The Palestinian Authority Faces Two Options; Fight Israel or Fight Palestinians

23 Sep 23:47

Source: Al Mayadeen English

Robert Inlakesh 

The recent arrests came as a shock to Nablus locals, who took to the streets in order to protest the decision of the PA to target the Palestinian resistance.

    Violent clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and the Palestinian Authority (PA)’s security forces, this Monday, resulted in the death of a 53-year-old and represented a turning point in the relationship between the PA and the newly formed resistance factions inside the occupied West Bank.

    On Monday evening the PA’s Preventative Security Service arrested two Palestinian resistance fighters wanted by “Israel”, Musab Shtayyeh and Ameed Tabila, in the city of Nablus. Musab Shtayyeh, the most prominent of the two, had evaded multiple Israeli arrest campaigns since June of last year. Shtayyeh also managed to escape an Israeli assassination attempt on July 24, which left three other Palestinian resistance fighters dead, after “Israel” had stormed the city of Nablus with hundreds of military personnel, including special forces units.

    The arrests came as a shock to Nablus locals, who took to the streets in order to protest the decision of the PA to target the Palestinian resistance. In both Nablus and Jenin, the two locations where Palestinian armed groups have been the most active, armed fighters took to the streets to make announcements condemning the PA’s actions. Although the resistance forces in Nablus clearly stated that their guns were not aimed at anyone but the occupation, they stressed that their patience should not be tested. 

    It didn’t take long before young people took to the streets to burn tires in central Nablus and chanted in support of Shtayyeh and Tabila, to which the PA security forces responded with gunfire and tear gas. Palestinian resistance fighters also fired back towards the PA forces and it was later declared that a 53-year-old civilian had been shot and killed, the incident was blamed on the Palestinian Authority.

    The images coming out of the West Bank have been striking; young men hurling stones at militarized vehicles, as Western-trained forces fire tear gas and bullets back, except this time the militarised force is not Israeli, it calls itself the Palestinian. To add insult to injury, it has emerged that the PA took the decision to carry out its arrest campaign based upon a request given by the Israeli occupation regime. Hussein al-Sheikh, the Secretary General of the PA’s executive committee, seems to be the source of the order given to carry out the arrests.

    Right now, the PA has been put into its usual defensive mode, where it attempts to justify its actions and bids to convince Palestinians that its ‘Security coordination’ efforts are in the best interest of the Palestinian people, something that Palestinians see through. All of the explanations and excuses in the world will fail to cover up what took place this Monday. Just as was the case last year, when the PA’s security forces brutally beat the beloved activist, Nizar Banat, to death, after pulling him out of his home in front of his family. According to Amnesty International, it’s clear at this time that the PA failed to ensure accountability for the assassination of Nizar Banat and so it should come as no surprise that PA forces are sliding down a slippery slope into chaos.

    Just as the United States and its NATO allies have failed to adjust their mindsets to the current era, so too has the leadership of the Palestinian Authority. We must recognise that we are now witnessing the era in which the expression of a new Palestinian generation is being felt; armed resistance factions are rising, an armed resistance populated – primarily – by young people between the ages of 18-25. When we break down what this means; it suggests that today’s resistance fighters in the West Bank were only small children when the Second Intifada was happening. The fighters in Jenin and Nablus today, fit into a trend that began emerging in the early to mid 80’s, when Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) cadres would organise themselves with modest means to fight the occupation. 

    The Palestinian resistance in the West Bank do not remember what it felt like to see the resistance crushed, during “Israel’s” brutal ‘operation defensive shield’ of 2002, they are not afraid and believe in victory. The biggest problem they now face however, began in 2002, following ‘operation defensive shield’; that is the CIA’s dismantling and reformation of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces. Nobody likes to talk about this, but it is true and cannot be disputed, at the behest of Israeli, EU and US interests, the PA’s security forces were transformed into a Western-Jordanian trained and equipped “anti-terrorism” task force, designed to do the heavy lifting for the Israeli occupation army.

    Since the end of the Second Intifada, in 2007, we haven’t seen the energized armed struggle that we see today in the West Bank and so the PA’s forces have been capable of performing their duties, with little to no pushback. However, it has been way too long since the Oslo Agreements and the rhetoric of the Zionist entity has transitioned back to that which it maintained during the 1970’s, regarding Palestinian self governance. Palestinians don’t see any hope for change and the PA is not making any progress whatsoever towards achieving any form of Palestinian statehood. The Palestinian bourgeoisie of Ramallah are happy living in their imaginary fantasy world and the PA has now absorbed the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). There has been no national elections since 2006 and the non-economy of the West Bank, which is completely controlled by the Zionist entity and Jordanian regime, is getting worse for the poorest in society.

    The PA is now beginning to face its worst nightmare, the ultimatum that we all knew was coming at some point; they can turn their guns on the Zionist entity, or they can turn their guns on the Palestinian resistance and face the end of their power as we know it. There is no more standing in the middle, attempting to please the West by collaborating with the Israeli occupation forces on “security coordination” and playing the game of condemning Zionist atrocities, whilst begging on their knees for peace. The next chapter is going to be violent, now it is on those within that Fatah Party leadership to decide where the PA is heading and what side of the violence they are going to be on, because asking for peace talks is not going to solve today’s issues. 

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    In the West Bank, Resistance Rises as the PA Crumbles

    Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°

    The Palestinian resistance factions of the West Bank are no longer fractured and in disarray, and the results speak for themselves

    The Israeli army’s recent incursions into the cities and refugee camps of the northern occupied-West Bank are not going as smoothly as before.

    The occupation army’s incursions into the city of Jenin and Jenin refugee camp in early September required the mobilization of large forces, including special units and armored vehicles – in scale, unprecedented since 2014.

    On the night of 6 September, a force of about 100 vehicles carried out a raid in Jenin, supported by air with drones, and on land, by hundreds of soldiers from Israel’s elite military units.

    Their task? To demolish the house of Ra’ad Hazem, who carried out the Dizengoff attack in Tel Aviv on 7 April, 2022. More than anything, this excessive military build-up over a single home demolition illustrates that the Israeli military can no longer operate in the West Bank as they did before the May 2021 ‘Sayf Al Quds’ conflagration – and its subsequent developments.

    After the 6 September operation – which resulted in the death of three Israelis and wounded 14 – the occupation army launched Operation ‘Break the Waves’ in response to the rapid expansion of Palestinian resistance factions and fervor in the West Bank.

    The re-emergence of resistance in the West Bank

    Break the Waves’ objective, according to then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, was to “attack without borders in order to stop the [resistance] operations” – four of which were carried out in cities in occupied territories – and to destroy the infrastructure of the resistance factions in Jenin and Nablus.

    Five months after the Tel Aviv attack, the situation in the West Bank remains tense and is heading toward further escalation. In the interim, three new resistance battalions have been announced in Nablus, Tulkarm and Tubas.

    Between 2007 and 2021, the resistance factions, particularly Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), remained stuck in a vicious cycle. The enemy’s surgical strikes were hindering their proactive initiatives, and until 2020, their activities were limited to the formation of fighting cells that were able to carry out one or two attacks before being incapacitated.

    Since Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, Palestinian Authority (PA) security services have fully collaborated with the occupation authorities to pursue these resistance factions, for fear of having the Gaza model repeated in the West Bank.

    The genesis lies in Jenin

    The rejuvenation of resistance in the occupied West Bank can be attributed to the martyr Jamil al-Amouri. A prominent figure in the Jenin camp, Amouri was considered the most “wanted” by the occupation state for carrying out several shooting attacks against Israeli positions around Jenin, during the 2021 battle of Sayf al-Quds.

    He effectively contributed to the formation of active military cells inside the camp, which later went on to form the nucleus of the Jenin Brigade.

    In early June 2021, Amouri was assassinated, along with Lieutenant Adham Yasser Tawfiq Alawi from Nablus, and Captain Tayseer Mahmoud Othman Eissa from Jenin. The deaths of a PIJ commander along with two officers from the PA’s Military Intelligence effectively broke the ice between the PIJ on the one hand, and the Fatah movement and members of the security services in Jenin and Nablus, on the other.

    This also led to a subtle change in the popular resistance factions’ perception of the PA security services, who for years have been accused of being agents of the occupation.

    As political researcher Muhammad Dargham told The Cradle: “The martyrdom of Amouri with two officers from the security services removed the veil from the eyes of many supporters of the [Palestinian] Authority and the Fatah who woke up after thirteen years and found themselves guards of security coordination with Israel.”

    PIJ and Fatah: setting aside differences

    According to Dargham, the killing of Amouri, Alawi, and Eissa created harmony – at least in the Jenin camp – between the Al-Quds Brigades and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades – the respective armed wings of the PIJ and Fatah.

    Three months after Amouri’s murder, five Palestinian prisoners belonging to the PIJ movement, along with the leader of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, Zakaria Al-Zubaidi, managed to escape from Gilboa Prison, the most fortified of all Israeli prisons. Two of the six, Ayham Kamamji and Monadel Nafeat, managed to reach Jenin refugee camp.

    By 19 September, 2021, all escapees were re-captured. However the date is also notable for the establishment of the Jenin Brigade – the first semi-organized resistance formation in the West Bank in 17 years. Importantly, while the Brigade was founded by PIJ operatives, it also consists of members of the armed wings of political rivals Hamas and Fatah.

    Resistance spreads like wild fire

    For many years, Israel ruled out the success of any semi-organized resistance action in the West Bank cities and refugee camps. This is due to the occupation’s adoption of a “maximum integration” policy that linked all aspects of the daily lives of Palestinians in the West Bank to Israel.

    The occupation also adopted its “mowing the lawn” policy, which sought to target all resistances cells by arresting or killing its members.

    These strategies were designed to send the message that any attempt to resist is doomed to failure, and the fate of those who undertake it will be life imprisonment or assassination.

    However, what transpired in September 2021 was different from all Israeli estimates. The Jenin Brigade maintained its military continuity, and the attempts to storm the Jenin refugee camp became much more costly for the Israelis.

    Previously, any Israeli force that invaded the camp was met with stone-throwing and firecrackers. But over the course of a year and three months, the alliance of Al-Quds Brigades and Al-Aqsa Brigades raised the bar considerably, and stands as testament to the benefits of a united armed front for the resistance.

    This was noticeable about a year after the launch of the Jenin Brigade. On 24 May, 2022, clashes erupted in the area of the Prophet Joseph’s tomb, near Balata and Askar refugee camps, east of Nablus. Israeli settlers used to enter this area without any confrontation except for stone throwing.

    On that day, though, the confrontations developed into an armed clash that seemed organized and with purpose. A few days later, Al-Quds Brigades issued a statement announcing the launch of the Nablus Brigade.

    One month earlier, three resistance fighters from the Al-Quds Brigades were killed in a clash with the Israeli army. One of the three, Saif Abu Libdeh, from the Ain Shams camp in Tulkarem, had worked for months to establish the infrastructure for a group that would be announced six weeks after his death, under the name Tulkarem Brigade. This was followed by the formation of another battalion – the Tubas Brigade in June.

    The occupation state: feeling the heat

    According to the Israeli army’s Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi, the occupation forces have foiled “hundreds of operations” since the beginning of the Operation Break the Wave, and carried out more than 1,500 precautionary arrests.

    Indeed, the first half of this year witnessed more than 3,700 Palestinian attacks in the West Bank, during which 21 settlers were killed and 316 wounded, including 2,692 attacks with stones, 577 with Molotov cocktails, 542 with burning tires, 33 with explosive devices, 30 with fireworks, 25 with paint bottles, 14 shootings, 1 case of hit and run, 4 cases of stabbing (with 7 foiled).

    However, these numbers maybe underrepresented. For instance, in one week alone (28 August to 3 September 2022), 12 soldiers and settlers were injured, and about 90 points of confrontation were observed, including one stabbing attack, 22 shooting attacks, and 15 throwing explosive devices and Molotov cocktails.

    Point of no return

    There is consensus among the Israeli security establishment, think-tanks, and military analysts that the situation on the ground in the West Bank has reached a point of no return. The question that worries Israel is: Is it possible to eliminate the new resistance developments – or at least keep them confined to the northern West Bank and prevent their expansion to southern cities such as Hebron and Bethlehem, or central cities such as Jerusalem and Ramallah?

    This Israeli concern is justified considering that the beginning of September bore serious consequences for the Israelis. On 4 September, three Palestinians from Jenin (a father and his two sons) shot at a bus carrying Kfir unit recruits in the Jordan Valley, injuring more than seven Israeli soldiers.

    Until now, the results of the investigations have not been announced, but it seems that the attack was carefully planned in terms of timing, and choice of location, where there were fewer surveillance cameras at work.

    A few days later, the Israeli army aborted an attempt by a Palestinian youth from Nablus from carrying out an operation in central Tel Aviv. The police suggested that the young man “infiltrated through a hole in the wall in the Tulkarem area,” where the army deployed three infantry battalions to thwart further attempts.

    There is yet another event that suggests the resistance action in the West Bank is growing. At dawn, on Thursday 8 September, members of the Jenin Brigade detonated a locally manufactured explosive device targeting a military jeep during a raid of one of the neighboring camps.

    It turned out that the device was controlled remotely, which represented a major technical development for the resistance factions, whose infrastructure was destroyed at the end of the Second Intifada.

    Israelis are fanning the flames

    The Israeli Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv believes that the PIJ has succeeded in transforming the northern West Bank into a hotbed of resistance, as well as in smuggling weapons and money to Palestinian cities and camps.

    These concerns coincide with expressed doubts over the efficacy of Israel’s “mowing the lawn” policy, which has fueled the “vicious cycle of blood,” according to Amos Harel, a military analyst writing for Haaretz newspaper.

    In an article he wrote earlier this month, Harel asked whether the Israeli army is quelling the West Bank’s flames, or actually fanning them.

    Avi Iskharov, an analyst in Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, opined that Israel is facing a “new situation” that is not similar to the two previous intifadas of 1987 and 2000, pointing out that “there are pockets of Palestinian gunmen in Nablus and Jenin (in the northern West Bank), who clash almost every night with the army and shoot at Israeli targets.”

    Sources close to the resistance brigades in the West Bank told The Cradle that “Israel’s concerns are exaggerated for use in the upcoming election campaign.”

    “What we are seeing today is the result of years of [resistance] efforts. As the train has set off, returning to the starting point means acceptance of our mass killing, and this is out of the question,” says one Palestinian source.

    Israel: The PA is not collaborating enough

    The Israelis have sought to place the blame for their inability to eliminate the resistance brigades and to abort operations in the occupied territories squarely on the PA in Ramallah, who they feel are failing to fulfill their obligations.

    Israel’s Kan channel quoted an Israeli official as saying that “the Palestinian security services should increase their activity in the cities of the West Bank to prevent further escalation.”

    As for the Palestinians, the corruption-ridden PA is too weak to play a pivotal role in curbing the resistance which enjoys broad Palestinian popular support. Any further association made between the PA with the Israeli security campaigns will make it lose what is left of its flagging legitimacy.

    The Hebrew Walla website quoted Minister of Civil Affairs Hussein al-Sheikh, the PA’s channel of communication with the Israelis, as saying: “It is Israel that has weakened the [Palestinian] Authority through daily incursions into the Palestinian areas.”

    “The authority cannot accept a reality in which the army storms the occupied territories every night, then we are asked to work during the day against the militants,” added Sheikh.

    A dawn of a new era in the West Bank

    Meanwhile, the US has been keen to help prop up the PA and help it “restore stability,” by taking measures such as “increasing the number of work permits for Palestinians” in the occupied territories, “pumping economic aid to the Authority from various sources,” and facilitating the movement of Palestinians.

    US Assistant Secretary of State for Middle Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf, who recently visited Israel and met with senior security officials, warned that “the situation in the West Bank is worse than it appears and the future of the entire PA is under threat.”

    In the early hours of 20 September, PA security forces in Nablus arrested Musab Shtayyeh, a Hamas commander wanted by Israel. Later that day, clashes broke out between the PA and hundreds of Palestinians who hit the streets in protest.

    Resistance factions are demanding Shtayyeh’s immediate release and are threatening to bar the PA from Nablus until this is done.

    In a video addressing the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian resistance in Jenin cautioned: “we do not want to fight with you, but stay away from us. If you deal in kidnapping, we will also deal in kidnapping.”

    The Authority’s unelected President Mahmoud Abbas is in a bind: he fears mutiny from within for collaborating with Israeli security, and fears punishment from Israel for not doing so.

    By not adopting a conclusive direction, on a daily basis Abbas drains the PA of further legitimacy and authority, as demonstrated in Nablus today.

    In terms of the prospects for Palestinian national liberation, this at least will be a welcome development, as the decline or demise of the western and Israeli-backed PA will open a wide door to revitalized armed resistance in the occupied West Bank.

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    كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (3/4)

     الإثنين 17 أيلول 2022

    عبد الرحمن نصار 

    يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل”.

    إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف (طوباس) يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة

    في الحلقة الثالثة، نستعرض تجربة آخر كتيبة معلنة حتى الآن: “طوباس”، واضعين في الإطار “العملية النوعية” الأخيرة في الأغوار الشمالية، مع قراءة سريعة لعمليات إطلاق النار في رام الله، فيما نتحرى وراء إعلان كتيبة في الخليل التي نستشرف واقع العمل فيها، لنكون بذلك قد كشفنا جزءاً كبيراً من المساحة الفعلية لـ”بقعة الزيت” التي تمددت في الضفة في عام واحد فقط، من دون أن تغفل العيون عن محافظات ومدن أخرى.

    لا تزال طوباس، الواقعة شمال شرقي الضفة المحتلة، بمحاذاة نهر الأردن، تجهد لتجد لنفسها متسعاً بين كتائب المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة، وخصوصاً أن السلطة الفلسطينية استطاعت خلال الشهر الماضي ومطلع هذا الشهر أن تشنّ حملات اعتقال وتنكيل بحقّ عدد من الكوادر الفعالين، وخصوصاً في “الجهاد الإسلامي”. وكانت كتيبة هذه المدينة قد خرجت إلى النور منتصف تموز/يوليو الماضي، عندما صدر البيان الأول الذي أعلن التصدي لاجتياح إسرائيلي.

    الفعل الأبرز لـ”كتيبة طوباس” كان رمزياً أكثر منه في التأثير العسكري، لكنه شكّل بادرة مهمة، حين أعلنت الكتيبة فجر الأحد 24 تموز/يوليو 2022 أنها أطلقت النار على حاجز “تياسير” في المحافظة “نصرة لنابلس” خلال حصار حي الياسمينة في البلدة القديمة فيها (محاولة اغتيال الشهيد إبراهيم النابلسي). 

