The Saudi coalition warplanes mistakenly bombed their own positions in the occupied parts of the Yemeni province of Marib, leaving several Saudi-backed forces dead or injured.
Saudi warplanes mistakenly targeted their positions in Marib province, killing and wounding a number of their coalition member, Al-Khabar Al-Yemeni reported.
This is not the first time that the Saudi coalition targets their own positions, according to the reports.
Recently, a member of the political council of Yemeni Ansarullah Muhammad Al-Bukhaiti in a speech said that the Yemeni Resistance forces are close to achieving the final victory in Marib.
Saudi Arabia, along with the United Arab Emirates [UAE] and with the green light of the United States and Western countries, carried out comprehensive attacks on Yemen since March 26, 2015, to allegedly reinstate the ousted Hadi government.
Officials of the Yemeni National Salvation Government have repeatedly stressed that the Yemeni army and popular committees will continue to respond to the aggression as long as the Saudi coalition does not stop the war against Yemen and end the siege.
Tens of thousands of Yemenis have been injured and martyred in Saudi-led strikes, with the vast majority of them being civilians.
Member of the political bureau of Yemen’s Ansarullah resistance movement Muhammed al-Bukhaiti said the defining moment of the battle of Marib is “close,” as sources says the province will be fully liberated in the near future.
Al-Bukhaiti told Beirut-based al-Mayadeen network on Wednesday that “the defining hours are close in Marib.”
The Ansarullah official noted that the Yemeni forces are under popular pressure to liberate the province from the Saudi-backed militants.
Earlier on Wednesday, field sources told al-Mayadeen that the Yemeni army and allied fighters from Popular Committees took control of eastern al-Balaq mountain range, which is located near Marib City.
According to the sources, eastern al-Balaq is “the last height to defend Marib City from the southeastern side.”
Noting that many Saudi-backed militants have fled the battle fronts, the sources said “it is only a matter of days until the Yemeni army and Popular Committees will fully liberate Marib City.”
Elsewhere in his remarks, al-Bukhaiti said that the defeat of the Saudi-backed forces in Marib “means their defeat on the remaining fronts,” describing the imminent liberation of the province as “the worst scenario” for the Saudi-led coalition waging war on Yemen.
According to the official, the liberation of Marib Province would pave the way for an end to the siege imposed on Yemen, noting that the member countries of the Saudi-led coalition can no longer impose their blockade on Yemen and launch attacks on the impoverished country from a safe location.
Marib, which is located right in the middle of a whole host of other Yemeni provinces, has turned into a focus of the Yemeni army’s liberation operations since last year.
The province’s recapture, towards which many advancements have been made so far, is expected to pave the way for further military victories for Yemen’s armed forces.
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and its regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of Yemen’s former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing the Ansarullah movement.
The war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.
Despite Saudi Arabia’s heavily-armed and continued bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
The Houthis (Ansar Allah) had captured the Bulq al-Sharqi mountain which overlooks the southern outskirts of the central Yemeni city of Ma’rib from Saudi-backed forces, the Beirut-based al-Mayadeen TV reported on December 8, citing a Yemeni military source.
The large mountain was the last geographical obstacle standing between the Houthis and Ma’rib city. The mountain is located less than 20 kilometers to the south of the city center.
Al-Mayadeen’s source claimed that the remaining Saudi-backed forces in the outskirts of Ma’rib city are currently collapsing.
“A few days separate the Yemeni army and the popular committees [Houthis] from completely liberating the city of Ma’rib,” the source said. “The Yemeni military leadership has given a last chance to those who did not surrender to settle their status.”
In the last few weeks, the Saudi-led coalition intensified its airstrikes on Houthis forces in Ma’rib in a bid to stop the group’s advance in the province. Hundreds of Houthi fighters were allegedly killed in these airstrikes.
Between December 7 and 8, coalition warplanes carried out 16 airstrikes on Ma’rib frontlines. The coalition claimed that the airstrikes killed 95 Houthi fighters and destroyed 11 military vehicles, including an air-defense system.
While the coalition’s recent airstrikes did slow down the Houthis’ advance, they ultimately failed to put an end to the group’s offensive.
The Houthis are reportedly now negotiating with senior commanders of Saudi-backed forces in Ma’rib to enter the city without a fight. The Saudi-led coalition will not likely allow this to happen. A fierce battle could breakout inside the city before the end of the year.
