Sayyed Nasrallah to the US: If You Seek Chaos in Lebanon, You and ‘Israel’ Will Suffer the Pain

 February 16, 2023 

Translated By Staff

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered on Thursday a speech on the Islamic Resistance Martyred Leaders Day.

As Sayyed Nasrallah condoled with the families of the martyr leaders, he recalled their sacrifices.

His Eminence further congratulated Iran, its people and the Leader of the Islamic Revolution His Eminence Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei on the 44^th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution.

 “The international and Arab media neglected the millions who poured into the streets to celebrate 44 years of the Islamic Revolution while they used to focus on gatherings or riots that had a few people,” he added, pointing out that “All who betted on toppling the Iranian revolution, especially the Zionists, made a mistake, and I advise them not build their calculations on such mirage.”

On the Lebanese side,  Sayyed Nasrallah hoped that the agreement with the Free Patriotic Movement continues. “The Mar Mikhail Agreement is in a critical situation and we hope it will be preserved for the sake of the national interest,” he mentioned.

Moreover, His Eminence condoled with the Lebanese and the lovers and advocates of late PM Rafik Hariri on the anniversary of his martyrdom.

Meanwhile, the Resistance Leader hailed the sacrifices of “the oppressed Bahraini people, who won’t abandon their national cause, nor that of Palestine and occupied Al-Quds.”

Regarding the celebrated anniversary, he underlined that “Our martyr leaders clung to the option of resistance despite all the difficulties, betrayal and stabs in the back of the resistance.”

“Our achievements were scored thanks to the blood of our martyrs, leaders and all martyrs in the resistance movements, the Lebanese army, the Palestinian factions and the Syrian army,” Sayyed Nasrallah added, cautioning that “Since 2019, Lebanon has entered into a new scheme to return the country into the era of US hegemony.”

In addition, His Eminence underscored that “The liberation of Lebanon, its water and oil, and the revival of hope through the Palestinian intifada in 2000 are among the main achievements against the enemy.”

“Former US President Barack Obama admitted that toppling regimes needs only to alter the public opinion with ‘spam’,” he said, noting that “Obama himself explained the US tools to overthrow regimes by making people lose confidence in their leadership, and this thought is adopted by Biden administration.”

According to Hezbollah Secretary General, “We’re facing the challenge of confronting the US media, political and economic tools, on top of which is the game of dollar price.”

“What helps the Americans in their scheme is the presence of corruption and errors in the administrations of the targeted countries,” Sayyed Nasrallah explained, noting that “We must take the initiative, plan and cooperate in order to overthrow the scheme of chaos, domination and tampering with our people’s minds to control them.”

Recalling that “In October 2019, the slogan was ‘All means all’, because what was required is that the Lebanese lose their confidence in all officials,” he confirmed that “The US embassy, along with some NGOs, were manufacturing leaders. However, this project failed.”

On the regional level, Sayyed Nasrallah renewed Hezbollah’s condolences with the Turkish and Syrian governments over the devastating earthquake. “We’re facing a great human tragedy, and what happened is a test to the humanity of every person, party, association and country,” he said, noting that “Syria’s earthquake revealed the US administration’s failure in the test of humanity in and its brutal criminal face.”

The Resistance leader went on to say “In the 1^st days of the earthquake, the American administration left the people die in Syria through its severe sanctions.”

His Eminence also slammed “The international community’s discrimination and double standards that were clear at various levels in dealing with the repercussions of the earthquake in Turkey and Syria.”

“The West’s double standards in dealing with the devastating earthquake in Syria and Turkey is a resounding human failure,” he said, urging “all sides to help Syria and Turkey to return to normal life, and this is the most difficult challenge.”

Sayyed Nasrallah cautioned that “According to experts’ expectations, Lebanon is facing a new challenge, which is the possibility of an earthquake.”

“The Lebanese government – even if it is a caretaker one – must initiate contingency plans in anticipation of a possible earthquake,” he stated, noting that “Despite its modest capabilities, Lebanon can set contingency and comprehensive plans to face the possibility of an earthquake.”

In parallel, Hezbollah Secretary General underlined that “Among the first steps the Lebanese state must consider is fixing the cracked buildings.”

“Directly after the earthquake, the buildings in the northern Lebanese city, Tripoli, were the first to come to my mind, and I confirmed our readiness to help,” he uncovered.

Sayyed Nasrallah praised the Lebanese government’s steps in sending the official delegation to Syria, and offering all kinds of assistance. “Lebanon would benefit the most from breaking the siege on Syria,” he stated.

Moving to the “Israeli” front, Hezbollah Secretary General explained that “The internal ‘Israeli’ situation is unprecedented, especially in light of the entity’s officials fear from a ‘civil’ war.”

“The ‘Israeli’ occupying entity’s President acknowledged his fears of an imminent internal explosion and the collapse of the entity,” he mentioned, praising the “Palestinian people’s new uprising, particularly the heroic operations of the Palestinian youth in Occupied Al-Quds, the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”

According to His Eminence, “The foolish Zionist government may push for escalation in the entire region, not just in Palestine, and this is a possibility, especially in case of attacking the Al-Aqsa Holy Mosque.”

On the internal Lebanese front, Sayyed Nasrallah unveiled that “There is nothing new in the presidential file and we all saw what happened in Paris. It is true that the Lebanese are responsible.”

“Efforts must continue to search for agreement and understanding in order to resolve the issue of Lebanese presidency,” he said, noting that “No one can impose a president on Lebanon and the effort should be domestic.”

His Eminence went on to say that “The uncontrolled rise in the dollar in face of the Lebanese Lira must be dealt with, and the demands of the public sector are very justified.”

“What is happening in Lebanon is mainly caused by American pressure and the policy of withdrawing funds and deposits in a planned manner,” he stressed, adding that “The Americans sent a lot of messages to Iran in order to conduct direct negotiations, but Tehran refused that. We must seek to achieve a strong economy in our country and search for other markets, such as China and Russia.”

Moreover, Sayyed Nasrallah urged the Lebanese “not to accept any procrastination by the companies in the oil and gas file.”

To the Americans, the Resistance Leader sent a sounding message: “The resistance’s environment that you are seeking to target with chaos, suffering and pain will not give up its principles.”

He warned against any procrastination in extracting oil from water, and the Americans must be told to stay away from such move

To the Americans, the Resistance Leader said: “If you’re to sow chaos in Lebanon, you will lose everything. If you push Lebanon into chaos, you must wait for chaos in the entire region, particularly ‘Israel’. Those pushing Lebanon into chaos and collapse must anticipate everything and things that can’t be imagined.”

“Just as we were ready for war in defense of our oil, we’re ready to hit your protégé, ‘Israel’,” he vowed, noting that “Tomorrow is close.”

حزب الله ينتصر في «معركة الإرادات»

 الثلاثاء 11 تشرين الأول 2022

علي حيدر  

في كيان العدو، يتبادل المؤيّدون والمعارضون للاتفاق مع لبنان الاتّهامات، ويحشد كلٌّ من الطرفين ذرائع للترويج لموقفه، من ضمنها أن الاتفاق سيؤدي إلى بناء منصة غاز لبنانية، ما يعزّز الردع الإسرائيلي ويحول دون استهداف حزب الله لمنشآت الغاز الإسرائيلية خشية الردّ باستهداف المنشآت اللبنانية.

وهذه ذريعة تحتاج إلى قليل من التفكيك والمناقشة. فامتلاك العدو للقدرات التدميرية ووجود البنى التحتية التي يمكن أن يستهدفها العدو لم يمنعا حزب الله من الرد على الاعتداءات خلال فترة الاحتلال، ومن فرض معادلة ردّ قيّدت هذه الاعتداءات لاحقاً وصولاً إلى التحرير عام 2000، ولم يحولا دون نجاح معادلة الردع التي فرضها الحزب بعد عام 2006، ودون الرد على كل خرق قام به العدو وعُدّ تجاوزاً لخطوط حمر.
مقولة إنّ وجود منصة لبنانية يحول دون استهداف المنصات الإسرائيلية تستبطن تغافلاً عن أن المسار الذي دفع نحو هذه المعادلة يُجسِّد إنجازاً استراتيجياً لحزب الله، لأن تبنّي قيادة العدو لهذه المعادلة لم يتحقّق إلا بعد تهديد الحزب باستهدافها في حال لم تُلبَّ مطالب الدولة اللبنانية. ويعني ذلك أيضاً أنّ العدو يُقر بأنه غير قادر على ردع المقاومة عن هذا الخيار إلا بالقبول بتلبية مطالب لبنان ما يؤدي إلى إنشاء هذه المنصة، الأمر الذي أدى إلى تغيير المقاربة الإسرائيلية والأميركية، والانتقال من معادلة رابح (العدو) – خاسر (لبنان) إلى معادلة رابح – رابح. المعادلة الأولى كانت هي السائدة خلال أكثر من 12 عاماً، حقّق خلالها العدو الكثير من الأرباح من خلال الاستكشاف والتنقيب والاستخراج… فيما لبنان كان خاسراً بفعل الحظر الذي فُرض عليه.

لم تكن هذه المعادلة المستجدة لتفرض نفسها على العدو ومن ورائه الولايات المتحدة، لولا نجاح حزب الله في فرض إرادته على الطرفين الأميركي والإسرائيلي، وانتصاره في معركة الإرادات مع كيان العدو. وهو ما تجلّى في دفع تل أبيب وواشنطن إلى التكيّف المقنَّع أو الصريح، بنسبة أو بأخرى، مع مطلب لبنان باستخراج ثرواته الغازية والنفطية. إدراكاً منهما بأنه في حال عدم التسليم بمطلب لبنان، فإن حزب الله سيمنعهما من استخراج الغاز من المنصات في المياه الفلسطينية المحتلة.
مع ذلك، فإن النتيجة التي سيحققها العدو (استخراج الغاز وعدم استهداف المنشآت الإسرائيلية) ظرفية ومرتبطة بالمرحلة الحالية. لكن ذلك ليس من دون مقابل، وإنما في مقابل رفع الحظر عن استخراج لبنان لثرواته الغازية والنفطية وتلبية مطالب الدولة اللبنانية بخصوص الترسيم البحري.
لذلك، فإن الترويج لبناء منصة لبنانية كما لو أنه إنجاز للعدو وتقييد لحزب الله ينطوي على مغالطات متعددة الأوجه. وهي حقيقة أجملها وزير الطاقة السابق في حكومة نتنياهو، يوفال شطاينتس، بالقول إن الاعتماد على أن «وجود منصة لبنانية سيمنع حزب الله من إطلاق النار على منصة إسرائيلية هو مثل القول إنه بسبب وجود صيدا وبيروت في لبنان، فإن حزب الله لن يطلق النار على نهاريا وحيفا».
مع ذلك، يتوقع أن نشهد حملة سياسية إعلامية معادية للمقاومة (ينبغي التمييز بين هؤلاء وبين الأسئلة والإشكاليات التي يطرحها بعض المؤيدين والحريصين على المقاومة) تهدف إلى طمس هذا الانتصار الجديد وتوهينه وصولاً إلى محاولة تشويهه. وهو أمر سبق أن شهدناه في مراحل عديدة من تاريخ المقاومة وانتصاراتها، وتحديداً حزب الله، وبدأ التمهيد لهذا المسار بشكل صريح منذ أن لاحت مؤشرات الانتصار في معركة الإرادات مع العدو. ولا يحتاج إدراك هذا الانتصار وتلمّس معالمه إلى تبلور الاتفاق المرجّح الذي ينتزع فيه لبنان مطالبه، لأنه ليس أمام العدو سوى أحد الخيارات الثلاثة: إما الإذعان لمطالب لبنان، بنسبة أو بأخرى، أو الامتناع عن استخراج الغاز من كاريش (الذي لا يستطيع أن يكون مستمراً) أو خوض مواجهة عسكرية مع حزب الله.

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Tishreen Liberation War: A Compass of Struggle to Liberate Lands & Restore Rights

OCTOBER 6, 2022

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°
Damascus, SANA

Forty-Nine years have passed since Tishreen Liberation war and men of the Syrian Arab Army, who have defeated the Israeli enemy in 1973, continue victories over the tools of this enemy of terrorist organizations to restore security and stability to the majority of the Syrian territory after being cleared off terrorism thanks to the sacrifices of the army soldiers.

Tishreen liberation war, led by the late leader, Hafez al-Assad, has formed a compass of the struggle to liberate the usurped lands and restore the Arab rights. The liberation war was a clear declaration to start the era of victories and end the time of defeats to be the war of liberation, the first war in the Arab-Zionist conflict which broke the wall of despair after Naksa of June 1967 . Tishreen war has consolidated a fact that Syria is the fortress of the resilience of the Arab nation that defends its existence and future.

The Successive victories against the Zionist enemy since the October war stress that it has formed a solid rock on which the glory of national resistance against Colonial plots was built in the region. This enemy tried to steal the victory of October by occupying South Lebanon, but the Syrian Arab army with the blood of its martyrs and heroisms of 1982, defeated the Zionist enemy, followed by standing beside the patriotism of Lebanese Resistance until liberating most of the territories of southern Lebanon in 2000 and the defeat of the Israeli enemy there.

Heroic battles were carried on by the sons and grandsons of October liberation men in their war against terrorism during which they wrote heroic epics and engraved deeply in the conscience of the Syrians the meanings of pride and dignity, the blood of the martyrs, was the title of liberation from terrorism in Aleppo, Deir Ezzor and Ghouta ,Daraa, Hama, Quneitra, the countryside of Homs, Hama, the Syrian desert.

Fedaa al-Rhayiah/ Mazen Eyon

Documents from October 1973

A documentary film entitled “October .. The Epic of Victory”

Hezbollah Sets Equation after Another against ’Israel’ in Lebanon, the Region

 August 16, 2022 

By Mohammad Youssef

The 14th of August 2006 observes the 16th anniversary of the divine victory that was achieved after the thirty-three-day war between the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon and the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces.

Every year, most of the Lebanese, along with many millions of Arabs, Muslims, and free people, celebrate the event all over the world.

Ever since this victory materialized, the ‘Israelis’ have been studying the impact of their shameful defeat. The strategic consequences that followed made a major shift and came to put the temporary ‘Israeli’ entity into a completely different situation at a very fragile and vulnerable time. On the contrary, the Islamic Resistance has become a remarkable major force in Lebanon and the region and one of the most important non-state players in the whole world.

The Islamic Resistance did not only achieve a victory but also presented itself as a role model that could be emulated in the region and the entire world.

More importantly, since its advent, Hezbollah has been able to make new equations against the ‘Israeli’ enemy. This new victory presented the party as a major force in Lebanon and the region that is capable of making the achievements at every remarkable event.

The July War victory by Hezbollah ushered in a new era as it has consolidated Hezbollah’s role and capability as one of the major strategic equation-makers in Lebanon and the Arab world against the ‘Israeli’ enemy.

The first equation Hezbollah achieved through the resistance was the equation of deterrence against the enemy hostilities and aggressions. This equation has been achieved since the mid-eighties.

The second equation was that of protection after the two wars in the nineties, namely the July 1993 War that the enemy called it “Operation Accountability,” and the April 1996 War, which the ‘Israelis’ called “Grapes of Wrath” war. Hezbollah succeeded in formulating a very protective deterrent equation which enabled the party to launch retaliatory attacks against the enemies in case of targeting the civilians.