    لكن المحافظة تعاني مشكلات من أكثر من ناحية، أولها أن سكانها لا يتجاوزون 70 ألفاً موزعين على مناطق شاسعة وبنايات قصيرة، فيما تشكل الأغوار الشمالية ما نسبته 70% من مساحة المحافظة، وهي مناطق منخفضة ومكشوفة، ويتحكَّم فيها عدد من الحواجز الثابتة والطيّارة التي تنغّص حياة السكان، وخصوصاً المزارعين.

    المشكلة الكبرى أن معظم أراضي طوباس تُصنف ضمن فئة “ج” في اتفاق أوسلو، بمعنى أن السلطة الفلسطينية هي المسؤولة عن تقديم الخدمات الطبية والتعليمية للسكان، فيما تسيطر “إسرائيل” على الجوانب الأمنية والإدارية والقانونية. 

    ولأن الأغوار الشمالية هي سلة غذاء الضفة من الخضراوات والفاكهة، وهي من أغنى مناطق الضفة بالمياه، فقد وقعت في طليعة الاستهداف الاستيطاني الإسرائيلي. لذلك، تتمحور سياسة الاحتلال حول عزل طوباس عن باقي محافظات الضفة بزيادة المواقع العسكرية فيها، إذ تحوي المحافظة 7 قواعد عسكرية تتربع على مساحة تزيد على 14 ألف دونم.

    كتيبة طوباس

    ما هو ممكن لطوباس

    مع ذلك، إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة، وخصوصاً في جنين ونابلس وطولكرم، في وقت لم يعد الاستقطاب يقوم على الطرق التقليدية القديمة، بل من الممكن أن تسهم أنشودة أو حكاية شهيد أو مقطع مصور أو خطبة مؤثرة تنتقل عبر مواقع التواصل في صناعة القرار لدى أي شخص للانخراط في المقاومة.

    وفي المدينة، عاصمة المحافظة، ثمة حضور متوازٍ للحركات الثلاث الكبرى: “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”فتح”، مع أفضلية محدودة للأولى أهّلتها للفوز في الانتخابات التشريعية عام 2006. الأهم أنَّ تأثير السلطة والأجهزة الأمنية السلبي في السكان محدود، إذ يحافظون على نقائهم القروي بعيداً من حالة التغريب المدني المادي التي تعيشها المدن الكبيرة.

    في النتيجة، يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما إمكانية المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل” بسبب التلاحم العشائري بين قاطنيها وأقربائهم في الجانب الأردني، وهذا ما يفسر كثرة الأخبار الإسرائيلية عن حالات إدخال السلاح من الأغوار بصورة أسبوعية تقريباً.

    اقرأ أيضاً: كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (1/4)

    عملية الأغوار في الميزان

    جاءت عملية الأحد 4 أيلول/سبتمبر 2022 التي وُصفت بالنوعية لجهة طبيعة المنفذين وطريقة التنفيذ والمكان، رغم بعض الإخفاقات الميدانية، لتزيد من حضور الأغوار الشمالية في مساحة المواجهة. وقد شرعت وسائل الإعلام العبرية في تقديم معطيات حول الحادثة لتبرير الإخفاقات، وخصوصاً أن الحافلة المستهدفة كانت تحمل جنوداً من لواء “كفير” الذين قيل إنهم التحقوا بالخدمة قبل نحو أسبوعين فقط. زِد على ذلك أنَّ الحافلة لم تكن مصفّحة، وقد تجاوزها المنفذون الثلاثة مستقلين مركبة “تندر”، ثم توقفوا إلى جانب الطريق، وأطلقوا عليها 25 رصاصة حتى توقفت نتيجة إصابة السائق، قبل أن يحاولوا إحراقها بزجاجات حارقة.

    تعقيباً على ذلك، رأى “معهد دراسات الأمن القومي” التابع لجامعة “تل أبيب” أن العملية “لم تكن مفاجئة حتى إن تضمنت تكتيكات غير عادية”، واضعاً إياها “علامةً أخرى” في ساحة المقاومة الآخذة بالاتساع. أما ما أراد المعهد التركيز عليه، فهو أن عملية الأغوار جزء من اتجاه ظهر في آذار/مارس الماضي، وبدأ بعمليات في المدن المحتلة عام 1948، “انطلاقاً من جنين التي استطاعت الجهاد الإسلامي أن تحولها إلى أهم بؤرة مقاومة في الضفة”، ثم “أقامت شبكات تعاون مع حماس وعناصر من فتح، وهي تقود جهوداً منهجية لتجنيد الشباب. وقد مولت مجموعات لا تتبع لها تنظيمياً”، أي إمكانية عمل خلايا ظل.

    النقطة اللافتة هي إقرار المعهد بأنَّه لا يمكن تفسير ظاهرة تنامي المقاومة من منطلق الصعوبات الاقتصادية، بل يجب الإقرار بأن هناك وعياً متزايداً بضرورة النضال ضد الاحتلال “جراء الفراغ الذي تركته السلطة… ثمن المقاومة ليس باهظاً، فالأبطال الفلسطينيون يولدون كل يوم، والشعور بالقدرة والدافعية للنضال المسلح يستقر في الوعي الجمعي لجيل الشباب، وهذا بحد ذاته سبب كافٍ لتوسع دائرة المواجهة في الضفة”.

    ماذا عن رام الله؟

    تتتابع على نحو شبه يومي، وأحياناً أسبوعي، الأنباء عن عمليات إطلاق نار في رام الله تستهدف حافلات للمستوطنين وحواجز لـ”الجيش” الإسرائيلي ومداخل مستوطنات، ما دفع كثيرين إلى تقديرِ إعلانِ كتيبةٍ في رام الله والبيرة، وهو الحدث الذي لم يقع بعد.

    لكن توالي العمل وحوادث إطلاق النار، وخصوصاً قرب بلدة سلواد شرقي رام الله، أو انطلاقاً منها، يثير علامات استفهام عن كتيبة فعلية يرجح أنها تؤجل إعلان نفسها لأسباب لها علاقة بالسلطة التي ترى أن مثل هذا الواقع في عاصمتها السياسية سيكون ضاغطاً عليها بشدة.

    وبينما تمتلك “حماس” قواعد عمل قوية في عدد من قرى رام الله قياساً بـ”الجهاد الإسلامي” التي لم تصرح أو تلمح إلى أي تفاصيل في هذا الشأن بعد، فإن الحضور الأقوى يبقى لمجموعات من “كتائب الأقصى” (فتح) أو عناصر من السلطة قد يتخذون هذا المنحى.

     وكانت أشهر عمليتين وقعتا في رام الله خلال السنوات القليلة الماضية هما “جفعات آساف” (أسفرت عن مقتل 3 جنود إسرائيليين وجرح 2 آخرين) و”عوفرا” (أسفرت عن إصابة 11 مستوطناً أحدهم كانت حالته خطرة)، اللتين نُفذتا (كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2018) بطريقة الكر والفر قرب بلدتي سلواد ويبرود شمال شرقي رام الله والبيرة.

    خاتمة: هل يستفيق “الأسد النائم”؟

    لا بدّ من عودة إلى بدء، أي الخليل، التي أطلقت شرارة “هبة القدس” (2015-2018) قبل أن تنطفئ، والسبب الأساسي أن المحافظة الملأى بالسلاح كان سلاحها مضبوطاً إلى حد ما بأمر كبار العشائر، وفي أيدي وازنين فيها، لكن سيل السلاح الذي سمحت كل من السلطة و”إسرائيل” بدخوله إلى المحافظة ووصوله إلى أيدٍ غير حريصة خلق فوضى وفلتاناً خلط أولويات سكانها، ولا يزال قائماً حتى اليوم، إضافة إلى مصالح شبكة التجار المعقدة، الأمر الذي نال دراسات وافية حوله، ولا يزال يستحق المتابعة على حدة.

    لكن الجمعة 17 حزيران/يونيو 2022 شهد حدثاً لافتاً؛ ففي هذا اليوم الذي استشهد فيه 3 مقاومين من “كتيبة جنين”  هم: يوسف صلاح (23 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد سعد)، وبراء لحلوح (24 عاماً)، وليث أبو سرور (24 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد علاء)، صدر بيان باسم “كتيبة الخليل” أعلن تنفيذ عمليتين استهدفت الأولى مرصداً أمنياً قرب مستوطنة “كريات أربع”، والأخرى حاجز “أبو الريش” جنوباً، ثم اختفت وأخبارها.

    مهما كانت الحقيقة وراء ما جرى، فإنه وجّه الأعين مجدداً إلى أقصى جنوبي الضفة، حيث المحافظة التي وصفها الرئيس الفلسطيني الراحل، ياسر عرفات، بأنها “الأسد النائم”، وخصوصاً أن الخليل من أكبر المدن في الضفة، إذ تبلغ مساحتها 997 كلم2، ويقدّر عدد سكانها بأكثر من 800 ألف نسمة، فيما تتغلغل عشرات المستوطنات الإسرائيلية داخلها وتطوّقها كتل أخرى، كما أنها تحمل مركزاً دينياً مهماً هو الحرم الإبراهيمي الذي يمثل شرارة اشتعال، لكنها مطفأة منذ عقدين على الأقل. وربما ما جرى قبل فترة من إشادة فصائل المقاومة بإحراق برج عسكري في الخليل يشي بالتعطش إلى مثل هذا الاشتعال.

    بينما تشتهر الخليل بصناعاتها التاريخية وأسواقها القوية، تحكمها تكتلات عشائرية تؤثر كثيراً في اتخاذ القرار. ويتوزع انتماء السكان فيها بين “فتح” أولاً، و”حماس” ثانياً، ثم باقي الفصائل، فيما لا يوجد حضور شعبي لافت لـ”الجهاد الإسلامي”، إذ تتشكل بنية الحركة في المدينة من بعض النخب والشخصيات ذات الكاريزما الاجتماعية أو العلمية العالية، لكن “الجهاد” تمتلك حضوراً جيداً في القرى هناك قياساً بالمدينة، مع أنه ليس حضوراً فعالاً كما شماليّ الضفة، والمشكلة التي تواجه الحركة أن غالبية الفتحاويين في الخليل هم ممن يتبنون خيارات السلطة حالياً.

    مع أنّ الخليل تعطي الأفضلية لـ”حماس” في الاستحقاقات الانتخابية، فإن تلك الأفضلية تنعكس في النقابات واستطلاعات الرأي فقط في أحسن الحالات، ولا تعطيها أي هوامش للعمل التنظيمي، إذ تحاصر الأجهزة الأمنية أنصار الراية الخضراء، فيما يشارك الاحتلال في القضاء على أي ظاهرة، مثل العمل الخيري والجماهيري وحملات المساجد. في النتيجة، لم تمتلك “حماس” و”الجهاد” أي غطاء فتحاوي لتتمددا عبره، وخصوصاً أن إجراءات السلطة والاحتلال ضربت أساسات العمل وفكرة بعثه من جديد.

    وإلى جانب تلك الضربات الأمنية القوية، وسياسة “الباب الدوار” التي تعتمدها السلطة والاحتلال في اعتقال الكوادر ومنعهم من الراحة، تركت كثرة التجارب السيئة وعياً سلبياً لدى الشباب الذين يمتلكون إرادة الفعل، مفادها بأن نهاية كل محاولة الاعتقالُ عامين إدارياً إذا اشتبه الاحتلال في فعل مقاوم، أو بمحكومية كبيرة إذا ثبت. رغم ما سبق، إذا قُدّر للخليل أن تعود إلى دورها التاريخي والفعال، كما في الانتفاضة الثانية، شرط أن يكون ذلك في الوقت المناسب، فإن هذا سيقلب الموازين بصورة كبيرة في الضفة، وهو أمر رهن السؤال المفتوح.

    اقرأ أيضاً: 

    كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (2/4)

    الخميس15 أيلول 2022

    عبد الرحمن نصار 

    عام 2022، انطلقت كتيبة نابلس ومعها مجموعتان من فتح، لتصبح نابلس ندّاً حقيقياً لجنين، ثم جاءت كتيبة طولكرم لتخفف العبء الميداني عن جنين ونابلس، مع زيادة استنزاف الإسرائيليين على صعيد القوات البرية والمجهود المخابراتي.

    كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (2/4)

    أخذت جنين حصة الأسد من الحلقة الأولى، ليس حصراً لأن انطلاق كتائب المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة بدأ منها، بل لأنها تمثّل الشعلة التي يجب ألا تنطفئ حتى تتّقد المدن الباقية، ولا سيما الخليل. فعلى الطريق إلى الجنوب، زرع الشهيد جميل العموري بذوراً أين ما حلّ، في نابلس وطولكرم، وليس أخيراً طوباس. 

    لكن مدناً أخرى، مثل نابلس، تسبب دخولها على خط المواجهة في انقلاب جذري للمعادلة، إذ ربما أمكن احتواء ظاهرة جنين عسكرياً (سياسة القضم البطيء والاستدراج والاغتيالات المركزة)، أو اجتماعياً (“التسهيلات” وزيادة التجارة وتصاريح العمل)، فيما أتى دخول مدن ومخيمات أخرى ليوسّع المأزق الإسرائيلي.

    بعد عام تقريباً على انطلاقة “كتيبة جنين” واستشهاد مؤسسها جميل العموري، ومن بعده عبد الله الحصري وشادي نجم وأحمد السعدي وآخرون، أثمر الزرع في نابلس. في 24 أيار/مايو 2022، شهدت منطقة ضريح النبي يوسف القريبة من مخيمي بلاطة وعسكر شرقي نابلس اشتباكات بين المستوطنين والمئات من الشبان الذين رشقوا القوات المقتحمة بالحجارة، قبل أن يتطور المشهد إلى اشتباك مسلح بدا أنه يأخذ الشكل المنظم والمدروس.

    بعدها بأيام قليلة، صدر البيان الأول لـ”كتيبة نابلس” شارحاً حيثيات الكمين الذي نفّذه 4 مقاتلين؛ “اثنان اعتليا أسطح أحد البنايات القريبة من القبر… في حين تمركز آخران بين الأشجار في الجهة المقابلة قبل الاقتحام بساعات… انتظروا وقت اطمئنان جنود الاحتلال، وأمطروهم بزخات الرصاص من مسافة قريبة جداً، قبل أن ينسحب مقاتلونا من المكان بسلام”.

    أيامٌ أخرى وبدأت عُصب “سرايا القدس” (الجهاد الإسلامي) بالظهور في المدينة التي كانت شبه محسومة لمقاتلي “فتح” (وسط غياب حمساوي مسلح رغم الحضور الجيد للحركة هناك)، وهذا ما كانت تعالجه خطابات الكتيبة بوضوح، إذ قالت في بيان لاحق: “لسنا وحيدين في الميدان… ظروف محافظة نابلس تستوجب العمل ضمن ضوابط في التشبيك والمتابعة والإعلان للمحافظة على أمد العمل المقاوم، فكل بندقيةٍ نفضت غبارها أفقياً هي شريكةٌ حتمية في الكفاح المسلح، لا نقدمها ولا نؤخرها، فنحن نتاج فكرة خرج بها الشهيد المجاهد جميل العموري حينما قال: رسالتي إلى شباب الضفة، لا تطلقوا رصاصكم في الهواء”.

    • مجموعات عرين الأسود – فتح
    • كتائب المقاومة في نابلس
    • كتيبة نابلس / بلاطة – سرايا القدس
    • كتائب الأقصى – فتح
    • مجموعات عرين الأسود – فتح
    • كتائب المقاومة في نابلس
    • كتيبة نابلس / بلاطة – سرايا القدس
    • كتائب الأقصى – فتح
    • مجموعات عرين الأسود – فتح

    “جبل النار”

    من المعروف أنَّ نابلس لا تُعدّ من معاقل “الجهاد الإسلامي” في الضفة، بل تقتسمها “حماس” و”فتح”، لكن العلاقة الجيدة بين “الجهاد” وعدد من عناصر “فتح”، والأزمة في العلاقة بين فتحاويي المدينة، وخصوصاً البلدة القديمة، والسلطة، والكاريزما التي كان يتمتع بها الشهيد العموري وزياراته إلى نابلس، عوامل ساهمت كلها في سحب قدم كثيرين إلى الظاهرة المستجدة، لكن “كتيبة نابلس” (سرايا القدس) تتركز أكثر في بلاطة الذي يمتاز بواقع أمني وديموغرافي يسمح بتمدد الفعل المقاوم.

    في بلاطة كثافةٌ سكانية عالية لأربعين ألف لاجئ يعيشون وسط هندسة مدنية تمثّل عامل احتضان أمني جيّد يحرم القوات المقتحمة حريةَ المناورة، لأنه يتكون من بيوت متجاورة وشوارع ضيقة تسمح بإمكانية التنقل من بيت إلى بيت من دون الحاجة إلى الخروج إلى الشوارع الرئيسية. هو أيضاً بيئة جيدة للعمل العسكري ضد الاحتلال، بالنظر إلى خروجه عن تبعية السلطة، فالعلاقة بين الفتحاويين هناك والأجهزة الأمنية علاقة شائكة وصلت إلى ذروتها في شباط/فبراير 2018، قبل أن تنفجر في 2020.

    مع أنَّ مدينةً مثل الخليل فيها كميات سلاح أكبر من نابلس، فإنَّ استغلال القيادي المفصول من “فتح” محمد دحلان حالة النقمة على الأجهزة الأمنية في نابلس لاختراق القواعد الشعبية للحركة هو ما أثار السلطة ضدهم أكثر من غيرهم.

    امتدّ هذا الاستغلال 7 سنوات ضخّ فيها دحلان أموالاً إماراتية اشترى بها ولاءات كثيرة، بعدما كان المسيطر من قبله اللواء توفيق الطيراوي، والأخير أيضاً سحب منه رئيس السلطة، محمود عباس، حديثاً عدداً من الامتيازات، منها حراسه الشخصيون، بعد صدامه مع الوزير الصّاعد بسرعة إلى سدة القيادة، حسين الشيخ، وعدد آخر من القيادات الفتحاوية.