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Operation 7th of December, The Yemeni Resistance’s Latest Achievement
Every time the Saudis bomb Sanaa, the Yemeni resistance retaliates against Riyadh’s strategic vulnerabilities. With nonstop strikes on Yemen’s capital city today, brace yourself for a big Saudi explosion.
“Tell him Sanaa is far, Riyadh is getting closer” is what Yemenis call out whenever their capital city is targeted by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes.
The ‘him’ in this battle cry refers to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MbS), who launched the six-year aggression against the Arab world’s poorest nation.
After every Saudi hit on Sanaa, this phrase floods social media, imploring the Yemeni resistance to retaliate directly against Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s capital city.
As the Saudis and their dwindling allies pound Sanaa relentlessly in the last days of their failed war, one wonders why they don’t yet comprehend the retaliatory firepower they are inviting in response.
It started like this …
In March 2015, one year after Yemen’s resistance movement Ansarallah took control of the capital, a 10-nation coalition was formed led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and backed logistically and politically by both the US and UK. Shortly thereafter, fighter jets and ground forces began conducting operations across provinces surrounding the capital.
More than ten thousand airstrikes were reported by the close of 2016, with Sanaa taking the lion’s share – 2,600 raids – equivalent to one airstrike every 3.5 hours, every day for two consecutive years.
In parallel with the non-stop air operations, coalition-led land forces – mainly Yemeni mercenaries and Sudanese soldiers – wrested thousands of square kilometers from Ansarallah’s control.
Ansarallah, which found itself governing populations for the first time in its short history, had only secured their authority in Sanaa one year before the aggression. The movement had not yet had the time or resources to build their infrastructure, economy, military power, and foreign policies/connections.
Photo Credit: The Cradle
A game-changing 2018
By 2018, the war that was ‘supposed to take weeks to months at most’ – and according to MbS himself, just “a few days” – had become long, directionless, and costly, especially after Saudi/UAE hostilities against Qatar surfaced and blew up Gulf cohesion.
The 10-nation military alliance against Yemeni independence, once consisting of Egypt, Jordan, Sudan, Morocco, Senegal and the Gulf states (except Oman) shrank overnight to two: the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
By 2018, Saudi-backed militias were entrenched in Sanaa’s west (Hodeidah) and east (Marib), and on Saudi Arabia’s southern borders, adjacent to Ansarallah’s stronghold in northern Yemen’s Saada Province. The UAE had its own undisclosed interests, and moved its militias primarily to the south, both for protection and to control Yemen’s strategic ports and waterways.
Ansarallah had already absorbed the shock of three years of foreign aggression, and gained valuable experience in both combat and military tactics. Its weapons manufacturing (mainly ballistic missiles and drones) capabilities and technological advances had steadily grown within the landlocked environs of Sanaa – under siege by the coalition and its western allies since the onset of war.
So, by 2018, Ansarallah was primed and ready to change the direction of the war from a purely defensive one to launching proactive hit-and-run battles.
The game changer in the Yemen war came in 2019, fast and hard. After four years of defense, Ansarallah began launching a series of operations named ‘Balance of Deterrence.’ The first of these, on 17 August, was the first operation where Yemen’s resistance launched homemade and modified ballistic missiles alongside tens of suicide drones at targets 1200km distance away, equivalent to the distance between London to Madrid or New York to Miami.
The targets were Saudi Arabia’s ARAMCO Sheba oil fields and refineries on the Saudi–UAE borders.
The second operation, which took place on 14 September, hit ARAMCO facilities in Saudi Arabia’s eastern-most territories, in Dammam. This time the strikes were on a spectacular scale and caught the world’s attention in a big way; photos and videos flew across social media before the Saudis had time to bury the details.
It took another five similar operations to discipline the Saudis to understand that targeting Sanaa would trigger a retaliation into the strategic depth of Saudi Arabia. In the aftermath of Ansarallah’s retaliatory strikes, air raids on Sanaa dropped from around one strike every three hours to three strikes per year.
Credit: almasirah.net
The war’s final chapter looms
After rapid advances in 2018 and targeted retaliatory strikes in 2019-20, Ansarallah regained most of the territories they had lost, leaving only Marib, the last stronghold of the Saudis in Yemen’s east, which is expected to be liberated imminently.
Last month, Saudi and Emirati-backed militias and mercenaries fled Hodeidah – the last Saudi stronghold in Yemen’s west – after Ansarallah announced plans to liberate the city and target the territory of the UAE.
