases like the preceding would be a low estimate. Gedolim, poskim and the other prodigiously erudite legal authorities of Orthodox Judaism, clarify, modify, squabble and split hairs over puerile trivia, such as whether a Jew may go to sleep while wearing shoes. (No, because it is “a taste of death,” according to BT Yoma 78b. However, if the shoes are to be worn during a brief nap, it could be allowed, as specified in Lekutei Maharich Tefillas Rav NB’H p. 107; Pe’as Sadecha 37, and Shemiras Haguf V’hanefesh [115, footnote 2]). What happens if during his supposedly short nap the Jewish person oversleeps? The response to that requisite question is found in another dozen rabbinic sources.

Then there are the pages of responsum concerning the permissibility of using colored toilet deodorizer on Shabbos (Sabbath): “Some poskim say it is considered dyeing (coloring) on Shabbos,” which is forbidden (cf. Minchas Shlomo, 2:14 and Rav Y.A. Silber: Oz Nidberu 13:14). “Harav Yisrael Belsky maintains that if the deodorizer hangs from the rim of the toilet then one may use it on Shabbos, while if it is in the toilet itself then it is considered coloring on Shabbos,” and is not allowed (cf. Moishe Dovid Lebovitz [2010], p. 89). Orthodox Judaism consists of a universe of lawyers who bear the name rabbi. It is the domain of a theocratic bureaucracy so overgrown with laws, regulations, stipulations and minutiae — as well as innumerable derivatives thereof — that it makes Charles Dickens’ Circumlocution Office look like a libertarian utopia by comparison.

Rules of derivation and procedure (Yud Gimmel Midot) cannot compare with the oral law, which rabbinic dogma fantasizes that Yahweh gave to Moses. To the am ha’aretz (ignorant bumpkins) it is insinuated that the Talmud is a debating society where everything is on the table. This insinuation reveals contempt for the person, whether Judaic or non-Judaic, who dares to check into the matter. Using the record of Talmudic disputes on issues pertaining to situation ethics to maintain that in the Talmud the dogmas of rabbinic Judaism are merely batted back and forth in debates which do not have a significant function in forming halakha, is almost too asinine to merit comment. Nonetheless, numerous persons troubled by candid documentation of the uncensored contents of the Talmud, when given a line of malarkey about it being a series of legally non-authoritative debates, too often swallow it — accepting the legend that rabbinic Judaism is the religion of the Old Testament prophets from which was born western civilization’s concepts of free will, freedom of conscience and reasoning for one’s self.

In truth, the creed founded upon the Talmud is wholly alien in relation to that noble western ethic. The Agudath Israel Orthodox rabbinic organization publishes Hamodia newspaper, in which we find the following representative statement in the 19 Adar 5763 (Feb. 21, 2003) issue, p. 14: “From time immemorial, every G-d-fearing Jew subjected his personal and communal affairs to the guidance of his Rav (rabbi), understanding the folly of following the dictates of his own heart or mind.”

The laws of the Mishnah and Gemara as decided by the consensus of Chazal through their supposed supernatural power of siyata dishmaya, as stated in authoritative law codes derived from the Talmud Bavli, such as the Mishneh TorahShulchan Aruch, Mishnah Berurah etc., are binding legal precedents. Opinions inconsistent with the Talmudic canon are void.

Because the principle of situation ethics is central to Orthodox Judaism, halakha is applied and enforced according to stringencies and leniencies geared to a particular period of time. These distinctions date to the “zuggot pairs” of the Tannaitic era.

“Show no Mercy to a non-Jew”

In the Middle Ages (the Rishonim era), Moses Maimonides devoted twelve years to extracting every decision and law from the Talmud of Babylon, and arranging them into fourteen systematic volumes. The work was completed in 1180 as the Mishneh Torah.

In the Mishneh Torah, Moses Maimonides taught in “Avodat Kochavim” chapter 10, “Show no mercy to a non-Jew.”

He gave the following example: “If we see a non-Jew being swept away or drowning in the river, we should not help him. If we see that his life is in danger, we should not save him.”

Situation Ethics in the Killing of Christians

Maimonides also taught that Christians should, under the proper circumstances, be killed. The “proper circumstances” are predicated on Rabbi Maimonides’ situation ethics: when Talmudists are powerfully dominant over goyim then worshippers of Jesus can be executed.

This is the foundation of Rabbi Maimonides’ ruling on when Jewish doctors may refuse to treat non-Jewish patients: when Jews are sufficiently supreme in a nation that the refusal to treat will not result in repercussions and reprisals from goyim, who would be too cowed to retaliate in a nation where Jewish supremacy was nearly total. It is instructive to observe that Maimonides in Mishneh Torah, Sefer Ha-Mada, Aodah Zara 10:1-2, ruled that goyim not currently at war with Israel should neither be actively killed, nor saved from death: “It is prohibited both to save them from dying and to kill them.”

This is not a simple open-and-closed finding. Many more rabbinic texts have been generated, setting out the situation ethics entailed by this injunction. Cf. for example Rabbi Nahmanides, Hidushei HaRambam, Makot 9a. The key law giver Rabbi Joseph Karo, compiler of the highly credited legal volumes of the Shulchan Aruch, looks upon Maimonides’ ruling not as a ban on the killing of goyim, but a means for temporarily dispensing a Jew from the obligation to kill them, while doing nothing to save them from death.

With this in mind, we observe how halakha is applied and enforced subject to contingencies such as the ones that Maimonides stipulated: the legal, political and social position of Jews in the nation in which they reside, and the goyim with whom they are dealing.

So for example, in contemporary occupied Palestine (“Israel”) most Christians, Muslims and Arabs in general may be killed with relative impunity, as the situation demands. There may be a temporary uproar in the western world in protest, but historically these protests have subsided, with no lasting detrimental effect on the Israeli state. In times past however, in nations where Christian or Muslim governments were vigilant concerning crimes against non-Jewish persons, the field of action against Christians and Muslims as promulgated by law-giver Rabbi Moses Maimonides in his Mishneh Torah, was restricted by the circumstances. Maimonides himself served for a time as the personal physician to the family of the sultan of Egypt, ostensibly dispensing with the Talmudic dictum of showing no mercy to goyim. The situation demanded however, that the Talmudic ethic be suspended for the time being for a more paramount objective — to allow Maimonides to gain influence with the nation-state’s ruling family.

During the administration of President Barack Obama, the Wall Street Journal reported that Israeli physicians and hospitals were giving medical treatment to the Nusra Front’s injured al Qaeda fighters, so as to hasten their return to the Syrian battlefield, where they were waging war against the government of Bashar al-Assad (cf. “Al Qaeda a Lesser Evil?” Wall Street Journal online, March 12, 2015; and Wall Street Journal, March 13, 2015, p. A6). This is another instance of how rabbinic injunctions can be temporarily suspended under certain circumstances, in line with Orthodox Judaism’s situation ethics.

Hence, there is certainly debate within the rabbinate over how, when and to what degree to apply the Talmudically-derived halakha.

To extrapolate from the situation wherein questions of timing and tactical application arise within the rabbinate, to a nullification of the existence and compelling force of law which the Talmudic Mishnah and Gemara exert, is without foundation.

For example, there is no authentic debate about gentiles having lesser souls (or in the case of Chabad-Lubavitch theology, no souls whatsoever).

That goyim are nefesh-deficient is the fixed sacred law of Orthodox Judaism. How the law that goyim are less than fully human is applied is indeed subject to discussion and contestation in the Mishneh Torah, Kesef Mishneh and hundreds of cognate legal texts derived from the Talmud. But the halakha comprising the Talmud of Babylon itself is incontestable. When putative defenders of the Talmud engage in absurdity and point to debates about how Talmudic halakha is to be interpreted, as evidence that the source of the Torah she-be’al peh—the Talmudic texts themselves—comprise only an admired collection of debates and discussions, they are playing a prank on their goyische dupes.