    في النتيجة، سمحت حالة التوتر داخل “فتح” بإنشاء بيئة حاضنة لكل فعل يعارض توجهات السلطة، وهذا ما دفع “الجهاد الإسلامي” إلى التقاط الفرصة، تحديداً في بلاطة. الخطوة الأكثر ذكاء أنها لم تسعَ إلى تحويل الشبان انتماءهم التنظيمي إليها، بل طلبت منهم الاستمرار بالعمل باسم تنظيمهم كي يحافظوا على ما لديهم من امتيازات، وثانياً – ليس السبب الأخير – كي يستقطبوا عدداً أكبر للمقاومة المسلحة. ما ساعد في ذلك أنَّ الفتحاويين عموماً يتقبّلون التحالف مع “الجهاد” أكثر من “حماس”، وحتى “الجبهة الشعبية”، ولا سيما في مدن شمالي الضفة، ولهذا أسبابه التي تحتاج بحثاً منفصلاً.

    ما سبق جعل حتى مناصري “الجهاد الإسلامي” يرون في تشكيل هذه الكتيبة “أعجوبة”، وخصوصاً أن كوادر الحركة المنظّمين رسمياً في نابلس لم يكونوا يتعدّون المئة بقليل حتى وقت قريب. مما يزيد امتيازات دخول المدينة على خط كتائب المقاومة هو وفرة السلاح، ولا سيما في بلاطة، الّذي يمتاز شبابه بخصلة مشتركة مع أهالي جنين هي “شجاعتهم الشديدة واندفاعهم غير المحدود”.

    وبينما مثّل الأداء السيئ للأجهزة الأمنية و”فتح” على الصعيد الداخلي، ومن ذلك اغتيال نزار بنات وسرقة أموال بناء مستشفى الحسن للسرطان والتنسيق الأمني، عوامل منفرة، تسبب استشهاد أدهم مبروكة (28 عاماً) ومحمد الدخيل (22 عاماً) وأشرف مبلسط (21 عاماً) في 8 شباط/فبراير 2022 بحالة تأثر كبيرة، خصوصاً أن اغتيالهم جرى وسط نابلس، وفي وضح النهار، بالنظر إلى الحضور الشعبي الذي كانوا يتمتعون به، وهو الأمر الذي أدركت رام الله خطورته سلفاً. ولذلك، كانت ولا تزال تعمل قدر المستطاع على إيجاد شرخ بين العناصر المسلحين التابعين لـ”فتح” من جهة، وخلق عداوات بينهم وبين “الجهاد” من جهة، وأكبر مثال على ذلك الإشكال الذي وقع مع قيادات في الأخيرة (خضر عدنان مثالاً).

    منذ اغتيال الثلاثة، بدأت مطاردة شاب صغير يُدعى إبراهيم النابلسي (19 عاماً) لم يكن مشهوراً في ذلك الوقت بقدر شهرته بعد استشهاده (9 آب/أغسطس 2022)، لكن الأشهر الستة التي عاشها مطارداً كانت كفيلة، إلى جانب مقتله في معركة، بالدفع نحو تعزيز حالة المقاومة في نابلس. وجاء استشهاده، ومعه إسلام صبوح (في العشرينات) وحسين نزال (16 عاماً)، ليعطي دفعة جديدة للمقاومين، ويجعل عدداً من الفتحاويين الرافضين أوامر حركتهم يخلقون تشكيلاً جديداً حمل اسم “عرين الأسود”، أعلن نفسه بداية هذا الشهر. 

    النابلسي سبق أن نجا من محاولة اغتيال قبل استشهاده بأسبوعين، قضى فيها شهيدان كان لهما أيضاً تأثيرهما في الجمهور، هما محمد عزيزي (25 عاماً) وعبد الرحمن صبح (28 عاماً)، عقب حصار واشتباك. مع ذلك، تواجه الحالات العسكرية في نابلس مشكلة في القيادة الموحدة وتنظيم العمل وجعله يرتقي من وضعية التصدي للاجتياحات إلى المبادرة، وهذا ما يحتاج إلى زمن، لكنَّ آثار التحسن بدأت تظهر أكثر فأكثر مع عدد من الكمائن المتتالية، وخصوصاً التي تستهدف المستوطنين ممن يقتحمون قبر يوسف دورياً. 

    من جهة أخرى، تعني قوة نابلس تخفيف الضغط على جنين، وخصوصاً أن بلاطة يمثل أكبر مخيم لاجئين في الضفة، والعقبات اللوجستية بشأن إيصال الأموال والأسلحة إليه أقل من جنين، فضلاً عن أن زيادة حالة المنافسة الحزبية تقود إلى مزيد من الفعالية في العمل، خصوصاً بين “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي”. ورغم سيئات الحالة التنافسية على المجتمع ظاهراً، فإن نتاجاتها على صعيد المقاومة إيجابية في هذه المرحلة.

    هكذا، حاول الاحتلال في البداية التقليل من قدر “كتيبة نابلس” وكذلك “طولكرم” و”طوباس”، حتى وصل فيه الحال إلى إهمال ذكر الأخيرتين في الإعلام العبري، لتتحول “كتيبة نابلس” ومجموعات “فتح” بالتدريج إلى ندّ حقيقي لـ”جنين”، وتزيد شعبيتها وحضورها مع توالي الشهداء والتصدي للاقتحامات.

    كتيبة طولكرم

    في 2 نيسان/أبريل 2022، وقع اشتباك في مدخل قرية عرابة في جنين قضى فيه الشهيد سيف أبو لبدة (25 عاماً)، ابن مخيم عين شمس بطولكرم، ليتضح أنه كان في طريقه لتنفيذ عملية استشهادية قبل أن تطارده قوة خاصة من الجيش. 

    أثناء المطاردة، وقعت القوة في كمين محكم شارك فيه عدد من عناصر “كتيبة جنين”، ودار اشتباك طويل مع قوات الاحتلال أدى إلى إصابة 4 من الجنود، أحدهم بصورة خطرة، واستشهاد كل من صائب عباهرة (30 عاماً) وخليل طوالبة (24 عاماً)، إلى جانب أبو لبدة.

    قاد حدثان مهمان جهاز “الشاباك” إلى أبو لبدة: الأول تنفيذه قبل أسبوع من اغتياله عملية إطلاق نار على قوة خاصة، أطلق فيها 52 رصاصة على وحدات الاحتلال (“لم يصب أي من الجنود بأعجوبة”، وفق وصف القناة العبرية 12)، والآخر أنه ظهر وهو يتحدث أمام مجموعة من عناصر “الجهاد”، مؤكداً لهم أن حدثاً كبيراً قريباً سيسمعون به. 

    في وقت لاحق، نشرت “سرايا القدس” مقطعاً مصوراً ظهر فيه وهو يقرأ وصيته على طريقة استشهاديي الانتفاضة الثانية، ليكون أبو لبدة، كما العموري، صاحب الدور التأسيسي الملهم في طولكرم، فيما توكّل الأمين العام للحركة، زياد النخالة، بنفسه إعلان ولادة “كتيبة طولكرم”.

    من الجيد التذكير بأنّ علاقة تاريخية مميزة تربط بين مخيمي جنين ونور شمس، فجذور اللجوء واحدة، لأن المخيم الصغير تأسَّس عام 1951، أي بعد 3 سنوات على نكبة فلسطين، وسكان نور شمس في الأساس كانوا يسكنون مخيماً في جنين مقاماً على سهل جنزور، لكن بسبب عاصفة ثلجية أطاحت به رحلوا إلى طولكرم، فكان المخيم الجديد الذي يقارب عدد سكانه 10 آلاف. ومثل نابلس، لم يسجّل عين شمس خلال سنوات انتفاضة الأقصى الثانية أنه كان معقلاً لـ”الجهاد الإسلامي”، لكن الحركة استطاعت أن تتمدد فيه بعدما كان ثقلها متركزاً في قرى مثل عتيل وعلار وصيدا.

    جاء اختيار هذا المخيم لتأسيس نواة الكتيبة جاء بسبب هندسته المكانية والتداخل العمراني وإمكانية الاتصال الجغرافي بينه وبين مخيم جنين، ليكون أكثر أماناً من مراكز المدن. وكما يبدو، احتاج الشهيد أبو لبدة وقتاً شبيهاً بالذي احتاجه العموري للتأسيس والتحشيد لإحياء العمل العسكري من جديد، فضلاً عن تنفيذه شخصياً عدداً من عمليات المشاغلة وإطلاق النار.

    في البداية، تجاهل العدو هذه الكتيبة على الصعيد الإعلامي، ولا يزال كذلك إلى حدّ ما، بل عمد إلى العمل عليها مخابراتياً من دون مواجهة مبْكرة كي لا يساهم في صناعة رموز ملهمين كما جنين، وهذا ما يفسر محاولة الاحتلال اعتقال أبو لبدة لا قتله، لكن وقوع القوة في كمين هو ما قاد إلى اشتباك دامٍ بين الجانبين. 

    مع ذلك، يَفهم الإسرائيلي أنَّ طولكرم لها بعض الخصائص التي تميزها عن كلٍّ من جنين ونابلس، إذ يمتاز شبابها، بالنظر إلى التجربة في الانتفاضة الثانية، بالهدوء الكبير والتفكير المعمّق والصبر الإستراتيجي في تنفيذ الفعل.

    هذا لا ينفي وجود هذه المميزات نفسها في جنين ونابلس، لكن لكلٍّ نقطة قوته. المثال على ذلك ما فعله الشهيد لؤي السعدي (“الجهاد الإسلامي”، 1979-2005) حين أسس مدرسة عسكرية كان قوامها التخطيط الطويل للوصول إلى الأهداف المدروسة بعناية، والقدرة العالية على العمل على نحو يتجاوز الفعل الطارئ إلى المستمر الذي يمكن أن يعاود نشاطه بعد كل ضربة، وأيضاً التخفي عن العدو، وأخيراً الحالة المتشعّبة في توزيع قواعد الفعل العسكري إلى قرى بعيدة ومدن خارج الحيز المكاني الذي تبدأ منه.

    السلوك نفسه ينطبق على قيادات أخرى في طولكرم على اختلاف انتماءاتهم الحزبية، منهم الأسير عباس السيد (1966)، أحد أكبر قادة “كتائب القسام” (حماس) في طولكرم، وهو مسؤول عن قتل مئات المستوطنين والجنود في عشرات العمليات الاستشهادية، وكذلك الشهيد رائد الكرمي (1974-2002)، أبرز مؤسسي “كتائب الأقصى” (فتح) وقائدها العام عقب اغتيال ثابت ثابت. وقد اتهمته قوات الاحتلال بالمسؤولية عن قتل العشرات من المستوطنين والجنود، وقالت إن الانتفاضة الثانية تزداد سوءاً بسببه. وكان من الممكن أنْ يؤدي الاستثمار المستمر في نهج الكرمي، الملقّب بـ”صائد المستوطنين”، إلى رفع كلفة الاستيطان في الضفة، وصولاً إلى تفكيك بعض المستوطنات.

    خاتمة: طولكرم إذا عادت

    إضافة إلى ما سبق، تحمل طولكرم جملة أخرى من المميزات، من أهمها التواصل الجغرافي والتداخل التاريخي بينها وبين مخيم جنين؛ ففي اجتياح 2002، انتقل القائد الشيخ الشهيد رياض بدير (الجهاد الإسلامي) على رأس العشرات من المقاومين من طولكرم، واستطاعوا المشاركة في القتال إلى جانب مقاومي جنين حتى الاستشهاد، وهو ما يفسر التدخل السريع لعناصر “كتيبة جنين” في الكمين. أيضاً، تمتلك بلدات طولكرم ومخيماتها إرثاً تاريخياً مرتبطاً بالشهداء والأسرى شبيهاً بالذي تمتلكه جنين، حتى إننا نتحدث عن أجهزة أمنية يفعل عناصرها ما يفعله عناصر في جنين.

    ومثلما تحظى جنين بسهولة وصول السلاح إليها من الداخل المحتل، تتميَّز طولكرم بأنها واحدة من أكبر المجمعات البشرية الفلسطينية التي تمتهن السرقة من المحتل، بل شكلت المدينة السوق الأبرز والأكثر ثراءً لسرقة السيارات ذات الأرقام الإسرائيلية لتنفيذ عمليات فدائية أو نقل الاستشهاديين إلى مدن العمق، لكن العنصر الأهم الذي يُبنى عليه هو ثقافة الاشتباك حتى النفس الأخير ورفض الأسر، التي أنشأها قادة “الجهاد” في الضفة، ولا سيما الشهداء السعدي وبدير وإياد حردان وآخرون.

    ساهمت “طولكرم” في تخفيف العبء الميداني عن “جنين” وكذلك “نابلس”، وخصوصاً مع زيادة استنزاف الإسرائيليين على صعيد القوات البرية والمجهود المخابراتي، لكن الأخطر على الاحتلال هو نضوج الفعل العسكري لـ”طولكرم”، لأن مثل هذا الحدث سيشكل فارقة نوعية في الضفة، ليس في تمدد خلايا المقاومة فحسب، إنما زيادة القدرة على اختراق الداخل المحتل أيضاً، وربما تحوّل العمل من الاشتباك التكتيكي ورد الفعل إلى المبادرة والعمل المنظم القادر على كيّ الوعي الإسرائيلي، كما فعل بطلان من جنين لن ينسى أحد اسميهما: رعد خازم، وضياء حمارشة الذي عبر من خلال طولكرم، وقبلهما وبعدهما أسرى وشهداء كثر.

    هذا ما يفسر أن أكثر من نصف الكتائب الإسرائيلية المنتشرة في الضفة تتركز حول طولكرم، لتعبّر عن المأزق الإسرائيلي في مواجهة هذه المدينة التي تشبه الرمح المغروز في خاصرة “إسرائيل”، بل يكفيها وصول سلاح بسيط في حسابات الجيوش، مثل قذائف الهاون، ليصير قلب “الدولة” تحت النار.

    اقرأ: كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (1/4) 

    كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (1/4)

    الثلاثاء 13 أيلول 2022

    عبد الرحمن نصار 

    كشفت مقاومة جنين أنَّ إمكانية العمل في الضفة متوافرة، وأن الاستثمار الصحيح في بيئتها من جديد، على يد تنظيمات كبيرة مثل “فتح” أو قوية مثل “حماس”، يمكن أن يعيد بناء حالة مشتبكة ومؤثرة.

    قدّمت الجهاد الإسلامي دليلاً دامغاً على إمكانية البناء من الصفر مجدداً

    كلَّما يتورط الجيش الإسرائيلي في الضفة أكثر، تقترب الانتفاضة الثالثة من أن تكون حقيقة. وبينما يزداد عدد الجنود في كل اقتحام ويصير بالمئات، يتأكد أن الأمور تخرج عن سيطرة “الجيش القوي” فعلاً. ومع عودة الطيران إلى سماء الضفة المحتلة، الاستطلاعي أو المروحي، يتبين أنَّ المواجهات المسلحة تنتقل إلى السيناريوات الأصعب… ليس أخيراً: كلَّما تحضر “إسرائيل” بنفسها، تغيب السلطة الضعيفة، ويقوى عود المقاومة. فما قصة كتائب المقاومة الآخذة بالتزايد والتصاعد في الضفة؟ ولماذا هذا العمل الإسرائيلي اليومي، وحتى اللحظيّ، ضدها؟ نجيب عن ذلك وأكثر في هذه الحلقات الأربع.

    المؤكّد بالبساطة والفطرة التي يتحدَّث بها من يخوضون المواجهات فجراً وصباحاً ومساءً في مدن الضفة المحتلة عامة، ومناطقها الشمالية خاصة، أنَّ الاحتلال الإسرائيلي مغناطيس جاذب لكلِّ ما يمكن أن يكون مقاوماً، حتى لأولئك الذين اعتادوا بطريقة ما العيش تحت الاحتلال.

    تقدّم “الميادين نت” في هذه المادة التي تأتي في 4 أجزاء معلومات خاصة من الميادين المشتعلة مباشرة، تسرد فيها الحكاية الكاملة لكتائب المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة، والسبب وراء السعي الإسرائيلي الحثيث لاجتثاث هذه الكتائب منذ سنة.

    بينما ينظر العدو الإسرائيلي إلى كتائب المقاومة كـ”عدوى” لا يمكن السيطرة عليها، في تشبيه بجائحة كورونا التي ثبت عجز حكومات ودول عن التصدي لها بنجاعة، يظهر يوماً بعد يوم أن هذا التشبيه لا يخدم الرواية الإسرائيلية بقدر ما يكشف مكنونات القلق الحقيقي مما يجري في الضفة، إلى حدّ وصف عدد من قادة الجيش والأجهزة الأمنية بأنه الخطر الأكبر حالياً من باقي ساحات المواجهة، من دون أن ينكروا ضمناً أن الصدارة تبقى لمناطق فلسطين الـ48، حتى إن التقديرات الأخيرة لدى الجيش وجهاز “الشاباك” تفيد بأن “انتفاضة ثالثة أو ما يشبهها/انتفاضة من نوع جديد” ستندلع في الضفة قبيل الأعياد اليهودية الشهر المقبل.

    بصرف النظر عن الهدف من هذه التقديرات التي تتزامن مع طلبات أميركية بـ”خفض التصعيد” و”مراجعة إجراءات إطلاق النار” في الضفة والقدس والرفض الإسرائيلي لها، يبدو أن الاندفاع والضرب بقوة كبيرة جداً والعقاب الجماعي والعائلي هي السمات التي يمكن بها توصيف السلوك الإسرائيلي، بل يمكن القول إنه لم يُعتقل أحد خلال هذين العامين في الضفة. 

    هنا، تفيد آخر الإحصاءات الصادرة الشهر الماضي أنَّ العدو أجرى منذ بداية العام الجاري نحو 4500 عملية اعتقال، وأنَّ نصفها جرى في مدينة القدس المحتلة، مع تنوع مصير المعتقلين بين من أُفرج عنه أو أُعيد اعتقاله أو سُجن إدارياً أو حوكم بتهمة محددة.

    طبقاً لتصريحات رئيس أركان الجيش الإسرائيلي، أفيف كوخافي، جرت مطلع هذا الشهر 1500 عملية اعتقال (ضمن 4500) منذ بدء الحملة المسمّاة “كاسر الأمواج” (3/2022)، إلى جانب “إحباط مئات العمليات”. بعيداً من تضارب الأرقام والمبالغة في بعضها، مثل “مئات العمليات”، تعيد هذه الاعتقالات تعريف الفلسطينيين أنفسهم وارتباطهم بمشروع المقاومة، وإن كانت الإجابة عن الجدوى القريبة متعذرة حالياً، لأنها تخلق تجربة نضالية، حتى لو صغيرة، لدى الشباب والفتية.