With that stroke, the Saudis lost their footing in Yemen. Militarily speaking, foreign land forces have already lost the war and now pose zero threats to the Ansarallah-led government.
Worse yet, in 2021, for the first time in the six-year war, Yemenis in coalition-controlled provinces launched multiple public protests, complaining that the quality of life in Ansarallah-ruled areas was superior than theirs, with lower crime rates, a stable currency and cheaper raw materials available to those citizens.
Rather than scurrying to carve out a face-saving exit from this certain defeat, Riyadh has instead begun to escalate air raids on Sanaa and Marib in a ‘throw the kitchen sink at the problem’ attempt to weaken Ansarallah, consequences be damned.
This brings us to 19 November 2021 when Ansarallah made its 8th Balance of Deterrence statement (mentioned above) and launched strategic retaliatory strikes against military targets in Riyadh, Jeddah, Abha, Jizan, and Najran to remind the Saudis of its red lines.
The Saudis, irrationally, continue to pound populations in Sanaa with little regard for the retaliatory consequences or the global perception of this brutality. On 23 November, coalition spokesman Turki al-Maliki even tried to justify bombing densely-populated areas by alleging that Ansarallah’s “military sites have taken hospitals, organizations, and civilians as human shields.”
The war is as good as over, so why these unnecessary air raids on Sanaa? Why would Saudi Arabia deliberately provoke and invite military strikes against Riyadh and ARAMCO? Why not instead exit Yemen overnight, in much the same way the US did in Afghanistan? Embarrassing as it may be, a quick, unpublicized retreat would at least keep Saudi cities protected.
This last-ditch escalation has nothing to do with war strategy, leverage-building or domestic politics.
A country of 2.1 million square kilometers boasting a population of 20 million nationals and 10 million foreigners with large oil and mineral reserves, Saudi Arabia has no parliament, no elections, and no democratic processes whatsoever.
All internal and external policies are made by one man, Mohammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, deputy prime minister, minister of defense, chairman of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, and chairman of the Council of Political and Security Affairs.
MbS is a punisher. He ordered the murder and dismemberment of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. He kidnapped and beat up Lebanon’s former prime minister Saad Hariri before forcing him to broadcast his resignation from Riyadh. He besieged Qatar, destabilized Iraq, and boycotted all of Lebanon because of a single comment on the Yemen war. The list goes on.
A few years back, Ben Rhodes, deputy national security advisor of former US president Barack Obama, recounted a chilling story during his boss’s farewell visit to Riyadh. As Obama protested the recent execution of 47 dissidents in the kingdom to King Salman, the then-deputy crown prince MbS stood up from his spectator’s seat and lectured the US president thus:
“You don’t understand the Saudi justice system, he said. He argued that the Saudi public demanded vengeance against criminals, and those who had been beheaded had to be killed for the sake of stability in the kingdom.”
MbS may simply have reverted to ‘punisher’ mode in these last weeks and months of his very personal war in Yemen. ‘Vengeance’ for his defeat is merited; and killing is “for the sake of stability in the kingdom.”
But bombing Sanaa will also justify ‘Balance of Deterrence 9,’ a new set of advanced retaliatory strikes yet to be announced by Ansarallah.
Undoubtedly, ARAMCO and major Saudi cities will be targeted in the period ahead. Every ballistic missile reaching the kingdom of sand will result in a weaker Saudi Arabia and stronger Yemen, giving Ansarallah a reason to discipline the Saudis at present, and perhaps, to invade them in the future. Thus, the quote “Sanaa is far, Riyadh is getting closer” was born.
Credit: Cartoonist Kamal Sharaf; @kamalsharaf on Twitter
Under the command of MbS, the Saudis are unlikely to leave Yemen alone even if the war concludes – it will try to do what it has always done in Iraq, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Qatar, and Syria, dividing populations with money and weapons.
But Yemen is different. Ansarallah will implement their own institutions, unlike those other nations where the US and its regional allies remain to engineer laws and policies to ensure a country’s dependence and stagnation once they depart. Yemen, after the war, will be more like Iran in its hostility towards and determination to break with externally-imposed agendas.
Buckle your seatbelt. Retaliation and revolution is about to be unharnessed in the Arabian Peninsula.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.
The Yemeni forces advanced on the southern gates of the central Marib city, pushing Saudi-backed militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi further back.