The third equation the party achieved had been developed over the years starting by the day of liberation on the 25th of May 2000 until the year 2006. It was an equation that we might be able to call “balance of horror.”

The ‘Israelis’ feared attacking Lebanon or targeting the civilians for six years until 2006, the year that witnessed the thirty-three-day July war. This war was destined to end with a divine victory on Lebanon’s side.

Ever since, Hezbollah has been accumulating military power, technical efficiency, and unrivaled expertise about the ‘Israelis.’ For their part, the ‘Israelis’ have admitted that Hezbollah is not only a strategic threat for their entity, but also an existential one.

Nowadays and after all this time, and after the resistance has been able to live up to all the challenges, Hezbollah went into another complicated and more dangerous war against the takfiris in Syria and was able to win another divine victory against the takfiris in 2017 in what came to be known as the second liberation.

News Emerge of Another Hezbollah Drone Allegedly Downed by Israel (VIDEO)

July 6, 2022

A photo of an Israeli drone downed by Hezbollah near the southern border town of Aita Al-Shaab. (Photo: via Social Media)

The Israeli army claimed to have downed an unarmed drone launched by the Lebanese resistance group, Hezbollah. The Times of Israel newspaper reported on Wednesday that the downed drone was “heading for Israeli assets at sea a week ago.”

Earlier, on Saturday, the Israeli military had also claimed to have intercepted three drones launched by Hezbollah, on their way to the Karish gas field. Lebanon claims the gas field as its own, while Israel alleges that the field is located within its maritime area.

The Israeli admission of the additional drone followed a report by the Lebanese newspaper, Al-Akbar, which, earlier today quoted “informed sources” that “the drones that were launched last Saturday were not the first operation, but were preceded by another operation on Wednesday.”

Hezbollah is the Lebanese resistance group credited for liberating South Lebanon from Israeli military occupation in 2000, and for defeating Israel in its attempt to reoccupy parts of the country in 2006.

Israel has been repeatedly criticized for violating the Lebanese air space, whether on its way to bomb Syria or as a form of intimidation of Lebanon. Hezbollah has reportedly downed Israeli drones in the past.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

40 Years On: The History of Hezbollah’s Emergence [Part 3]

June 28, 2022

By Mohammad Youssef

Hezbollah resistance proved to be a very wise and strategic planner and player when the liberation of the year 2000 happened after a lot of sacrifices. Hezbollah could have continued the resistance operations as they used to be before the event of liberation; however, the party has chosen to slow down, and cool its military rhythm for strategic reasons.

The party wanted the people of South Lebanon to take the full taste of liberation and victory, and to experience a long period of calmness. This will give the people the trust to build their houses again and to plough and plant their fields, and to start businesses and develop the economy cycle there, while the resistance could profoundly evaluate the situation, and build up its military capabilities in a completely different way. That would represent a striking surprise to the enemy and its supporters.

This is exactly what happened. Lebanon enjoyed a period of an unprecedented calmness on its border with the occupied Palestine.

For the first time in decades, the ‘Israeli’ enemy felt restrained and curbed from being free to carry out aggressions and incursions, as it already knows the reprisal would be a very heavy one.

When the ‘Israeli’ occupation army started its thirty-three-day way on Lebanon in July 2006, the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces were devastated and their leadership experienced a total shock. Hezbollah was successfully able to defeat their invading troops as the resistance has already made all plans, preparations, and proper armament including surprises that the enemy never expected that they would be present in the hands of the resistance fighters.

One of the big failures at the time was the incapability of its intelligence apparatuses and spy networks to discover the quality of arms the resistance owns. This turned its Merkava tanks into movable tombs to its soldiers; however, the big surprise was when Hezbollah targeted one of its warships, and successfully hit it with a naval rocket which caused a heavy damage and resulted in eliminating the threat of the ‘Israeli’ navy.

As such, the divine victory the resistance scored in July 2006 war was a natural result of the seriousness and dedication of Hezbollah leadership and different military cadres, to build the mighty resistance, equip it with suitable arms, and install the soul of loyalty and devotion within its ranks.

The ‘Israeli’ enemy forces were defeated and bitterly humiliated, their military pride whether in land or sea has become a joke.

After the massacre of the Merkava tanks in al-Hujair Valley, many countries cancelled their military deals to buy this kind of tanks from the ‘Israeli’ entity. This added a financial loss to the military defeat.

July war has become a stain on the forehead of the ‘Israeli’ military; an unprecedented humiliating defeat to all of ‘Israel’ with its political and military leadership. It has also become reminiscent of the ‘Israeli’ defeat and withdrawal in the year 2000.

Meanwhile, Hezbollah emerged again and again triumphant, and victorious as ever, and as it will always be by God’s willing!

To be continued…

40 Years On: The History of Hezbollah’s Emergence [Part 2]

June 24, 2022

By Mohammad Youssef

Hezbollah officially announced its emergence in 1985 with an “open letter” that explained the nature and goals of the organization. But long before that, it has engaged in battling the ‘Israeli’ occupation and carrying out self-sacrifice operations against its forces inside the occupied territories in Lebanon.

One of the landmark self-sacrifice operations took place in the famous southern coastal city of Tyre, in 1982, and targeted the headquarter of the ‘Israeli’ occupation governor, turning it into debris and rubbles and killing more than 85 ‘Israeli’ occupation soldiers and officers.

The operation was, and continues to be, the strongest and most important single martyrdom operation against the ‘Israeli’ enemy.

Ahmad Kassir is the name of Hezbollah’s martyr who carried out the heroic and historical operation. He was immortalized as the opener of the self-sacrifice operations era within Hezbollah ranks, and among the followers and supporters of the resistance.

The operation represented a devastating blow to the ‘Israeli’ enemy, and it portended the beginning of the end of this occupation.

The occupied territories in South Lebanon and West Bekaa witnessed continuous and intensified military operations against the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces.

The enemy was in continuous need to change its tactics because a serious, devoted, a well-trained, and organized resistance was there to target the occupation forces.

Before the liberation of most of the occupied Lebanese territories in 2000, two very important wars took place; the first one was in July 1993, the ‘Israeli’ enemy called it “Operation Accountability,” and the second one took place in April 1996, the enemy called it “Grapes of Wrath” war.

Both wars were very destructive. The second one was tragic and witnessed many ‘Israeli’ massacres, the most notorious among them is the Qana Massacre where around 110 Lebanese, mostly children, women and elderly were martyred when ‘Israeli’ occupation forces targeted them after they took shelter for safety in one of the United Nations Forces centers in South Lebanon.

Aside from the savage ‘Israeli’ brutalities, both wars added up to the strength of the resistance, especially the April War.

The resistance yielded a huge military victory along with a great political success when Lebanon reached an agreement called “April Understanding,” which gave the resistance the due right to target any ‘Israeli’ force, through which the party gained a kind of international legitimacy.

The extended resistance-led military confrontations scored recorded a historical achievement that was translated in the great liberation of May 2000.

The ‘Israeli’ occupation forces withdrew from most of the Lebanese territories with the exception of Shebaa Farms and Kafarshuba Hills…

To be continued…

• 40 Years On: The History of Hezbollah’s Emergence [Part 1]

Sayyed Nasrallah: Hezbollah Stronger than Ever, Al-Aqsa Provocations to Explode the Region

May 26, 2022

Batoul Wehbe

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah emphasized on Wednesday that any harm against Al-Aqsa mosque will lead to dire consequences, warning that the resistance is stronger than any time before.

In a speech via Al-Manar TV marking the May 25, 2000 Victory over the Israeli occupation, Sayyed Nasrallah said: “At this moment, and since 1982, the resistance has never been stronger, it’s stronger than you can imagine. Let no one do any wrong calculations in this regard.”

His eminence congratulated all people on the joyful day of Resistance and Liberation, calling it one of the happy days that have passed over the Lebanese for decades, “this is how people felt when returning to their liberated villages.”

One of Allah’s Days

Sayyed Nasrallah extended his thanks to God Almighty for the promise he made to the believers, describing the day of victory over ‘Israel’ and liberation from its hegemony as one of Allah’s days.

“2000 Victory is the greatest achievement in the modern history, it’s a matter of pride on the Arabic, Islamic, and national level,” Sayyed Nasrallah said. “This victory proved the resistance’s ability to break the image of the ‘invincible army’, and gave hope to the Palestinian people and the peoples of the region on the prospects of achieving liberation and victory, by striking the final nail in the coffin of the Zionist scheme.”

Hezbollah’s leader pointed to the May 2000 Liberation’s aftermath, saying the moral achievement of the resistance is its behavior on the border with the occupying entity and with the collaborators who committed massacres against the Lebanese. Another moral achievement, Sayyed Nasrallah said, is that the resistance didn’t monopolize operations or achievements, it thanked everyone.

“The new generation shall acknowledge the humiliation and suffering the Lebanese endured at checkpoints and in prisons,” Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that the Lebanese shall realize the true face of the Zionist regime which tries to hide. “He who resisted the occupation shall be recognized, and who conspired against his homeland shall be exposed, in order to avoid outbidding,” His eminence indicated, pointing that Hezbollah and the Amal Movement played the biggest role in resisting due to geographical reasons.

We’re Not Power Seekers

Making it clear that the resistance has never sought power in Lebanon, Sayyed Nasrallah said: “We did not fight for the sake of power in Lebanon, we fought to defend our country… We entered parliament to be the resistance voice, in 2005 we were obliged to join the government to protect the resistance’s back. Our presence in the government and parliament is aimed at protecting the resistance’s back and contributing to resolving people’s issues.”

The secretary general criticized those who ask ‘who entrusted you with resisting?’ calling it a bizarre question as though they do not consider ‘Israel’ to be an enemy and a threat. “Our moral, religious, and national duty obliged us to mount the resistance against occupation,” he reiterated. “Some in Lebanon do not consider ‘Israel’ as an enemy, they later labeled it so as a flattering.”

“The resistance is protecting the homeland and this does not need a permission from anyone. This resistance has obliged ‘Israel’ to send reassurance messages to Lebanon,” Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out, illustrating that differences and sparring over the resistance are too old, “there has never been unanimity over it.”

Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that “the resistance and its precision-guided weapons are what keep the occupation on alert, and protect Lebanon in light of the division.” “It is true that any attempt to disarm Hezbollah by force would lead to civil war,” he warned, advising that “the country is falling into an abyss, there might not remain a state to hand it over our arms.”

From a strong position, Sayyed Nasrallah renewed the call for partnership and cooperation, voicing readiness to discuss the national defense strategy. Nevertheless, he said the state should first handle the economic and political crisis in the country before discussing defense strategies.

“We are before two options, the first is the choice of a strong and rich Lebanon, and the other is the option of a weak and beggar Lebanon,” his eminence indicated, reiterating that Lebanon is strong because of the golden equation (Army, people, resistance formula). “Lebanon can be a rich state through oil and gas, we want a rich Lebanon as much as we want it powerful,” he said, adding “If you want to discuss the defense strategy, let us discuss how to protect and extract our offshore oil and gas first.” Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that this ‘requires daring’, criticizing how Lebanon “stands idly by while the enemy entity concludes contracts to sell its gas.”

“We told them to leave the resistance alone and focus on the economic crisis the Lebanese are facing, but to no avail.”

Al-Aqsa… A Redline 

At the end of his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah warned that within days, things might happen in the region and might lead to an explosion, referring to the so-called Flag March planned by the Zionist entity on Sunday. “Any harm against Al-Aqsa mosque will lead to dire consequences as such issue provokes Islamic sentiments,” Hezbollah leader said.

“The Palestinian resistance is unanimous in responding, and things may lead to a major explosion inside Palestine. Any attack on al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock will explode the region as it provokes every free and honorable person,” his eminence warned.

Sayyed Nasrallah called for “anticipation, attention, and preparation for what might happen around us and have major repercussions on the region, this depends on the folly of the enemy.”

Pointing to the drills (Chariots of Fire drill) the Zionist army is conducting now, Sayyed Nasrallah said Hezbollah was still on alert and mobilized.

Words of Thanks

Hezbollah’s S.G. began his speech by expressing gratitude and saluting all those who took part in the course of Lebanon’s liberation in 2000 from the Israeli occupation. He saluted all who sacrificed, factions and sects, for the sake of the resistance, thanking all who provided help and assistance to the Lebanese resistance during past years, especially “Syria, Iran, and whoever stood beside the resistance during that critical time even if it was only a word of support.” Hezbollah’s leader extended gratitude to the Lebanese army for its help, especially in the late 90s.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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May 25 Liberation Day: Soul is what fights

May 25, 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Ali Jezzini 

With the blood and sweat of thousands of its sons and daughters, Lebanon was liberated on May 25, 2000.

During the celebration that followed Liberation Day, the leader of the resistance Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah described the Israeli occupation regime as “frailer than a spider’s web”

Twenty-two years have passed since the Israelis were forced, for the first time, to withdraw from an occupied Arab land unconditionally. The event that took place on May 25th of the year 2000 is seen widely as a turning point in the greater Arab struggle against the Israeli occupation and colonization of Arab lands. 

The day the occupation completed its forced withdrawal from Lebanese territories came to be known as the Liberation and Resistance Day in Lebanon, a day that is commemorated and celebrated all over the country annually. It became a founding element in the story of the Arab and Lebanese people’s struggle in general, and for the people of Southern Lebanon in particular. Memories of the occupation that brought death and destruction to the lives of many are still vivid to this day, as not only were the horrors of such a period carved in the collective memory of the Lebanese people but also the idea that the cost of resistance will always be more bearable than that of submission.

So how did the people, historically described as poor peasants, manage to inflict such a strategic defeat on the Israeli war machine?

Building the momentum

As the occupation began in 1978 and then expanded in 1982, the Lebanese resistance factions took up their arms and dealt heavy blows to the Israeli occupation troops present on the Lebanese soil via various military actions. New resistance factions were formed as well. They followed a wide array of ideological doctrines that ranged from communism and nationalism to Islamic ideology. This piece will be focusing on the actions, operations, and plans of the resistance party that played a major role in the military defeat of the Israelis and their expulsion from Lebanon – except for the Shebaa Farms and the Kfar Chouba Hills – the Islamic resistance in Lebanon, i.e. Hezbollah.

The resistance project was launched in Beirut in 1982 by only a few men who were frustrated by how the people under Israeli occupation were left to meet their fate by everyone as the country was engulfed in civil war. Not with words, but with solid actions, iron, and lead, these men decided to stand their ground and fight. The oldest of these men hadn’t reached his thirties, these “young and crazy” men ended up changing the fate of Lebanon and the region for good.

Numbering from a few dozens to hundreds in the nineties, the resistance had employed multiple tactics, from ambushes to anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) strikes or mining the roads taken by Israeli patrols. Their foe was not only the Israeli occupation forces; there was also a collaborator militia under the name of the South Lebanon Army (SLA), whom the Israelis used as cannon fodder to man the front outposts with the hope of mitigating their losses.

The Islamic Resistance’s ability to adapt to shifting conditions was proved by Hezbollah’s military operations in the 1990s. Hezbollah attacked with direct assaults when the Israeli forces and SLA-established permanent outposts. The resistance moved to use indirect fire using mortars and rocket fire when the occupation and its collaborators bolstered their outposts. The resistance resorted to ambushes, improvised explosive devices (IEDs), and mines as the IOF changed tactics and became a more mobile force with more patrols.