    لا ضير في تتبّع الأرقام، الفلسطينية والإسرائيلية على سواء، لاستشراف الأفق الذي ينتظر جزءاً مهماً من فلسطين، أكلته المستوطنات إلى حدّ أن أحداً ما اقترح قبل سنوات قليلة ضمها إلى المناطق الفلسطينية المحتلة عام الـ48. 

    وفق موقع “0404” العبري، تُظهر دراسة للنصف الأول من العام الجاري وقوع أكثر من 3700 هجوم من الفلسطينيين في الضفة، قُتل خلالها 21 مستوطناً وجرح 316. وقد كان منها 2692 هجوماً بالحجارة، و577 بزجاجات المولوتوف، و542 بالإطارات المشتعلة، و33 بالعبوات، و30 بالألعاب النارية، و25 بزجاجات الطلاء، و14 إطلاق نار، وحالة دهس، و4 طعن (وإحباط 7)، وغيرها.

    من المهمّ من التوقف عند هذه الأرقام التي لم تحتسب عمليات التصدي للاقتحامات بالوسائل شتى، إنما رصدت ما سمّته “الهجوم”، فيما يقول الراصدون الفلسطينيون إنَّ الأعداد أكثر من ذلك بكثير، ويعطون دليلاً من أرقام أسبوع واحد (28/8/2022-3/9/2022) أصيب فيه 12 جندياً ومستوطناً مع رصد 90 نقطة مواجهة، من بينها عملية طعن و22 عملية إطلاق نار و15 إلقاء عبوات متفجرة وزجاجات حارقة. كما أنَّ الأرقام الإسرائيلية لم توضح الحالة المتصاعدة للمواجهات نوعاً وكماً في مناطق شرقي القدس المحتلة.

    لا ينظر الإسرائيلي إلى الأرقام الناتجة من عدوانه المتواصل (منذ بداية العام، قتلت “إسرائيل” أكثر من 85 فلسطينياً من سكّان الضفة والقدس، بينهم 17 قاصراً و6 نساء) إلا من زاوية ما يخدمه في قراءته للتصعيد ليس إلا. ففي التحليل، تعمد الدراسات إلى مقارنة أرقام في مدة محددة بالمرحلة/المراحل الزمنية الشبيهة بها في العام أو الأعوام السابقة، في طريقة رياضية سهلة من أجل رصد التصاعد أو التزايد، لكنَّها لا تجيب عن عوامل أخرى مهمة، وإن كانت تأخذها الأجهزة الأمنية، وخصوصاً الإسرائيلية والأميركية، بالاعتبار.

    لتفكيك هذه العوامل تحديداً، لا بدَّ من النظر إلى كل مدينة في الضفة على حدة، بسبب التباينات التي خلقها الاحتلال والتهجير، قبل الوصول إلى صورة عامة، مع التذكير بأن وجه الضفة تغير كثيراً منذ “هبة القدس” (2015-2018) واستشهاد باسل الأعرج (3/2017)، ومن بعدها سلسلة العمليات النوعية، مثل عملية “سلفيت” (2/2018) التي نفّذها الشهيد عمر أبو ليلى، وعملية منطقة “بركان” الصناعية في (10/2018) وما قبلهما ما وبعدهما، لكن استمرارية حدث المقاومة كانت صناعة امتياز لجنين.

    في البدء كانت جنين

    دوماً ما يُطرح السؤال عن السرّ في كون جنين شعلة النار التي عندما انطفأت في 2002 خمدت المقاومة في الضفة بصورة لافتة، ثم عندما هبّت في 2021 اتسعت بقعة الزيت شمالاً، إلى حدّ أنَّ العيون الآن تترقب وسط الضفة (رام الله، القدس) وجنوبيها (الخليل، بيت لحم). صحيح أنَّ للخليل دوراً كبيراً ولافتاً في “هبة القدس” المشار إليها، لكن سرعان ما وجد الإسرائيليون، ومعهم السلطة الفلسطينية، الحل الناجع لإرقاد “الأسد” مجدداً، ألا وهو: فوضى السلاح – الفلتان الأمني.

    في تلك السنوات تحديداً، سمحت السلطة و”إسرائيل”، كلٌّ بطريقته، في إغراق الخليل بالسلاح الذي وصل إلى الأيدي التي لا ترى الاحتلال هدفاً أول، فصار مطلب الأمان الشخصي يتقدم على غيره من الأولويات. في النتيجة، تراجع دور المحافظة التي قدمت خلال أول شهرين من الهبة (10-11/2015) 19 شهيداً من أصل 74. حاول الطرفان، ولا يزالان، تكرار اللعبة نفسها في جنين ونابلس وطوباس وطولكرم. ولما لم تنجح هذه اللعبة، عادا إلى جمع الأسلحة من جديد كي تستغل للمقاومة.

    في خطوة أخرى مهمة، لعبت رام الله على وتر التباين بين كوادر “فتح” و”الجهاد الإسلامي”، لكن لا نتائج كبيرة حتى اللحظة. من هنا، نعود إلى سؤالنا: لماذا جنين؟

    قبل الإجابة، لا بد من التذكير بأن فصائل المقاومة لم تستطع منذ 2007 حتى 2021 إعادة بناء تشكيلات نظامية أو حتى مجموعات متفرقة في الضفة عموماً، وجنين خصوصاً. ما يمكن تسجيله خلال تلك السنوات هو نجاح بعض المجموعات في تنفيذ عملية واحدة تنكشف بعدها الخلية أو يعتقل أو يقتل أفرادها. 

    وتُعد خلية الشهيد أحمد جرار (23 عاماً، “حماس”، عملية “حفات جلعاد”، 1/2018) أبرز الأمثلة على ذلك شماليّ الضفة، وخلية الأسير عاصم البرغوثي وشقيقه الشهيد صالح وسط الضفة (32 و30 عاماً، “حماس”، عمليتا “عوفرا” و”جفعات آساف”، 12/2018).

    بعد نحو سنة ونصف سنة، تحديداً خلال معركة “سيف القدس” (5/2021)، بدأت “سرايا القدس” (الجهاد الإسلامي) بتشكيل أولى خلاياها المنظمة في مخيم جنين، وكان يرأسها الشهيد جميل العموري (25 عاماً) الذي قاد مجموعته لتنفيذ عمليات إطلاق النار منذ بداية تلك السنة، فضلاً عن التصدي المستمر لاقتحام الاحتلال جنين ومخيمها. 

    من ثَمّ جاء اغتيال العموري في 10/6/2021 لتكون البداية الفعلية لمرحلة جديدة من العمل في جنين، علماً أن العموري قضى مع شهيدين من جهاز “الاستخبارات” العسكري التابع للسلطة، هما الملازم أدهم عليوي (23 عاماً) من نابلس، والنقيب تيسير عيسة (33 عاماً) من بلدة ميثون.

    ثمة هنا قطبة مخفية تتعلق بمؤسس الكتيبة، العموري، وكذلك الشهيد عبد الله الحصري (22 عاماً)، ولها ارتباط بعملية التحرر من سجن جلبوع التي اشتُهرت بـ”نفق الحرية” (2021). قيل آنذاك إن تحرر الأسرى الستة واستعداد جنين لاستقبالهم كلهم، أو بعضهم، سرّعا في تقوية كتيبة والتحام مقاتلي السرايا مع مقاتلي “كتائب شهداء الأقصى” (فتح) وتكوين ما سُمّي “حزام النار” لحماية الأسرى المتحررين، وخصوصاً أن منهم قائد الكتائب السابق في المخيم الأسير زكريا زبيدي (46 عاماً).

    لكنَّ هذا لا يكفي لتفسير اندفاعة قادة الكتيبة وعناصرها، وهو أمر ستتكفل تفصيله حلقات “الأبطال” التي ستُبث على شاشة “الميادين”، ولا سيّما العلاقة الخاصة التي كانت تربط العموري والحصري بمهندس عملية التحرر وقائدها، الأسير محمود العارضة (46 عاماً)، ودوره الحصري في ما بعد التحرر. أيضاً، يشار إلى دور الأسير وسام أبو زيد (23 عاماً) الذي أصيب خلال عملية اغتيال العموري.

    متى تأسست كتيبة جنين؟ وما أبرز عملياتها؟

    لماذا جنين؟

    في الإجابة عن سؤالنا المركزي: “لماذا جنين؟”، يظهر عدد من المعطيات التي لا يمكن للإعلام الغارق في الأحداث المتلاحقة استكشافها بسهولة. صحيح أنَّ العوامل التاريخية حاضرة بقوة في تجربة جنين تحديداً، لكنْ ثمة عوامل جديدة جديرة بالدراسة، وخصوصاً أن خطوةً إسرائيلية مثل فتح معبر “سالم” (3/2022) بين أراضي فلسطين 1948 وجنين للمرة الأولى منذ إغلاقه عام 2000 تشي بأنَّ الإسرائيلي يعيد تطبيق تجربة غزة (العصا والجزرة)، في إشارةٍ إلى فتح “إيرز-بيت حانون” لدخول العمال، وهي أيضاً الخطوة المتخذة بعد قرابة 20 سنة من وقفها.

    هذا ليس التقاطع الأول بين جنين وغزة، بل كان هناك تقاطع رئيسي أشعَرَ أهالي الأولى بأنهم “محافظة محررة”، وذلك حينما تقرر جراء ضربات المقاومة في خطة “فك الارتباط الأحادي” الإسرائيلية مع غزة عام 2005 تفكيك المنشآت العسكرية و”إعادة انتشار” الجيش الإسرائيلي حول جنين، مع إخلاء 4 مستوطنات هي: “غنيم”، “كديم”، “سانور”، “حومش”، علماً أن الأخيرة أُقيم فيها بعد سنوات بؤرة استيطانية لتصير مثل “مسمار جحا” وتتعرض لعملية مميزة من “كتيبة جنين” (16/12/2021) قادها الأسير محمود جرادات (41 عاماً) وأدت إلى مقتل مستوطن.

    إذاً، من الأساس، تمتلك مدينة جنين ومخيمها خصوصية كبيرة في العمل المقاوم تاريخياً، فقد شهدت آخر معارك الشيخ السوري عز الدين القسام الذي كان قد خرج من سوريا، وأقام في حيفا، ثم اعتصم في جنين، وتركت مقاومته أثراً كبيراً في اندلاع الثورة الكبرى والإضراب الكبير عام 1936. 

    منذ ذلك الزمن، عُرفت جنين كأبرز معاقل المقاومة التي أفرد لها رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي الميّت، أرئيل شارون، اهتماماً بالغاً، لكونها شكلت منطلقاً لعشرات العمليات في الداخل المحتل خلال انتفاضة الأقصى الثانية (2000-2005).

    بعد ذلك، تركت معركة المخيم عام 2002 مفاعليها في علاقة أبناء الفصائل الفلسطينية، ولا سيما “فتح” و”الجهاد الإسلامي”، إلى حد أنَّ الجيل الجديد، رغم أنَّه لم يعايش تلك المعركة الفاصلة، نشأ متأثراً بتلك العلاقة المميزة. بعد ذلك، تحضر عوامل أخرى، أبرزها التركيبة العائلية المقاومة في المدينة ومخيمها، وحتى قراها، إلى درجة أن مؤسس “الجهاد الإسلامي” الشهيد فتحي الشقاقي سبق أن وصف قرية مثل السيل الحارثية بأنها “طهران فلسطين”.

    إلى جانب تركيز الدراسات والتقارير على البنية الجغرافية للمدينة والمخيم، لا بدَّ من الانتباه إلى أنَّ التركيبة الاجتماعية والنفسية تؤدي دورها بقوة، فضلاً عن الانفتاح على الآخر فصائلياً، وهو ما يذوّب الفوارق التي سعى الاحتلال والسلطة عبرهما إلى كسر حالات كتائب المقاومة حين نشوئها في المحافظات الأخرى. كذلك، تحضر في جنين حالة الرفض لسياسات رام الله بين أبناء “فتح” وموظفي الأجهزة الأمنية، وهذا ما يشكّل حزام حماية، وخصوصاً أن لهؤلاء مساهمات مكشوفة وأخرى مخفيّة لدعم المقاومين.

    خاتمة: ما بعد “وحدة الساحات”

    في الخلاصة، تؤدي “كتيبة جنين” مهمّتها الأولى بجدارة، وهي مشاغلة الاحتلال والتصدي لاقتحاماته. وقد قدمت عدداً من الشهداء خلال السنة الأولى لانطلاقها، معظمهم من جنين، لكنَّ المهمة الثانية والأهم أنَّها تساهم يوماً تلو الآخر في زيادة التفاف الشارع حول المقاومة، وانخراط شباب جدد في العمل العسكري داخلها وفي مدن أخرى، وهذا ما يخشى الإسرائيلي نتائجه المستقبلية. وبينما كان الزخم الإعلامي الكفيل باستنهاض الحالة الثورية غير كافٍ بداية السنة الماضية، إذ اقتصر آنذاك على إعلام “الجهاد الإسلامي”، ها هو يجتاح الضفة كلها.

    بعد سنة من انطلاق الكتيبة، جاءت مواجهة “وحدة الساحات” لتشكّل علامة فارقة أخرى شعر معها المقاومون بوجود ظهير حقيقي لهم في غزة، الأمر الذي كان العدو يريد عكسه تماماً، وإذ بالسحر ينقلب عليه، ليبدو أنَّ المعركة الأخيرة – بصرف النظر عن جملة كبيرة من الملاحظات حولها سياسياً وميدانياً وأمنياً وإعلامياً – دفعت بالضفة نحو المواجهة المفتوحة، إلى جانب أن تكثيف الاحتلال عملياته اليومية، وحتى الساعيّة، وارتقاء الشهداء واحداً تلو آخر وكمّ الاعتقالات الهائل، يزيد بسالة الشبّان وحماستهم.

    في المحصلة، كشفت مقاومة جنين أنَّ إمكانية العمل في الضفة متوافرة، رغم سنوات من الأخطاء المتراكمة، وأن الاستثمار الصحيح والمدروس في بيئة الضفة من جديد، على يد تنظيمات كبيرة مثل “فتح” أو قوية مثل “حماس”، يمكن أن يعيد بناء حالة مشتبكة ومؤثرة، فقد أقامت “الجهاد الإسلامي” بشبابها الصغار الحجّة، وقدّمت على محدودية حضورها في بعض مدن الضفة دليلاً دامغاً على إمكانية البناء من الصفر مجدداً، وخصوصاً أنها أعادت إنتاج نفسها، حتى لو بحدود ضيقة وخطى بطيئة.

    Two Palestinians Martyred After Killing ‘Israeli’ Officer Near West Bank Checkpoint

    September 15, 2022

    By Staff, Agencies

    ‘Israeli’ occupation military forces shot and killed two Palestinian youths in the northern part of the West Bank as tensions have been rising across the occupied territories in recent weeks, with Zionist troops ratcheting up detention raids and other repressive measures.

    The Zionist military said in a statement that the two Palestinians were detected near a checkpoint close to the village of Jalamah, which lies north of the West Bank city of Jenin, early on Wednesday morning.

    The statement further alleged that soldiers from the Nahal Brigade surrounded the pair and attempted to arrest them, but they opened fire on the troopers. The soldiers returned fire in which the two men were martyred.

    The two martyrs were identified by Palestinian media as Ahmed Abed and Abdul Rahman Abed, from the village of Kafr Dan near Jenin.

    The Jerusalem Post daily newspaper also reported that an ‘Israeli’ soldier was killed in the exchange of fire. No other details were immediately available.

    Jalamah is located adjacent to the security barrier just north of Jenin, where a number of Palestinian retaliatory operations earlier in the year originated and where the ‘Israeli’ military has concentrated much of its clampdown.

    More than 70 Palestinians, including 37 Palestinian children, have been martyred so far this year, many as a result of the use of lethal force by the ‘Israeli’ authorities in a manner described by the UN Human Rights Office in the Occupied Territories as a violation of international human rights law.

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    Israeli forces concerned over situation in West Bank: Israeli media

    September 9, 2022

    Source: Agencies

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Israeli media reveal growing concerns of Israeli occupation forces over widespread frustration and volatile situation in all Palestinian cities across the West Bank.

    Israeli source: the situation in all areas of the West Bank raise concerns

    Political affairs commentator for the Israeli broadcaster “Kan“, Gilly Cohen, revealed that the Israeli occupation forces are “very concerned” about the growing frustration and volatile situation within Palestinian cities.

    According to Cohen, the security leadership, from the army chiefs, through the head of Military Intelligence, to the head of the Shin Bet, have expressed extreme concern over the situation that is potentially explosive.

    In reference to the acts of confrontation the Palestinians carry out in response to the Israeli raids, mass arrests, and murders, Cohen said the Israeli forces are afraid that – what she dubbed – “acts of terrorism” inside Palestinian cities, especially in Nablus and Jenin, and the “violence” carried out against the Israeli occupation forces when they raid those cities, might spread to all of the West Bank.

    Quoting a source familiar with the meetings between senior Israeli officials and the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Barbara Leaf, Israeli media reported that the US is highly concerned over the situation in the West Bank and fears a possible escalation.

    The source stated that Leaf expressed her fear of a deteriorating security situation coupled with a possible escalation in the occupied West Bank. She believes that the continuation of such dynamics in the West Bank will lead to deterioration at the security level.

    Israeli media likewise confirmed that “what we have witnessed in recent months, saying it is a new kind of uprising that is different from what we witnessed in the 80s and in the year 2000, and what distinguishes it is a lot of violence directed against the Israeli army in every arrest operation.”

    Ben-David added, “This is not only in Jenin and Nablus; there are also blocks of stones and mass shooting at the Israeli soldiers by young men who do not belong to any organization, therefore the hesitation now. Ahead the eve of the October holidays, we might possibly intensify pressure and carry out more arrests, or on the contrary, take a step back and limit confrontation.”

    On his account, the military commentator on the Israeli Kan channel, Roi Sharon, said, “In the security establishment, they estimate that this escalation will further increase, with more shootings and more local armed groups, and what started in the Jenin area has spread towards Nablus and has expanded today to the Jordan Valley.”