In addition to the Mishnah and Gemara of the Talmud Bavli, the laws of rabbinic Judaism are also derived from successor legal texts emanating from the Talmud. These include, but are not limited to, the Mishneh Torah, the Shulchan Aruch, the Mishnah Berurah, the Shulchan Aruch Harav, the Kitzur Shulchan Aruch, the Igros Moshe, and many dozens of additional post-Talmudic sacred volumes having the force of law in Ashkenazic Orthodox Judaism.

Where is the Word of God, you ask, amid the miasma of anthropocentric laws which constitute these rabbinic traditions? It’s a good question and one that sola Scriptura Protestants—who excoriate Catholicism over its belief in a Bible-plus-Tradition theology—have generally either conspicuously ignored, or unconscionably neglected.

The Inherent Moral Turpitude of the Goyim

We intended to demonstrate that rabbinic law imputes an inherent moral turpitude to non-Jews and classes them as innately malevolent.

The goyim are grouped together with categories of criminals and transgressors who cannot act as a witness in a Beis din (rabbinic court; cf. Shulchan Arukh: Hoshen Mishpat 34).

Goyim are detested and feared in part because it is taught that they are congenitally predisposed to commit murder:

“A Jew should not be alone with a goy, because the goy is suspect to commit homicide.” (Kitzur Shulchan Aruch 168:17).

In the laws governing kashrut (kosher food and drink) victuals may not be consumed by a Jew if their preparation was entirely by a goy. A goy handling Jewish food must be supervised by a frum (Talmud-observant) Jew, because a goy cannot be trusted not to render the food or drink impure, or poisonous. Even this supervised food preparation may not be permissible in situations where a stringency, known as the rabbinic prohibition of bishul akum is enforced. (Cf. Pischei Teshuvah Y.D. 113:1, Aruch ha-Shulchan 113:50; Y.D. 113:16; Chochmas Adam 66:11). Under certain circumstances wine that has even been touched by a non-Jew “has been defiled and is unfit for use by Jews” (BT Avodah Zarah 72b).

When the opportunity to save a Judaic human life (pikuah nefesh) conflicts with the observance of the Sabbath, saving the Judaic life takes precedence. Rabbinic legal authorities also distinguish between the obligation to save a Judaic life on the Sabbath and the life of a goy.

Israel Meir Kagan (1838–1933), the halachic authority known as the Chofetz Chaim (a.k.a. the Hafetz Hayyim), condemned the behavior of any Judaic physician who did not discriminate between Jews and non-Jews. Concerning Judaic physicians, Rabbi Kagan wrote in Mishnah Berurah: O.H. 330, “…to treat a non-Jew…there is no authority for them to do so.” (The halakhic status of Rabbi Kagan’s Mishnah Berurah, was assessed by Simcha Fishbane in The Encyclopedia of Judaism, as follows“His greatest work, which remains the strongest influence on Orthodox practice today and whose authority is considered final, is Mishnah Berurah [1884-1907], in six volumes”).

It is a minhag (a custom without the force of law) to refer to goyim using racial slurs. Non-Jewish men are termed a “male abomination” (shegetz; plural: shkotzim). With regard to non-Jewish women the racist term of derision is shiksa, denoting a female abomination.

Only Jews are Human”

The Babylonian Talmud states, “Only Jews are human. Non-Jews are not human.” (Bava Metzia 114b. Also: BT Kerithoth 6b and 58a).

One of the earliest laws distinguishing between Jews and goyim is found in the Babylonian Talmud, in Sanhedrin 57a:

“Regarding bloodshed, the following distinction applies, if a non-Jew killed another non-Jew, or a non-Jew killed a Jew, the killer is liable for execution; if a Jew killed a non-Jew, he is exempt from punishment.”

“Regarding a Jew stealing from a non-Jew, the act is permitted.” (BT Sanhedrin 57a).

It is commanded in the Talmud’s Kiddushin 66c: “The best of the gentiles: kill him; the best of snakes: smash its skull; the best of women: is filled with witchcraft.” (The uncensored version of this text appears in Tractate Soferim [New York, M. Higer, 1937], 15:7, p. 282).

The Talmud decrees in Sanhedrin 81b-82a: “All gentile women without exception are: ‘Niddah, Shifchah, Goyyah and Zonah’ (menstrual filth, slaves, heathens and prostitutes).

The Talmud rules that black people are cursed: “The sages taught: Three violated that directive and engaged in intercourse while in the ark, and all of them punished for doing so. They are: the dog and the raven, and Ham, son of Noah. The dog was punished in that it is bound; the raven was punished in that it spits, and Ham was afflicted in that his skin turned black.” (BT Sanhedrin 108b).

The preceding Talmudic legal text has directly contributed to the suffering and misery of black Africans enslaved on the basis that they were accursed descendants of Ham and their enslavement was foreordained by God. Nowhere is this bigoted lie found in the Bible. It is entirely the invention of the Talmudic and Midrashic theology of men.

Moreover, a declaration by the supreme arbiter of rabbinic law in the Ashkenazic world, Rabbi Moses Maimonides, created a justification for white slave-holders and slave-traders (both Judaic and Christian) to enslave black people for life and treat them as chattel (animals). Maimonides performed this service for the slave trade in his seminal text, The Guide of the Perplexed, which is celebrated throughout the western world (his image hangs in a place of honor in the halls of Congress and numerous buildings in the United States are named for him). In The Guide of the Perplexed, this “illustrious” rabbi taught that black people are “irrational animals” who are situated midway between the ape and the human (cf. University of Chicago Press, Shlomo Pines translation, vol. II, [1963], p. 618).

The leading disciple of Maimonides in American 20th century politics and statecraft was Leo Strauss, Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago. The Neoconservative (“Neocon”) intellectuals he influenced were a significant force in George W. Bush’s decision to needlessly invade and make war upon the nation of Iraq. President Bush filled many key command and advisory positions with Neocons, including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Elliott Abrams, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Bill Kristol, Douglas Feith, John Bolton and Ari Fleischer.

The founding sacred book of the theologically influential and, in the United States, politically powerful, Orthodox Chabad-Lubavitch Judaism, is the Tanya, which was written by Chabad’s founder, Rabbi Schneur Zalman of Lyady. This foundational Chabad volume decrees that:

“Gentile souls are of a completely different and inferior order. They are totally evil, with no redeeming qualifies whatsoever. Their material abundance derives from supernal refuse. Indeed, they themselves derive from refuse, which is why they are more numerous than the Jews.”

(Cf. Habad: The Hasidism of Shneur Zalman of Lyady [Jacob Aronson, 1993], pp. 108-109). Apparently Rabbi Zalman never read or credited Genesis 22:17 in which God informs Abraham that his descendants will be “more numerous than the stars in the sky.”

Shneur Zalman: “The souls of the goyim emanate from the unclean kelipot (husks) which contain no good whatsoever.” (Cf. Opening the Tanya, p. 43).

The Kabbalah in the volume “Book of Splendor” (Zohar), defines kelipot as “husks of evil…waste matter…bad blood…dross…dregs…the root of evil” (Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah, pp. 125, 139, 156-157).

Israeli “settler” rabbis such as the late Moshe Levenger and Meir Kahane took Rabbi Zalman’s dogma to heart and encouraged terrorism against Palestinian civilians. Levenger shot to death an unarmed Palestinian store keeper and served less than a year in an Israeli jail for the murder. Today, tens of thousands of rabbis from Brooklyn to Moscow and Jerusalem, preach and teach the soul-searing dehumanization of goyim promulgated by the revered founder of Chabad-Lubavitch Judaism. Palestinians are oppressed, robbed, beaten and killed based upon the theological determination that they, like goyim in general, are not human; indeed, garbage (“supernal refuse”).

In Orthodox Judaism goyim are not to be trusted: “…a gentile’s word is totally discounted regarding ritual prohibitions…In a situation where a gentile’s word is not relied upon, his conversion to Judaism will not influence our acceptance of his testimony.” —Rabbi Ezra Basri, Chief Justice, District Court, Jerusalem, “The Testimony of a Gentile Regarding Ritual Matters,” in Ethics of Business Finance & Charity, vol. 2, chapter 13.