As for the use of ATGMs, the Lebanese resistance deployed even more complex armament systems, ranging from the older Sagger ATGMs to the more modern American-made TOWs and Soviet-made Konkurs. Between September and October 1997, using TOW systems, the resistance, for instance, managed to destroy a Magach and three Merkava tanks, dealing a serious blow to the IOF’s morale. The Islamic resistance’s adaptability earned it admiration from its enemies. The head of the Golani brigade, Moshe Kaplinsky, remarked that “Hezbollah was a learning organization.” 

The War was characterized by an intellectual clash between the resistance and the IOF. For instance, in the 1990s, when the IOF started utilizing sniffer dogs to find wire-triggered IEDs, the resistance started hiding its mines under fiberglass boulders as camouflage, then resorted to using radio control to set off the mines. The IOF, in turn, tried countering this tactic by jamming the radio signals, the resistance responded by using cellphone-triggered devices. The Israelis countered this tactic by jamming cellphone signals. The resistance finally employed infrared signals to detonate the explosive devices and continued inflicting tremendous damage to the Israeli occupying forces.

Culminating the effects

The resistance’s professional use of IEDs and mines culminated in the killing of Erez Gerstein in 1999; the top Israeli commander in Lebanon at that time. It was a huge calamity for the occupation and its already crumbling morale as a result of the attrition war it was suffering at the hands of the resistance. The SLA was not spared either, as its second-in-command, Aql Hashim, was killed the following year using similar tactics.

One of the most significant victories for the resistance, both on the intelligence and tactical levels, was the 1997 ambush of sixteen navy commandos from the elite Shayetet 13 unit near the coastal town of Ansariyah, which resulted in the death of 12 Israeli soldiers. It was revealed by the secretary-general of the resistance later on that the ambush was made possible by the resistance’s hacking of Israeli drones earlier that year, which allowed them to acquire intel that helped identify the imminent incursion.

Operations continued as the occupation of Lebanon was withering, with their number increasing substantially. 4,928 of the total 6,058 operations occurred between 1996 and 2000, and 1999 alone saw the resistance carrying out 1,528 operations. The war was long and consuming for the Israelis, and not only the military was suffering. The Israeli society as a whole was crumbling underneath the weight of losses in Lebanon.

The resistance using rockets to establish a deterrence equation, which prevented the Israelis from targeting civilians in Lebanon, played a major role in cutting the Israeli society’s appetite for war. The Israelis felt that their government, even after the wars of 1993 and 1996, was unable to stop the rocket retaliation against settlements. Despite the numerous violations committed by the IOF against the rules of such proclaimed and explicit equation, the Israelis did reduce their attacks against civilians in Lebanon.

The victory

The last Israeli soldier left Lebanese soil (except for Shebaa farms and Kfarshoba hills) at 6:48 am on May 24 of the year 2000, and the long-awaited relief of the Lebanese people from their suffering ended. The SLA was breaking up in the days leading up to the 24th of May, culminating in its complete disintegration following that date. The members of the collaborator army were divided into 2 groups, the first surrendered to the resistance, while the second left with the Israelis to occupied Palestine. One of the SLA officers said during his last seconds on Lebanese soil: “We expected to be expelled, but [not like this] with honor.” A scene that was engrained in the Lebanese memory, besides the scenes of the prisoners of Al-Khiam detention camp breaking their chains and breathing in the fresh breeze of freedom.

During the celebration that followed Liberation Day, the leader of the resistance, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, described the Israeli occupation regime as “frailer than a spider’s web.” These words echoed within the heads of the Israelis for the better half of a decade, so much so that Israeli generals labeled their bid to occupy Bint Jbeil (where Sayyed Nasrallah made the speech in which he said the occupation was frailer than a spider’s web) “Operation Webs of Steel”. The operation took place during the Israeli 2006 war on Lebanon. “Tel Aviv” failed miserably in its endeavor again, but that is a story for another day.

The Israeli occupation regime’s existential concerns became much more vivid following its defeat and humiliation in 2000 and 2006. The mighty “Israel” that always bragged about its operational military art and competency and created an illusion of invincibility became powerless, frail, and paranoid. The resistance and its people not only liberated their land with their blood and sweat but proved to all the Arabs and the oppressed of this world that, with a clear mind, a strong will, and a passionate soul, no occupation shall last.

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Eleven Years in the Dark Corridors of the Khiam Detention Center: An Unbreakable Will to Resist

May 25, 2022

By Zeinab Abdallah

South Lebanon – It has been a couple of decades since Lebanon was liberated from the ‘Israeli’ occupation. It is a 20-year old achievement that is being strengthened at every turning point.

Only children didn’t know, at the time, the true stories of pain behind the joy this event has brought to their lives, the ones who were used not to have a single place where they could spend their summer vacations.

What will be narrated below is just the story of one person. A southerner who decided to stand up against the occupation of his country. This person ended up spending 11 years behind ‘Israeli’ bars from November, 1985 until July, 1996.

Liberated detainee Hajj Ali Khsheish, who has the scars of those 11 years on his body and soul, told al-Ahed News about how he was detained, torture inside the prison, and the inhumane treatment of ‘Israeli’ collaborators.

Liberated Detainee Hajj Ali Khsheish at the Khiam Detention Center – Al-Ahed News, May, 2020

“In the beginning, we had a resistance activity inside an occupied area where the ‘Israeli’ was very comfortable to practice whatever he wants. It was a group of youngsters who decided to resist the occupier and hence we founded a small group that was known the Islamic Resistance.”

The early resistance men, he added, were under the ‘Israeli’ agents’ sight. For them, it was both difficult and dangerous to transfer a weapon inside the occupied territories. That’s why at the time, many arrests were made in the village of Khiam and other villages in the region. Members of different political organizations were also detained.

On November 11, 1985, Hajj Ali, as well as many other members of the Islamic Resistance were detained and taken to the Khiam Prison, better known as the Khiam Detention Center, which was located in Hajj Ali’s own homeland, and run by Antoine Lahd’s militia under the ‘Israeli’ administration.

Interrogation and torture

Interrogation was as harsh as all forms of torture practiced inside the place. The enemy, according to Hajj Ali, doesn’t spare an area in the human body un-tortured to obtain the information he wants. ‘Israel’ was dying to learn all information related to the resistance activities and how it is transferring weapons and exchanging information.

According to his own experience, Hajj Ali says he had been interrogated for four months in a raw. “During the same period, many arrests from Bint Jbeil, Markaba and Taybeh were made, so the enemy assumed that there is a common link between those groups, although every group was indeed operating separately.”

In the painful memories of his years behind the ‘Israeli’ bars, the man repeats that torture was very harsh. ‘Israel’ mastered its means of torture in that place, which were numeral and inhumane at every level. Electric shocks, electric cables, electric pole hangers, deprivation of sleep, food and restrooms, head covers and handcuffs, solitary cells, the ‘Chicken Coop’, insults, intimidations and torturing relatives… and the list goes on.

“We used to sleep in corridors before being transferred to cells. At the time, the prison’s area wasn’t fit to contain the huge number of detainees. While sleeping there, the jailer walks into the corridor and kicks us. Even when we are hanged on the electric poles we were also beaten…” the man said, adding that “they used to rub our wounds with salt, or warm up an iron rod to burn parts of our bodies… all of their methods were barbaric, they didn’t use any humane action when dealing with the detainees.”

Many detainees were martyred while hanged naked, in cold and hot weathers, and without food or water, for three days on the electric poles.

Such innovated methods were both directed and supervised by Amer al-Fakhoury, the ‘Israeli’ collaborator who in a couple of months ago fled Lebanon after being discharged by the Lebanese Military Tribunal on the crimes he has committed due to the ‘passage of time’.

Torture was not limited to the period of interrogation, it would rather accompany the detainee all over his time at the prison. This depends on how moody the jailer is.

Interrogators were focused on obtaining any piece of information about Hezbollah, and the activity of the Islamic Resistance. They focused on detainees affiliated with Hezbollah, their bitterest enemy who caused them a lot of pain. Even when the Islamic Resistance carries out a successful operation, they used to retaliate by torturing the detainees.

“They didn’t treat us as humans, they didn’t take into account any health condition the detainee could be suffering from. Even for those whose hands or legs were amputated, they used to beat them on that areas.”

The post-interrogation period

After the minimum of two months interrogation period and solitary confinement, detainees were transferred to 2-meter wide and 2.5-meter long cells. They were designed for five detainees at the same time. The cells were neither equipped with light, nor with toilets. “At night, we sleep in line, everyone’s head is opposite to the other’s legs…”

The room didn’t even have a restroom inside it, detainees couldn’t but use a bucket to have their essential need met. They were not allowed to speak inside their cell, nor anywhere else. Their voice mustn’t be heard, otherwise the jailer knows what he would do. Detainees were even denied the right to sun exposure. They were only allowed for 5 minutes every month or less in a small yard that they crowd inside it 10 to 15 detainees.

“It was barely one tour inside the yard before we are taken back to our cells. Speaking was not allowed there, neither was smiling at each other.”

Food, water and medication

Every portion of food served to one detainee per day wasn’t meant to fill the stomach of a baby. Two small toasts for breakfast, with three olives and jam. Then comes the lunch, an entire dish of unsalted stew to serve the five detainees inside each cell. And finally the dinner, also two small toasts with a boiled egg and a potato.

“We considered that we are living only because the angel of death was busy somewhere else. Everything inside the Khiam Detention Center was driving us to death, and this is why when a new colleague entered the prison, he told me that my family learned that I was dead, and that they held a memorial service for me,” Hajj Ali Khsheish recalled.

The place doesn’t resemble any of the world’s prisons. The maximum period of interrogation in any jail in the world is 72 hours, then the prisoner would be moved to a cell that fits for a human use. In this case, however, there didn’t exist even the least of elements of the human survival.

Minding the portions of food prisoners were served inside the place, it was subsequently understandable that they would be dined drinking water as well.

The jailers would deprive detainees from drinking water for three consecutive days under the pretext that the water service is cut off. “We used to demand drinking, even from the water heater, which was already rust, only to quench our thirst.”

‘Miscol’ was the multifunctional drug we were given, Hajj Ali said. It was an ‘Israeli’ drug, most of the times we discover it was expired when given to us, but the jailers used to give to the detainees every time they feel a pain, no matter what kind of pain or in which body organ. Detainees, in best cases, were injected with water instead of medicine.

Freedom of religious rituals

Detainees used to recite the holy Quran according to the memorizations, they didn’t actually have access to any hard copy, although they managed once to obtain a very small part of the holy book, which they secretly shared by turn.

In Ashura, for example, when the jailer hears that they are making any activity, he used to open the cell suddenly and start beating them.

Even in the holy month of fasting, jailers turn generous and force fasting detainees to drink and eat. Indeed, they pour water inside their mouths. Once, a detainee thought he would escape a forced breakfast, so when the jailer asked him if he is fasting, the detainee said no. The jailer, however, started beating and scolding him because he is a Muslim but was not fasting!

Tyranny anytime, anywhere

“Sometimes, jailers order detainees to cover their heads, it was up to their mood if they don’t want to see our faces. The prison’s regime was arbitrary. Everybody should be awake at 6, with the components of their cell be organized. Sometimes, they storm the cell at midnight, or even after, they force detainees to stand up facing the wall, raising their hands up, for an hour or two,” Hajj Ali added.

Other times, when the wrestling team a jailer likes loses, he takes a group of detainees to the yard and starts beating them!

As a result, detainees used to organize hunger strikes to raise their voice high…

The Khiam Detention Center Uprising

“One time, the detainees rejected food for three times because a jailer dragged one of us while he was preforming prayers and took him out. Detainees started knocking the doors. How would they do such thing during the prayers?”

The uprising started in 1993, and what was remarkable is that all detainees, even the women in their separate building, united with each other, without learning the reason ahead, they just heard the knocking and understood that some major thing was going wrong.

The jailers, however, threw gas bombs and fired some shots inside the already narrow and closed prison cells. Many detainees suffocated, so the others calmed down to save the lives of their fellows. After that, the jailers took around 70 detainees outside and started beating them until the strike ended.

The prisoners’ demands were access to sufficient food as well as sun exposure and restrooms, the basic needs provided in the rights of detainees according to the Geneva Conference. The prison’s administration responded to the demands. However, it was very soon that they backtracked this policy. The ‘Israeli’ policy was keen to keep the detainees’ only concern is to have food, sun exposure and toilets. Otherwise, if things remained comfortable, detainees would demand additional things the prison’s administration didn’t want to meet.

Hajj Ali no more behind bars

As part of a swap deal between the Islamic Resistance, that detained bodies of two ‘Israeli’ soldiers, and the Zionist regime, Hajj Ali Khsheish was released with the group of 40 detainees and bodies of 124 martyrs on July 21st, 1996.

Liberated Detainee Hajj Ali Khsheish at the Khiam Detention Center – Al-Ahed News, May, 2020

As free as before, he decided to continue the next period in Beirut, firstly to save himself and his relatives from any possible future detention, and secondly, which was more important to him, to resume his resistance activity.

Turning his back to the years of pain, Hajj Ali walked out of the place where he spent the harshest 11 years of his life… He returned, however, to the same place, after it was liberated during the liberation of south Lebanon and the withdrawal of ‘Israeli’ occupation in May, 2000.

Since then, he and several colleagues, dedicated themselves to explain to every visitor of the Khiam Detention Center how ‘Israel’ and its Lebanese collaborators have been involved in war crimes against all detainees.

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This is How ’Israel’ Gave In to Hezbollah: The Liberation of the Year 2000

May 25, 2022 

Jihad Haidar

The liberation of Lebanese occupied territories in 2000 was just a culmination of an ascending path of victories Hezbollah recorded in confronting various types of wars waged by the “Israeli” enemy. During this period “Israeli” positions and the positions of the army of Antoine Lahad stretched along what was known as the “security belt”.

What distinguishes the act of resistance from regular warfare is that it is a cumulative effort that aims to drain the occupation on all levels. It pushes the occupier to a point where its leadership and audience force upon it the decision to withdraw.

Thus, the continuation of a serious and effective resistance was a pivotal challenge and critical to achieving victory. However, since the resistance was cumulative, it was natural that there would be repercussions on the “Israeli” [domestic] arena. It was only when all of the [“Israeli”] army’s efforts to stop the bloody killings of its forces in the occupied areas failed that “Israeli” public opinion demanded and pressured its political leadership to withdraw from Lebanon and restore stability to the settlements in the north that were targeted by the resistance’s missiles in response to “Israeli” attacks against civilian areas in Lebanon.

Stages and the bets of the enemy

In glancing at the years leading up to the liberation, we notice that the “Israeli” gambles went through phases, correlating with political and security developments. But the gamble that persisted throughout all of these stages during the confrontation, revolved around the possibility that the resistance may age over time, while despair takes over its supporters as sacrifices grow.

Despite all that, every stage had its own gambles. At times the gambles centered on the regional and internal Lebanese developments. At other times, the “Israeli” gamble focused on the effects of the [Arab-“Israeli”] “peace process”, which was launched in Madrid and achieved breakthroughs on the Palestinian and Jordanian fronts.

Initially the “Israeli” hopes were pinned on the production of a regional political reality that would lead to the demise of the resistance as an option of glory in confronting threats. Meanwhile the various stages of the negotiations were accompanied by psychological and political warfare aimed at presenting the resistance as an absurd option and curbing the motivation of the resistance fighters while exhausting the patience of its followers.