    Ramallah – The martyrdom of the young Haitham Mubarak from the village of Abu Falah at the northern entrance to Al-Bireh
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    Israeli Lawmaker Ben-Gvir Threatens to Kill Palestinian Prisoner, His Family

    August 22, 2022

    Right-wing Israeli Knesset member Itamar Ben-Gvir storm the Al-Aqsa mosque compound. (Photo: Video Grab)

    Right-wing Israeli lawmaker Itamar Ben-Gvir has called the family of Palestinian prisoner Nour Eddin Jarbou, threatening to kill them and their son, the official Palestinian news agency WAFA reported.

    Qadri Abu Bakr, head of the Prisoners Affairs Commission, said in a statement that Ben-Gvir told the Jarbou family that he will not leave their son alive and that he and his gang are going to reach him at the Israeli hospital.

    Abu Bakr said the threats will be taken seriously since Ben-Gvir is a known advocate of violence against Palestinians.

    Jarbou, 27, was detained on April 9 after he was shot several times during an Israeli army assault on the Jenin refugee camp. One bullet hit him in the spine and paralyzed him.

    (PC, WAFA, SOCIAL)

    ‘Israel’ murders young Palestinian in Jenin Camp

    June 30, 2022

    Source: Agencies

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Muhammad Maher Marei succumbed to the serious wounds that he sustained by Israeli occupation forces during their storming of the neighborhood of Jenin at dawn today.

    Young Palestinian martyr Muhammad Maher Marei

    Israeli occupation forces (IOF) directly opened live fire at young Palestinian Muhammad Maher Marei, 25, during a raid on Jenin Camp at dawn today.

    The director of Khalil Suleiman Governmental Hospital confirmed to local Palestinian media that the young man from Jenin camp died as a result of being shot by occupation forces at dawn during confrontations in the city.

    Using excessive force, the IOF arrested two young men, Yahya Yousef Al-Jaafar and Ahmed Asaad Nabhan, after raiding the homes of their relatives in Al-Marah neighborhood in Jenin.

    Simultaneously, Palestinians participated in a mass rally in protest of the Israeli violations through Jenin’s neighborhoods.

    Protesters held the body of the martyr on their shoulders and chanted slogans condemning the occupation’s crimes and its ongoing aggression against Jenin.

    They also called for national Palestinian unity and the continuation of the struggle against the Israeli enemy.

    The Israeli occupation forces have been actively storming Jenin Camp, aiming clearly at killing Palestinians and arresting others who, in turn, are confronting the occupation forces.

    This is happening as Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennet has recently given a green light for killing Palestinians.

    “There are not and will not be limited for this war. We are granting full freedom of action to the army, the Shin Bet [domestic intelligence agency], and all security forces,” Bennet said last April.

    Since the beginning of 2022, the IOF killed more than 70 Palestinians, 27 of them from Jenin and its camp including Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, who was covering an Israeli raid in Jenin.

    The assassination of Shireen Abu Akleh

    When talking about Jenin, the name of Shireen Abu Akleh, famed Al Jazeera journalist and veteran reporter, comes to mind. Shireen was murdered on May 11 when Israeli occupation forces storming the Jenin refugee camp, north of the West Bank, shot her with a live bullet to the head as she was covering the events of the storming.

    Read more: Forensic analysis proves IOF deliberately killed Shireen Abu Akleh

    Related Stories

    If the media can probe Shireen Abu Akleh’s death, why not the murder of other Palestinians?

    23 June 2022

    Jonathan Cook is an award-winning independent journalist and author [ MORE ]

    An Israeli sniper shot the Al-Jazeera journalist, according to four US news organisations. But the only investigation the Biden administration will heed is an Israeli one

    Middle East Eye – 22 Jun 2022

    The New York Times published this week the conclusion of its investigation into the killing of the Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh.

    It was the fourth major US news organisation to look in detail at what happened to Abu Akleh during an Israeli army raid into the Palestinian city of Jenin last month. 

    The New York Times found a high probability she had been killed by an Israeli sniper, confirming the findings of earlier investigations by the Associated Press, CNN and the Washington Post. Like the other publications, the Times based its findings on video footage, witness testimonies and acoustic analysis. 

    “The bullet that killed Ms Abu Akleh was fired from the approximate location of the Israeli military convoy [in Jenin], most likely by a soldier from an elite unit,” the Times concluded. A total of 16 shots were fired at the group of journalists that included Abu Akleh.

    Last month, CNN said the evidence it unearthed suggested the veteran Al Jazeera journalist had been killed in a “targeted attack by Israeli forces”. Similar conclusions have been reached by human rights groups that have studied the evidence, including Israel’s respected occupation watchdog, B’Tselem. 

    A major blow

    These probes are a major blow to Israel, coming from reputed media organisations that are usually seen as highly sympathetic to Israel rather than the Palestinians. 

    They have kept the killing of the journalist in the headlines when Israel had hoped interest would quickly wane – as is the case with the overwhelming majority of Palestinian deaths.

    The investigations have made it much harder for Israel to obscure both its responsibility for Abu Akleh’s killing and the intention behind it. The bullet that killed her was fired with the apparent goal of executing her, hitting a narrow, exposed area of flesh between her helmet and a flak jacket marked “Press”. 

    And the various probes have highlighted once again how unwilling Israel is to hold its soldiers to account for committing crimes if the victim is Palestinian. 

    Instead, Israel has had to twist and turn in defending its failure to identify the culprit. It initially refused to investigate, claiming a Palestinian gunman, not one of its soldiers, shot Abu Akleh during the military raid.  

    All the media investigations show that to be untrue. 

    Then Israel suggested that she might have been hit by the crossfire from an Israeli soldier being fired on by Palestinian gunmen. But all the investigations have shown that Palestinian fighters were nowhere near Abu Akleh when she was shot. She was, however, clearly visible to a unit of Israeli soldiers. 

    More recently, Israel has tried to shift the blame onto the Palestinian Authority, saying it has not cooperated by handing over the bullet that killed Abu Akleh or by agreeing to hold a joint investigation. As ever, Israel behaves as if the party accused of the crime should be the one to oversee the investigation.

    The Palestinian Authority rightly refuses requests for cooperation, arguing that they are being made in bad faith. Israel would exploit any joint investigation to concoct “a new lie, a new narrative”, the PA observes. 

    A meaningful question

    In reality, Israel already knows exactly which of its snipers pulled the trigger. The only meaningful question at this stage is, why? Was the shooting committed by a hot-headed soldier, or was it an execution carried out on orders from above? Was the intention to target Abu Akleh specifically, or did it not matter which of the group of journalists she was among was hit? 

    Israel, however, isn’t the only party discomfited by the media’s repeated investigations.

    They have also served to embarrass Joe Biden’s administration. Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state, has called for an “independent, credible investigation”, while his department has underscored the need for a “thorough and independent investigation”. 

    The New York Times and the other major media outlets have all proved that just such an investigation can be carried out. And yet the silence from the US administration at their shared findings is deafening. 

    There are two further, possibly less obvious conclusions the rest of us should draw from these efforts to identify who was responsible for killing Abu Akleh. 

    The first relates to the exceptional nature of the investigations conducted by the US media. Concern at the killing of a Palestinian is far from the norm. In this case, it appears to have been prompted by an unusual coincidence of facts: that Abu Akleh was a high-profile, internationally respected journalist and that she had US citizenship. 

    In other words, she was seen not just as any ordinary Palestinian, or even as a Palestinian journalist, but as one of the western media’s own. 

    Total impunity

    In murdering Abu Akleh, Israel reminded journalists at the New York Times, AP, CNN and the Washington Post that the lives of their correspondents covering Israel and Palestine are in more danger than they possibly appreciate. In killing her, Israel crossed a red line for the western media – one premised on self-interest and self-preservation. 

    There are parallels with the media’s special treatment of the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi – and for similar reasons. Khashoggi, who was working for the Washington Post, was murdered and his body dismembered during a visit to the Saudi embassy in Turkey

    As with Israel, Saudi Arabia‘s leadership has an appalling human rights record and is not hesitant to jail and kill its opponents. But Khashoggi’s murder provoked unprecedented outrage from the media – outrage that Saudi Arabia’s many other victims have never warranted.

    The fact is the US media could have conducted similar investigations into any number of Palestinian deaths at the hands of the Israeli security services, not just Abu Akleh’s, and they would have reached similar conclusions. But they have consistently avoided doing so.

    There is a danger inherent in focusing exclusively on Abu Akleh’s killing, just as there was with focusing exclusively on Khashoggi’s. Each has the effect of making it look as though their deaths are exceptional events requiring exceptional investigation – when they are each an example of a longstanding pattern of regime lawlessness and human rights abuses.

    The special focus subtly reinforces too the impression that Palestinian accounts of Israeli abuses, even when the supporting evidence is overwhelming, cannot be trusted. 

    The veteran Israeli journalist Gideon Levy has run a weekly column, the Twilight Zone, in the Haaretz newspaper for years in which he investigates the killing or serious wounding of Palestinians – often people whose names have never appeared in the western media. 

    Invariably he finds that Israel’s military lies – sometimes flagrantly – about the circumstances in which Palestinians have been killed, or it initiates an inconclusive, stone-walling investigation. 

    The lies are needed because the truth would show something consistently ugly about Israel’s decades of military occupation: that Israeli soldiers often kill unarmed Palestinians in cold blood; or that they recklessly shoot Palestinian bystanders; or that they execute armed Palestinian fighters when no one’s life is in danger.

    The common thread in Levy’s reports is the complete impunity of Israeli soldiers, whatever their actions.

    Pilloried in public

    But there is a further conclusion to be drawn. Blinken and the Biden administration keep insisting on a thorough, independent, credible and transparent investigation, and say it is important to “follow the facts, wherever they lead”.

    But who do they expect to carry out such an investigation? 

    The White House, of course, reflexively discounts the findings of the Palestinian Authority’s investigation that Abu Akleh was deliberately shot by Israeli soldiers. It acts as if the investigations conducted by these four large media organisations do not qualify. Meanwhile, the administration itself shows precisely zero interest in conducting an investigation, despite pressure from Congress to involve the FBI. 

    Would Blinken prefer that the United Nations take on the task? Presumably not, given how the US and Israel responded to the last major independent investigation by the UN, one into Israel’s month-long attack on Gaza at the end of 2008. Israel refused to cooperate. 

    Richard Goldstone, a distinguished South African jurist, led a panel of experts who concluded that Israel had committed a series of war crimes during its attack, known as Cast Lead, as had Palestinian militias. 

    The UN panel’s report found that Israel had adopted a policy that intentionally targeted Palestinian civilians, the vast majority of the 1,400 Palestinians killed in Cast Lead. 

    Both the US and Israel worked strenuously to bury the report. Goldstone, who is Jewish, found himself publicly shamed and isolated by Jewish communities in the US and South Africa. He was even barred from attending his grandson’s bar mitzvah. Eventually, he appeared to succumb to the pressure campaign, expressing regret over the report. 

    No one in Washington came to Goldstone’s defence over the UN’s thorough, independent, credible and transparent investigation. Quite the reverse: he was publicly pilloried. The US administration thereby sent a message to other experts that investigating “independently” and “credibly” is certain only to bring ignominy on their heads if it exposes Israel’s war crimes. 

    Israel’s hands ‘tied’

    Or maybe Blinken would prefer that the International Criminal Court at the Hague investigate. 

    And yet the US demonstrated the degree to which it appreciates full, independent, credible and transparent investigations by that body two years ago, when the ICC tried to turn the spotlight on to US war crimes in Afghanistan and Israel’s in the occupied Palestinian territories. 

    In response, Biden’s predecessor, Donald Trump, imposed sanctions on the court, denying staff entry to the US and threatening to seize its assets. The threat extended to anyone offering “material support” to the court – language more normally used in the context of terrorism.  

    The reality, as all parties understand, is that only an investigation overseen by Israel could ever count as “thorough, independent, credible and transparent” to the US. 

    The subtext is that an investigation cannot hope to reach the bar of “credible, independent and transparent”, as far as Washington is concerned, until the Palestinian Authority agrees to hold a joint inquiry with Israel.

    But both Israel and the US know full well that the Palestinian leadership will never agree to such “cooperation” – because Israel’s role would not be to arrive at the truth but to engineer a cover-up. 

    The demand for a “credible, independent and transparent” investigation is the US administration’s code for an investigation that will never take place. It is the diplomatic equivalent of the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow.

    But more importantly, it is the kind of impossible investigation that, conveniently for the US and Israel, they can blame the PA for obstructing. As long as the Palestinians refuse to “cooperate”, Israel’s hands are supposedly tied. 

    Abu Akleh’s murder has not just revealed the fact that Israeli soldiers kill Palestinians, any Palestinian, with impunity. 

    It has revealed too that the Biden administration is not troubled by the killing, or by the impunity of the soldier who executed her. All that bothers the White House is the irritant of having to create the impression it cares about the truth and the impression that Israel is doing its best to investigate. 

    Until the matter can be swept aside, it will be a little harder for each to get on with business as usual: for the US to give Israel full-throated financial, diplomatic and military support; and for Israel to continue its incremental, decades-long work of seizing control of the Palestinians’ entire, historic homeland.

    But at least for each of them, with Abu Akleh gone, there is one less fearless witness to expose quite how hollow their moral posturing is.

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    Three Palestinians killed in a raid on Jenin camp

    June 17, 2022

    Source: Agencies

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Israeli occupation forces kill three Palestinians in Jenin which has been targeted in the occupation’s latest wave of violence.

    The three martyrs are Laith Abu Sorour, Youssef Salah, and Baraa Al-Halhouh from Jenin camp.

    Three Palestinian youths were murdered and another eight wounded during an Israeli raid on Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank.

    The Palestinian health ministry reported that the three martyrs are Laith Abu Sorour, Youssef Salah, and Baraa Al-Halhouh from Jenin camp.

    Local witnesses said that Israeli occupation forces (IOF) have opened fire at four Palestinian young men while they were in a vehicle during a military raid into the occupied West Bank camp of Jenin.

    Simultaneously, confrontations were renewed after the IOF brutally stormed the refugee camp and fired live ammunition and tear gas bombs at civilians there.

    It is worth noting that the occupation forces have been actively storming Jenin and its camp, aiming clearly at killing Palestinians and arresting others who, in turn, are confronting the occupation forces.

    This is happening as Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennet has recently given a green light for killing Palestinians. 

    “There are not and will not be limited for this war. We are granting full freedom of action to the army, the Shin Bet [domestic intelligence agency], and all security forces,” Bennet said last April.

    Since the beginning of 2022, IOF killed at least 70 Palestinians,  27 of them from Jenin and its camp.

    Shireen Abu Akleh

    When talking about Jenin, the name of Shireen Abu Akleh, famed Al Jazeera journalist and veteran reporter, comes to mind. Shireen was murdered on May 11 when Israeli occupation forces storming the Jenin refugee camp, north of the West Bank, shot her with a live bullet to the head as she was covering the events of the storming.

    The Washington Post has lately published a detailed examination of the deliberate murder of Shireen Abu Akleh by Israeli Occupation Forces.

    Read more: 

    ISRAEL’S DANCE OF FLAGS IS A ZIONIST HATE PARADE AND, BY DEFINITION, AN ACT OF WAR

    JUNE 7TH, 2022

    Source

    By Miko Peled

    JERUSALEM – It is sometimes easier to see things from a distance, especially when talking about Palestine, where tragedies follow each other with unbelievable speed. There is no time to recover from one tragedy before two or three more occur, all initiated by Israel with its all-powerful military and then justified or buried by various branches of Zionist groups around the world.

    The Dance of Flags, sometimes called the Flags March, takes place in Jerusalem each year around the beginning of June. In 2022 it was preceded by the targeted killing of Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh and the assault on her funeral procession, followed by the killing of several more young Palestinians. The decision to carry out the ethnic cleansing of Masafer Yatta in the South Hebron Hills took place around the same time, yet not a moment of thought is given to the fact that there is a war going on.

    The March of Flags in Jerusalem was an act of war. Israeli assaults on Jenin are an act of war. The displacement of the residents of Masafer Yatta is an act of war. And this is counting only the events that took place in the last few weeks.

    THE FLAGS MARCH

    Anyone who has witnessed the Dance of Flags firsthand in Jerusalem can attest to the fact that this is, without a doubt, a parade of terror. The thousands of young Israelis get excited for the moment when they enter the Old City of Jerusalem through the Damascus Gate so that they can pound on the doors of Palestinian businesses and terrorize the Palestinians who reside in the Old City.

    Each year the organizers of this racist hate parade go through the formality of negotiating with the Jerusalem police regarding the specific route of the march. Every year the police and other government agencies charged with security say that the request to enter the Old City via Damascus Gate is a dangerous idea. And every year the March proceeds as planned through Damascus Gate. Being the masters of the land and wielding a great deal of political power, the organizers of the Dance of Flags always get their way.

    DAMASCUS GATE

    In Arabic, the Damascus Gate is called Bab el-Amoud, or the Gate of the Pillar. Apparently, in early times there was a large pillar in front of the gate on the inside. Generally, one can tell a great deal about a city just by paying attention to its gates. For example, when entering the Old City via Jaffa Gate and going down into the souk, one sees shops catering to tourists; and, in fact, most tourists and Israelis enter through there. It is considered a more “friendly” part of the Old City. The shops carry all sorts of Judaica, yarmulkes, menorahs and even IDF t-shirts.

    When entering from Damascus Gate, one sees fewer tourists. Mostly Palestinians walk through it and the shops sell things that people actually need for their daily lives. Vegetables, bread, sweets, clothes and shoes. The shops that do carry items for tourists carry mostly kaffiyas and items like t-shirts that emphasize Palestine and show the Palestinian colors. The non-Palestinians walking the street down from Damascus Gate are usually hardcore Israeli settlers, who have taken over some of the homes along the road, and soldiers.

    Israel Flags March
    Palestanians defend against Jewish youth partaking in the Flags March, May 29, 2022. Ariel Schalit | AP

    TAKING OVER

    It is a straight shot walking from Damascus Gate to the al-Aqsa Mosque, and to the Western Wall – or the Kotel – plaza. The plaza used to be the Mughrabi neighborhood of the Old City. Palestinians live and have businesses in that part of the city, but settlers are targeting and taking homes there at an alarming rate. The homes that have already been taken by settlers are clearly marked and easy to spot. First, a heavy door with a bolt is placed at the front of the home. You don’t see the Palestinian homes with doors like that. An intercom is put in place and very often an armed security guard stands regularly by the door.