According to a report published on Friday by Lebanese al-Akhbar daily, Saudi forces and their mercenaries failed to stop Yemeni soldiers and their allies from making rapid advances on the southern flank of the provincial capital city.
Hadi loyalists have already withdrawn from most of their positions in the eastern and central parts of the Balaqin sub-district over the past two days, despite intense airstrikes carried by Saudi warplanes in their support.
The paper, citing local military and tribal sources, said Yemeni army troops and Popular Committees fighters have made major advances on the western outskirts of Falaj area after establishing control over all heights overlooking the region.
Sources close to pro-Hadi forces said their defeats appear to have been an inside job.
Pro-Hadi Marib governor general Sultan al-Arada expressed his disappointment over the unfolding developments in the province, confirming that the al-Balaq al-Awsat district and surrounding areas in Wadi al-Zannah region had been taken over by the opposite side.
On Thursday, Saudi warplanes conducted more than a dozen air raids against al-Jubah and Sirwah districts in Marib province.
The military aircraft also launched two airstrikes against the Yemeni capital city of Sanaa late on Thursday.
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and other key Western powers, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement.
Having failed to reach its professed goals, the war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.
Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s continuous bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
Posted on November 23, 2021 by uprootedpalestinians
November 22, 2021
With an Ansarallah takeover of Yemen, Asia’s trade and connectivity projects could expand into some of the world’s most strategic waterways
By Pepe Escobar, posted with the author’s permission and cross-posted with TheCradle
The usual suspects tried everything against Yemen.
First, coercing it into ‘structural reform.’ When that didn’t work, they instrumentalized takfiri mercenaries. They infiltrated and manipulated the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), ISIS. They used US drones and occasional marines.
And then, in 2015, they went Total Warfare: a UN-backed rogue coalition started bombing and starving Yemenis into submission – with barely a peep from the denizens of the ‘rules-based international order.’
The coalition – House of Saud, Qatar, UAE, US, UK – for all practical purposes, embarked on a final solution for Yemen.
Sovereignty and unity were never part of the deal. Yet soon the project stalled. Saudis and Emiratis were fighting each other for primacy in southern and eastern Yemen using mercenaries. In April 2017, Qatar clashed with both Saudis and Emiratis. The coalition started to unravel.
Now we reach a crucial inflexion point. Yemeni Armed Forces and allied fighters from Popular Committees, backed by a coalition of tribes, including the very powerful Murad, are on the verge of liberating strategic, oil and natural gas-rich Marib – the last stronghold of the House of Saud-backed mercenary army.
Tribal leaders are in the capital Sanaa talking to the quite popular Ansarallah movement to organize a peaceful takeover of Marib. So this process is in effect the result of a wide-ranging national interest deal between the Houthis and the Murad tribe.
The House of Saud, for its part, is allied with the collapsing forces behind former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, as well as political parties such as Al-Islah, Yemen’s Muslim Brotherhood. They have been incapable of resisting Ansarallah.
A repeat scenario is now playing in the western coastal port of Hodeidah, where takfiri mercenaries have vanished from the province’s southern and eastern districts.
Yemen’s Defense Minister Mohammad al-Atefi, talking to Lebanon’s al-Akhbar newspaper, stressed that, “according to strategic and military implications…we declare to the whole world that the international aggression against Yemen has already been defeated.”
It’s not a done deal yet – but we’re getting there.
Hezbollah, via its Executive Council Chairman Hashim Safieddine, adds to the context, stressing how the current diplomatic crisis between Lebanon and Saudi Arabia is directly linked to Mohammad bin Salman’s (MbS) fear and impotence when confronted with the liberation of strategic Marib and Hezbollah’s unwavering support for Yemen throughout the war.
A fabricated ‘civil war’
So how did we get here?
Venturing beyond the excellent analysis by Karim Shami here on The Cradle, some geoeconomic background is essential to understanding what’s really going on in Yemen.
For at least half a millennium before the Europeans started to show up, the ruling classes in southern Arabia built the area into a prime hub of intellectual and commercial exchange. Yemen became the prized destination of Prophet Muhammad’s descendants; by the 11th century they had woven solid spiritual and intellectual links with the wider world.
By the end of the 19th century, as noted in Isa Blumi’s outstanding Destroying Yemen (University of California Press, 2018), a “remarkable infrastructure that harnessed seasonal rains to produce a seemingly endless amount of wealth attracted no longer just disciples and descendants of prophets, but aggressive agents of capital seeking profits.”