In Orthodox Judaism there is no obligation to be fair to goyim:“The laws (of fairness) mentioned above only apply between two Jewish neighbors. Gentiles do not necessarily respect these principles and, hence, there is no obligation to show them such consideration in return.” —Rabbi Ezra Basri, Chief Justice, vol. 4, chapter 2.

Raping Goyim

In 2014 Dr. Mordechai Kedar, a professor at the elite Israeli Bar-Ilan University stated that the only action that can successfully deter armed resistance by Arabs, is to rape their sisters or their mothers. Prof. Kedar’s words were not an aberration or a misinterpretation. They were consistent with rabbinic law.

Though it will be claimed by the usual public relations hacks that the Bar Illan University professor’s monstrous rape-deterrent observation is “condemned by the Jewish tradition” (citing, for example, BT Kiddushin 22), there are rabbinic escape clauses which justify rape. First, the rape target must be classified as a zonah (prostitute) or a nokri (hostile alien). The supreme Ashkenazic halachic authority, Rabbi Moses Maimonides, rules that a Judaic soldier may rape this type of female “Yefas To’ar” (prisoner of war), when he is not actively fighting a battle (Hilchos Melachim 8:3).

A text in the Meorot theology journal of Yeshivat Chovevei Torah Rabbinic School, gives permission to Judaic soldiers to rape a female goy battle captive one time:

“It is the consensus of many halachic decisors (judges of rabbinic law) that the yefat to’ar (female goy battle captive) can be subject to involuntary intercourse, though only once, after which she must undergo a specific regimen described in the Torah (Torah sheBeal peh i.e. the Mishnah and Gemara), conversion and marriage, before her captor is permitted further sexual relations with her…”

Source: Dov. S. Zakheim, Meorot vol. 6: no. 1 (2006), p. 5. (Mr. Zakheim was Under Secretary of Defense in the administration of George W. Bush, 2001-2004).

Advocates of raping non-Jews can be found at the highest levels of the Israel ruling class. Here is the permission to commit rape given by Eyal Karim, the Chief Rabbi of the Israeli Army:

“The wars of Israel […] are mitzvah (divinely blessed) wars, in which they differ from the rest of the wars the nations (goyim) wage among themselves. Since, essentially, a war is not an individual matter, but rather nations wage war as a whole, there are cases in which the personality of the individual is ‘erased’ for the benefit of the whole. And vice versa: sometimes you risk a large unit for the saving of an individual, when it is essential for purposes of morale. One of the important and critical values during war is maintaining the army’s fighting ability […]

“As in war the prohibition against risking your life is broken for the benefit of others, so are the prohibitions against immorality and of kashrut (kosher). Wine touched by gentiles, consumption of which is prohibited in peacetime, is allowed at war, to maintain the good spirit of the warriors. Consumption of prohibited foods is permitted at war (and some say, even when kosher food is available), to maintain the fitness of the warriors, even though they are prohibited during peacetime.

“Just so, war removes some of the prohibitions on sexual relations (gilui arayot), and even though fraternizing with a gentile woman is a very serious matter, it was permitted during wartime (under the specific terms) out of understanding for the hardship endured by the warriors. And since the success of the whole at war is our goal, the Torah permitted the individual to satisfy the evil urge (yetzer ha’ra), under the conditions mentioned, for the purpose of the success of the whole.” (End quote).

Rabbi Karim’s words would be despicable even if he were not the chief spiritual teacher and counselor of the Israeli army which holds in its iron fist the nearly helpless captive population of Palestine.

Weaponizing the Babylonian Talmud’s Racism and Bigotry Toward Non-Jews

Racist and hateful Talmudic doctrine about non-Jews has been weaponized by the halakhic injunctions of rabbis in “Israel” and the United States, and the expulsion, subjugation and mass murder of Palestinians and the Israeli slaughter of Arabs in Lebanon, can only be fully comprehended within the context of the anti-gentile halakha derived from the Talmud, which was formerly concealed, obscured and denied, and which is increasingly being published in the Hebrew language press, and in the case of the Steinsaltz Talmud, in English.

“Jewish Superiority and the Question of Exile”

Rabbi Saadya Grama is one of the intellectual stars of the Beth Medrash Govoha, otherwise known as the “Lakewood yeshiva,” an internationally renowned center for Talmud study located in New Jersey. In 2003 Grama published the book, Romemut Yisrael Ufarashat Hagalut (“Jewish Superiority and the Question of Exile”). In it he declaimed:

“The Jew by his source and in his essence is entirely good. The gentile, by his source and in his very essence, is completely evil. This is not simply a matter of religious distinction, but rather of two different species…

“Jewish success in the world is completely contingent upon the failure of other peoples. Jews experience good fortune only when gentiles experience catastrophe…The difference between Jews and gentiles is not historical or cultural, but rather genetic and unalterable.”

Rabbi Grama further stated that the “Torah” mandates that Jews, while in exile, should employ such means as “…deception, duplicity and bribery in their dealing with gentiles.”

Romemut Yisrael Ufarashat Hagalut was endorsed by eminent rabbinic authorities, including the distinguished Rabbi Aryeh Malkiel Kotler, the Rosh yeshiva (Dean of the seminary) at Lakewood. He lauded Grama for his teaching on: “…the subjects of Exile, the Election of Israel, and her exaltation above and superiority to all other nations, all in accordance with the viewpoint of the Torah, based on the solid instruction he has received from his teachers.” (A year after the publication of Grama’s supremacist volume was published, Congress awarded the Lakewood yeshiva a federal grant of $500,000).

Murder ManualsBaruch Hagever and Torat Hamelech

Jewish life has infinite value. There is something infinitely more holy and unique about Jewish life than non-Jewish life”

Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh (born in 1944 in St. Louis, Missouri), is considered one of Chabad-Lubavitch’s leading experts on the Kabbalah. He is a celebrated educator and influencer in the USA and the Israeli state. Like Rabbi Grama, Ginsburgh also teaches the dogma that Jews possess a genetically-based superiority over non-Jews.

“If you have two people drowning, a Jew and a non-Jew, the Torah says you save the Jewish life first,” Rabbi Ginsburgh asserts.

He teaches: “If every single cell in a Jewish body entails divinity, is a part of God, then every strand of DNA is a part of God. Therefore, something is special about Jewish DNA.”

Rabbi Ginsburgh stated further, “If a Jew needs a liver, can you take the liver of an innocent non-Jew passing by to save him? The Torah would probably permit that. Jewish life has infinite value. There is something infinitely more holy and unique about Jewish life than non-Jewish life.”

Rabbi Ginsburgh is the author of Baruch Hagever, a book praising the example of mass murderer Baruch Goldstein, who massacred 40 Palestinians as they prayed in a mosque in Hebron on Purim, February 1994. In Baruch Hagever the rabbi termed the slaughter, “…an act of bravery whose source was divine grace.”

Baruch Hagever is a summary provided by one of Ginsburgh’s students, of a class Rabbi Ginsburgh taught in 1994 during which he identified positive aspects of Baruch Goldstein’s massacre of Muslim worshippers at the Cave of the Patriarchs as:

“The sanctification of the name of God…The life of Israel is worth more than the life of the goy and even if the goy does not intend to hurt Israel, it is permissible to hurt him in order to save Israel.”

“Legally,” Ginsburg asserts, “if a Jew kills a non-Jew, he’s not called a murderer. He didn’t transgress the Sixth Commandment: ‘Thou shalt not murder.’ This applies only to Jews killing Jews.” (This is a nearly verbatim reference to BT Sanhedrin 57a).

Ginsburgh’s teachings have incited a new generation of Israeli murderers who rely upon his Talmudic theology to justify the killing of goyim.