At the operational level, “Israel” feared a repetition of the consequences of the military incursion option to settle scores with Hezbollah. So the military leadership at the time tried to create alternative operational options that Hezbollah aborted through its steadfastness, tactics, firmness, and determination to continue the path of resistance.

“Israel” adopted several options, one of which was to launch massive attacks that targeted civilian areas, in order to turn the public against the resistance.

The July 1993 aggression (Operation Accountability), the April 1996 aggression (Operation Grapes of Wrath), and other operations focused on targeting the leaders as well as the Jihadi and Mujahidin staff of the resistance, including His Eminence the Secretary-General of Hezbollah martyr Sayyed Abbas Musawi (RA).

Instead, Hezbollah was able to counter these Israeli efforts, securing an internal [Israeli] consensus, which took into account the mounting human cost within “Israeli” army ranks.

The theory (or the equation) is as follows: “Israel” needs to continue occupying Lebanese territory regarding it as a «security belt» aimed at protecting its northern border. But Hezbollah transformed the “Israeli” presence on Lebanese territory to a wounded occupation and costly to the “Israeli” society to the extent that forced the army chief of staff at the time, Amnon Shahak, to admit that his soldiers were like sitting ducks for Hezbollah fighters.

The missile strategy adopted by the resistance turned the occupation into the reason behind the deterioration of security in the northern [“Israeli”] settlements. Rockets were fired in response to any aggression against Lebanese civilian areas.

The missile strategy also transformed the settlements in northern [“Israel”] to a handicap for the movement of the occupation forces, which now had to take into account the possibility of the settlements being targeted when studying their options in expanding their aggression. This reality turned into an additional burden for the occupying entity that deepened its losses and drained it.

That is how Hezbollah excelled in imposing the equation of expanding the response in confronting the policy of expanding aggression. The current “Israeli” chief of staff of the enemy’s army, Gadi Eizenkot, was one of the prominent figures to admit this equation when he explained in a lecture – back when he was in command of the northern region- saying: “Hezbollah was very keen on not targeting “Israeli” towns with rockets unless it was in response to “Israeli” operations…. And if memory serves me right, targeting “Israeli” towns with rockets, as we said above, was in response to operations by the “Israeli” army that Hezbollah considered crossing a line”.

Based on the above and after a series of failed gambles and evidence of the futility of operational options adopted by the army of the enemy, the decision-makers in Tel Aviv found that the Jewish entity had but two realistic options:

Either to withdraw back to its borders or to continue the human attrition in the security belt and the security attrition in the north of “Israel”.

So that is how the “Israeli” leadership, represented by Prime Minister Ehud Barak at the time, found that the only way to get rid of the Lebanese quagmire is to get out of it, even unilaterally and without any agreements or security or political preparations. That is what happened.

Source: al-Ahed News, Translated and Edited by website team

ليس سواها ما يدعو للأمل

 الأربعاء 25 أيار 2022

 ناصر قنديل

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كلما أصغينا أكثر للكلام السياسي في الشأن الداخلي، وكلما أمعنا النظر في أحوال الناس والبلاد، زاد الشعور بالعبث يسيطر على كل شيء، والأنا المتضخّمة تتغوّل على حساب المصلحة الوطنية، والابتعاد عن أولويات الناس لحساب استرضاء صناع الأضواء من قنوات تلفزيونيّة وسفارات، فيصير الأبيض أسود والأسود أبيض. فالتسابق على تسمية الكتلة المسيحية الأكبر ضرورة على طريق السباق الرئاسي، وبالوقت ذاته إدارة الظهر لإجماع نواب طائفة على ترشيح رئيس مجلس النواب، والسيادة شعار يرفع بوجه المقاومة وسلاحها، وتسقط جدرانها عندما يزف السفير السعودي بشرى النصر في الانتخابات معلناً أبوّته لما أسموه بنصر التغيير، ونواب التغيير الذين يتحدثون عن اللاطائفية بصفتها نصاً دستورياً ينسون أن يقرأوا المادة 95 من الدستور التي رسمت خريطة طريق للإلغاء. فتكريس التوزيع الطائفي قائم في النص الدستوريّ، بخلاف ما يقوله أحد منظري التغيير، وطريق الخروج منه واضح، هيئة وطنية لإلغاء الطائفية ومجلس نيابي خارج القيد الطائفي ومجلس للشيوخ، ثم إلغاء طائفية وظائف الفئة الأولى، قبل الوصول للرئاسات، التي تشكل المداورة فيها حلماً صعب التحقق. فكيف بإلغائها، فيصير النقاش بلا جدوى، حيث نواب لا يقرأون وإن قرأوا لا يفهمون، وإن فهموا لا يعرفون، وإن عرفوا لا يعترفون.

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الدولار يقفز سريعاً، فيخرج البطريرك بشارة الراعي يقول إن المسؤول هو الخاسر في الانتخابات، والهدف هو الانقلاب على النتائج، والكلام على طريقة «الخسن والخسين بنات معاوية ولدتا في اسطمبول»، فمن يفترضه خاسراً لم يخسر، ومن يظنّه منتصراً لم ينتصر، ومن يقول إنه مسؤول ليس مسؤولاً، والمسؤول معلوم وسبق للبطريرك أن أعلنه خطاً أحمر. ومن قال إن الحل في الانتخابات، سواء كان رئيس القوات أو نواب التغيير، غير معنيّ اليوم بالتفسير، كيف يترجمون نظرية الانتخابات هي الحل، وقد وضعوا أهدافاً لما بعد الانتخابات لا مكان فيها لأولويات الناس، التي تتمثل بتسهيل استيلاد حكومة تكون خلال شهور ما قبل الاستحقاق الرئاسيّ، هيئة حوار لوضع كل القضايا الخلافية فوق الطاولة، وتضع ما يمكن اتخاذه من قرارات تنفيذيّة بسرعة لمعالجة ما يمكن معالجته بأسرع ما يمكن، وبدلاً من ذلك يتواصل خطاب التحدّي وهو حق لأصحابه، لكنه طريق للتعقيد فالتصعيد فقطع الطريق على أيّة تسويات، لا حكومة بدونها، ولا رئاسة بدونها، وبدونهما أيّ الحكومة والرئاسة، لا مؤسسات لدولة يفترض أن بناءها كان شعار التغيير. ونظرية إسقاط المنظومة طريقها هو الانتخابات، والانتخابات انتهت، ويُفترض أن ما بعدها عمل وأمل، لا صراخ وفخاخ وربما فراخ!

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في مثل هذا اليوم قبل اثنين وعشرين عاماً خرج لبنان من العتمة إلى الضوء، وكل أصحاب الضجيج لم يكن لهم يدٌ في ذلك، وحدهم الذين يتلقون في صدورهم اليوم سهام التجريح والاتهام كانوا أصحاب الفضل، فتحقق النصر واندحر الاحتلال، ولولا هذه المقاومة ما كان أمن ولا كانت دولة، وتبع نصر التحرير نصر الردع وردّ العدوان في 2006، فتحقق للبنان استقرار ثابت وراسخ بخروجه من دائرة الاستهداف طوال ستة عشر عاماً، وبفضل هذه المقاومة فرض لبنان حضوره في البحر وثروات النفط والغاز، فاضطر الإسرائيليّ لانتظار التفاوض، واضطر الأميركي لإطلاق الوساطة. ولولا هذه المقاومة لبدأ الإسرائيلي استخراج ثرواتنا وتصرّف بها، وكل ما بين أيدينا وفقاً لوصفات المتربّصين بالمقاومة وسلاحها، الشكوى لمجلس الأمن، وقد خبرها اللبنانيون اثنين وعشرين سنة ما بين الاجتياح الإسرائيلي الثاني عام 1978 والتحرير عام 2000، فلم تسمن ولم تُغنِ عن جوع. وبفضل هذه المقاومة صار الخيار العسكريّ لفرض الهيمنة الخارجية والفتنة الداخلية معلقاً، حيث مَن يريد لا يقدر ومَن يقدر لا يريد، فتحصّن السلم الأهلي.

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منسوب الكرامة الذي حققته انتصارات المقاومة كان فوق مستوى قدرة السياسة في لبنان على التحمّل، ولولا هذه المقاومة لما كان هناك ما يدعو للأمل.

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مرة أخرى يبدو أن الحلول لن تأتي من نضج الداخل، بل من حاجة الخارج لتسويات يجبره على البحث عنها وجود المقاومة وقوتها، فنتحمل تخلف الداخل وتفاهة السياسة فيه وقصر نظر السياسيين وعبثهم، بقوة صبر وبصيرة هذه المقاومة.

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ماذا يعني العرض «الإسرائيليّ» لمساعدة الجيش اللبنانيّ؟

الجمعة 4 فبراير 2022

 العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط ^_ 

في موقف مفاجئ أو تراءى أنه فاجأ الكثيرين أعلن وزير الحرب «الإسرائيلي» انّ «إسرائيل» عرضت على الجيش اللبناني المساعدة ولكن الجيش رفضها، ولم يكن الإعلان كما بدا من التداول الإعلامي مرحباً به من قبل فرنسا وأميركا الدولتين اللتين تتصرفان بأنهما المسؤولتان عن لبنان بشكل عام، وبشكل خاص عن الجيش اللبناني ومؤسسات رسمية هامة أخرى.

لقد صدم الإعلان البعض خاصة، وهو يتأمّل وضعاً وصلت فيه «إسرائيل» في نظرتها الى لبنان وجيشه الى الحدّ الذي تسمح لنفسها معه ان تعرض على جيشه المساعدة ليتجاوز الصعوبات التي يعانيها. طبعاً انّ أحداً ممن يعرف الجيش اللبناني لم يكن يتوقع موقفاً غير الذي اتخذته القيادة بالرفض القاطع وحتى عدم الاكتراث به الى الحدّ الذي جعلها لا تصرّح او تعلن عن الأمر شيئاً، وكأنّ الأمر لم يحدث أو أنّ عرضاً لم يكن.

فالجيش اللبناني الذي عانى منذ تأسيسه في العام 1945 على يد فؤاد شهاب، عانى الكثير من التحديات والصعوبات ما لم يعرفه جيش آخر، ورغم ذلك أعيد جمعه وتشكيله على أساس وطني على يد العماد إميل لحود، تشكيل أخرجه قوياً متماسكاً وأقول على أساس وطني مؤكد يعتنق ويعمل بعقيدة عسكرية وطنية تقوم على تحديد العدو وحصره في «إسرائيل» التي تحتلّ من لبنان أرضاً وتنتهك سيادته براً وجواً وبحراً وتهدّد ثروته، وتحديد الصديق بأنه كلّ من يمدّ الجيش بدعم ومعونة وتأييد في مهمته الأساسية التي هي الدفاع عن الوطن بوجه العدو وتمكين الجيش من حفظ الأمن والنظام في الداخل في كلّ ما يتجاوز قدرات قوى الأمن. وكان من الطبيعي جداً أن جيشاً هذه عقيدته أن يرفض من عدوّه أيّ مساعدة، ولن نناقش في الموضوع أكثر بل يكفي أن نقول بالمختصر إنّ الذي يؤمّن وحدة الجيش ويحفظ تماسكه هو تمسكه بعقيدته العسكرية الوطنية بعيداً عن الانزلاق الى متاهات وفخاخ تنصب له بعيداً عنها.

وبالفعل وخلال العقود الثلاثة الماضية نجح الجيش في مهامه وحفظ تماسكه رغم كلّ الهزات التي تعرّض لها بدءاً من العام ١٩٩٣، حيث رفض الجيش ان يتحوّل الى سور يحمي الاحتلال «الإسرائيلي» في الجنوب ويواجه المقاومة التي تتصدّى له. وفي العام ١٩٩٦ نجح الجيش في تأمين ظهر المقاومة وتناغَمَ أداؤه مع أدائها بما منع العدو من تحقيق أهداف عدوانه وأجبره على القبول بتفاهم نيسان الذي فتح الطريق الى التحرير في العام ٢٠٠٠ حيث برع الجيش في التعامل مع طرد «إسرائيل» من الجنوب ولعب الدور المميّز في التحقق من خروجها وحفظ الأمن المرن في المناطق المحررة. وفي العام ٢٠٠٦ كان الجيش متماسكاً ومنيعاً في تعامله مع الأخطار التي شكلها العدوان «الإسرائيلي» عليه وعلى لبنان. ويستمرّ الجيش في مهامه بنجاح رغم قلة الإمكانات وشحّها، الشحّ الذي تفاقم خلال السنوات الثلاث الأخيرة ما أفسح المجال للعدو بأن يعرض المساعدة، العرض الذي يجب ان يتوقف عنده كلّ معني بشأن لبنان وشأن جيشه.

قلت انّ الرفض اللبناني للعرض بالمساعدة من «إسرائيل» هو أمر بديهي وطبيعي لكلّ من يعرف الجيش اللبناني ويعرف عقيدته العسكرية الوطنية. فالجيش اللبناني هو جيش وطني يعرف كيف يتخذ قراراته وكيف يؤدّي وظائفه بما يحفظ الوطن. وطبعاً هو يختلف جذرياً عن فئة من اللبنانيين ادّعت الحاجة الى مساعدة فذهبت الى «إسرائيل» للحصول عليها وانخرطت بهذه المساعدة في حرب أهليّة لا يزال لبنان يعاني من آثارها. والجيش اللبناني هو جيش منبثق عن شعب انبثقت منه مقاومة فاعلة وقويّة استطاعت أن تحرّر الأرض وتمنع احتلالها والجيش اللبنانيّ هو جيش عرف كيف يواجه الإرهاب منذ العام ٢٠٠٠ وكيف يبقي الدولة واحدة لا ترسم فيها خطوط الحدود التي تقسمها، ولكن رغم كلّ هذا نجد العدو يملك الوقاحة التي تدفعه الى عرض المساعدة على هذا الجيش!

قد لا يستغرب البعض العرض «الإسرائيلي» الذي يأتي في زمن باتت فيه «إسرائيل» موجودة علانيّة أو سراً في كلّ عاصمة عربية باستثناء ثلاث او أربع عواصم، وقد لا يستغرب العرض في زمن تجري فيه «إسرائيل» مناورات عسكريّة مع عدة جيوش عربية، وفي زمن يطير فيه رئيس كيان العدو فوق مكة والمدينة في الحجاز، وفي زمن يشكل التنسيق الأمني مع السلطة الفلسطينية أساساً لدعم الاحتلال في الضفة الغربية، فـ «إسرائيل» رغم خيباتها في لبنان تظن أنها بما حققته مع العرب الآخرين تستطيع أن تحتوي الجيش اللبناني او تبدي حياله مراسم الودّ والصداقة بما يجعله يرتاح إليها، أو تظنّ اّن الحاجة قد تجعلها في موقع يستخفّ بهذا الجيش فتعرض مساعدته رغم أنه عدو لها.. وهو ظنّ او اعتقاد نراه حتماً خاطئاً اذ رغم كلّ ما يقول بعض اللبنانيين او ممّن يحملون الهوية اللبنانية ورغم ما تدفع اليه فرنسا وأميركا، فإننا نراه ظناً بعيداً عن الحقيقة؛ لا بل هو أمر مستحيل التحقق. لكن يبقى ان نتوقف عند الجانب او الوجه الآخر من العرض وهي أمور لا بدّ من الإضاءة عليها نذكر منها:

ـ على المسؤولين اللبنانيين ان يتوقفوا عند العرض الإسرائيلي ويتذكروا انّ الذي تسبّب بصدور هذا العرض لا بل أنتج البيئة التي استجلبته هو أداؤهم الذي قاد الى حرمان الجيش وأفراده ومن كلّ الرتب من مقتضيات العيش الكريم، ما جعل راتب العسكري لا يكفي لانتقاله الى مركز عمله، وحرمهم من الكثير من مستلزماتهم الطبية، وحمل عناصر من هذا الجيش الى الفرار والسفر خارجاً، عدد بلغ كما ذكر وزير العدو الـ ٥٠٠٠ عنصر.