Soon we had Dutch traders venturing on terraced hills covered in coffee beans clashing with Ottoman Janissaries from Crimea, claiming them for the Sultan in Istanbul.
By the post-modern era, those “aggressive agents of capital seeking profits” had reduced Yemen to one of the advanced battlegrounds of the toxic mix between neoliberalism and Wahhabism.
The Anglo-American axis, since the Afghan jihad in the 1980s, promoted, financed and instrumentalized an essentialist, ahistorical version of ‘Islam’ that was simplistically reduced to Wahhabism: a deeply reactionary social engineering movement led by an antisocial front based in Arabia.
That operation shaped a shallow version of Islam sold to western public opinion as antithetical to universal – as in ‘rules-based international order’ – values. Hence, essentially anti-progressive. Yemen was at the frontline of this cultural and historical perversion.
Yet the promoters of the war unleashed in 2015 – a gloomy celebration of humanitarian imperialism, complete with carpet bombing, embargoes, and widespread forced starvation – did not factor in the role of the Yemeni Resistance. Much as it happened with the Taliban in Afghanistan.
The war was a perverse manipulation by US, UK, French, Israeli and minions Saudi, Emirati and Qatari intel agencies. It was never a ‘civil war’ – as the hegemonic narrative goes – but an engineered project to reverse the gains of Yemen’s own ‘Arab Spring.’
The target was to return Yemen back to a mere satellite in Saudi Arabia’s backyard. And to ensure that Yemenis never dare to even dream of regaining their historic role as the economic, spiritual, cultural and political reference for a great deal of the Indian Ocean universe.
Add to the narrative the simplistic trope of blaming Shia Iran for supporting the Houthis. When it was clear that coalition mercenaries would fail to stop the Yemeni Resistance, a new narrative was birthed: the war was important to provide ‘security’ for the Saudi hacienda facing an ‘Iran-backed’ enemy.
That’s how Ansarallah became cast as Shia Houthis fighting Saudis and local ‘Sunni’ proxies. Context was thrown to the dogs, as in the vast, complex differences between Muslims in Yemen – Sufis of various orders, Zaydis (Houthis, the backbone of the Ansarallah movement, are Zaydis), Ismailis, and Shafii Sunnis – and the wider Islamic world.
Yemen goes BRI
So the whole Yemen story, once again, is essentially a tragic chapter of Empire attempting to plunder Third World/Global South wealth.
The House of Saud played the role of vassals seeking rewards. They do need it, as the House of Saud is in desperate financial straits that include subsidizing the US economy via mega-contracts and purchasing US debt.
The bottom line: the House of Saud won’t survive unless it dominates Yemen. The future of MBS is totally leveraged on winning his war, not least to pay his bills for western weapons and technical assistance already used. There are no definitive figures, but according to a western intel source close to the House of Saud, that bill amounted to at least $500 billion by 2017.
The stark reality made plain by the alliance between Ansarallah and major tribes is that Yemen refuses to surrender its national wealth to subsidize the Empire’s desperate need of liquidity, collateral for new infusions of cash, and thirst for commodities. Stark reality has absolutely nothing to do with the imperial narrative of Yemen as ‘pre-modern tribal traditions’ averse to change, thus susceptible to violence and mired in endless ‘civil war.’
And that brings us to the enticing ‘another world is possible’ angle when the Yemeni Resistance finally extricates the nation from the grip of the hawkish, crumbling neoliberal/Wahhabi coalition.
As the Chinese very well know, Yemen is rich not only in the so far unexplored oil and gas reserves, but also in gold, silver, zinc, copper and nickel.
Beijing also knows all there is to know about the ultra-strategic Bab al Mandab between Yemen’s southwestern coast and the Horn of Africa. Moreover, Yemen boasts a series of strategically located Indian Ocean ports and Red Sea ports on the way to the Mediterranean, such as Hodeidah.
These waterways practically scream Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and especially the Maritime Silk Road – with Yemeni ports complementing China’s only overseas naval base in Djibouti, where roads and railways connect to Ethiopia.
The Ansarallah–tribal alliance may even, in the medium to long term, exercise full control for access to the Suez Canal.
One very possible scenario is Yemen joining the ‘string of pearls’ – ports linked by the BRI across the Indian Ocean. There will, of course, be major pushback by proponents of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ agenda. That’s where the Iranian connection enters the picture.