This homicidal rabbinic theology is imparted in a book co-authored in 2009 by the Rosh yeshiva (Dean) of Ginsburgh’s seminary, Od Yosef Chai in the West Bank settlement of Yitzhar. It is titled Torat Ha-Melekh: Berure Halakha Be’-inyene Malkhut U-Milhamot (“The King’s Torah: Halakhic Clarifications Regarding Matters of Kingdom and Wars”). The title has been abbreviated as Torat Hamelech. It was written by the Rosh yeshiva, Rabbi Yitzhak Shapira, in collaboration with Rabbi Yosef Elitzur. It explicitly claims that the life of a Jew is worth more than the life of a non-Jew, and permits the killing of innocent non-Jews, including children.

One section of the volume teaches that it is permitted to kill non-Jewish infants on the enemy side during warfare “if there is a good chance they will grow up to be like their evil parents.”

Other reasons the rabbis furnish for the permission to kill non-Jewish children include if they “block the rescue of Jews…Little children are often situated in this way…it is permitted to kill them because their very presence facilitates the killing (of Jews)…(p. 215).

“It is also permitted to kill the children of the leader (of the enemy) in order to put pressure on him…” (p. 215).

In another instance, Rabbis Shapira and Elitzur write, “Every citizen of our kingdom who opposes us and who encourages [our enemies’] fighters, or expresses satisfaction with their deeds, is considered an assailant and may be killed….”

On p. 185 the rabbinic authors state that whoever uses freedom of speech to weaken the Jews is considered to be a rodef and can be killed. They base this on the ruling by the Maharal of Prague, Rabbi Judah Loew, who determined that whoever causes Jews to be reluctant to kill (“faint-hearted while at war”) deserves death (cf. Gur Aryeh on Parashat Mattot).

In chapter four of Torat Hamelech, Rabbis Shapira and Elitzur state that because the life of the Jew is superior to that of the non-Jew, “…there is a consensus among the halakhic sources that it is permitted to kill non-Jews to save the lives of Jews…It is permitted as well in cases in which we exploit the presence of innocent young children (and harm them) in order to harm their parents” (p. 199).

The rabbis further state, “There is a svara (a compelling reason founded on intuition) for hurting young, non-Jewish children if it is clear that they will grow up to harm us, and in such cases, we should aim our destruction specifically towards them. Young children will benefit from this killing since they would have grown up in an unrepaired way (be-tzurah lo metukenet), that would require their killing anyway. Therefore, it would be better to kill them now” (pp. 205-207).

The final chapter of this rabbinic law book urges the employment of merciless vengeance against the goyim (pp. 217-224). Torat Hamelech concludes with an indirect call for vigilante killings of Palestinians, many of which have occurred since the volume appeared, to little publicity in the West, such as the burning to death in 2015 of a Palestinian baby, Ali Dawabsheh, and his mother and father, by a youthful Talmudist, Amiram Ben Uliel.

Two dozen Orthodox rabbis have signed an open letter calling on the government to free Amiram Ben Uliel. The adult son of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Yair Netanyahu, has raised money for the child-killer’s legal costs.

Rabbi Shapira and Rabbi Elitzur declare that individual Jews can make the decision to kill goyim extra-judicially: “One does not need a decision by the nation to permit the spilling of blood…sometimes one must commit ruthless acts that are designed to create the correct element of fear.” (End quote from Torat Hamelech).

In addition to Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh, prominent rabbis Dov Lior and Ya’acov Yosef gave Torat Hamelech their blessing. This book has been circulated among Israeli military and police forces.

Rabbi Ishay Berg also wrote in approval of Rabbis Shapira and Elitzur’s teaching: “The Jewish soul is, in fact, the thrusting of the world into the absolute, into an entity with a validity of existence which cannot be compared with the fragile reality which we see before our eyes. This perception lies behind the ruling that the life of a Jew and the fulfillment of the commandments are superior to the life of a non-Jew in any situation” (M’aneh Le-Derekh Ha-Melekh).

In 1989 a mob of Zionists led by Rabbi Ginsburgh rampaged through a village in the West Bank region of Palestine, engaging in arson and murdering a 13-year-old Palestinian girl. A Talmud (“yeshiva”) student was arrested and put on trial in an Israeli court. Ginsburgh spoke for the defense, pointing out the lower value of the life of the Palestinian child: “The people of Israel must rise and declare in public that a Jew and goy are not, God forbid, the same. Any trial that assumes that Jews and goyim are equal is a travesty of justice.”

In March, 1996 Rabbi Ginsburgh delivered a Purim lecture claiming to quote Chabad-Lubavitch Grand Rabbi Schneerson on the subject of “the mitzvahs of war for the sake of revenge and war for the sake of conquering the Land of Israel.” According to Rabbi Ginsburgh, Grand Rabbi Schneerson taught “that war for the sake of revenge was a much higher mitzvah” (blessed act). Ginsburg asserts that criticism of him is equivalent to criticism of “the Lubavitcher rebbe” (Schneerson) and of the תורה שבעל פה‎ — the Torah sheBeal peh itself. (Cf. Lawrence Cohler, “Hero or Racist? Are Jewish lives really more valuable than non-Jewish ones?” The Jewish Week, April 26, 1996, pp. 12 and 31).

Yitzchak Ginsburg was a 2019 recipient of an award from the Israeli Ministry of Education honoring him for his “Torah wisdom.”

(www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-education-minister-to-speak-at-confab-honor)

According to Judaic scholars Norton Mezvinsky and Israel Shahak in their book, Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel, “One of the basic tenets of the Lurianic Kabbalah is the absolute superiority of the Jewish soul and body over the non-Jewish soul and body. According to the Lurianic Kabalah the world was created solely for the sake of Jews; the existence of non-Jews was subsidiary.”

The largest funeral for any Israeli dignitary in the history of the Israeli state was conducted in honor of the memory and teachings of an advocate of the genocide of Palestinians, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, in Jerusalem in October, 2013. His funeral was attended by an estimated 700,000 to 800,000 Israeli mourners. The New York Times described Rabbi Yosef as “the spiritual leader of the ultra-Orthodox Shas Party…”

The Associated Press reported, “Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the religious scholar and spiritual leader of Israel’s Sephardic Jews who transformed his downtrodden community of immigrants from North Africa and Arab nations and their descendants into a powerful force in Israeli politics, died on Monday…Yosef was often called the outstanding Sephardic rabbinical authority of the century.”

Prime Minister Netanyahu declared that Rabbi Yosef was “one of the great halachic authorities of our generation. Rav Ovadia was a giant in Torah and halakha…He worked hard to glorify the heritage of Israel.”

These are the teachings of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the object of media and Israeli veneration:

Arab people should be exterminated: “May the Holy Name visit retribution on the Arab heads, and cause their seed to be lost, and annihilate them. It is forbidden to have pity on them. We must give them missiles with relish, annihilate them. Evil ones, damnable ones.” (2001 Passover sermon. Cf. Haaretz [Israeli newspaper], April 12, 2001).

Gentiles likened to donkeys who exist only to serve the Jews: “Goyim were born only to serve us. Without that, they have no place in the world – only to serve the People of Israel…With gentiles, it will be like any person – they need to die, but [God] will give them longevity. Why? Imagine that one’s donkey would die, they’d lose their money. This is his servant… That’s why he gets a long life, to work well for this Jew. Why are gentiles needed? They will work, they will plow, they will reap. We will sit like an effendi and eat. That is why gentiles were created.” Jerusalem Post, October 18, 2010. (Concerning this identification of goyim with donkeys, Yosef was repeating the teaching of the Talmud in the aforementioned BT Berakhot 58a, as well as BT Kiddushin 68b).

The Talmudic theology that produced Ovadia Yosef, also produced the prominent Israeli Rabbi Bentzi Gopstein, who advocates the burning of Christian churches on Israeli territory (cf. The Telelgraph [UK] Aug. 6, 2015). He has declared that Christian “Missionary work must not be given a foothold… Let’s throw the vampires out of our land before they drink our blood again.” (Forward, [New York Judaic newspaper], Dec. 24, 2015).