ـ انّ الجيش الذي يعوّل عليه لحماية لبنان في وحدته وسيادته وصل الى مستوى صار فيه العدو يعرض عليه المساعدة، وبالتالي إنّ مجرد صدور العرض من العدو يشكل إهانة ومسّاً بمعنويات الجيش المولج بالتصدّي لهذا العدو في انتهاكه للحقوق الوطنية، وإنّ هذه المعنويات لا تستقيم الا بعمل عاجل يسدّ حاجات الجيش الفردية والشخصية والعسكرية العملانية.

ـ إنّ مَن يدّعي الحرص على الجيش من الدول الغربية خاصة أميركا هي أيضاً ساهمت في تحقق هذا الوضع، عندما منعت الجيش وانصاع المسؤولون في الدولة لإملاءاتها برفض المساعدة العسكرية غير المشروطة من أصدقاء مثل روسيا والصين وإيران، دون أن تقدّم هي المساعدة المكافئة البديلة.

وفي الخلاصة ندعو المسؤولين في الدولة الي التوقف عند هذا العرض المسموم والفعل الخطر وتشكيل هيئة طوارئ وطنية من شأنها الوقوف على حاجات الجيش مؤسسة وأفراداً والعمل على توفيرها لمعالجة الوضع الذي جعل العدو يعرض المساعدة.

*أستاذ جامعيّ ـ باحث استراتيجيّ

• إعلام إسرائيلي: الجيش اللبناني رفض 4 عروض من “إسرائيل” لمساعدته
• إعلام إسرائيلي: طائرة عسكرية إسرائيلية تقل غانتس عبرت أجواء السعودية

بلا لفّ ودوران: هاتوا هاتين وتجرّأوا على السلاح؟

السبت 8 يناير 2022

 ناصر قنديل

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يتلاقى عدد من القوى السياسية والقيادات داخل لبنان وخارجه على مقاربة سلاح المقاومة بعناوين مباشرة أو مواربة، وقحة وخجولة، حيث يتلاقى من يتحدث عن احتلال إيراني، مع من يتحدث عن الحياد، مع من يتحدث عن السلاح كسبب مشكلة ويقول بربط النزاع حوله، ومن يقول انه يرفض الدعوة لنزع السلاح منعاً لحرب أهلية، أو من يقول انّ حزب الله قوة شعبية وسياسية وإنّ السلاح قضية إقليمية تفوق طاقة الدولة، فكلّ هؤلاء يقولون إما بأنّ مشكلة لبنان هي بسلاح المقاومة، ويضعون في هذا السياق الغضب الغربي والعربي من هذا السلاح، ويفلسفونه بتسميات ربط لبنان بمحور تقوده إيران ومصادرة قرار السلم الحرب وما الى هنالك من مسمّيات، أو يقولون إن لهم ملاحظات على بقاء سلاح المقاومة ويشاركون المعترضين عليه في الكثير مما يقولون، لكنهم لا يرون مصلحة بتحويله الى قضية مواجهة تهدّد السلم الأهلي، أو يعتقدون بأنّ حسم أمره فوق طاقة الدولة اللبنانية والقوى السياسية اللبنانية، وكلّ ضغط عليها لتحمّل هذا العبء يعني مغامرة ومخاطرة وخيمة العواقب.

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لأننا دعونا الآخرين الى التحدث بلا لف ولا دوران، سنقول بلا لف ولا دوران إنّ سلاح المقاومة لن يؤثر في مصيره كلّ هذا التلاعب والعبث السياسي، فهو يملك تغطية شعبية كافية لحمايته، ويملك قدرة عملياتية كافية لمنع استهدافه عسكرياً خارجياً وداخلياً، ولذلك لا يهدف هذا النقاش لإقناع الآخرين بتغيير مواقفهم، خشية ان يؤدي تعنتهم بها الى التاثير سلباً على سلاح المقاومة وتعريضه للخطر، بل يهدف الى كشف النتائج الفعلية لدعواتهم، وتحدّيهم في ميدان الحجة بالحجة أن يثبتوا منطلقاً وطنياً لمزاعمهم، ممن يظهرون عداءهم للسلاح أو الذين يختبئون وراء عدم واقعية طرح مصير السلاح حرصاً على السلم الأهلي، بما يعني تسليماً بالتموضع على ضفة اعتبار السلاح عبئاً على لبنان واللبنانيين.

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ليس مطروحاً العودة للوراء رغم أحقيتها، لجهة مطالبة الجميع بالعرفان بالجميل للمقاومة وسلاحها في ما أنجزت في معركتي تحرير أراض لبنانية من الاحتلال “الإسرائيلي” وأراض أخرى من الإرهاب، وصدّ مخاطر كليهما، والعرفان بالجميل ليس واجباً أخلاقياً فقط، بل هو التزام بضبط الخطاب وفق مقتضياته، وشعور بالخجل لتفوّق مواطنية أهل المقاومة على سواهم، وبعقدة النقص والذنب تجاه الذين سبقوا سواهم في التضحية لأجل الوطن، وتفوّقاً بوطنيتهم ومواطنتهم، وإذا تسامحنا بهذا الطلب المحق، وتسامحنا معه بطلب محق آخر، وهو أنّ أراضي محتلة لا تزال تحت الاحتلال في مزارع شبعا، ولا يجب أن يستهين أحد بفرضية استردادها دون امتلاك القوة، وأنّ الإرهاب الذي تلقى ضربات بنيوية لا يبدو غائباً عن المشهد مع استعادة حيويته في الكثير من الساحات، لكن منعاً للسجال حول قضايا إشكالية وطلباً لوضوح المواقف سنكتفي بطلبين إثنين من كلّ الذين يلتقون بالحديث عن السلاح كعبء على لبنان واللبنانيين، سواء دعوا لحسم أمره سريعاً او ربطوا النزاع تحت عنوان الحرص على السلم الأهلي، وقالوا بجعله موضوعاً للحوار تحت شعار استراتيجية وطنية للدفاع، لا يبدو أنها تهدف لما يقوله اسمها بل باتت اسماً مموّهاً لطرح مصير سلاح المقاومة.

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الطلب الأول هو أن يجيب طرفا الاعتراض، الوقحون والخجولون، على سؤال يتصل بمصلحة اقتصادية ومالية لبنانية حيوية، طالما انّ الكلّ صار عقله في جيبه ويحدثنا عن المصالح، واسترضاء الدول التي تملك مالاً ولو على حساب الكرامة الوطنية، والسؤال هو هل أنتم تؤمنون بأنّ لدى لبنان ثروات من النفط والغاز تشكل اليوم ركيزة رئيسية في أيّ خطة نهوض وإنقاذ، بصفتها مصدراً لعائدات بمليارات الدولارات، التي لن تبلغها كلّ المساهمات والقروض الموعودة من التسوّل والاستجداء والخضوع، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، فتتمة السؤال هي هل تعتقدون أنّ “إسرائيل تتربّص يهذه الثروة، وأنّ الدول الغربية الفاعلة، سواء التي تتقدّم كوسيط في المفاوضات كأميركا أو التي تملك شركات تدير التنقيب كفرنسا، منحازة بالأصل الى جانب “إسرائيل” وتدير موقفها على جدول الأعمال “الإسرائيلي”، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، تصير نهاية السؤال هل لدى لبنان ما يجبر “إسرائيل” على التفاوض بدل سرقة الثروات اللبنانية بقوة الأمر الواقع، وما يجبر أميركا وفرنسا على التوسط والبحث عن حلول ترضي لبنان، غير قوة المقاومة وقدرتها على تهديد أمن “اسرائيل” ومنصاتها للتنقيب عن النفط والغاز وخطوط نقله، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، هل من مصلحة وطنية تبرّر التشارك بإضعاف هذه القوة ولو بكلمة، وهل يصبّ كلّ سوء يُقال بحق هذا السلاح من لبناني مسؤول او غير مسؤول في مصلحة تعزيز موقف “إسرائيل” التفاوضي، وإضعاف موقف لبنان، وإذا كان الجواب هو نعم وهو كذلك، ننتظر تفسيركم وبدائلكم يا عباقرة؟

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الطلب الثاني هو ان يجيب طرفا الاعتراض العلني والمستتر، على سؤال يتصل بمستقبل قضية اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في لبنان، طالما انّ الكلّ يؤكد صبح ومساء على خطر التوطين والتمسك برفضه ولو من منطلقات عنصرية في عقول البعض، وأول السؤال هو هل لدى أحد من شك بأنّ الرؤية “الإسرائيلية” ومن ورائها كلّ الغرب وكثير من الحكومات العربية لإنهاء القضية الفلسطينية أو حلها، يقوم على توطين اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في أماكن إقامتهم ومنها لبنان، وأنّ زمن التطبيع العربي “الإسرائيلي” أسقط التضامن العربي حول ما عُرف بالمباردة العربية للسلام التي نصّت على عودة اللاجئين بناء على طلب لبنان ممثلاً بالرئيس إميل لحود، ما جعل التوطين مشروعاً داهماً، وإذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، يصير الجزء الثاني من السؤال هل تشكل المقاومة في لبنان وسلاحها عقبة رئيسية أمام تقدم الرؤية “الإسرائيلية” لحلّ القضية الفلسطينية أو إنهائها، ومن ضمنها التوطين، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، تصير تتمة السؤال، هل يملك لبنان مصدر قوة يفرض على العالم أن يأخذ رفضه للتوطين بعين الإعتبار غير قوة المقاومة وسلاحها، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك تصير نهاية السؤال، ألا يقع كلّ إضعاف للمقاومة وسلاحها ولو بكلمة، تعزيزاً للأمل “الإسرائيلي” ومن مع “إسرائيلمقالا” من الغرب والعرب، بوجود فرصة بديلة للأخذ بمطلب لبنان بعودة اللاجئين بدلاً من توطينهم، وهو الاستثمار على الداخل اللبناني لإضعاف المقاومة والطعن بسلاحها، ولأنّ الجواب هو نعم، تصير الخلاصة ألا تخجلون من وطنيتكم وأنتم تلعبون لعبة رخيصة بحسابات رخيصة وتصيبون وطنكم في الصميم، فما هو شعوركم بأنّ “الإسرائيلي” يصفق لكم ويبتسم عندما يسمعكم، وقحين وخجولين، أو هاتوا بدائلكم يا عباقرة؟

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روسيا والصّين وخطاب قوى المقاومة

الصين تتريَّث حالياً في دخول معترك ملفات المشرق العربي السياسية وتعقيداتها

الجمعة 26 نوفمبر 2021

المصدر: الميادين نت

عمرو علان

كاتب وباحث سياسي في العديد من المنافذ الإخبارية العربية ، ومنها جريدة الأخبار ، وقناة الميادين الإخبارية الفضائية ، وعربي 21 ، وراي اليوم

أُجبِر الكيان الصهيوني سابقاً على الانسحاب من قطاع غزة في العام 2005، وقبل ذلك من جنوب لبنان في العام 2000. وفي كلتا الحالتين، كان انسحابه من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ.

لعلَّ من أبرز تجلِّيات حقبة “القطب الواحد” التي عاشها العالم خلال العقود الثلاثة الماضية، والتي يشارف العالم على الخروج منها إلى “نظام عالمي” جديد ما زالت ملامحه قيد التشكل، حيث تجلَّت ملامح “القطب الواحد” باستفراد الولايات المتحدة الأميركية بالتأثير في قضايا منطقتنا العربية، إذ كانت روسيا مشغولة بعملية استعادة توازنها بعد انهيار الاتحاد السوفياتي، وكانت الصين في مرحلة بدايات بناء قوتها الاقتصادية العالمية، أما أوروبا، فكان تأثيرها قد بدأ بالتراجع في ملفات السياسة الدولية لمصلحة الولايات المتحدة الأميركية منذ مشروع “مارشال”. 

أما اليوم، ونظراً إلى التحولات العميقة التي تجري في “النظام العالمي”، والتي تتمثل بعودة روسيا لتكون لاعباً دولياً رئيساً في الساحة الدولية من جهة، ولا سيما في منطقة المشرق العربي، وأيضاً في صعود الصين المطرد كعملاق اقتصادي دولي من جهة أخرى، نجد أنَّ الباب يُفتح مجدداً لهذه القوى الدولية للانخراط بشكل أكبر في ملفات المنطقة العربية، وعلى رأسها القضية الفلسطينية، القضية الأم والأكثر تعقيداً من بين قضايا المنطقة، إذ يفرض عليها التواجد الروسي العسكري في منطقتنا التعامل مع مسألة الصراع العربي الصهيوني، فكما صرَّح الرئيس الروسي فلاديمير بوتين مؤخراً: “روسيا عملت وستعمل كوسيط نزيه لتسوية النزاعات في الشرق الأوسط ولتحقيق الاستقرار في المنطقة… من أجل تطبيع الوضع في الشرق الأوسط. من المهم مبدئياً دفع عملية التسوية الفلسطينية الإسرائيلية”.

أما الصين التي يظهر أنها تتريَّث حالياً في دخول معترك ملفات المشرق العربي السياسية وتعقيداتها، فعلى الأرجح أن تجد نفسها مضطرة إلى الانخراط في هذه الملفات بقدرٍ أو بآخر، إما عاجلاً وإما آجلاً، ولا سيما أنها تسعى بشكل حثيث للاستثمار الاقتصادي في المنطقة الشرقية لحوض المتوسط، لكونها حلقة وصل رئيسية في مشروعها الاستراتيجي “الحزام والطريق”.

تطرح هذه المستجدات سؤالاً على فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية حول الكيفية الأنسب للتعامل مع دول بحجم روسيا والصين العائدتين لأداء أدوار في قضايا منطقتنا، ولا سيما أنَّ منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية كانت قد ارتضت الدخول في خديعة “عملية السلام” التي أفضت إلى الاعتراف بالكيان الصهيوني المزعوم، وقبلت التنازل عن الحق العربي والإسلامي الأصيل في الأراضي المحتلة العام 1948، وما تبع ذلك من القبول بتقسيم القدس إلى شرقيةٍ وغربيةٍ، وتمييع حق العودة المقدس للاجئين الفلسطينيين، إلى درجةٍ توازي التنازل عنه عملياً، وباتت دول العالم اليوم – اللهم إلا الجمهورية الإسلامية في إيران – تنظر إلى تنازلات المنظمة على أنها السقف المقبول فلسطينياً. 

الصين مثلاً، التي كانت ترفض الاعتراف بالكيان الصهيوني، والتي كانت من أواخر دول العالم التي اعترفت بهذا الكيان المصطنع، لم تقْدِم على الاعتراف به إلا بعدما اعترفت منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية به أولاً، وكان حال الصين في ذلك حال العديد من دول العالم الأخرى التي كانت تناصر الحقوق العربية والفلسطينية.