BRI in the near future will feature the progressive interconnection between the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) – with a special role for the port of Gwadar – and the emerging China–Iran corridor that will traverse Afghanistan. The port of Chabahar in Iran, only 80 km away from Gwadar, will also bloom, whether by definitive commitments by India or a possible future takeover by China.
Warm links between Iran and Yemen will translate into renewed Indian Ocean trade, without Sanaa depending on Tehran, as it is essentially self-sufficient in energy and already manufactures its own weapons. Unlike the Saudi vassals of Empire, Iran will certainly invest in the Yemeni economy.
The Empire will not take any of this lightly. There are plenty of similarities with the Afghan scenario. Afghanistan is now set to be integrated into the New Silk Roads – a commitment shared by the SCO. Now it’s not so far-fetched to picture Yemen as a SCO observer, integrated to BRI and profiting from Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) packages. Stranger things have happened in the ongoing Eurasia saga.
A big peg was thrown in the Saudi-led coalition’s plans in the past several days.
Saudi-backed forces carried out a surprise withdrawal from dozens of positions in the southern and eastern outskirts of the western Yemeni city of al-Hudaydah, beginning on November 11th.
November 18th dawned with Houthis in partial control of the port in the city’s south. The city was predominantly under Ansar Allah control, but this abrupt withdrawal allowed for the group to regain even more positions.Video Player
The Saudi-led coalition spokesman General Turki al-Malki, in the first clarification on the abrupt withdrawal from around Hodeidah, said the redeployment was ordered to support other fronts and in line with the coalition’s “future plans”.Video: Saudi-led Coalition Attempts to Retake Baydha from Houthis
Still, on November 17, the coalition announced that its warplanes had carried out six airstrikes on Houthi (Ansar Allah) forces along the western Yemeni coast.
The spokesman highlighted the Houthis’ repeated violations of the UN-brokered ceasefire and the group’s control over several Red Sea ports, including that of al-Hudaydah, as the main reasons behind the withdrawal decision.
The Houthis have retaken all the positions which were abandoned by Saudi-backed coalition. Clashes are now taking place near the administrative border between al-Hudaydah and the southwestern province of Taiz. This is an invaluable chance for Ansar Allah.
The push for Ma’rib is going quite well for the Houthis, currently, and it is likely that most, if not all, Saudi forces will have to fight on the frontlines there. If Ma’rib falls, that spells bad times for Riyadh, as its most significant central Yemen stronghold is gone.
This allows for more Ansar Allah operations to target the interior of the Kingdom, and push it even further back along the contact lines.
In line with that, on November 17th, a ballistic missile targeted the southern outskirts of the central Yemeni city of Ma’rib. Allegations from pro-Saudi sources claimed a refugee camp had been struck. In response, pro-Houthi activists rejected them saying that the attack targeted reinforcements of Saudi-backed forces which were recently deployed in the engineer’s military camp near al-Himmah.
Several days ago, the Saudi-led coalition foiled an attack by the Houthis on the Bulq mountain, the last geographical obstacle before the southern outskirts of Ma’rib city.
With Saudi Arabia redeploying its troops, and the Houthis inching ever closer towards the strategic city, a no holds barred fight is on the horizon. A significant shift in the tide of the war will be observed for whichever side comes out on top.
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Beirut – It seems that the field map is becoming clear in the governorates of northern Yemen. With the approaching fall of the strategic city of Marib in the hands of the Yemeni army and the popular committees, the other fronts in Hudaydah and Mokha began to fall apart, as if the Marib front has shaken the other fronts and decided the whole battle.
In a sudden turn in the course of the field, the Emirati-backed forces withdrew from the southern areas of Hudaydah that is led unilaterally by Haitham Taher in an unreasonable way with respect to the forces in Mokha city led by Tarek Saleh and backed by the United Arab Emirates [UAE] as well, which left the latter shocked, confused, and doubtful about the existence of an agreement and a prior coordination between Taher and close confidents of the fugitive president Abed Rabbu Mansour Hadi who is supported by Saudi Arabia.
Sources reported unannounced heated disagreements among the factions of the UAE-backed forces in the western coast of Yemen, in the aftermath of the sudden and wide withdrawals in Hudaydah areas, which represented a stab in the back of Saleh’s forces, leaving the armed factions affiliated with the southern transitional council shocked and confused. The sources added that the so-called “legitimacy of Hadi” is coming to an end.