Gopstein is a leader in Lehava (ץ הקודש‎ LiMniat Hitbolelut B’eretz HaKodesh: “The Prevention of Assimilation in the Holy Land,” which attacks Palestinians who date or marry Judaic women. In 2010, “Multiple rebbetzins, (wives of rabbis), acting on behalf of Lehava, issued an open letter urging Israeli women not to associate with ‘non-Jews.” It advised, “Don’t date non-Jews, don’t work at places that non-Jews frequent, and don’t do national service with non-Jews.” The letter implied that if the women did so, they would be cut off from their ‘holy race.” (Cf. “Rabbis’ Wives Urge Israeli Women: Stay Away from Arab men” Haaretz December 28, 2010; also: Jerusalem Post, December 28, 2010).

The leading Israeli settler-Rabbi Shlomo Aviner declared that the devastating fire at Notre Dame cathedral in April, 2019 was God’s curse—divine retribution for medieval Catholics putting the Babylonian Talmud on trial: “Aviner said it was a result of the Paris trial, ‘In which Jewish sages in France of that generation were forced into confrontation with the Christian sages. The result was the burning of the Talmud. The Talmud books were brought to the Notre Dame square in 20 wagons…and were burned there, meaning, 1,200 Talmud books… Aviner, now the rabbi of the West Bank settlement Beit El, said it is a mitzvah — a deed done from religious duty — to set fire to churches in Israel…” (Cf. Yotam Berger, Haaretz, April 17, 2019).

“The great Christian Church in Paris is on fire. Should we feel sorry for that, or should we rejoice, as it [the cathedral] is idolatry, which it is a mitzvah to burn?…Several immensely important rabbinic rulers, most prominent among them Maimonides, ruled that churches are places of idolatry and ought to be destroyed. The rulings are very clear.”—Rabbi Shlomo Aviner.

Hasbara (Israeli propaganda) is so intense and widely repeated in the western media that it has managed to convince the non-Talmudic world that these Orthodox rabbis and their declarations are “an exception, a marginal extremist phenomenon condemned by the mainstream.” It is true that sophisticated public relations experts can be depended upon to parade a long line of Orthodox rabbis who will offer lip service-denunciation of the openly hateful Talmudists. But these protests are mainly for public consumption, targeted at naive gentiles. The racism and bigotry toward Palestinians, Christians and goyim in general is a direct transmission from the Babylonian Talmud and the later rabbinic legal texts that are the heirs of its didactic hermeneutic.

The Talmudic dictum to show no mercy to a non-Jew is taught at yeshivas in Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank, where settler institutes of higher education in places such as Petach Tikvah turn out recruits for service in “elite combat units” of the Israeli army and air force. Regiments and squadrons composed of these Talmudic-Zionist troops are among the most brutal in the Israeli military.

Objection: Problematic Talmud Citations are taken “Out of Context”

Context is everything for the defenders of the Talmudic rabbinic theology. Fair enough. But by “context” they do not mean taking into account the surrounding text, but rather submitting to Judaism’s own narrative about itself, which includes how it chooses to present the malevolent contents of the Talmud to non-Judaic audiences. In their eyes, “misuse” of knowledge of rabbinic texts is defined as employing those texts for “polemical” purposes. In their view, no polemic contra Talmudic Judaism is permissible, however authentically contextual it may be.

In considering the low value which the Talmudic religious system places on nefesh-deficient (lesser-souled) non-Jews, we can find no substantial body of exculpatory halakhic texts that radically contradict this racist-supremacist (and potentially homicidal) theology. The quotations we have furnished above are grounded in rabbinic law. This is a tragedy of course, but the facts speak for themselves and no amount of pressure or intimidation alters this truth or causes us to withdraw that which advances human knowledge and serves to prevent racism, hatred and violence.

We are aware that Jew-haters throughout history have attempted to exploit the lamentable facts about the rabbinic tradition as a means of engaging in the reverse of what the Talmudic rabbis do to goyim: oppress and subjugate them. The perverse irony of Jew-hatred rests in the fact that it is often a mirror image of goyim-hatred.

There is nothing in the teachings of Jesus Christ and His apostles which directs or condones hatred of Jews. Jesus taught, “Salvation is of the Jews.” He first came “only unto “he lost sheep of the House of Israel,” and all of his initial followers, as well as His Blessed Mother, were Jews. When so-called “Christians” crusade to oppress or violently suppress Jews they are doing so without a Biblical foundation; contrary to the teachings of the Moshiach (Messiah) of Israel.

Whereas hatred, violence and bigotry are in accord with the holiest texts of Judaism: the Mishnah, Gemara, Mishneh Torah, Shulchan Aruch, Mishanh Berurah, to which the Old Testament is subordinated.

Until the founding of the Israeli state, violence toward goyim was less widespread and the idea of building a Judaic military force or to propose a mission of conquest or capture of land designated as “Israel,” was abhorrent to Orthodox Judaism and opposed to Talmudic theology. It is important to note that theologically-motivated murderers have risen commensurate with the ascendance of the Zionist ideology.

The Satmar Grand Rabbi Zalman Teitelbaum has written Maamar Shalosh Shevuos, a treatise on the history and theology of pre-Zionist Orthodox Judaism, extending back centuries. During that time he demonstrates that the Talmudic theology taught that “Jews” were forbidden to found a nation-state of any kind until the Messiah appears, and forbidden to engage in military warfare against the goyim. Prior to the introduction of the heresy of Zionism in the 19th century, and Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook’s theology in the 20th, the religion predicated on the Talmud strictly proscribed founding any so-called “state of Israel” on any land anywhere on earth, and least of all in the God-forsaken sandbox misnamed the “Holy Land.” The dogma was and remains that only Moshiach could found Israel on earth and no one else was allowed to do so, not even the provocateur whose alias was Ben-Gurion, and his clique of atheists, socialists and Stalinists.

(The principal anti-Zionist texts of Hasidic Judaism are I. Domb’s classic, The Transformation, and Yaakov Shapiro’s massive, The Empty Wagon: Zionism’s Journey from Identity Crisis to Identity Theft).

Among the minority of non-Zionist Talmudic Judaics (they are a substantial minority in Hasidic ranks), who have adhered to this doctrine that no Jewish state may be founded prior to the coming of Moshiach, they typically bear no blood guilt for the countless murders of the Arabs of Lebanon and Palestine, which the Zionists have falsely perpetrated in the name of the “Jewish people.” Occupied Palestine is a counterfeit Israel and Zionists do not represent or speak for all Judaic persons.

This is not to say that Talmudism, in its original form prior to the late 19th century and the rise of Zionism, was benevolently disposed toward goyim. Far from it. Israeli scholar Rami Rosen’s study, “History of a Denial,” which appeared in the Israeli magazine Haaretz in 1996, wrote, “A check of main facts of the (rabbinic) historiography of the last 1500 years shows that the picture is different from the one previously shown to us. It includes massacres of Christians; mock repetitions of the crucifixion of Jesus that usually took place on Purim; cruel murders within the family; liquidation of informers, often done for religious reasons by secret rabbinical courts, which issued a sentence of rodef (‘pursuer’), and appointed secret executioners; assassinations of adulterous women in synagogues and/or the cutting of their noses by command of the rabbis.”

Plausible Denial and Institutionalized Deception

Secrecy concerning what Judaism actually teaches and represents is not as necessary in these days of rabbinic supremacy as it once was, for the reason expressed in Shakespeare’s Macbeth, “What need we fear who knows it, when none can call our power to account?” (Act 5:1)

Nonetheless, the propaganda continues and on the Internet there are Zionist rabbinic statements decrying the “commentary” and “interpretations” which Rabbi Ginsburgh and his like-minded fellow haters, such as  Rabbi Shlomo Aviner, Rabbi Dov Lior, Bentzi Gopstein, Michael Ben-Ari, Rabbi Saadya Grama, Rabbi Meir Kahane, Rabbis Yitzhak Shapira and Yosef Elitzur, and others have supposedly falsely “imposed” on a blamelessly benign Talmud and ancillary halakhic texts.