لكن قوى وفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، مع باقي قوى المقاومة الحية في وطننا العربي والإسلامي، على عكس منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، ما زالت ترفع لواء تحرير كامل التراب الفلسطيني المحتل، بصفته الحل العادل والمنطقي للقضية الفلسطينية، ناهيك بكونه الحل الوحيد الحقيقي المتاح للصراع العربي الصهيوني، وذلك إذا ما وُضع أصل فكرة نشأت ووظيفة الكيان الصهيوني في سياقه الصحيح والأشمل ضمن الصراع مع قوى الاستعمار الغربي.

لذلك، يمكن لفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية بناء خطابها مع هذه الدول على أساس فكرة وجوب انسحاب الاحتلال من الأراضي التي احتلها في العام 1967 من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ، فكل قرارات الأمم المتحدة تؤكد أن هذه الأراضي هي أراضٍ محتلة، وعلى أي احتلال الانسحاب من الأراضي التي احتلها من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ، ومن دون منحه أية مكافآت مقابل انسحابه هذا، وهي مسألة لا يستطيع أحدٌ المحاججة فيها بالقانون الدولي أو بغيره.

 أما الاحتلال الصهيوني، فهو حرٌ بأن يسمي هذا الانسحاب “إعادة انتشار” أو “فك ارتباط من طرف واحد” أو أي شيء آخر يريحه، فالجوهري هنا أن يكون هذا الانسحاب من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ، ومن دون أي تفاهماتٍ مع هذا المغتصب، وبعدها يكون لكل حادثٍ حديثٌ. 

لقد أُجبِر الكيان الصهيوني سابقاً على الانسحاب من قطاع غزة في العام 2005، وقبل ذلك من جنوب لبنان في العام 2000. وفي كلتا الحالتين، كان انسحابه من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ، ومن دون أن يحصل على أية تفاهمات مع المقاومة التي دحرته عن الأراضي التي كان يحتلها، وهذه التجربة يمكن تكرارها في الأراضي المحتلة العام 1967. 

أما عقيدة حركات المقاومة القائمة على تحرير كامل التراب الفلسطيني المحتل من رأس الناقورة إلى أم الرشراش، فهذا أمرٌ لا شأن للقوى الدولية به، ولا تجب مناقشته مع أيٍّ من هذه الدول، فإن أرادوا التضامن مع الشعب العربي ومساعدته على استعادة حقوقه، فعليهم الضغط على المحتلّ كي ينسحب من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ من الأراضي التي يحتلّها باعتراف القانون الدولي، وحجّة فصائل المقاومة في هذا قوية، فتكفي الإشارة إلى تجربة منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية على مدى العقود الثلاثة الماضية، وما سمي بـ”عملية السلام” وما انتهت إليه.

يرى البعض هذا الخطاب خطاباً متماسكاً، ويَصلح لمحاججة القوى الدولية الصاعدة به، فهو يضع الكرة في ملعبها، ولا يقدم في المقابل أي تنازلات عن الثوابت العربية والإسلامية في القضية الفلسطينية، ناهيك بكونه يتجاوز التنازلات التي قدّمتها منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، والتي بات العالم يطالب الفلسطينيين بالالتزام بها، عوضاً عن مطالبة الاحتلال بالانسحاب دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ من الأراضي التي احتلها العام 1967، بناءً على الشرعية الدولية التي تؤمن بها هذه القوى.

ويمكن القول ختاماً إنّ أيّ خطابٍ آخر تتبناه فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية لا يلحظ فكرة وجوب انسحاب الاحتلال من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ، لا بد من أن يُدخِل الفصائل الفلسطينية في دوامةٍ تشبه دوامة خديعة “السلام”، إن لم تكن أسوأ. إذاً، ليخرج الاحتلال من الأراضي التي يحتلّها من دون قيدٍ أو شرطٍ أولاً. وعندها، يخلق الله ما لا تعلمون.إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً

XXI Century: The Abolition of Israeli Expansionist Colonial Anachronism

13 Nov 2021

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

Susana Khalil

There will be no free and peaceful Arab-Persian world as long as the Israeli colonial Euro-Zionist regime exists.

I. By way of dialogue

1907      

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, British colonialism prepared a scientific report (Bannerman), in order to prolong itself as an empire. The report says that the Arab world is an obstacle to the European colonial order, and for this, it is necessary to articulate our disintegration, division, and separation. Imposing politicians to serve imperial interests. To combat any movement of unity, whether intellectual, cultural, ethnic, historical, political, religious, economic, scientific, military, etc. And to achieve this it must be through the establishment of an “agent state”, with a foreign population affectionate to Europe and its interests.

MUSTAPHA: That is absurd, it is impossible to achieve that, and even less so within the Arab idiosyncrasy. It’s ridiculous, it’s nonsense.

1915

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, the French and British colonialists are making a secret agreement called Sykes Pico. Creating borders to divide our Arab lands between them.

MUSTAFA: Let’s abolish any colonizing savage.

1917

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, you remember when in 1907 I told you about the Bannerman Report. British colonialism has just passed The Balfour Declaration. It is for the establishment of a Jewish “Home” here, in our Palestine.

MUSTAFA: Home? It’s a trap and they will never, never achieve it. The Arab spirit will never allow these Europeans to impose colonialism under the mantle of the Jewish religion in our Palestine. Today we must free ourselves from this British colonial yoke and our Palestine will be free.

1947

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, do you remember when in 1917 I told you about the Balfour Declaration? A newly created international organization, I think it’s called the UN, the United Nations. It has voted a resolution for the creation of the “State of Israel” in our Palestine. They gave it 64% of our homeland.

MUSTAFA: I don’t believe that a newly created international organization has that power. It is absurd and impossible.

May 14, 1948

ABDALLAH: Mustafa my love, I knew your sister was beheaded. The European Zionist movement has proclaimed, The Declaration of the Creation of the “State of Israel”. Terror, panic, macabre killings, this is genocide, Al-Nakba. The British handed over our Palestine to the Jewish Europeans.

MUSTAFA: We will go to war, we will liberate our Palestine. The Arab world will rise up. Long live Arab love.

1967

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, Israeli colonialism in 1948 took away part of our Palestine, and today, they have colonized all of our historic Palestine. And they have also taken territories from Egypt and Syria.

MUSTAFA: We must continue to fight my beloved Abdallah.

1978

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, the dictator of Egypt, Anwar El Sadat, has recognized the colonial regime of “Israel” in exchange for the return of the Egyptian territories in the Sinai that were taken by colonization in 1967.

MUSTAFA: Abdallah, Anwar El Sadat is a traitor and all these Arab dictators are traitors, that’s why they are in power. We must fight and we will win.

1987

ABDALLAH: Mustafa my love…The Intifada…how beautiful and divine is this popular uprising against colonialism. It’s a popular uprising, it has no leaders, it comes from the entrails of the people. It is magical, it is wonderful, it is loving… Mustafa my love. It must not stop, it must go on until victory until the liberation of our Palestine.

MUSTAFA: Yes, the Intifada must not stop. How divine is the Revolution, how sweet is this love, Palestine, Palestine, Palestine! My two great-grandchildren are imprisoned and they destroyed my brother’s house. The world is watching our pain. When Israeli colonialism falls, all the Arab dictatorships will fall, and above all the bloody Gulf dictatorships.

1993

ABDALLAH: Mustafa they have stopped the Intifada. The PLO in Oslo recognizes the colonial regime of “Israel”. They talk about two states. They do not talk about the right of return of Palestinian refugees. They only give us 22% of our homeland. It is a hoax, it is a trap.

2000

MUSTAFA: Abdallah, Israeli expansionist colonization has been defeated in Lebanon, it has had to withdraw from Lebanon. This is a victory for our Lebanese people. They withdrew without imposing any conditions. Long live Hezbollah and long live the armed resistance! This is the greatest victory we have achieved.

ABDALLAH: Yes Mustafa, it is a victory, it is the unquenchable faith and determination in the struggle. And thanks to the union, the union between Hezbollah and Iran, we Palestinians, in Oslo, accepted humiliating conditions. Colonialism was supposed to give us 22% of the territory and far from withdrawing, they have taken more of our homeland.

2003      

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, the Zionist lobby is asking the United States to invade Iraq, they created the attacks of September 11 to justify this cruel invasion, slandering that Saddam Hussein possesses weapons of mass destruction.

MUSTAFA: It is about dismembering the Arab world bit by bit.

2010

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, there is a popular revolt in Tunisia against the tyrant Ben Ali, that puppet of France. This is going to have a domino effect in the Arab world. Oh, I have fear and hope.

MUSTAFA: Abdallah, remember that the Intifada was popular and then it was hijacked and now we are worse with this Palestinian Authority which is a collaborator of colonialism. We have to be very careful, we cannot be naïve.

2020

ABDALLAH: Mustafa, the Gulf monarchies already shamelessly recognize the colonial “state of Israel”, they do it to perpetuate themselves in power, they are making astronomical economic investments. The shedding of our Palestinian blood is the throne of these macabre Arab traitors. They are falsifying Islam and making it look like the enemy is Iran. These traitors do not see that by defending Palestine they are protecting their own nation, as colonialism will come after for them, they are putting the sovereignty of the Arab peoples at risk. I thought these traitors were smarter.  

MUSTAFA: Yes, I also thought these miserable traitors were smarter.

2062

MUSTAFA: Abdallah, our noble cause of Palestinian liberation is no longer in the conscience of the international community, as it once was. Today we are a tourist attraction of the Israeli colonial regime. In Jerusalem we sell Tatriz (embroidery), we dance Dabke, we sell our typical culinary dishes, as typical of the colonial regime of “Israel”. Arabs come from the Gulf and say they are happy to be in “Israel”, in the land of their “cousins”.  

2073

MUSTAPHA: Abdallah, “Israel’s” expansionist colonialism has occupied part of Jordan…

II. The Mutilated Arab-Persian History

Walking through the streets of Damascus, Syria.

– Uncle, uncle, Habibi, good morning, where is the train station? I have to go to Jerusalem for a few days. Then I have to go to Baghdad and Iran. By train, it is cheaper and I will be able to see all those landscapes and villages…

III. Zionism, radiography of the end of the Arab-Persian world. This is impossible, absurd, nonsensical, and ridiculous.

“When the truth is too weak to defend itself, it will have to go on the attack.”

 

– Bertolt Brecht 

At this stage of the Zionist colonial process, in its advance to put an end to the original Palestinian people, there are two aspects that I want to point out in this article: the return to armed struggle as an alternative for national liberation and the end of “Israel’s” colonial regime.  

After the imposition of “Israel’s” colonial regime in Palestine from Europe, which was seen and felt like an impossible, absurd, nonsensical, and ridiculous project from the point of view of logic; today, from logic, the same will be said when it is considered that the Arab-Persian and Kurdish world and culture can be plundered, falsified… modalities of dispossession for its disappearance.

It could be said that there will be no free and peaceful Arab-Persian world as long as the Israeli colonial Euro-Zionist regime exists. But that is not the point, the point is that the Arab-Persian world is threatened to disappear.

Since the Oslo accords, fewer Palestinians are talking about the liberation of Palestine, about the independence of historic Palestine. Fewer Palestinians are expressing their struggle against the colonial yoke and anachronism of “Israel”. And especially the Palestinians in the Diaspora, because Western repression is so strong. The Palestinians have submitted and are dragging themselves to the Western Euro-Zionist agenda by only debating on one or two states. While colonialism has it clear and is moving to put an end to the original Palestinian people.

There are honest Western souls devoted to solidarity with the Palestinian people, sincere beings, but I am opposed to them, I’m opposed to the ones who demand the right for “Israel” to exist in our historical Palestine. The concept of peace does not come from the comfort, fear, functionalism, immediacy, and naivety of a trade unionist, feminist, academic, intellectual, politician, student, artist, activist. There is implicit colonialism there, even if they act in good faith.  

Every native people has the dignified right to abolish their respective colonizer and that is always a contribution to humanity.

This would be an artificial and dead struggle, if it is not fought from the raison d’être of the Palestinian cause, from the essence and root of the Palestinian cause, that is, the struggle of a native people against a colonial yoke, today, in the 21st century.

As anti-Zionists, we must be a philosophical and moral challenge to the obscurantism of the academic-intellectual priesthood.  

I find it degrading, contrary to the spirit of the human thinking verb, to exclude, ban, censor, repress, and silence from the world of debate the end of “Israel’s” colonial regime in Palestine, on the pretext that we must think about peace. One has to be realistic, especially because of the fear of not being accused of anti-Semitism. Everyone has the right to express his or her belief that this colonial regime should exist in Palestine. What should not be accepted is that this point should be banned from the universe of debate. 

In the liberation of the Palestinian people against the colonial yoke and anachronism of “Israel”, it is intrinsic to never, ever expel the so-called Israeli, otherwise, it would be a philosophical and moral betrayal. The figure known as an Israeli would become a Palestinian citizen. That is what the statutes of the extinct League of Nations demanded, where thousands of thousands of Jews applied.

If you tell me that this is impossible and that I must be realistic, I say: don’t be creative people with complex and articulate cowards. Let us be able to position justice, to transcend intellectuality.  And as Ernesto Guevara said: Let’s be realistic, let’s do the impossible.The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

Snipers from Rooftops, Testing out a Third War قناصون من البنايات.. تجريب الحرب الثالثة

14 Oct, 2021

Source: AlMayadeen

Mohammad Faraj

The Third War’s main target is to incite domestic tensions by politicizing the Beirut Blast investigations and directing accusations towards one public.

The third war focuses on igniting internal tension using various tools.

“Israel” and the US have experienced two wars against the Resistance in Lebanon – the first of which was a direct confrontation in July 2006. According to a study by Anthony Cordesman published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, the 2006 war had 3 main goals:

The first was the total destruction of Hezbollah’s missile capabilities, in particular, its medium and long-range arsenal, in addition to extinguishing the organization’s military infrastructure in general. The second was restoring “Israel’s” reputation in the region, especially after their humiliating defeat and retreat from the South of Lebanon in 2000. The third goal is to weaken the Lebanese government, rendering the country engrossed in a waning political environment, engulfing a feeble resistance. Observing these three goals, alongside the glaring aftermaths and conditions of the war on Syria over the past ten tears, one could say that none of these goals have come close to completion.  

In fact, Hezbollah’s military arsenal has developed, “Israel’s” image has exponentially deteriorated, despite the fact that the political situation in Lebanon has been in continuous turmoil and decline.

After the Israeli failure on the battlefield, the focus was shifted to a new type of war (The Second War): It hinges on waging a “War of Ideas” – as publicized by the RAND Corporation – coupled with a “Media War”, by dedicating immense budgets to paint the Resistance and Iranian foreign policy in a sectarian light, a smearing strategy repeatedly advocated by Carnegie Endowment. 

The Second War did not achieve the strategic goals the US and “Israel” were vying for, although the rising sectarianism in the country has brazenly affected multiple arenas; this could be found in the clear-cut wedge between those who promote normalization and those who fight against imperialism. What makes this divide distinctive is that it is not restricted to intellectual and elitist circles, but has rather seeped into the population as a whole.  

“Israel’s” failed experience with the full-scale war in 2006, with its adamancy to carry on the model of the Second War, the Third War’s main target is to incite domestic tensions with a number of means. This means politicizing the August 4 Beirut Blast investigations by directing accusations towards one public, hence setting a number of officials as scapegoats in an attempt to generate chaos.  