The withdrawing forces, however, claimed that they have evacuated the fighting areas in Hudaydah in accordance with the Stockholm Agreement reached late 2018, which is supposed to take place in coordination and understanding with the United Nations mission; but it was not kept informed with the updates.
But other sources asserted that the Emirati forces had previously started a large-scale evacuation of its forces after receiving a series of military strikes from the Yemeni Ansarullah movement. Such strikes were based on accurate intelligence by the movement.
In addition, the Yemeni army and popular committees rushed to take control over these areas, and opened the main road that connects them with the capital Sanaa. Among these areas are the eastern and northeastern coastal city of Hudaydah, and areas to the south of the city on the outskirts of the Hudaydah International Airport, in addition to the Ad Durayhimi District, the coastal line of the “Beit Al-Fakih” District, At Tuhayta District, Al-Haima port to the south of Al-Khawkha District, areas in the Hays District and areas to the south of these two directorates of the Taizz Governorate.
On the other hand, Saudi Arabia evacuated most of its compounds in the last few weeks, especially in Al-Mahrah governorate, but a number of its troops is still at its center in Al-Ghaydah, along with a group of officers who still roam about 27 compounds where mercenaries forces of the southern separatists are present, and it has become rare to find any Emirati forces in many southern areas.
Regarding the Marib front, the Yemeni army and the popular committees have eased their attack on the city and headed to the south, achieving a progress that surpassed what it was like before, and succeeded, for the first time since years, to return to southern areas, even though a settlement with the local tribes there. But this operation allowed them to lay siege to all the southern and eastern crossings- the southern crossings that lead to Marib, and that made the Saudis and all the southern mercenaries in need for a long trip that takes them from Hadramout to the sieged city.
Accordingly, there is only one passage left, and if the Yemeni army and popular committees decide to go for an all-out confrontation to capture the city, this passage will be closed. The problem of Saudi Arabia here is that the support it received from the US did not help. Therefore, Marib has fallen and the greater is yet to come. Was the UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash right when he said that “the liberation of Hudaydah is the beginning of the end of the war”?
Yemeni journalist Ali al-Darwani confirmed to Al-Ahed News that nothing is being done confidentially regarding the Emirati withdrawal from the western coast that is at least more than 50 km long, but rather a relocation in case Marib fell, which will impose new fields on Ansarullah, first of which will be this coast where Taher’s forces consider themselves to be trapped between the jaws of the pincers, for this coast’s width reaches 5 km in some areas. He added that these forces opted to withdraw to the southern areas to strengthen their influence in order to defend Bab al-Mandeb strait which is a US-“Israeli” quest, fearing its fall in the special committees hands and thus taking control over the maritime navigation.
Al-Darwani also said that in case Marib fell, 50,000 to 100,000 fighters of the Islah party backed by the UAE and its allies like al-Qaeda and Salafists will flee to the southern regions, where they have authority. This large number will enhance their resilience in defending Bab al-Mandeb which might be a priority for the Yemeni army and the committees, and even for the Saudi-backed forces in Aden and the south, which fought the Islah Party in many areas.
The Yemeni journalist concluded that the Emirati withdrawal is a purely tactic withdrawal so that Abu Dhabi maintains its interests in the south, fearing Ansarullah first, and Saudi Arabia second.
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عندما نتحدّث عن الاستراتيجية الإماراتية حالياً في اليمن لا يمكن أن نفصلها عن استراتيجية روسيا في الكثير من مفاصلها، خصوصاً تلك التي تتعلق بصراع النفوذ مع السعودية أو في موضوع المنافذ البحرية التي يتحكم اليمن بها عبر شواطئه الطويلة.
لكن على عكس روسيا تعتبر الإمارات الحرب في اليمن مصيرية لوجودها ككيان ودولة بعد مغامرتها اليمنية واحتلالها لجزر ومدن في اليمن.
في العام 2019 حاولت الإمارات تخفيف وطأة أعمالها عبر الإعلان عن انسحاب قواتها من اليمن لكن على أرض الواقع ما زالت تلك القوات متواجدة.
هامش المناورة الإماراتي في اليمن أضيق من الهامش السعودي لذلك لجأت الإمارات الى تعزيز علاقاتها مع إيران التي شهدنا آخرها مشروع الممر الاستراتيجي للتجارة الإماراتية عبر الأراضي الإيرانية الى تركيا وأوروبا.
أيضاً عززت الإمارات العلاقة مع روسيا وطبعت مع سورية لإرضاء الروسي والإيراني.