These condemnations are not worth the paper they were written on. They are often put forth in the form of the standard disinformation which only am ha’aretz would believe, to wit, that the Mishnah and Gemara do not constitute rabbinic law, being merely various back-and-forth debates. As we have shown, this claim is retailed without stating that the zuggot pairs in Talmudic hermeneutics, such as the School of Shammai and the School of Hillel, each have the force of law at different times under given circumstances, due to the fact that a primary rabbinic exegetical principle is situation ethics.

Moreover, and this point is key, a principled Judaic protest contra racist rabbis, in order to have a reforming impact on Orthodox Judaism itself, would have to entail a repudiation of the iniquitous sacred texts upon which the bigotry and incitement to violence are predicated. Yet, there is no such repudiation in any of the signed declarations by supposed “enlightened” Orthodox rabbis allegedly attempting to distance their theology from that of a Meir Kahane or a Yitzchak Ginsburgh. Hence, it is not difficult to determine that the quintessence of the iniquitous Talmudic theology is upheld by these alleged rabbinic opponents of violence-prone, hate-spewing rabbis. What the supposed dissenters are doing is giving a deceitful public relations spin to Zionist-Talmudic theology, in the expectation that this will suffice to disarm critics and quiet any indignation or alarm that manifests among the public at large in the face of the awful truth about the Babylonian Talmud and its adherents.

The famed Rabbi Yosef Hayim of Baghdad, in Torah Lishmah, section 364, put forth the grounds for deception: “Behold, I set for you a table full of many aspects of permissibility in the matter of lying and deceit which are mentioned in the words of the Sages. Carefully examine each case and extract conclusions from each of them.”

In response to this study, Talmudists may attempt to deny everything, based on the invocation of their considerable clout and prestige: “The author is lying about Judaism because we say he is lying about Judaism.” That’s one simple tactic that has succeeded in terminating further investigation.

The recently deceased Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz, translator of the Talmud Bavli, was an illustrious pillar of Chabad-Lubavitch Zionist Hasidism. So elevated was his position in Orthodox Judaism that in Tiberias he was named the Nasi (leader) of the reconstituted Sanhedrin. Rabbi Steinsaltz wrote:

“Rabbis are liable to alter their words, and the accuracy of their statements is not to be relied upon.” (The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition, Vol. II, pp. 48-49 [Random House]).

In attempting to explain Talmudism’s penchant for lying, Judaic scholar Ari Zivotofsky states that truthfulness is not an absolute imperative in Orthodox Judaism, and that while the “value of truth permeates the fabric of Judaism…there are other ethical imperatives which are, in fact, often side by side with truth…The problems arise when two or more of these principles come into conflict…As is often the case with a legal/ philosophical issue, the black and white answer is not to be found…” According to Zivotofsky, “avoiding great embarrassment or financial loss at the hands of the unscrupulous may be legitimate motives for lying. The Talmudic sages were serious about lying in order to recover (or keep) property from illegitimate hands.” (BT Yoma 83b).

We note with considerable dismay the dissimulation employed to assert (as Steven Spielberg’s movie Schindler’s List does) that, “The Talmud teaches that to save one life is to save the entire world.”

This preposterous humanitarian gloss applied to the rabidly ethnocentric Talmud, was given credibility, both as dialogue in Spielberg’s movie and as the film’s motto, reproduced on countless posters that probably adorn school rooms to this day. The motto, dramatized in the film, is a purported to be a quote from BT Sanhedrin 37a, but the Talmud contains no such humanistic, universalist statement. 

The uncensored Babylonian Talmud in Sanhedrin 37a is concerned only with the welfare of fully human beings, i.e. those described in its text as “Jews.” The actual Talmud tractate reads: “Whoever saves a single life in Israel, Scripture regards him as if he had saved the entire world” (emphasis supplied).

This reflects the ruling of Maimonides in his Mishneh Torah, Sefer Nezikin, Rotzeach u’Shmirat Nefesh, 1:1: “Whenever a person kills the soul of another person from Israel, he transgresses a negative commandment, as it says, “thou shalt not murder.” With his narrow definition of who should not be killed, Maimonides nullified the Word of God in Genesis 9:6, Exodus 20:13 and Deuteronomy 5:17.

Mr. Spielberg’s fraud was peddled throughout American culture and educational institutions. What is instructive about this faking is the extent to which the corporate media have been sublimely complicit in circulating it, while their “fact-checking” departments failed to detect the cheat, if indeed they bothered to undertake the obligation to do so.

Righteous “Noahide” Goyim?

Another gateway to making nice about the non-Jews is the much publicized “Noahide” (also spelled “Noachide”) status that it is said goyim can obtain to become “righteous.” However, one would do well to read the “fine print” of the misnamed Noahide laws (they have nothing to do with the Biblical Noah). Under these rabbinic laws, “idol worshippers” are liable to the death penalty. (BT Sanhedrin 57a). This should not be a source of anxiety, correct? After all, true Christians don’t worship idols.

Again, consult the fine print: the rabbinic legal authorities of Orthodox Judaism decree that the worship of Jesus Christ is “avodah zarah (idol worship; cf. Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Avodat Kochavim 9:4; Teshuvos Pri ha-Sadeh 2:4. Also Igros Moshe, Y.D. 3:129-6).

Any non-Jew classed as a “Noahide” and who worships Jesus Christ as the Son of God is in for a lethal surprise: he or she is liable for the death penalty.

Moreover, Maimonides ruled that acceptance of Noahide status on the part of the goyim is not a choice, it is an obligation: “All of the inhabitants of the world are compelled to accept the Noahide laws. If any non-Jew does not accept these laws he should be killed.” —Maimonides, Mishneh TorahHilchot Melachim U’Milchamoteihem (“Laws of Kings and Wars”), Section 8, Halakha 10.

This passage from Hilchot Melachim deals with battle captives, but in the course of elucidating those laws pertaining to captives, Maimonides is drawing on the larger corpus of laws having to do with non-Jews; i.e. the Seven Laws of the Noahide. (Maimonides is specifically cited in this regard in Tosefot Yom Tov, Avot 3:14). The call to execute all those “among the nations” (goyim) who do not accept the Noahide laws (not just those who are prisoners of war), is indubitably present in Hilchot Melachim 8:10.

In the twenty-first century that killing can occur in Palestine, where the Israelis are supreme. In Europe and America Judaic executions of those who worship Jesus Christ as God, or refuse to submit to the Noahide laws, cannot as of this writing, take place overtly. This is due to Judaism’s previously noted situation ethics. Maimonides decreed that killings of obstreperous non-Jews can only occur overtly in those places and situations where “the hand of Israel is powerful over them.” In other words, where Judaic supremacy is complete, or nearly so. (Hilchot Melachim 8:9).

For Christians, the belief that adhering to Noahide laws renders them “righteous gentiles” in the eyes of the Orthodox rabbis, is a perilous fiction.

Conclusion

It has been our regrettable duty in these pages to bear witness to the appalling truth that Orthodox rabbinic Judaism constitutes a virulent and brutally racist dehumanization and detestation of gentiles, and a concomitant idolization of persons who are Jewish; this being the predominant difference between the two.

The denial of the full humanity of non-Jewish persons is the axis upon which the theology of Talmudism is founded and sustained.

Jesus Christ took a different path. It was He who declared of the Roman soldier, “Greater faith than this I have not seen in all Israel” (Matthew 8:5-10).

Michael Hoffman is a former reporter for the New York bureau of the Associated Press, the author of nine books of history and literature and the editor of the periodical, Revisionist History®.

Website: www.RevisionistHistory.org • Twitter: @HoffmanMichaelA

For Further Research:

Basri, Ezra, Ethics of Business Finance & Charity, six volumes, (Jerusalem: Haktav Press, 1987-1993)

Biale, David, et al., Hasidism: A New History (Princeton University Press, 2018)

Domb, I. (Rabbi Yerachmiel), The Transformation: The Case of the Neturei Karta (1958)

Clifton, Tony, and Leroy, Catherine, God Cried (Quartet Books, 1983). The only comprehensive book in English documenting the Israeli air force terror bombing of the city of Beirut, Lebanon during the summer of 1982.