    A large Israeli flag is displayed on the building, usually hanging from the second story balcony. It is very often that these apartments are right above shops that are still owned and operated by Palestinian merchants who suffer greatly from the settlers’ presence. As one shopkeeper whose store I frequent often said to me once, “Ma fi awsakh minhum” – no one is worse than them.

    AN ACT OF WAR

    According to the “Law Insider” website, an act of war is defined as follows:

    Act of war (whether declared or undeclared), invasion, armed conflict or act of foreign enemy, blockade, embargo, revolution, riot, insurrection, civil commotion, act of terrorism or sabotage.

    Another example of a definition is:

    Act of war means hostile or warlike action, whether declared or not, in a time of peace or war, whether initiated by a local governmentforeign government or foreign groupcivil unrestinsurrectionrebellion or civil war.

    The Flags March held in Jerusalem each year falls under these definitions. It is an invasion of the Old City by a mob large enough to be a small army; it is a riot; it is civil commotion, and it is an act of terrorism that involves sabotage. Even though those who participate in this hate parade are civilians, there is always a heavy military presence that accompanies them. It was reported that in 2022 some three thousand officers were deployed in Jerusalem for the purpose of this march. That represents nearly the entire Jerusalem police force.

    Israel Flags
    Israeli police snatch a flag from an elderly woman amid the Flags Day march in the Old City, May 29, 2022. Mahmoud Illean | AP

    Not to be mistaken with traffic police, or cops on a beat looking for criminals, the police force that is deployed in East Jerusalem is of a different kind. This is a militarized police force and the officers are referred to as “fighters,” not officers. They look like soldiers, the arms that they carry are like those of soldiers, but their mandate is to attack Palestinian civilians, something they do with cruelty and brutality.

    Zionists always blame Palestinians who respond to Israeli acts of war with acts of armed resistance against civilians. They call it terrorism. There is no question that it is terrible when civilians are killed and injured. The problem is that throughout the entire war Israel has waged against Palestinians it has been targeting civilians. There is no Palestinian military – there never was such a thing – and Israel has consistently, and with planning, targeted and killed Palestinian civilians going as far back as one can remember.

    Perhaps it is time to step back and instead of viewing each act of violence perpetrated by Israel separately, instead view them all together as individual acts of a larger war – a war waged against a nation that has never possessed an army.

    Freedom Tunnel prisoner Yaqoub Qadri on hunger strike for 11th day

    11 Jun 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen net

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Muhjat Al-Quds foundation announces receiving a letter from Yaqoub Qadri who is on hunger strike for the 11th day, whereby he confirmed he was transferred to a dumpster-like cell infested with insects.

    Isolated prisoner Yaqoub Qadri

    The media department of Muhjat Al-Quds Foundation for Martyrs, Prisoners, and Wounded confirmed in a statement that the isolated prisoner Yaqoub Mahmoud Ahmed Qadri is on an open hunger strike for the 11th consecutive day to demand the restoration of all his rights he was coerced out of by the “Ohalei Keidar” prison administration.

    Muhjat Al-Quds stated that the prisoner confirmed in a letter that he has been on an open-ended hunger strike since the beginning of June, in refusal of the prison administration’s decision to close his cantina account, claiming that he owed 7,500 shekels, which he has no clue where it came from.

    The Foundation added that he was denied family visits for a period of two months and going out to the square for a period of two weeks, and he recieved a fine of 250 shekels. He stressed that he decided to go on an open hunger strike “in order to recover all the rights stolen from him by the prison administration.”

    In his letter, Qadri indicated that his situation is very difficult as he faces daily inspections by the prison administration, adding that the prison administration has moved him to a new dumpster-like cell infested with cockroaches, mosquitoes, ants, and bedbugs that feed on his body day and night, all for the sake of breaking his will and forcing him to end his hunger strike without retrieving any of his stolen rights.

    Muhjat Al-Quds called on international, human rights institutions, especially the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, to “carry out their legal and moral responsibilities of exposing the arbitrary practices and crimes of the Zionist occupation prisons against the isolated prisoners, specifically the prisoners of the Freedom Tunnel, and bringing the Zionist officials to justice by forcing them to stand before the International Criminal Court.”

    It is worth noting that the prisoner Yaqoub Qadri from the village of Bir Al-Basha, in the Jenin governorate in the northern West Bank, was born in 1972 and is single. He was arrested by the Israeli occupation forces on October 18, 2003, and the Israeli court sentenced him to life imprisonment twice, plus 35 years. His charges were “belonging to and being a member of Saraya Al-Quds (Al-Quds Brigades) – the military wing of the Islamic Jihad movement, and participating in operations against the occupation forces.”

    On September 6, 2021, six prisoners broke out of Gilboa prison in Palestine.

    Read more: Meet the Mastermind behind the Gilboa Prison Break

    According to Israeli sources, the prisoners who managed to escape through a tunnel were Zakaria Al-Zubaidi, Munadel Yaqoub Nafi’at, Mohammad Qassem Al-Arida, Yaqoub Mahmoud Qadri, Ayham Fouad Kamamji, Mahmoud Abdullah Al-Arida, knowing that the last five are members of the Islamic Jihad Movement.

    Mahmoud Al-Aridah and Yaqoub Qadri were re-arrested four days later, on September 10, 2021 in Al-Nasra. Zakaria Al-Zubaidi and Mohammad Al-Aridah were re-arrested the next day, and Ayham Kamamji and Mundadel Nafi’at on Sunday the 19th, after the house they had barricaded themselves in, east of Jenin, was surrounded.

    The so-called “Nazareth Court” issued a sentence on May 22 against the Palestinian prisoners who broke out of Gilboa Prison on September 6, in what was later known as the Freedom Tunnel operation.

    Al Mayadeen‘s correspondent said the occupation court sentenced five of the prisoners to five years and eight months in prison, adding that Zakaria Al-Zubaidi was not sentenced today because of his different circumstances.

    The court also issued a four-year prison sentence and a fine of 2,000 shekels against the five prisoners who provided assistance to the Freedom Tunnel prisoners as per Israeli claims: Iyad Jaradat, Ali Abu Bakr, Muhammad Abu Bakr, Qusai Merhi and Mahmoud Abu Ashrin.

    Related

    The Nakba, administrative detention, Jenin and Shireen Abu Akleh

    1 Jun 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Fra Hughes 

    What do these four separate events have in common?

    The Nakba, administrative detention, Jenin and Shireen Abu Akleh

    The Nakba as many people are already aware refers to the mass expulsion of ethnic Palestinians from their homes towns and villages in 1948.

    Over 750 000 old men, young women mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters, fled for their lives, under the threat of annihilation and ethnic genocide from the forces of the newly created “Israel”.

    “Israel” was born into the bloodied hands of Zionist terrorism, the Irgun, Stern gangs, and Haganah.

    Terrorist groups murdered, maimed mutilated, and raped Palestinians as part of their campaign to create the colonial regime of “Israel” in the land depleted of its indigenous population.

    Europeans who were not born in Palestine carried out a wave of ethnic cleansing and a campaign of murder to replace the indigenous population with a nonindigenous invasion of European Jewish and Zionist colonial carpet baggers, who stole farms, occupied homes and robbed the national wealth and resources of Palestine for their own selfish gain.

    They not only stole the land, but they stole the lives, the future, the dreams and the aspirations of a nation and its people, forcing 8 million Palestinians to live in exile, many still surviving in refugee camps, and two open-air defacto prison camps, incarcerating the remaining Palestinians living under illegal military occupation.

    The ‘Nakba’ is the name given to the Catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people in 1948.

    That ongoing catastrophe continues today as illegal Israeli settlements are built on land stolen by the apartheid regime in the occupied territories.

    The theft of homes in Al-Khalil and Sheik Jarrah, combined with the recent Israeli Court decision to expel 1000 Palestinians from their homes in order to plant trees on top of their land, proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that the ethnic cleansing house by house,  dunum by dunum, continue apace and is indeed Israeli state policy 

    The remodeling of Palestine into “Israel” continues.

    Add to this the cultural appropriation of Palestinian culture and food, and we have nearly the complete expropriation of most things that are Palestinian into a hybrid “Israel” society.

    Even the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Al-Quds (Jerusalem) is under constant assault by Israeli occupation forces and illegal settlers, who wish to take and ultimately destroy the mosque, the third most holy site in Islam, in order to build the fabled Temple Mount on the site, of which “Israel” archaeologists have found no historical evidence.

    All this violence, death, destruction, and regional conflict were delivered by the US, Britain, and the UN.

    They gave away 52% of Palestine on the 14th of May, 1948.

    They gave it to the armed militant Zionist gangs who were designated as terrorists at that time.

    “Israel” was built on terrorism and continues to exist through its use of terrorism, illegal occupation, siege, bombings, warships, F16 aircraft, attack helicopters, nuclear submarines, extrajudicial murders, spies, and collaborators.

    Palestinians have paid the ultimate price for European antisemitism from 19th-century Czarist Russia to Hitler’s 20th-century Germany.

    Palestinian are paying the price for crimes they did not commit.

    The riots in Al-Quds in 1926 prove Zionist intentions to colonize Palestine long before the second world war.

    The primary resistance to this military occupation of Palestinian homes, towns, lands, and villages by Zionists was the use of armed resistance. 

    Although Palestine had no army, navy, or airforce, with most of the civilian population having been disarmed by the British occupation prior to partition, the people tried valiantly to defend themselves.

    As part of the occupation’s oppressive control of Palestinians today, the use of administrative detention, also known as internment without trial, used by the British during the British Mandate laws, has no legal basis in international law.

    It is used to disrupt peaceful opposition to the ongoing illegal Israeli occupation as a blunt tool of repression.

    No charges are brought against the plaintiff.

    Secret evidence may be produced for the non-jury, trial judge to peruse.

    This secret evidence, if it even exists, is not made available to the defense, and universally the victim of this miscarriage of justice is carted off to jail for periods of 6 months at a time. 

    This can be extended at the whim of the court upon expiry.

    Some Palestinians have served concurrent periods of administrative detention leading to between 10 and 15 years of incarceration.

    No formal charges are presented, no trial by jury, no evidence provided in open court to be challenged by the defense, just a nod and a wink between the state enforcement branch of government and the state judiciary branch of government, and you’re locked up.

    A whole society and government based on the continued exploitation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, in order to allow Zionists to steal their homes and their land.

    This is all carried out under the protection of the IOF.

    Palestinians are subject to military law and military courts while illegal Israeli settlers are subject to civil law and civil courts. 

    Administrative detention, controlled movement, extrajudicial murder, house demolitions, live bullets rubber bullets, batons, tear gas, bombs, and missiles are the order of the day in the arsenal of the repressive apartheid regime to be used as necessary against the Palestinian people.

    While the UN passed resolution 194 allowing Palestinians who fled the ethnic cleansing of 1948 to return to Palestine, “Israel” consistently refuses to comply.

    Any Jew not born in Palestine can immigrate there from Russia, America, France, Ukraine, Britain, or indeed from any part of the globe and be given land or homes that have been stolen from the indigenous people?

    Palestinians have the right under international law to resist the illegal occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by ‘ Any Means Necessary’ this includes the right to armed self-defense.

    Jenin is one of the many refugee camps that are to be found in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and indeed all over West Asia.

    Many of its inhabitants are refugees from the expulsions of 1948 and again in 1967 when the Israeli militarily occupied the West Bank and Gaza.

    A refugee camp filled with the nightmares of occupation and the dreams of returning to their homes and land.

    A place where the spirit of freedom shines bright amidst the darkness of oppression. 

    The only response to the overwhelming and complete control of their society, and as a reaction to the continued Israeli military brutality and provocations, was to use their very bodies in an act of desperation to remind the world and Israeli society they refuse to be treated like this, they chose to resist 

    Recently we have witnessed Israeli provocations at Al Aqsa,

    The beatings and arrests inside the mosque combined with the firing of tear gas at peaceful worshippers, the brutality shown towards the old men, young women, and girls near Damascus Gate and the apparent shoot to kill policy being used by the IOF against unarmed civilians, has enraged Palestinian civil society and roused the resistance into action

    Many children, young men, and even mothers have been murdered by the IOF.

    A death sentence is a price for resisting the illegal occupation with a stone.

    Jenin is not alone in continuing to resist the occupation, every Palestinian – except those who profit from the occupation or collaborate with it – demands peace, justice and dignity for Palestine.

    Shireen Abu Akleh died as she lived exposing Israeli violations of international law, its war crimes, its brutality and its viciousness.

    The hierarchy of victimhood, which is so well defined in the West, can also be found in Israeli coverage of the occupation.

    Palestinians are “terrorists”.

    Israelis are “peace-loving people who just want to live in safety.”

    The reality is most likely the reverse of this narrative.

    Why was Shireen assassinated?

    Well, its quite simple really, from the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians during the Nakba which is commemorated every May 15, the day after “Israel” was created and the ethnic cleansing began in earnest, through Administrative detention, used to repress legitimate dissent and opposition to the occupation, to the abandonment of Palestinians to the refugee camps in order to control them, it is the broadcasters, journalists, photographers and eyewitnesses that the occupation also wants to control.

    They want to control not only what Palestinians are allowed to do in their own country in their homes on their land and even in their mosques but they want to control what you and I outside of Palestine are allowed to see and hear.

    Targeted assassination of journalists is as much a tool in the arsenal of the apartheid regime as ethnic cleansing house demolitions, Administrative detention, controlled movement, and murder.

    Shireen was executed because she exposed the truth to the world of the brutality of “Israel”s continuing illegal occupation

    She reported on house demolitions, peaceful protests, military house raids, and on the excesses of the Israeli Courts

    She was a thorn in their side.

    According to the Palestinian Union of Journalists 55 journalists have been murdered, executed by the IOF in Palestine from 2000 and many many more injured.

    The press is regularly attacked, cameras are broken and journalists are assaulted.

    There is no freedom in Palestine from the brutality of the repressive military occupation for any indigenous person.

    Indeed international solidarity activists are also under threat, while walking children to school like the ecumenical accompaniers in Al-Khalil, to Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndell both International Solidarity members murdered by the Israeli regime.

    There is a linear line that goes from 1901 through to 2022 that joins land, acquisition, ethnic cleansing, race riots, the partition of Palestine, the 1948 and 1967 Israeli wars of aggression, the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, and the murder of Shireen Abu Akleh.

    It’s called Zionism.

    It is a cancer that has invaded the body politics and society of WestAsia if not treated it will destroy the host.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Israel’s flag march: Will it trigger the inevitable war in Palestine?

    Israel is desperate to re-establish the ‘deterrence equation’ it lost last May, while the Palestinian resistance intends to do everything necessary to maintain and advance it.

    May 28 2022

    Photo Credit: The Cradle

    By Abdelrahman Nassar

    After enduring heavy Israeli provocations during the holy month of Ramadan, Palestinians will be tested again this Sunday with the Flag March – an annual Jewish celebration of the 1967 capture of Palestine’s Old City in East Jerusalem.

    Tensions are rife in Jerusalem. This year and next, Ramadan falls on the same month as Jewish religious holidays, each offering a pretext for Israeli extremists to taunt, injure, and kill Palestinians in occupied lands.

    So if Sunday’s march doesn’t provoke a conflagration, there is still 2023 to contend with.

    Israel can no longer control outcomes

    For years, Israel has been surveilling Palestinian movements in an effort to predict the eruption of a new uprising (Intifada), but has been unable to determine when it will take place.

    Last March, for example, a report by the Israeli Internal Security Agency (Shin Bet) identified several incidents that could lead to a large-scale confrontation in Palestine – and the likely locations for it. And, indeed, the expected happened.

    But what the Shin Bet report did not say was that Israel itself is pushing for this confrontation so that it can choose the time and place in order to try to control the outcome.

    The evidence abounds: Israel allows hundreds, even thousands, of extremist settlers a free hand to storm Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem to perform Jewish Passover rites at the Muslim site. This year, they were not allowed to conduct animal sacrifices inside courtyard of the Mosque, but that may happen next year.

    The Israeli army accompanies and protects Jewish settlers during their attacks on Palestinian cities, towns, and villages of the occupied West Bank. The examples are countless; the difficulty is in predicting the results of the ensuing clashes.

    Tel Aviv seeks an escalation of tensions, but without a Palestinian reaction. While Israel presents itself as a secular state, its barely veiled ambition is to Judaize Al-Aqsa Mosque and build the Temple of David over its ruins.

    Israel’s strategy is to emulate the Ibrahimi Mosque model in Hebron: to incrementally divide Al-Aqsa by allocating times for Jews to perform religious rites within the courtyards of the mosque – then expand those rights. This is significantly equal to the construction of a Temple.

    Palestinians thwarted Israel’s efforts during both this and last year’s Ramadan. Last month, their resistance factions were careful – particularly in the Gaza Strip – not to engage in a bloody confrontation, but allowed Palestinians in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and the 1948 areas to rise up instead.

    The Flag March provocation

    Israel’s right-wing government and parties know full well that canceling the Flag March – or even diverting its path away from Al-Aqsa – constitutes a submission to the Palestinian resistance factions.

    Palestinians are now demanding the marchers be prevented from entering the Muslim Quarter of the Old City and Bab al-Amud. This is a dangerous request for a state like Israel that relies mainly on the principle of deterrence and the excessive use of force to subjugate its opponents.

    The two reported routes that Israeli extremists will take through Jerusalem’s Old City before converging at the Al-Aqsa Mosque

    About a week ago, Yedioth Ahronoth reported that the Israeli security establishment was preparing for the Flag March with “high alertness for the possibility of escalation,” pointing out that “all the bodies, the Shin Bet, the army and the police, recommended that the march take place as planned.”

    In short, the very security establishment that ostensibly seeks to quash opportunities for a Palestinian intifada, are recommending that Jewish marchers traipse through the historically sensitive Bab al-Amud.

    The Israeli security establishment has warned that any change in the route “will be interpreted as Israeli weakness,” and has recommended a “fierce response” to any Palestinian action.

    Although Israel claims it is ready for further clashes with Gaza, it tried to avoid this outcome during Ramadan. It seems, however, that Tel Aviv’s calculations have changed after a series of developments, which include Hamas Gaza Leader Yahya Sinwar’s threat – in a speech at the end of Ramadan – that the resistance will wage a war to defend its victories in the May 2021 Sayf Al Quds battle over the sanctity of Jerusalem.

    The perceived higher threat level has made Israeli police, in several subsequent provocative activities organized by Jewish settlers, reduce their numbers in Al-Aqsa and ban them from raising Israeli flags.