Beginning with the sniping at a funeral in Khaldeh, to another shooting at peaceful demonstrators at Adlieh, with deaths and injuries piling after every event, one cannot detach the sequence of events from an Israeli logical framework that has, through history, employed small tools with large effects. In other words, when the Second War failed to scale up sectarian tensions into a civil war, the Israelis placed a number of snipers and armed men atop buildings: Blood will only beget blood, and disaster will loom on the horizon.

However, what happened at Adliyeh isn’t exclusive to Lebanon: The pattern could be observed across multiple grounds – what happened in Iraq is subject to the same logic and sequence. The abrasive war eventually spawned a resistance, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), which compelled Biden to withdraw from Iraq before the end of the year and to tone down on his camouflaged rhetoric, forcing him to stick to advisory missions. In the midst of experiencing vicious terrorism over the years, the PMF was exposed to sectarian propaganda in Iraq – the War of Ideas – before facing the Third War where domestic tensions arose, elections were tampered with, and public fury-inducing normalization conferences were organized in the north. With its power to provoke and incite unrest, this sequence of events equates to snipers aiming their weapons from Beirut rooftops at the heads of peaceful protesters. 

Domestic tension is the upcoming theme of the season, as “Israel” grows more and more desperate. With time, “Israel” realizes that the motions of the region’s geopolitics are moving against its interests, especially as the US rolls back its withering empire. In the upcoming phase, “Israel” will display a frantic obsession with instigating internal chaos. This behavior refers back to its desire for larger “presents” from the US before further withdrawal. 

“Israel” flounders amid unprecedented regional settlements, an experience it never dealt with, even following its previous wars. 

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

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قناصون من البنايات.. تجريب الحرب الثالثة

ما جرى أمام منطقة “العدلية” في بيروت ليس حدثاً لبنانياً خالصاً، فما جرى في العراق يخضع للمنطق نفسه والتسلسل نفسه.

تركّز الحرب الثالثة بشكل أساسي على تحفيز التوتير الداخلي بأدوات مختلفة، وحصة لبنان من هذه الأدوات هي تسييس مسار التحقيق.

حربان جرَّبتهما “إسرائيل” والولايات المتحدة ضد المقاومة في لبنان؛ الأولى كانت الحرب المباشرة التي تكثّفت في لحظة تموز/يوليو 2006م، والتي تكثفت أهدافها في 3 أهداف أساسية، بحسب دراسة أنتوني كوردزمان في مركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية والدولية في واشنطن، الأول تدمير القوة الصاروخية لحزب الله، وتحديداً الترسانة المتوسطة والبعيدة المدى، وتدمير بنيته التحتية العسكرية بشكل عام، والثاني إعادة الهيبة لـ”إسرائيل” بعد الانسحاب الذليل والمر من الجنوب في العام 2000م، والثالث هو العمل على تأسيس حالة سياسية تتكوَّن فيها حكومة لبنانية ضعيفة ومضطربة، تضبط مقاومة ضعيفة. 

بعد التأمل في الأهداف الثلاثة، وسحبها أيضاً على مناخات الحرب على سوريا خلال عشرية النار، يمكن القول إنها فشلت جميعاً ولم تتحقق، فالقدرة الصاروخية لحزب الله تطورت، وصورة “إسرائيل” استمرّت بالتراجع، والمناخات السياسية في لبنان عانت الأمرّين، إلا أنّ الحالة التي بحثت عنها “إسرائيل” لم تتحقّق. 

بعد الفشل الميداني الإسرائيلي، بدأ التركيز على نمط جديد من الحروب (الحرب الثانية)، وهي التركيز المسعور على حرب الأفكار (كما روّجت مؤسسة “راند” البحثية في أكثر من مناسبة)، وحرب الإعلام، وتكريس الشق الأكبر من الميزانيات والأموال لمصلحة محاولات تطييف المقاومة، ومحاولة وسمها بمقاومة طائفية، ومحاولة تطييف السياسة الخارجية لإيران بالترافق مع كل ذلك (كما روّج مركز “كارنيغي” في أكثر من مناسبة).

لم تتحقّق النجاحات الاستراتيجية المرجوّة أميركياً وإسرائيلياً من الحرب الثانية، فحالة الشحن الطائفي التي لا ينكر أحد نجاح مفاعيلها في الجولات الأولى في أكثر من ساحة، تفرّغ الحيز الأكبر منها بشكل ضمني مع الفرز الواضح بين محور التطبيع ومحور المقاومة، وميزة هذا الفرز أنه لم ينحصر في دوائر النخب والمثقفين، إنما امتدّ شعبياً، كجزء من ملاحظات المواطنين الاعتيادية.

مع عجز “إسرائيل” عن إعادة تجريب الحرب الأولى (المباشرة الشاملة)، ومع إصرارها على استكمال نموذج الحرب الثانية (حرب الأفكار)، تركّز الحرب الثالثة بشكل أساسي على تحفيز التوتير الداخلي بأدوات مختلفة، وحصة لبنان من هذه الأدوات هي تسييس مسار التحقيق، والعمل على وضع جمهور محدد في خانة الاتهام المباشر ومحاولة استفزازه.

من أحداث منطقة خلدة، وقنص أشخاص يسيرون في جنازة، إلى قنص متظاهرين سلميين أمام العدلية، وإحداث إصابات خطيرة وسقوط شهداء، كلّ ذلك يسير في فلك المنطق الإسرائيلي القائم على استخدام أدوات صغيرة قد تحدث نتائج كبيرة. 

بمعنى آخر، إن لم تنجح حرب الأفكار في إشعال نار حرب أهلية، يتمّ استخدام عدد محدد من المسلّحين والقناصين الذين يطلقون النار من أسطح البنايات، لعلّ الدم يجلب الدم، وتتدحرج كرة النار.

ما جرى أمام العدلية ليس حدثاً لبنانياً خالصاً، فما جرى في العراق يخضع للمنطق نفسه والتسلسل نفسه، فالحرب المباشرة أنتجت في نهاية المطاف مقاومة أجبرت الرئيس الأميركي جو بايدن على التصريح بالخروج قبل نهاية العام، وأجبرته كذلك على تحييد اللغة الرمادية والمموّهة (الإبقاء على مهمات استشارية).

وبعد الحرب المباشرة، وخلال تعرض العراق لموجة إرهاب عاتية، تعرّض الحشد الشعبي لدعاية التطييف ذاتها (حرب الأفكار)، وها هو اليوم يواجه الحرب الثالثة في العراق، وهي توتير الداخل من خلال التدخل في الانتخابات أو تشجيع مؤتمر تطبيعي في الشمال يستفز الجمهور العراقي. إن ذلك فعلياً مكافئ تماماً لمبدأ قناصين على أسطح بنايات في بيروت. 

توتير الداخل هو العنوان الأساسي للجولة الإسرائيلية اليائسة القادمة، التي تعرف أنَّ المسار الاستراتيجي يسير ضد مصالحها، ولا سيما مع التراجع الأميركي.

“إسرائيل” تحديداً ستكون مهووسة خلال الفترة المقبلة بمناخات التوتر. ويعود السبب في ذلك إلى أنها تريد حصد أكبر قدر ممكن من الهدايا الأميركية قبل المزيد من الانسحاب. إنه الصراخ “الإسرائيلي” في مخاض التسويات الذي لم تجربه سابقاً، حتى بعد الحروب.

إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً

As ‘Israelis’ Watch Afghanistan, they Remember Lebanon

September 2, 2021

By Staff, New Lines

In a commentary following the humiliating US defeat and withdrawal from Afghanistan, Neri Zilber wrote for New Lines that senior ‘Israeli’ military officers have looked on at the chaotic and speedy events with a glimmer of recognition.

“Those now leading the ‘Israeli’ military came of age as young soldiers and junior officers during the Zionist entity’s own ill-fated foreign expedition in southern Lebanon during the 1980s and 1990s: A bloody, inconclusive guerrilla war — “‘Israel’s’ Vietnam” it came to be known — that culminated in an equally shambolic withdrawal in May 2000, after two decades of fighting” said Zilber.

While ‘Israel’ isn’t the US, and Lebanon isn’t Afghanistan, the common themes that run through both sets of wars are jarring, especially in the way a Western democracy tries to end a military campaign and how it manages [or not] the fate of local allies who fought alongside it.

“‘Israel’ left Lebanon with its tail between its legs,” Brig. Gen. Eli Amitai, one of the last Zionist commanders in southern Lebanon, told the author. “This wasn’t a withdrawal — it was a house of cards, like dominoes falling.”

The Zionist occupiers started their misadventure in Lebanon. Later on, Hezbollah began firing rockets into northern ‘Israeli’-occupied territories, causing fatalities among Zionist occupiers places in the so-called Security Zone at some two dozen a year. Increasingly, the impression inside the Zionist community was that this was a campaign with no end and with no discernible objective.

The withdrawal started becoming popular and the political tide was shifting.

By early 2000 Hezbollah increased its resistance operations on the Zionist military inside Lebanon.

In the ensuing weeks, the Zionist military began thinning the number of its forces inside the so-called ‘Security Zone’ and handing off outposts to its militia in Lebanon, the so-called ‘South Lebanon Army’ [SLA].

As resistance operations stepped up, then Zionist Prime Minister Ehud Barak was left with no choice: He ordered the military to move up the withdrawal, starting immediately. The last of the Zionist military’s positions was blown up, and soldiers evacuated May 23-24.

Closing the gate behind him, the last ‘Israeli’ soldier to leave Lebanon was the Zionist commander for the ‘Security Zone’, Benny Gantz, the ‘Israeli’ entity’s current war minister. A 20-year scheme of war and occupation was undone in four days.

The question remains, however, whether a dramatically “better” way could have been found. The real lesson of the Zionist regime’s experience in Lebanon is likely that the decision itself to withdraw unleashes its own dynamics.

The hasty withdrawal [“with its tail between its legs”] from Lebanon emboldened Hezbollah and decreased ‘Israeli’ deterrence vis-à-vis its enemies.

Meanwhile, watching events unfold in Kabul over the past two weeks, Zionist officials are less concerned about what it says about the US commitment to the Zionist entity and other close allies. “I’m not sure it’ll have a major impact on us directly and on how the US does things here,” one senior ‘Israeli’ government official told the author when queried regarding Afghanistan. Yet there is concern in some ‘Israeli’ quarters that a similar dynamic will play out among America’s enemies as happened after the Lebanon withdrawal.

“Everyone is looking at these pictures,” a senior IDF official told me.

As Tel Aviv found out the hard way, even after you rightfully end a war, the war never really ends.

Sayyed Nasrallah: US Responsible for Transferring Daesh Militants to Afghanistan, We Reject Investigative Judge’s Acts

August 28, 2021

By Fatima Haydar

Beirut – Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered a televised speech on the 4^th anniversary of Lebanon’s 2^nd Liberation.

During his speech on Friday, August 27, 2021, Sayyed Nasrallah explained the importance of Lebanon’s 2^nd Liberation and its implications regionally and internationally, in addition to several other Lebanese issues before concluding his speech with the anniversary of the disappearance of Imam Moussa Sadr and his companions.

The Resistance Leader asserted that Lebanon’s Second Liberation is considered “as a day of celebration; the first liberation was that of South Lebanon on May 25^th, 2000, and the second was on August 28^th, 2018”.

“Hezbollah insists on celebrating the 2^nd Liberation day to take live lessons from the painful experience and to remind of the incoming dangers and threats,” His Eminence said, adding that “We celebrate to hail the huge sacrifices that the people offered and that led to this victory”.

More on the occasion, Sayyed Nasrallah asserted that the victory Hezbollah has scored “didn’t happen without a cost, it was the result of sacrifices, blood, patience and steadfastness”.

The SG further explained that “the ‘Joroud’ Victory came after a universal war on Syria and part of a dangerous scheme drawn for the region”.

According to Sayyed Nasrallah, the Wahhabi Daesh [Arabic acronym for “ISIS” / “ISIL”] “sought to take control of Syria entirely, and Lebanon was a part of its scheme as well”.

Furthermore, part of the Wahhabi group’s scheme was “to link Palmyra to Qalamoun,” His Eminence said, adding that “had it been able to do so, the battle would have been more difficult”.

In the light of the aforementioned, Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted the fact that “Daesh received international and regional support as well as major facilitations”. He went on to say that thousands of the terrorist group’s “militants were brought to the region”.

The Secretary General reminded that “Trump and other officials have over time repeated saying that Daesh is the product of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton”.

In a parallel platform, His Eminence focused on the fact that “Daesh resembled a permanent threat to the outskirts [Joroud], Beqaa, Beirut and the Lebanese Army, and this was documented in their video tapes”.

Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that “The state failed to take the initiative in face of the terrorist and to defend the towns and villages in face of Daesh”.

In a related notion, the Resistance Leader noted that “The US embassy prevented the Lebanese state from confronting Daesh by threatening it to stop aid to the Lebanese Army”.

However, Lebanese President Michel Aoun didn’t submit to American pressure to refrain from confronting terrorism, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed.

Elsewhere in his speech, the Secretary General reiterated that “When Hezbollah interfered in the Joroud battle, it has expressed the response to the people’s will, and the people of the outskirts, whether Muslims or Christians”.

During the Joroud Battle – also known as the Dawn of the Outskirt Battle – the resistance fighters offered many sacrifices to liberate the outskirts, and “there have been many volunteers among them”, Sayyed Nasrallah said. 

His Eminence made clear that Hezbollah interfered in the battle only “after the State refrained from shouldering its responsibility to liberate the land and defend the people”.

Sayyed Nasrallah restated that “liberation was the result of years-long sacrifices offered by the Syrian and Lebanese armies and people of both countries”.

Also in his address, the SG credited Iran for its support to Syria and Lebanon during their fight against terrorism, saying that this fight “happened thanks to the Islamic Republic of Iran”.

His Eminence noted that “The battle for liberating the outskirts was a new experience that was scored as part of the equation of ‘Army, People, and Resistance’”.

“Our battle”, according to Sayyed Nasrallah was “aimed at protecting Lebanon, liberating the land, and confronting the aggression”.

The SG warned that “Atop of the victory of the golden equation are the armaments of Resistance which some seek to disarm”.

And yet, His Eminence said, “The scheme being plotted for the region is collapsing,” giving the United States’ failure in Afghanistan as an example. “What we are witnessing in Afghanistan today is a complete US defeat and the entire failure and collapse of the Americans,” he clarified.

Sayyed Nasrallah made clear that “What is happening in Afghanistan represents a sounding ethical collapse, reflected in how the US dealt with those fleeing Kabul Airport”.

Relatedly, the SG expounded that “The US planes and helicopters transferred Daesh militants from Syria to Afghanistan” with the US aiming “to confuse all countries neighboring Afghanistan”.

“Daesh is an American tool and the Afghan experience must be a lesson for every country,” Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized.               

His Eminence elucidated to those betting on the US that they “should take lessons from the way it treated its allies in Afghanistan”.

On the issue of US sanctions, Sayyed Nasrallah spoke of sanctions targeting both, Lebanon and Syria. “There is a huge blockade targeting Lebanon in economic bans via the threat of US sanctions,” he said, adding, “The Caesar Act didn’t besiege Syria alone, but also Lebanon”.