Eaford, Witness of War Crimes in Lebanon: Testimony Given to the Nordic Commission, Oslo, October 1982 (Ithaca Press, 1983)

Eisenmenger, Johann Andreas, Entdecktes Judenthum, two volumes (1700). Unsurpassed inaugural scientific study of the Babylonian Talmud and related rabbinic texts by the Heidelberg University Professor of Hebrew and Aramaic. In German in the old 17th century typeface. Digitally reprinted in 2007 by Independent History and Research. Over 2,000 pages scanned in a pdf. text file; a facsimile of the rare first edition, which was almost entirely destroyed by the Holy Roman Emperor at the request of his financiers.

Finkelstein, Norman G., Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (University of California, 2006)

Finkelstein, Norman G., This Time We Went Too Far (OR Press, 2011). One of the most important of all chronicles of the Israeli massacres of Arab civilians.

Foxbrunner, Roman A., Habad: The Hasidism of Shneur Zalman of Lyady (Jacob Aronson, 1993)

Friedman, Robert I., The False Prophet Rabbi Meir Kahane: From FBI Informant To Knesset Member. (Lawrence Hill & Co., 1990)

Friedman, Robert I., Zealots for Zion: Inside Israel’s West Bank Settlement Movement. (Random House, New York, 1992)

Ganzfried, Shlomo, Kitzur Shulchan Aruch, two volumes, trans. by Avrohom Davis (1996)

Ginsburgh, Yitzchak, Baruch Hagever (1998)

Grama, Saadya, Romemut Yisrael Ufarashat Hagalut (2003)

Halevi, Yehuda, The Kuzari: In Defense of the Despised Faith (Jacob Aronson, 1998)

Hoffman, Michael, “Introduction,” in Johann Andreas Eisemenger’s The Traditions of the Jews (Independent History and Research, 2006), pp. 6-93.

Hoffman, Michael, Judaism Discovered: A Study of the Anti-Biblical Religion of Racism, Self-Worship, Superstition and Deceit (2008)

Hoffman, Michael, Judaism’s Strange Gods: Revised and Expanded (2011)

Hoffman, Michael and Lieberman, Moshe, The Israeli Holocaust Against the Palestinians (2005)

Horowitz, Elliott, Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence (2008)

Kagan, Yisrael Meir, Mishnah Berurah, twenty volumes (Feldheim, 2005)

Kahane, Meir, They Must Go (1981)

Kaye, Evelyn, The Hole in the Sheet (1987)

Koestler, Arthur, The Thirteenth Tribe (1976)

Lebovitz, Moishe Dovid, Halachically Speaking, seven volumes (2008-2018)

Maciejko, Pawel, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755-1816 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011)

Martin, Tony, The Jewish Onslaught: Despatches from the Wellesley Battlefront (1993)

Matt, Daniel, The Zohar, nine volumes (Stanford University Press, 2003-2016). This is the uncensored English translation of one of the principal texts of the Kabbalistic canon.

McCaul, Alexander, The Talmud Tested: A Comparison of the Religion of Judaism with the Religion of Moses (Independent History and Research, 2006). McCaul was Professor of Hebrew at King’s College, London. He converted thousands of Judaics to Christ, including rabbis. This is a reprint of his classic work, first published in 1837, with an introduction by Hoffman.

Nation of Islam, The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, three volumes (1991, 2010 and 2016). An indispensable revisionist history of black enslavement in America and its aftermath.

Neusner, Jacob, The Mishnah: A New Translation (Yale University Press, 1988)

Pappe, Ilan, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2007)

Sand, Shlomo, The Invention of the Jewish People (Verso, 2009)

Shahak, Israel, and Mezvinsky, Norton, Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel (Pluto Press, 2004)

Shahak, Israel, Jewish History, Jewish Religion (1994)

Shapira, Yitzhak, and Elitzur, Yosef, Torat Ha-Melekh: Berure Halakha Be’-inyene Malkhut U-Milhamot (Yeshivat Od Yosef Chai, 2009)

Shapiro, Marc B., Changing the Immutable: How Orthodox Judaism Rewrites Its History (Littman, 2015)

Shapiro, Yaakov, The Empty Wagon: Zionism’s Journey from Identity Crisis to Identity Theft (Bais Medrash Society, 2018)

Sprinzak, Ehud, Brother Against Brother: Violence and Extremism in Israeli Politics from Altalena to the Rabin Assassination (1999).

Steinsaltz, Adin, Opening the Tanya (2003)

Steinsaltz, Adin, The Koren Talmud Bavli, 42 volumes (Koren Publishing Jerusalem, 2012-2019). A mostly uncensored English-language Babylonian Talmud. Various “explanatory” margin notes have been added seemingly to lessen the shock of the reader’s encounter with the corpus of the Judaism’s holiest books, such as Sanhedrin 54b (cf. vol. 30, p. 41), where the reader confronts one of the most startling expositions extant of Talmudic permission for criminal conduct.

Steinsaltz, Adin, The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition, 22 volumes (1989). A little more than one-half of Rabbi Steinsaltz’s uncensored Talmud of Babylon in English, the printing of which was abruptly halted by Random House midway through publication. The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition is particularly valuable for the inclusion of Steinsaltz’s candid בָּרַיְיתָא‎ (baraitot).

Wolf, Arnold Jacob, “Habad’s Dead Messiah,” in Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Life and Thought (Winter, 2002), pp. 109-115.

Yarden, Ophir, “Recent Halakhic Discourse in Israel Encouraging Racism and Violence,” in Svartvik J., and Wirén J. (eds.) Religious Stereotyping and Interreligious Relations (2013), pp. 221-231.

«تيكون عولام» تكشف قائد وحدة «شلداغ» الصهيونيّة

يجب أن يخضع الجيش «الإسرائيليّ» للمحكمة الجنائيّة الدوليّة لارتكابه جرائم حرب

كشفت مدوّنة «تيكون عولام» اسم قائد وحدة «شلداغ»، وهي «وحدة كوماندو النخبة في سلاح الجو». ويدعى قائد الوحدة أيوب كيوف.

وأضافت المدوّنة أن «قائد وحدة شلداغ أيوب كيوف «عربي درزي» من بلدة عسفية»، مشيرة إلى أن «الكشف عن اسم قائد وحدة شلداغ هو ثاني انتهاك للرقابة العسكرية في الجيش الصهيوني».

وقالت «تيكون عولام»، إنها «المرة الأولى التي يتم فيها تعيين ضابط «درزي» في منصب قائد وحدة شلداغ»، لافتةً إلى أن «التكتم على هويات كبار ضباط الجيش يهدف إلى حمايتهم من مهاجمتهم أثناء الخدمة العسكرية وبعدها.. كما أنه يهدف أيضاً إلى حمايتهم من المحاكمة من قبل المحكمة الجنائية الدولية».

وتحدثت «تيكون عولام» عن أن «يكون الجيش الصهيوني ارتكب جرائم حرب، ويجب أن يخضع للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية»، مؤكدة أن «ارتكاب الجيش الصهيوني جرائم حرب هو أحد الأسباب التي تجعلها تفضح أفراده».

كما أشارت المدونة إلى أن «من ممارسات الجيش العنصرية أنه ترك وراءه خلال عملية في غزة أخيراً المقدم محمود خير الدين لأنه درزي».

وأضافت: «بينما كان خير الدين على قيد الحياة، تقدّم بطلب دون جدوى للحصول على تصريح لبناء منزل لعائلته»، مشدّدة على أن «نظام الفصل العنصري في «إسرائيل» يرفض بشكل روتيني طلبات لغير اليهود».