    Internal political collapse

    Domestically, Israel is in trouble. The government of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is in imminent danger of collapse. That possibility appears to increase if he shows inaction or failure in dealing with security issues, whether in the occupied West Bank or in the Gaza Strip.

    Bennett’s government is under pressure from parties even further to his right, who represent a large number of Israeli votes that he does not want to lose. And hawkish former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, eager to return to the post he occupied for 15 years, is nipping at Bennett’s heels.

    Amid the internal political crisis, Israel’s security establishment fears losing much of its deterrent power against Palestinian resistance factions, newly armed with enhanced missile technology, drone capabilities, and unprecedented field coordination. Indeed, the Israelis have come to feel that the factions are controlling the internal scene.

    Is war imminent?

    There are a number of indicators that a confrontation is more likely to unfold in the next few days than at any time this year.

    First, on 9 May, the Israeli army launched its largest ever military exercise, Chariots of Fire, which involves nearly all units of the Israeli army, and simulates the outbreak of war on several fronts with Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Iran.

    Second, since the start of the maneuver, increased flights of reconnaissance planes – AWACS and others – have been observed over Gaza. Sources in the resistance factions interpret this as an attempt by the Israeli army to accumulate a new target bank to be used in any upcoming confrontation.

    Third, Palestinian factions have raised their alert levels since the start of Israel’s military maneuvers. According to sources in Gaza, there are strict measures on the movements of the senior resistance military leaders and precautionary measures in the movement of monitoring units, as well as the cancellation of training courses.

    Fourth, from a wholly Israeli point of view, the army believes it has not taken any action against Gaza since 2008. In its mind, in both 2014 and 2021, it was the resistance that decided to ‘launch a confrontation’ after Israel’s many provocations against Palestinians, including attacks, assassinations, and sieges.

    But the Sayf al Quds (Sword of Jerusalem) war in May 2021, was the most dangerous Israel has encountered in recent decades. Small-scale Israeli aggressions in Jerusalem provoked all the occupied territories and unified Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem and 1948 Palestinians – depriving the Israeli security establishment of their ability to compartmentalize and control each of these four ‘units.’

    For this fifth reason, there is an urgent Israeli need to re-establish the psychology of deterrence and to rearrange the Palestinian scene into a manageable and predictable state.

    Sixth, the resistance estimates that Israel may take advantage of current tensions to carry out assassinations of their most influential leaders, especially Yahya Sinwar, Ziad al-Nakhaleh, Muhammad al-Deif and Marwan Issa. These leaders have contributed heavily to the increase in Israel’s threat perception by keeping their ranks battle-ready and by unifying the Gaza, Jerusalem and West Bank arenas of confrontation.

    In anticipation of renewed targeted killings, Hamas Political Bureau Leader Ismail Haniyeh issued a warning in an 18 May letter to regional mediating states that any assassination policy adopted by Tel Aviv would lead to a major war. The resistance believes that Israel will use the cover of ongoing military maneuvers to direct a severe blow to their command and control centers in order to contain a harsh Palestinian reaction.

    On the seventh point, noting that the Gaza resistance has not escalated its rhetoric – setting a date for firing rockets, for example – Israel decided to proceed with the Flag March, providing that another security assessment is conducted on the night prior.

    As a Palestinian security source told The Cradle: “Something unusual should have happened to change the course of the march, because the threats until this moment are low-level.”

    Then, in yet another unfolding development, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, in his 25 May speech commemorating the liberation of southern Lebanon, announced – on behalf of the entire Axis of Resistance – that the attack on Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock “will lead to the detonation of the region.”

    In the following hours, the plan for the Israeli Flag March was temporarily halted and attempts were made to reduce the heat. According to Israel Hayom newspaper, directly after Nasrallah’s speech, Israel made contact with Egypt, the United Nations, and Qatar to prevent further escalation.

    Palestinian resistance factions, however, are in a state of absolute preparedness. They know not to be placated by deceptive Israeli statements, because they continue to observe active Israeli preparations on the ground. A resistance security source says Tel Aviv is frantic, and that there is an “urgent Israeli strategic interest to undermine the state of mutual deterrence between the resistance and the occupation.” Nothing will move Israel from this obsession to establish perceived strength.

    The most clear expression of this was voiced by Yossi Yehoshua in Yedioth Ahronoth when he wrote that “all [Israeli] security chiefs warn that changing the course of the Flag March at the last minute will be interpreted as weakness.”

    It’s getting hot in here

    It is important to understand that the Israeli army pronounced Gaza “deterred” in May 2021, just before battles broke out across occupied Palestine. The Israeli army believed that Gaza would not react because it feared another Israeli military operation. Israel’s military establishment has, once again, made that same assessment this year.

    But this is not necessarily true. The last hours leading up to Sunday’s Flag March may carry a new statement by the Chief of Staff of Al-Qassam Brigades Muhammad al-Deif, in which he renews intent to establish red lines around Al-Aqsa Mosque and Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem.

    Gaza resistance sources confirmed to The Cradle that although they tried to preserve the ‘deterrence equation’ without entering into a new confrontation during Ramadan, there is a strict decision to prevent Israel from reversing the advantages gained from last May’s Sayf al Quds war. Such a reversal, one source adds, “will mean an acceleration in the Judaization of the Holy City.”

    Hours from now, 16,000 Jewish settlers will rally for the Flag March, waving Israel flags in besieged Palestinian areas, to signal their absolute sovereignty over the city, its neighborhoods, and its holy sites.

    Until Sunday, many international and regional mediations will take place behind the scenes in an attempt to reach a solution. However, even if the event in Jerusalem passes without escalation, there are no indications that the operations in the Palestinian cities or the clashes in the West Bank will stop.

    In the West Bank, the scene is developing quickly. The Jenin Brigade model has been replicated in other cities, such as Nablus and Tulkarm. Entering these cities, with their vast areas and overcrowded, heavily armed camps, will make staying on the brink of confrontation a permanent situation.

    This scene, with all its details, suggests that periods of calm have become a thing of the past. Israel is well aware of this. The resistance factions believe that a battle is inevitable – if not now, then very soon, but they will not allow it to be on “the date set by the Israelis.”

    The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

    al-Aqsa Mosqueflag marchGazaHamasIsmail Haniyeh

    THE ASSASSINATION OF SHIREEN ABU AKLEH: WHO GAVE THE ORDER?

    MAY 23RD, 2022

    By Miko Peled

    Source

    JENIN, OCCUPIED PALESTINE – Israel’s announcement that it will not pursue an investigation into the killing of famed Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was not surprising. The specific reasons it gave to justify the decision make little difference. However, one thing is certain: It is highly unlikely that the killing of a journalist like Shireen Abu Akleh was the decision of a lone soldier or a commander on the ground.

    Abu Akleh was well known and well respected. She was clearly identifiable as a non-combatant and a journalist who posed no threat to Israeli forces. She had been in similar situations before and knew how to take the necessary precautions, including wearing a helmet and a bulletproof vest. She had to be shot by a well-trained sniper, and their identity must be known to the Israeli authorities.

    There had to have been an order or, at the minimum, approval given by the highest levels of the Israeli defense apparatus, as high as the minister of defense or even the prime minister, before the sniper could execute this assassination. Then, in a pretty transparent attempt to cover up the assassination, Israel pretended to want to conduct an investigation and demanded that the Palestinian Authority, which conducted the autopsy, hand over the bullet that killed Abu Akleh.

    Quoting an Israeli military official, The Times of Israel reported that “[t]he Israeli military has identified a soldier’s rifle that may have killed Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh.” However, it continues to claim that “it cannot be certain unless the Palestinians turn over the bullet for analysis.” The attempt to deceive is ever-so-obvious in this statement. Since it had to have been a sniper who aimed and then took the shot, there can be no doubt who pulled the trigger.

    PALESTINIAN MILITANTS?

    The British paper The Guardian recently wrote, “Abu Aqleh [sic] was killed during an arrest raid by an Israeli commando unit on Palestinian militants.” Statements like this demonstrate the larger problem. The Israeli commando raids have no justification and are responsible for countless deaths of Palestinian civilians. Framing Palestinian fighters – defenders of their camp, their city and their people – as “militants,” and the Israeli invaders as “commandos,” immediately places the blame on the Palestinians and justifies the Israeli attack, thus justifying every Israeli raid.

    Palestinian youth aim weapons
    Palestinian youth aim weapons at occupying Israeli troops in Jenin, May 13, 2022. Majdi Mohammed | AP

    This framing, typical in the media, allows the constant, never-ending killing of young Palestinians by Israel to go on uninterrupted. It begs the question: How many Palestinians need to die before the reporting is honest and Israel is forced to stop the killing?

    Every so often, an event causes people to lift their heads and acknowledge that Israel went too far and that maybe something needs to be done. When Shireen Abu Akleh was murdered, there was a moment like that. When, a few days after the killing, her funeral procession was brutally attacked by Israeli forces, that was another such moment. But these moments are few and far between.

    And these moments, even when they do come, do not last very long and yield no real results. Sometimes a letter is sent by a member of U.S. Congress; sometimes a few statements are made demanding an investigation into what took place. Then people move on and forget, and the flow of Palestinian blood – mostly young, promising men – continues unabated.

    The roll of names of young Palestinians killed by Israel is too long to list; and, besides, by the time you try to write it down, more are added. The ages vary, but many are under 21. The images of weeping parents and siblings – sometimes a wife and a child, if they were old enough to marry – continue to flow as though this were some unavoidable, unpreventable curse.

    In an open and frank interview I recently conducted with veteran Israeli journalist Gideon Levy, he speaks of his frustration with the Israeli media and the Israeli audiences that consume it. “The media doesn’t want to report, and the consumers don’t want to know,” Levy passionately exclaimed.

    TOEING THE LINE

    When the Israeli press report on a killing, they never fail to toe the government line, so the Palestinian is always a terrorist or part of a violent riot. He or they, as the case may be, had to be dealt with, and the courageous Israeli fighters did so. From time to time, to demonstrate just how professional the Israeli forces are, they are shown in action. Images are shown of these forces entering a refugee camp, which, as of late, they have often been doing, particularly in the northern part of the West Bank.

    Israel brings in several battalions of commando units, Shabak secret-police units, or anti-terrorist forces, all heavily armed and wearing the best communication and protection equipment in the world, and equipped with unlimited amounts of ammunition. Israeli forces also have the best-trained medics, the finest first-aid capabilities, and helicopters ready to evacuate an injured soldier speedily. Once evacuated, an injured Israeli soldier receives the finest medical care in modern, well-equipped facilities.

    Israeli raid
    Israeli forces raid a home in Jenin, May 13, 2022, the day of Abu Akleh’s funeral. Majdi Mohammed | AP

    All of this to face a few young Palestinians armed with little more than M-16s. The Palestinians have no helmets, no bulletproof vests, possess limited amounts of ammunition, and risk a very high possibility of getting injured or killed. A Palestinian wounded in battle does not have access to the same level of emergency medical care as the Israeli forces. Not even remotely. Palestinian ambulances, if they can even make it to the scene, are poorly equipped, and medical facilities are far and are rarely equipped well enough to deal with severe injuries.

    LIFE GOES ON

    On the Israeli side, life goes on as though nothing significant happened. Watching the news makes Israeli society numb. Clashes, Palestinians killed, the coalition government facing yet another crisis, Netanyahu may or may not be close to returning to the prime minister’s chair; who knows. From time to time, an Israeli settler or an officer is killed, their name is mentioned in the news, and people cry for a few days and forget. Settlements are being built – so many thousands in the Naqab, thousands more in east Jerusalem – and people of Msafer Yota in the South Hebron Hills are being forced off of their lands, but this is all normal, nothing to worry about. Israelis travel overseas for vacation and go out to cafes and restaurants — new ones open daily. One has to try them all.

    From Nakba 74 and Beyond: Solidarity is Ongoing

    May 19, 2022

    Thousands of Palestinians throughout the besieged Gaza Strip commemorate the 74th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

    By Benay Blend

    On Nakba Day 2022, thousands of people around the world marked the 74th anniversary of the “catastrophe” of 1948 that saw nearly 800,000 Palestinians expelled from their homes as Zionists established the illegal state of Israel. Demonstrators also demanded justice for the slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh who was assassinated by Israeli forces in Jenin within the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

    Appropriately, on May 15, poet and activist Remi Kanazi tweeted: “Why solidarity matters. It’s Nakba Day. Other communities are in pain and dealing with supremacist forces. If we don’t fight against all systems of domination and build with each other,” he warned, “the oppression we face will never truly end, even if we think it does.”

     As if in answer, an Azov-insignia wearing teen carried out a mass shooting at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. Because 11 out of the 13 victims were black, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the police have labeled the murders a “hate crime.”

    The problem with this label is that it implies that the crime was an act of a lone individual acting on racist impulses. The solution, many believe, is gun control. Both assumptions are mere band-aids on the problem. Whether a member of an organized group or not, this man was not a lone shooter, but rather part of a larger Nazi movement.

    As Benjamin Norton noted, the shooter was wearing the same “black sun” Nazi symbol used by Ukraine’s neo-Nazi Azov militia, which NATO is arming and training. According to an Al Jazeera report, Ukraine has emerged as an international center for the far right around the world. There Azov has been active in training men who want combat experience and share a fascist ideology.

    The soldier who murdered Abu Akleh also acted as a member of a particular society, writes  scholar/activist Steven Salaita, doing “exactly what Israeli soldiers do.” Indeed, over the past two decades the Zionist state has murdered approximately fifty journalists, making Abu Akleh’s death not an aberration, a mistake, but rather a matter of policy.

    The colonizer, concludes Salaita, perpetuates violence “because of colonization.” In the end, it is “the only way he knows how to be a good citizen” while maintaining a “meaningful existence” for himself.

    Just as few shooters act alone, but rather as products of their worldview, so do those who successfully work for social justice do so in community. Mourning the assassination of her compatriot, Gaza-based Palestinian journalist Wafa Aludaini writes that Abu Akleh was a household name in local homes because she documented Israeli crimes.

    In her own words, Abu Akleh attests to her close connection to community: “I chose journalism,” she explained, because she wanted to be “close to the people. It might not be easy to change reality,” she continued, “but at least I could bring their voice to the world.”

    Writing is a solitary endeavor, but the formation of ideas is not. In the introduction of These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons (2020), Ramzy Baroud, activist/journalist/writer and editor of this collection, declares that “because Palestinian resistance is a collective experience, the writing of this book has also been a collective effort. It is our attempt to reclaim the narrative of our people,” he continues, “to liberate it from the suffocating confines of political, media and academic discourse and take it into the heart of resistance.”

    Palestine solidarity by its very definition is also a communal effort, the work of many groups of individuals whose histories are likely different but whose goals for the future intersect with those of all colonized peoples around the world.

    My own involvement began around 1980 with a Muslim/Jewish dialogue group organized by fellow grad students at the University of New Mexico. Since then, my activism has evolved away from conversations that by their very nature involve a power gap to direct involvement/writing that attempts to place Palestinians at the center. At the present time my activist work involves membership in the recently organized Albuquerque chapter of Samidoun: Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. As a writer, I’ve also learned that very little happens in a vacuum; formulation of ideas requires a give and take between people of similar, and sometimes different, persuasion. From all those years I’ve learned the importance of being part of an organization.

    Solidarity means maintaining unanimity no matter where the media directs our attention. “Empathy’s endurance,” writes Onyesonwu Chatoyer, organizer for the All African People’s Revolutionary Party—Southwest, makes possible “a better and more just way of living” that is “within our capacity” to rebuild. At the present time, however, our inner lives are being “weaponized and manipulated,” especially among the “disorganized and unconscious” elements of our society.

    In his preface to Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out (2022), Ramzy Baroud defines the parameters of the struggle. “Solidarity that is not guided by authentic Palestinian voices is simply futile,” Baroud declares, “it cannot effectively mobilize what is essential: their purpose” (p. xviii).

    The collection’s chapters are a testament to the ability of Palestinians—and by extension all people who are engaged in freedom struggles—to liberate themselves. Reflecting on “The International Struggle on Behalf of Palestine,” co-editor Ilan Pappé shares three major truths that he has learned during his decades-long involvement in the solidarity campaign. First, solidarity for an Israeli Jew means moving away from Zionism and its “comfort zone”; second, winning the trust of the Palestinian people remains crucial; and finally, trying to influence others to follow the same path is hard (p. 411).

    In an interview with Asantewaa Nkrumah-Turé, organizer with Black Alliance for Peace Philadelphia, Margaret Kimberly led the conversation in a way that resonates well with Baroud’s and Pappe’s interpretation of solidarity. Nkrumah-Turé began by speaking of her experience on a panel at the recent Al-Awda Conference in New York. There she tied her anti-imperialist work to Palestine solidarity, commitments that she traced back to the long history of Black support for the Palestinian struggle,

    For example, Nkrumah-Turé mentioned her late brother Kwame Turé who came out against Zionism during his involvement with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). In this way her trajectory is different than Pappé in that she did not have to leave Zionism in order to oppose it.

    Like Baroud and Pappé, Nkrumah-Turé acknowledges other groups who have come to share her position. For example, she salutes Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) for what she believes must have been a “difficult move” when they came out with a public statement denouncing Zionism.

    Finally, she addresses what Pappé calls the “tension between effort and tangible results” (pp. 411,412), losing hope due to the lack of significant changes on the ground. In answer, both highlight the importance of looking to the future. For Pappé, the solution is asking if we “have done enough for the cause,” and for Nkrumah-Turé, a similar response: developing the kind of courage to stay in the fight for the long haul.

    For me, it is helpful to consider all of the activists mentioned in this article, along with the contributors to Our Vision for Liberation, as the energy who provide sumud (steadfastness) and inspiration for the future struggle.

    – Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

    “Israel”, the United States and the internationally accepted genocide

    17 May 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Atilio A. Boron 

    How long will Washington’s double discourse last?

    “Israel”, the United States and the internationally accepted genocide

    Israeli government troops assassinated Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, 51, one of the leading figures of Al Jazeera TV network. Yet, Washington and the Western media and governments remain silent in complicity against this unspeakable crime, not only for the murder itself but also for the vicious attack on freedom of the press. Can you imagine how these governments and their dependent press would have reacted if this crime had been committed against a Venezuelan-American journalist in Venezuela? This news would have been the cover of all the newspapers in the West and the subject of all the radio and television programs, denouncing the brutality of the Maduro “regime”. But, since the crime was committed by the Israelis, what prevails is silence and concealment of the information. Again, the damn double standard of the empire!