“The Caesar Act closed the door in front of the Lebanese people who wanted to invest in Syria,” the SG noted and interpreted that “Any facilitation that might be able to revive the Lebanese economy, such as electricity, were banned”.

Still on the issue, Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out, “Being free from the US bans and veto, we could have revived the sectors of electricity and gas in Lebanon,” adding, “Had the Lebanese people raised their voice high against the Americans, we could have been excluded from sanctions”.

To the Americans, Sayyed Nasrallah said, “If you really do care about the Lebanese people, then lift sanctions against make Lebanon and stop your threats”.

Regarding the Iranian fuel vessels, His Eminence explained, “We agreed with the Iranians to start loading a third ship with oil derivatives”, noting that Lebanon needs “more than three ships to confront the near future phase”.

On the Lebanese arena, the Secretary General highlighted the importance of forming a government as soon as possible in order to start solving the problem.

The Resistance Leader regretted that “all the bloodshed and all the pains suffered in Lebanon didn’t push the officials to make the achievement of forming a cabinet”.

He further noted that “Everything circulating about linking the formation of the government with foreign factors such as the Vienna talks is a ‘mere talk’”.

A final point on the internal Lebanese affair, Sayyed Nasrallah said, “The investigating judge’s act is rejected and the judiciary is demanded to intervene and act according to the Constitution”.

On the anniversary of the abductions of Imam Sayyed Moussa Sadr and his companions, the Hezbollah Leader said, “What happened is and aggression and injustice against the nation, and a targeting of the Resistance”.

“Sayyed Moussa Sadr sought to protect the blood of all the Lebanese people, and to prevent sedition and destroying Lebanon,” Sayyed Nasrallah clarified.

Accordingly, His Eminence asserted, “We will continue in the path of Sayyed Moussa Sadr and will achieve his goals; his name will strongly remain present in all our practices”.

Sayyed Nasrallah concluded his speech by hoping “to remain in the position where we can move from one victory to another and to overcome the economic war imposed on our people”.

Consequently, the SG reiterated, “If it weren’t for the American veto, we would have been able to revive the electricity and gas sectors in Lebanon”.     

التحرير الثالث

 ناصر قنديل

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يحتفل لبنان بالذكرى الرابعة للتحرير الثاني الذي أنهى احتلال التنظيمات الإرهابية لمساحة من الأرض تعادل مساحة الشريط الحدودي وتقارب 10% من مساحة لبنان، وامتدّ لخمس سنوات بين عامي 2012 و 2017، وكما كانت المقاومة القوة الطليعية التي فتحت مسار التحرير الأول كانت تلك القوة التي فرضت إيقاع التحرير الثاني، في ظلّ محاولات سايسية وحكومية نجحت بحرمان الجيش اللبناني في المرتين من المساهمة المبكرة في عمليتي التحرير الأول والثاني، رغم التضحيات التي قدّمها الجيش في مواجهة الاحتلال الأول والاحتلال الثاني، وكما أكد التحرير الأول معادلة الشعب والجيش والمقاومة أكد التحرير الثاني، وكما خرج لبنان مرفوع الرأس في معركته مع الاحتلال الأول رغم تفاوت الإمكانات وحجم الدعم الخارجي العملي للاحتلال والكلامي للبنان، خرج لبنان مرفوع الرأس من الاحتلال الثاني رغم ما ثبت من أنّ هذا الاحتلال امتداد لحلف غربي عربي مالي وأمني كان يهدف لوضع اليد على ساحل المتوسط السوري واللبناني عبر الجماعات الإرهابية، بينما لم ينل لبنان من الخارج الذي زعم محاربة الإرهاب الا الكلام.

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يواجه لبنان اليوم انهياراً مالياً واقتصادياً، وتمثل كلّ المشاريع التي يتطلع اليها اللبنانيون نوعاً من أنواع التبشير بحياة شديدة القسوة إذا سارت المعالجات الموعودة كما يجب، فالحلّ المثالي المتداول هو بالحصول على رعاية صندوق النقد الدولي لبرامج إعادة هيكلة المالية العامة للدولة، وتأمين مساعدات مالية مبرمجة تحت شكل ديون متوسطة الأجل بفوائد مخفضة لعبور المراحل الأولى من هذه العملية المؤلمة التي يُفترض أن تمتدّ لعشر سنوات، يجري خلالها رفع الدعم عن كلّ السلع انطلاقاً من الكهرباء والخبز والمحروقات، وترك سعر الصرف حراً لتحديد قيمة الليرة اللبنانية مقابل العملات الأجنبية وفي طليعتها الدولار، في ظلّ إشارات تقدّمها التقديرات المتفائلة بأن يثبت سعر الصرف عند الـ 20 الف ليرة، ويكون متوسط حاجة العائلة الفقيرة للبقاء على قيد الحياة دون أيّ إضافات استهلاكية، أيّ لحاجات النقل والخبز والكهرباء، فوق الخمسة ملايين ليرة، ايّ ما يعادل 250 دولار شهرياً، مقابل رواتب تتراوح بين مليونين وثلاثة ملايين لـ 50% من اللبنانيين بعد زيادات نسبية لهذه الرواتب لبلوغ هذا المستوى، وبطالة لـ 25% منهم، أيّ بقاء 75% من الشعب تحت خط الفقر لعشر سنوات.

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بالمقابل يرزح تحت الاحتلال جزء من الجغرافيا اللبنانية، هو ثروات النفط والغاز التي توجد الكتلة الواعدة منها في المناطق الجنوبية، والتي يخضع البحث في استثمارها لوصاية أميركية تهدف لتوظيف كلّ نقاط الوجع اللبناني لفرض شروط مذلة على لبنان للحصول على بعضها مقابل ضمان حصول كيان الاحتلال على أغلب هذه الثروات، ورغم مبادرة لبنان للتعاقد مع شركات عالمية تقودها شركة توتال الفرنسية، يتمّ التكتم على حقيقة الثروات اللبنانية بهدف تعمية أيّ بحث لبناني جدي لاستثمار هذه الثروات، التي تقدّر بمئات مليارات الدولارات، والتي يشكل البدء بإستثمارها المدخل الوحيد للحصول على بوليصة تأمين تتيح للبنان واللبنانيين عبور السنوات العجاف الأولى في مرحلة النهوض للخروج من قعر السقوط القائم والقادم، وكما في التحريرين الأول والثاني قالت المقاومة إنها مستعدة لتولي مهمة التحرير الثالث، وانّ لديها عروضاً من شركات إيرانية للقيام بمهمة استخراج هذه الثروات لحساب لبنان، دون التقيّد بالممنوعات الأميركية والغربية لحساب “إسرائيل”، ومن ضمن المشروع تركيب منشآت حديثة للتكرير، توفر للبنان حاجاته للسوق الداخلية من المحروقات، وتوليد الكهرباء، فيستغني عن التفكير باستيراد الغاز لتوليد الكهرباء ويستغني عن شراء المحروقات، وهذا وحده سيتكفل بتثبيت سعر الصرف عند حدود ما بين 5000 و7000 ليرة للدولار، ويتكفل بحفظ قدرة شرائية مقبولة للأغلبية الكاسحة من الطبقات الفقيرة والمتوسطة، بحيث لا لبس ولا إشتباه بأنّ التحرير الثالث أخطر من التحريرين الأول والثاني، حيث يتوقف عليه تحرير الناس من ذلّ طلب لقمة العيش مغمّسة بالدم والدموع، بعدما أنجز التحريران الأول والثاني تحرير الناس من ذلّ الخضوع للقتل والإذلال والإرهاب.

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كل لبناني شريف وحريص على بلده ومتحرّر من التبعية للسفارات ومشاريعها لا يستطيع الا أن يقف وراء المقاومة لخوض غمار مشروع التحرير الثالث، وكما في التحريرين الأول والثاني وضعت المقاومة عائد التحرير من كلّ الجغرافيا التي رفعت عنها سلاسل المحتلّ، في عهدة الدولة، ستفعل في التحرير الثالث، لكن آن الأوان للبنانيين أن يفكروا بكيفية بناء هذه الدولة على قواعد تتناسب مع تضحيات التحرير الأول ومثله الثاني والثالث.

كي لا تقولوا فوجئنا: بعد السفن التنقيب فسارعوا!

August 23, 2021

  ناصر قنديل

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منذ الاجتياح الصهيوني للبنان عام 1982 والمستوى السياسي الحاكم في لبنان يستخفّ بما تستطيع المقاومة فعله، ويمارس لعبة التهوين تجاه كلّ خطوة تعلن عزمها عليها، فعندما كانت المقاومة تحرّر بيروت من الاحتلال كان المستوى السياسي الحاكم ينظر للهزيمة التي لحقت بجيش الاحتلال كخطوة تكتيكية طوعية يقدِم عليها لإنجاح المفاوضات التي تورّطت بها السلطة اللبنانية بوهم التوصل إلى اتفاق، بقي هو العنوان الذي يحظى بالتركيز والاهتمام كسياق يمكن له إنهاء الاحتلال، أو بعض هذا الاحتلال تحت شعار الممكن أميركياً، وعندما هُزم الأميركي ورحل دون إنذار مسبق وتلاه سقوط إتفاق الذلّ المعروف بإتفاق السابع عشر من أيار، لم يأخذ المستوى السياسي الحاكم خيار المقاومة على درجة الجدية اللازمة، فانعطف نحو البحث عن تسويات سياسية وإقليمية تحفظ له مكاسب السلطة، ناظراً إلى المقاومة كمجرد صدى لغياب هذه التسويات التي ستتكفل بإقفال الطريق أمامها، وعندما جاء اتفاق الطائف كنهاية لهذا السياق وتبدّلت توازنات هذا المستوى السياسي الحاكم، بقي هذا الوهم سائداً وحاكماً حتى تحقق التحرير التاريخي عام 2000، وبعد التحرير لم تؤخذ المقاومة بالجدية اللازمة كمشروع لحماية لبنان والدفاع عنه، حتى جاءت حرب تموز التي شارك في تصنيع أحداثها وواكبها جزء هام من المستوى السياسي الحاكم، وانتهت الحرب بهزيمة غير مسبوقة لجيش الاحتلال وللمشروع الأميركي المعلن من وراء الحرب، لكن هذا المستوى السياسي الحاكم رغم التغييرات التي لحقت بتوازناته مجدداً بقي يتعامل مع المقاومة بأقلّ من كثير من الجدية التي يمثلها مشروعها، وبقي التهويل الأميركي والتهوين الأميركي، الحاضر الأكبر في مقاربة المدى الذي يتحرك فيه مشروع المقاومة.

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خلال الحرب على سورية تورّط الكثير من أركان المستوى السياسي الحاكم في لبنان في هذه الحرب، وعندما قالوا ان ما تقوم به المقاومة هو مغامرة، مستعيرين وصف حكام الخليج للمقاومة خلال حرب تموز، كانوا واثقين من أنّ المشروع الأميركي لن يُهزم، وأنّ المقاومة ستدفع ثمن مشاركتها في هذه الحرب، ولكنهم لم يتعلموا دروس هذه الحرب ولم يأخذوا منها العبر، فمع إطباق الحصار الإقتصادي الذي أحكم على لبنان تحت شعار إسقاط سقف البيت اللبناني على رؤوس ساكنيه بمن فيهم من يسمّون بحلفاء وأصدقاء واشنطن أملاً بأن تلحق بعض الشظايا رأس المقاومة، تحمّس هؤلاء للحصار رغم ما فيه من استهانة بهم لأنهم رأوا فيه فرصة لتحقيق بعض الأرباح المالية، سواء عبر المسارعة لتحويل أموالهم الى الخارج أو دخولهم على خط نهب عائدات الدعم الفوضوي الذي رسمت خطوطه برعاية واشنطن ونفذه مصرف لبنان بالتنسيق معهم، فتولى هؤلاء الذين وضعوا أيديهم على جزء رئيسي من هذا الدعم عبر التهريب والاحتكار، مهمة التبشير بقرب سقوط المقاومة، وأخذوا يعدّون الساعات لسماع صراخ المقاومة، وانقلاب بيئتها عليها، وهم ينتظرون جثتها على ضفة النهر، أو ينتظرون اتصالاً من قادتها يعلن الإستعداد للتفاوض على الشروط الأميركية لفك الحصار.

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منذ بداية الحصار والمقاومة تعرض رؤيتها، وتقدّم بدائلها، وتدعو للأخذ بها ومناقشتها بجدية، لكن الصمغ كان محكماً على آذان من يجب أن يسمعوا، وهم لا يجيبون إلا بالسخرية من هذه الطروحات والبدائل، والمتهكمون نوعان، نوع يقابلها بعدائية عنصرية، ونوع يشكك بصحتها وقابليتها للتحقق، فلا التوجه شرقاً لاقى الاهتمام اللازم ولا مجيء الشركات الصينية والروسية وعروضها الواضحة والمحددة في القطاعات الحيوية، كمعامل الكهرباء ومصافي النفط وسكك الحديد، تمّت معاملتها بالجدية التي تستحق، لكن هؤلاء ركزوا تهكّههم وسخريتهم وعنصريتهم واستخفافهم على العرض الإيراني لتقديم المشتقات النفطية بالليرة اللبنانية، وهو عرض موجود منذ بدء الأزمة، وعائداته أوسع من مجرد فكّ الحصار ووقف الذلّ، فهو يتكفل بوقف الطلب على العملات الصعبة ويسهم بتثبيت سعر الصرف وتخفيضه، لكن لا الخصوم ولا الأصدقاء تعاملوا مع هذا العرض كما يجب، حتى وجدت المقاومة انها مجبرة على السير به منفردة، بعد شهور من المحاولات لجعله مشروعاً تتبناه الحكومة أو تشرعن السبل للاستفادة من عائداته، واليوم ما عاد الموضوع مطروحاً للنقاش تحت عنوان، يحدث أم لا يحدث، تفعلها المقاومة أم لا تفعلها، فالأمر انتهى وصار مساراً غير قابل للتعطيل.

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بالأمس فتح الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله، نافذة جديدة عنوانها البدء باستخراج النفط والغاز من البلوكات اللبنانية، دون انتظار الإذن الأميركي والرضا «الإسرائيلي«، معلناً انّ لدى المقاومة عرضاً إيرانياً للقيام بالمهمة إذا لم تكن هناك شركات أخرى مستعدة لذلك، داعياً للتعامل مع هذا العرض الجدية اللازمة، والذي يجب ان يفهمه المعنيون من التجربة وسياقها التاريخي، انّ عليهم أخذ هذا الكلام بالجدية التي لم تحكم تعاملهم مع الخطوات السابقة التي دعتهم اليها المقاومة قبل ان تجد أنها مضطرة للسير بها منفردة، وما يجب ان يكون معلوماً من الجميع، اصدقاء وخصوم، في الداخل، وأعداء في الخارج، أنّ المقاومة عندما تعلن لا تكون تفعل ذلك من باب الترف الفكري ولا الفضول العلمي، ولا السجال السياسي والإعلامي، بل هي تفعل ذلك بكلّ الجدية والمسؤولية، وتمنح الفرص للأخذ بما تعلن ومناقشته تقنياً وفنياً واقتصادياً، بعيداً عن الممنوع والمسموح أميركياً، وعندما تيأس المقاومة من قابلية المستوى السياسي لتحمّل المسؤولية، لن تنتظر، وستجد نفسها ملزمة بالسير منفردة، فلا تخرجوا غداً وتقولوا فوجئنا!

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