أيوب كيوف سبق أن ورد اسمه في «موقع آي 24 الصهيوني في 20 تشرين الأول/أكتوبر 2019، حين نشر الموقع تقريراً حول مواجهات بين قوات الاحتلال الصهيوني ومستوطنين في مستوطنة «يتسهار» قرب نابلس، أسفرت عن جرح جندي، وقال إن «الجيش أجرى تدريباً في المنطقة، وكان يفترض أن يمر قائد كتيبة المشاة في لواء النخبة «غولاني»، أيوب كيوف، بسيارته عبر المستوطنة، إلا أن سيارتين للمستوطنين اعترضتا طريقه، وتجمّع حوله العديد منهم، وبدأوا بشتمه واعتدوا عليه».

و»تيكون عولام»، وتعني «إصلاح العالم»، هي مدونة سياسية يقع مقرها في سياتل في الولايات المتحدة، وعادةً ما تكتب عن قضايا أمنية صهيونية. وقد أنشأها في العام 2003 ريتشارد سيلفرستاين، وهي تغطي كل ما يتعلق بـ»الأمن القومي الصهيوني».

وكان الموقع كشف، أول أمس، عن اسم قاتل القائد العسكري في المقاومة الشهيد عماد مغنية الذي اغتيل في العام 2008.

#ICantBreathe: ‘Israeli’ Soldier Kneels on Palestinian Elderly’s Neck in West Bank Protest

By Staff, Agencies

Footage circulating from Palestine’s occupied West Bank has shown a Zionist soldier brutally kneeling on the neck of a Palestinian man whose age is above that of the years since the ‘Israeli’ occupation entity has come to exist on his land.

The Zionist occupation soldiers brutally assaulted and arrested the Palestinian man during a protest held near the city of Tulkarm against stealing his country’s lands in Shufa village.

The video showed an ‘Israeli’ soldier push the old man to the ground and kneel on his neck — a grim reminder of the US police violence and racial injustice that led to the murder of unarmed African American George Floyd in May.

The 46-year-old died after a white officer knelt on his neck and pinned him to the ground for nine minutes in Minneapolis, Minnesota, with his last words ‘I Can’t Breath’ being a global expression that represents injustice and oppression across the world.

Dozens of protesters were also injured by ‘Israeli’ fire in Tulkarm on Tuesday, with Zionist forces firing tear gas and live rounds to disperse the demonstrators.

The protests come against the ‘Israeli’ occupation regime’s plans to build new illegal settlements in a number of Palestinian villages near the northern West Bank city.

Tulkarm Governor Issam Abu Bakr, who participated in the protest, stressed that the rallies would continue until the settlement project, which is a threat to Tulkarm, was halted.

US President Donald Trump’s so-called ‘peace’ plan on the decades-old ‘Israeli’-Palestinian conflict envisions the occupied holy city of al-Quds as the Zionist entity’s ‘undivided capital’ and allows the Tel Aviv regime to annex settlements in the occupied West Bank and the Jordan Valley.

The plan also denies Palestinian refugees the right of return to their homeland, among other controversial terms.

The alleged ‘deal’ was immediately rejected by all Palestinians, triggering waves of protest rallies around the globe as well.

About 600,000 ‘Israelis’ occupy over 230 illegal settlements built since the 1967 occupation of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and East al-Quds.

Israeli Forces Violently Suppress Anti-Settlement Protest in West Bank (VIDEO)

September 1, 2020

Israeli soldiers handcuff Palestinian protester Khairy Hannoun from Tulkarem, West Bank, during a peaceful protest.(Photo: via Twitter)

Israeli occupation forces today violently suppressed a peaceful Palestinian protest against land grab affecting several northern West Bank villages, the Palestinian news agency WAFA reported.

Israeli soldiers attacked Palestinian protesters firing teargas at them and beating them up in an effort to crush their protest at a road that links the three villages of Jabara, al-Ras, and Shoufa, south and east of the northern West Bank city of Tulkarm, where Israel plans to build an illegal industrial settlement.

Younes Arar

Talking about George Floyd… well, it’s a very common happening in occupied Palestine, under Zionist military occupation… Pics taken today of the Palestinian elder Khairi Hannoun
during a nonviolent protest against establishing a huge colonial industry zone in Palestinian privately owned land of Shofa, Jbarah and Kafreyat villages, occupied Palestine, 1 September 2020.
Pics: Mohammad Hamdan

Image may contain: one or more people
Image may contain: one or more people, outdoor and nature
Image may contain: ‎one or more people and shoes, ‎text that says '‎Made, Made,with with SIEK حمدان حمد محمد مصویر‎'‎‎
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Image may contain: ‎one or more people and outdoor, ‎text that says '‎KINEMASTER Made,with محمد حمد حمدان‎'‎‎

The protest was organized by local nationalist forces and the Wall and Settlements Resistance Commission.

Journalists covering the event were also attacked and prevented from filming it, said WAFA correspondent.

The army set up checkpoints on the roads leading to the protest area and stopped activists attempting to reach it and prevented them from continuing on the road.

Tulkarm Governor Issam Abu Bakr, who participated in the protest, said that the protest will continue until the illegal settlement project is stopped.

Between 500,000 and 600,000 Israelis live in Jewish-only settlements across occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank in violation of international law.

(Palestine Chronicle, WAFA, Social Media)

Related

What I saw in the West Bank

نصر الله: أميركا دولة عنصرية ومتوحشة و»إسرائيل» أهمّ تهديد للأمن في منطقتنا

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أكد الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصر الله أن «ما نعيشه اليوم من أحداث ليس معزولاً عما مضى وعن التاريخ»، مشيراً إلى «أنّ أهمّ تهديد للأمن والاستقرار في منطقتنا هو وجود الكيان الغاصب المحتلّ وهو ما يعود لأكثر من 70 سنة». وأوضح السيد نصر الله في كلمة له أول من أمس أنه «لفهم الحاضر والتعاطي معه لا بدّ أن نعود للماضي والتاريخ ونفهمه وفي الحدّ الأدنى نقرأ تاريخ بلادنا وأمتنا وشعبنا»، لافتاً إلى أن «البلاء الحقيقي في منطقتنا وجود «إسرائيل».

وقال «إذا كنت تريد أن تواجه هذا العدو أو تتعاطى مع الكيان يجب أن يكون لك معرفة بتاريخ فلسطين وأرض فلسطين»، مضيفاً «يجب أن نعرف هؤلاء الغزاة من هم، هل هم حقيقةً بنو إسرائيل بنو يعقوب؟ من أين جاؤوا وما هي أهدافهم ونقاط قوتهم وضعفهم تقرأها بتاريخهم؟».

ولفت السيد نصرالله إلى أنّ «بعض العرب ينظرون للحق الديني لهؤلاء، لكن هؤلاء كانت خياراتهم مفتوحة بأن يقيموا وطناً في الأرجنتين أو أوغندا، وأحد الخيارات فلسطين، إذاً كان الموضوع سياسياً بالكامل».

واعتبر السيد نصر الله «أنّ أميركا اليوم التي تمثل أكبر تحدٍ لشعوب العالم وأكبر تهديد للأمن والسلم الدوليين وتعاقب الدول وتصنّف حركات المقاومة بالإرهاب، فإنه بمعرفة تاريخها سنعرف كيف نتصرف معها والمتوقع منها».

وتابع إنّ «القراءة في التاريخ الأميركي تكشف لنا تاريخ غزاة وعصابات إرهابية ومستوطنات ومجازر بحق السكان الأصليين، وأنها دولة عنصرية في عمقها ومتوحشة ودولة قائمة على الأسس الظالمة والتمييز العنصري، في وقت تختبئ أميركا اليوم خلف الإعلام الكاذب والتضليل لشعوب العالم».

وإذ شدّد السيد نصر الله على «أنّ الجهل بالتاريخ في الصراع مع العدو «الإسرائيلي» أو الهيمنة الأميركية يجعل قراءتنا وتوقعاتنا سراباً وخاطئة حول بعض الدول»، رأى أنه «عندما نقرأ التاريخ بشكل صحيح ستصبح آمالنا صحيحة ورهاناتنا صحيحة».

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