    Shireen Abu Akleh, was shot dead while covering an Israeli army incursion into the Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank. A Palestinian colleague of the murdered journalist, Ali Samudi, was also attacked by Zionist bullets and was shot in the back, fortunately not causing fatal injuries. The “Israel” Defense Force confirmed that it carried out an operation Wednesday morning in the Jenin refugee camp, but denied that they have shot at journalists present at the scene. However, Israeli army sources assured that there was an exchange of fire on the ground and Defense Minister Benny Gantz himself told the foreign press at night that the army “was not sure how the journalist died. Maybe it was a Palestinian who shot her, the shot could also have come from our side, we are investigating,” Gantz said. Nevertheless, one of the photographers from the French news agency AFP said that Israeli forces were firing in the area and that he saw the body of the Al Jazeera reporter on the ground. In addition, he said that there were no armed Palestinians in the area.

    Al Jazeera called on the international community to hold “Israel” responsible for the “intentional” death of the journalist. “In a flagrant murder that violates international laws and norms, the Israeli occupation forces cold-bloodedly murdered the Al Jazeera correspondent in the Palestinian territories,” the channel said. Qatari Foreign Minister Lolwah Al Khater said on Twitter that the correspondent was shot “in the face” and called the act “Israeli state terrorism.” For its part, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), the autonomous Palestinian government based in the West Bank, described the journalist’s death as an “execution” and as part of the Israeli effort to hide the “truth” of its occupation of the West Bank. Unfortunately, it is very unlikely that these protests will find an echo in the Western press, completely controlled by US imperialism and its European lackeys.

    Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid assured that his country wanted to join an “investigation into the sad death of the journalist Shireen Abu Akleh” and stressed that “journalists must be protected in conflict zones”, for which “Tel Aviv” has “the responsibility to get to the truth.” The US ambassador to the UN, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, called for the facts to be investigated by “both parties” in a transparent manner. In a completely hollow speech the diplomatic stressed that the “absolute priority” of the United States is “the protection of American citizens and journalists”, something blatantly false. Beautiful words, devoid of any substance because the United States and Western countries have been endorsing the genocidal policies of the state of “Israel” since 1948, and there is nothing to suggest that this policy will be changed in the near future, especially in the context of the Ukrainian war.

    For its part, Amnesty International (AI) pointed out that the “increase in unlawful killings” in recent times is one more example of the need to put an end to “Israeli apartheid against the Palestinians.” In an unusually harsh public statement, the organization denounced what could be “extrajudicial executions” against Palestinians. It also said that “the murder” of the journalist “is a bloody reminder of the deadly system in which “Israel” locks up Palestinians. “Israel” is killing Palestinians left and right with impunity. How many more must die before the international community acts to hold “Israel” accountable?” questioned AI’s deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa, Saleh Higazi. This statement is in line with a recent declaration by Noam Chomsky, who accused the Israeli government of practicing genocidal policies in Gaza, the largest open-air prison in the world according to his words. The sad culmination of this policy followed by the neo-Nazi government of “Israel” was the scandalous repression that occurred during the funeral of Abu Akleh, which offends the most basic canons of human rights. However, despite these brutal transgressions and “Israel”‘s escalation of repression in recent weeks -in which at least 31 people were killed- the American government continues to monolithically support the slaughterers of the Palestinian people.

    How long will Washington’s double discourse last? How is it that Biden, who claims to be recognized as a champion of human rights, supports a regime like the Israeli one that, since its foundation, has systematically violated the human, social and economic rights of the Palestinians stealing their land, destroying their houses and condemning them to a trickle-down genocide?

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine (28 April- 11 May 2022)

    12 05, 2022

    (This weekly report covers two weeks due to holidays)

    Violation of right to life and bodily integrity:

    Five Palestinian civilians, including a female journalist and a child, were killed and 27 others, including a woman, a female journalist and a male journalist, were injured, while tens of others suffocated and sustained bruises in separate incidents in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

    On 30 April 2022, a Palestinian civilian was killed after being shot with a live bullet in his chest while walking on the street during the Israeli occupation forces’ (IOF)  incursion into Azzun village in Qalqilya.

    Om 08 May 2022, IOF killed a Palestinian civilian, from the Gaza Strip and resided in the West Bank, while trying to sneak into Israel through a hole in the annexation wall in southern Tulkarm. More information available here. On the same day, a child, from Bethlehem, was killed after being shot with 4 live bullets by an Israeli security officer, under the pretext that he sneaked into “Tekoa” settlement that is established on Bethlehem lands. IOF claimed that he had a knife in his possession. There were no eyewitnesses to the incident.

    On 11 May 2022, journalist Shireen Abu ‘Akleh, Al-Jazeera media network’s reporter, was killed and her colleague was injured by the IOF fire during their coverage of IOF’s incursion into Jenin refugee camp. More information available here. On the same day, IOF killed a Palestinian boy during clashes in al-Bireh city in Ramallah, after chasing Palestinian protestors in the area. More information available here.

    Meanwhile, those wounded were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied suppression of peaceful protests and gatherings organized by Palestinian civilians and they were as follows:

    On 30 April 2022, two Palestinians were injured with live bullets during clashes that accompanied IOF’s incursion into Zababdeh village, southeast of Jenin.

    On 01 May 2022, a Palestinian sustained live bullet wounds in his foot while others suffocated after clashed with IOF at the entrance to Beit Ummar village, north of Hebron.

    On 02 May 2022, 3 Palestinians were wounded with rubber bullets and other suffocated during clashes that accompanied IOF’s incursion into Ni’lin village, west of Ramallah.

    On 05 May 2022, a Palestinian was shot with a live bullet in his foot during clashes with IOF near Kalandia military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem. On the same day, IOF beat and pushed Palestinians present in al-Aqsa Mosque yards in occupied East Jerusalem. This coincided with IOF’s securing the raids of  hundreds of Israeli settlers to the mosque’s yards. Also, IOF surrounded Palestinian worshipers inside al-Qibli chapel and al-Marwani Mosque, closed the doors of the mosques and fired sound bombs and rubber bullets inside them. As a result, the glass of Salah Al-Din Minbar (pulpit) in al-Qibili chapel was broken. In addition, IOF severely assaulted Palestinian women, who tried to present during settlers’ raids to the mosque, obstructed press crews’ work and forced them to evacuate the mosque’s yards.

    On 06 May 2022, 4 Palestinians were shot with rubber bullets in their limbs during IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly protest in Qalqilya.

    On 07 May 2022, a Palestinian sustained live bullet wounds in his shoulder after IOF opened fire at a group of Palestinian workers who tried to enter Israel via a hole in the annexation wall in southern Qalqilya. On the same day, 3 Palestinians were inured with rubber bullets fired by IOF to disperse a Palestinian group gathered to confront settlers, who moved into Haris village in northern Salfit and attacked Palestinians’ houses.  Also, a Palestinian woman sustained wounds while trying to prevent IOF from assaulting her husband.

    On 08 May 2022, a journalist and human rights defender sustained bruises after being assaulted and dragged on the ground by IOF while covering and filming IOF demolition of a tin-plate room in eastern Yatta, south of Hebron. On the same day, a Palestinian was shot with IOF’s fire while passing through a military checkpoint in Bab al-‘Amoud area in occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext that he stabbed a police officer. IOF prevented to provide first aid to him for more than half an hour before he was transported to Hadassah Hospital in a critical condition.

    On 09 May 2022,  three Palestinians, including 2 children, were shot with live bullets during clashes that accompanied IOF’s incursion into Nablus to secure Israeli settlers raids to Joseph’s tomb from the eastern side. On the same day, 4 Palestinians were injured by IOF’s fire while trying to confront settlers attacks in Azzun village in Qalqilya.

    On 10 May 2022, a female journalist sustained teargas canister shrapnel wounds in her foot and 6 other Palestinians were assaulted during IOF demolition of al-Rajbi family house in occupied East Jerusalem.

    On 11 May 2022, a Palestinian was critically injured by IOF’s fire at al-Qatateen gate, one of al-Aqsa Mosque’s gates, before he was arrested, under the pretext that he tried to carry out a stabbing attack. Following the incident, IOF closed al-Aqsa Mosque’s gates, physically assaulted Palestinian worshipers, prevented them from present in the mosque’s yards, and arrested one of them.

     In the Gaza Strip, IOF opened fire 8 times at agricultural lands in access restricted areas, eastern Khan Younis and Central Gaza Strip. Also, eight IOF shootings were reported on fishing boats off the Gaza shores.

    So far in 2022, IOF attacks killed 46 Palestinians, including 36 civilians: 9 children, 4 women, including a female journalist, and the rest were activists; 3 of them were assassinated. Also, IOF attacks wounded 551others, including 63 children, 4 women and 18 journalists : all in the West Bank, except 7 fishermen in the Gaza Strip.

    Settler-attacks on Palestinian civilians and their properties:

    During the reporting period, 21 settler-attacks were reported in the West Bank: 7 Palestinians, including 2 journalists, sustained bruises; 397 trees were cut and damaged and several vehicles sustained material damage. Details are as follows:

    On 29 April 2022, Israeli settlers, from “Kochav Hashachar” settlement, cut and seized 60 grape seedlings from an agricultural land in Kafr Malik village in Ramallah. In the evening, settlers, from ” Shilo” settlement, threw stones at Palestinian vehicles passing on Ramallah-Nablus street. Also, settlers, from ” Givat Asaf” settlement, Palestinian vehicles passing on a street leading to Beitin village, east of Ramallah.

    On 03 May 2022, a Palestinian sustained wounds during settlers’ attacks on Kafr Malik village in Ramallah. Also, settlers ran over 3 sheep in the area.

    On 05 May 2022, Israeli settlers, from ” Ma’ale Livona” settlement, cut olive trees twigs in Sinjil village, northeast of Ramallah. On the same day, Israeli settlers damaged 300 olive trees and legume crops planted in 15 dunums after grazing their sheep in these dunums in western Al-Khader village in Bethlehem. Also, Israeli settlers physically assaulted Palestinians, who confronted settlers to prevent settlers from seizing 60 dunums in Al-Khader village in Bethlehem. In the evening, Israeli settlers threw stones at Palestinian vehicles near the intersection of Ras Karkar village, west of Ramallah. As a result, a glass of a vehicle was broken and his owner was injured. In addition, Israeli settlers damaged  a Palestinian vehicle and broke its windows, 500 meters away from Al-Mughayyir village’s intersection, north of Ramallah. Also, they attacked and damaged a Palestinian bus at the entrance to Beit Furik village, and attacked another vehicle near Huwara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus.

    On 06 May 2022, Israeli settlers, from ” Yitzhar” settlement, attacked 3 houses in Urif village, southeast of Nablus, and set 3 vehicles parked in the area on fire. 

    On 07 May 2022, Israeli settlers threw stones at Palestinian houses at the main intersection leading to Haris village, north of Salfit. On the same day, settlers cut 30 olive trees from Kafr ad-Dik land, west of Salfit.

    On 08 May 2022, Israeli settlers threw stones at a bus carrying 15 players, including 4 children, from ‘Azmout club at Beit Furik military checkpoint, northeast of Nablus, causing material damage to it. On the same day, Israeli settlers threw stones at a Palestinian vehicle at Huwara military checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, broke its windshield and caused material damage to it. Also, settlers attacked 7 Palestinian vehicles parked on Nablus street in central occupied East Jerusalem, causing material damage to them.

    On 09 May 2022, Israeli settlers, from  Ma’on ” settlement, uprooted 20 olive trees in eastern Yatta in Hebron. On the same day, 3 Palestinians, including 2 journalists, were injured during settlers’ attacks in Azzun village in  Qalqilya.

    On 10 May 2022, Israeli settlers uprooted 17 olive seedlings and damaged an agricultural room on Kafr ad-Dik village’s lands, west of Salfit.

    So far this year, settlers carried out 120 attacks on Palestinians and their properties in the West Bank.

    Land razing, demolitions, and notices

    Israeli authorities demolished 14 houses and dwellings, making 19 families homeless, a total of  90 persons, including 21 women and 51 children. Also, they demolished 10 commercial facilities , built a road for settlers, razed 22 dunums, and authorized the expulsion of 2000 people from Masafer Yatta in Hebron. Details are as follows: 

    On 05 May 2022, the Israeli Supreme Court authorized forcible expulsion of hundreds of Palestinians from their lands in Masafer Yatta in Hebron. Next day, the Israeli civil administration announced that the sub-committee of the of Judea and Samaria Higher Planning Council is set to give its approval for planning and  building 3,988 new settlement units in the West Bank. More information available here.

    On 09 May 2022, IOF built a 300 m length of road  for settlers on Wadi Fukin village’s lands, west of Bethlehem. On the same day, IOF razed 22 dunums in Jab’a village, west of Bethlehem, for settlement purposes.

    On 10 May 2022, Israeli vehicles demolished a 3-storey building (600 sqm) in Silwan village, under the pretext of non-licensing. The first floor included shops while the second and third floors included 5 residential apartments housing 5 families, including 30 members: 6 women and 19 children.

    On 11 May 2022, Israeli authorities demolished 4 houses; 3 were self-demolished in Silwan, Beit Hanina and Isawiya villages in occupied East Jerusalem. IOF made 5 families homeless, a total of  21 persons, including 6 women and 10 children. On the same day, Israeli authorities demolished 2 facilities; one of them was a real estate office in Jabal Al Mukaber neighborhood while the other was an iron storage in Isawiya village in occupied East Jerusalem. On the same day, Israeli authorities demolished a house in Al-Walaja village, west of Bethlehem. Also, they demolished 9 dwellings and rooms and 8 barracks and livestock tents in Kherbet al-Rakiz and Kherbet al-Fakhit in Hebrob. IOF made 9 families homeless, a total of 39 persons, including 22 children. In addition, IOF served 14 demolition notices to dwellings and barns in southern Hebron.

    Since the beginning of 2022, Israeli occupation forces made 60 families homeless, a total of 339 persons, including 69 women and 166 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of 65 houses and 5 residential tents. IOF also demolished 39 other civilian objects, leveled 244 dunums and delivered 63 notices of demolition, cease-construction, and evacuation.

    IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians:

     IOF carried out 306 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During those incursions, 139 Palestinians, including 13 children, were arrested. Also, IOF arrested a child after he tried to sneak into Israel via the border fence in eastern Khan Yunis, and released him later.

    ”So far in 2022, IOF conducted 2979 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 2166 Palestinians were arrested, including 224 children and 16 women. IOF also conducted 12 limited incursions into eastern Gaza Strip and arrested 40 Palestinians, including 25 fishermen, 13 infiltrators, and 3 travelers via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

    Israeli collective punishment and closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

    On 07 May 2022, under its collective punishment policy against Palestinians accused of conducting attacks against  IOF or settlers, IOF demolished the family house of a Palestinian prisoner from Jenin. More information available here.

    On 08 May 2022, under its collective punishment policy, IOF took the measurements of 2 houses as a prelude to demolish them after their incursion into Rummanah village  in western Jenin. The two houses belong to the families of 2 Palestinians arrested by IOF on the same day, after being accused of carrying out an attack that resulted in the murder of 3 Israelis in Elad city in Israel.

    So far in 2022, IOF demolished 5 houses and closed another one after damaging its contents, as part of collective punishment policy.

    The Israeli occupation authorities declared closure of crossings with the Gaza Strip and West Bank starting from 03 to 06 May 2022, On the occasion of the anniversary of the founding of the State of Israel. On 05 May 2022, Israeli authorities announced the decision of Defense Minister, Benny Gantz, to extend the imposed closure until 08 May 2022.

    On 07 May 2022, Israeli authorities decided to extend the complete closure until 09 May 2022.

    On 08 May 2022, Israeli authorities announced the reopening of the West Bank crossings to permit holders, except for residents of Rummanah village in Jenin, as the two Palestinians accused of carrying out an attack in Elad city in Israel, live in this  village. In addition, Israeli authorities announced that the Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing remains closed for the Gaza Strip residents until further notice, except for patients and humanitarian cases that can be entered and traveled after receiving a permission from the concerned authorities.

    Meanwhile, Israeli occupation maintains its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s monthly update on the Gaza crossings.

    In the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, IOF continues to impose restrictions on the freedom of movement. On top of its 108 permanent checkpoints, IOF established 142 temporary military checkpoints and arrested 11 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

    So far in 2022, IOF established 1406 temporary military checkpoints and arrested 89 Palestinians at those checkpoints

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    229 Rights Groups: “Israel” must Be Held Accountable for Premeditated Assassination of Palestinian Journalist

    May 13, 2022 

    By Staff, Agencies 

    Some 230 international rights organizations and networks have strongly condemned the assassination of veteran Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh by ‘Israeli’ occupation forces in the occupied West Bank, calling for the Zionist entity to be held accountable for the brutal crime.

    The Palestinian Ma’an news agency said the 229 signatories affirmed in a statement that the “Israeli” occupation forces’ targeting of the Palestinian journalist was a “deliberate and premeditated act and a full-fledged assassination operation.”

    “Martyr Shireen Abu Akleh is a direct victim of organized terrorism [by ‘Israel’], which behaves with the mentality of criminal gangs,” the signatories stressed.

    The statement said the killing was a result of systematic incitement against Palestinian journalists by the occupying regime for their professional role in revealing the truth and exposing the “Israeli” entity’s crimes.

    It further criticized the international community’s silence over atrocities committed by “Israeli” troops against Palestinians, saying it exposes their double standards.

    “The ‘Israeli’ occupation forces, with their heinous act, want to obscure the truth and cover up their horrendous crimes against the sons and daughters of the Palestinian people. Moreover, the regime, with its heinous act, wants to scare and intimidate journalists to prevent the conveyance of the truth to the world,” the signatories underlined.

    The statement also called for the opening of a “neutral, independent and transparent” international investigation into the “Israeli” targeting the Palestinian journalist under the supervision of the International Criminal Court [ICC].

    The signatories stressed the need to launch an international campaign by the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, the International Federation of Journalists, international nongovernmental organizations, and Palestinian human rights institutions to hold “Israeli” war criminals accountable, prevent impunity for the perpetrators, and bring a legal human rights case at the ICC to prosecute “Israeli” leaders and politicians, who publicly incite the killing of Palestinian civilians, including journalists.

    Shireen Abu Akleh, a longtime TV correspondent for Al Jazeera Arabic, was martyred on Wednesday after being shot in the head while covering the “Israeli” army’s raids in the city of Jenin in the northern occupied West Bank.

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