عرضت الإمارات على روسيا إقامة قاعدة عسكرية في سقطرى او في عدن لكن الروس رفضوا.
في الواقع روسيا تريد قاعدة على باب المندب لكن تريدها من حكومة يمنية مستقرة ومتمكنة.
في تلك الفترة كانت إيران تعيد العلاقة بين أنصار الله وموسكو بعد سنتين قطيعة بسبب قتل علي صالح.
كانت روسيا الوسيط بين صالح والأنصار حيث استقبلت السفارة الروسية اجتماعات التنسيق بين الطرفين، وعند مقتل صالح غضبت موسكو وقطعت علاقاتها مع أنصار الله حتى العالم 2019 عندما نجحت إيران بإعادة حبل التواصل بين الطرفين.
تزامناً مع العرض الإماراتي كانت موسكو أنجزت اتفاقاً سرياً مع عمر البشير لإنشاء قاعدة عسكرية روسية في بور سودان على البحر الأحمر.
أسقطت أميركا عمر البشير بسبب هذا الاتفاق السري
وساهمت الإمارات بسقوطه حتى لا يفقدها التأثير على موسكو
في الواقع الاستراتيجية الإماراتية وسيناريوات هذه الاستراتيجية تقوم على أمرين:
1 – استرضاء إيران.
2 – استرضاء روسيا.
يظهر هذا في التقارب الإماراتي مع سورية القاسم المشترك الكبير بين موسكو وطهران.
كما ظهرت في الآونة الأخيرة استراتيجية تلبية مطالب أنصار الله الحوثيين كما شهدنا في انسحابات الساحل الغربي.
لا يمكن تصوّر هذا الانسحاب إلا ضمن سياسة استرضاء الحوثيين كون الساحل الغربي يشكل العمود الأساس لكلّ استراتيجية أبو ظبي على موانئ البحر الأحمر
ما حصل استسلام بكلّ المقاييس…
قبل يومين أعلنت قوات طارق صالح ذات الولاء الإماراتي المنسحبة الى شبوة أنها لن تشارك في معارك مأرب.
لا يمكن فصل هذا الإعلان عن استراتيجية تلبية مطالب صنعاء.
سوف نشهد في الفترة المقبلة تلبية مطالب وتراجعات في جبهات متعددة.
Yemen has warned Saudi Arabia of “serious consequences” following major escalation of deadly onslaught against Yemeni provinces, saying Riyadh and its allies conducted 65 airstrikes in the past 24 hours.
“In a major escalation, the forces of the Saudi-American aggression have launched more than 65 air raids over the past 24 hours across a number of governorates of the Republic,” spokesman of the Armed Forces Brigadier General Yahya Saree wrote in a tweet on Thursday night.
“This escalation will have serious consequences for the forces of aggression, they must bear the consequences,” he added.
The remarks came after the Saudi state TV reported that the Riyadh-led military campaign against Yemen had launched airstrikes on four provinces in Yemen.
Early on Thursday, Saudi Arabia conducted a massive operation against Sanaa, Dhamar, Saada, and al-Jawf provinces in response to what it called threats of drone and ballistic missile raids, according to the report.
The kingdom earlier said that it had destroyed an explosive-laden drone targeting the kingdom’s Abha international airport on Wednesday.
On Thursday, the Yemeni media reported that at least three civilians were injured by Saudi raids in Saada province, north of Yemen.
The Saudi army fire targeted the border district of Munabeh, which seriously wounded three citizens, a security source told Yemen Press Agency [YPA].
The attack came a day after the Saudi army’s raids left five civilians wounded, including an African immigrant, in the border districts of Munabeh and Baqim in Saada province.
Saudi warplanes also attacked the capital Sanaa, Taizz, Marib, and Hudaydah provinces on Thursday.
In Dhamar province, it launched a raid targeting a livestock farm in Mayfa’a Ans district, killing more than 200 sheep.
Enjoying the backing of key Western powers, Saudi Arabia has been leading the war on Yemen since March 2015 to reinstall the former Riyadh-backed regime of Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi.
However, Riyadh has failed to achieve any of its goals six years after launching the war and blockade against Yemen, leaving hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and spreading famine and infectious diseases there.
In recent months, Saudi Arabia has ramped up its attacks against densely-populated areas across Yemen.
Observers say the rise in attacks comes due to major advances made by the Yemeni forces in Marib province and other key areas that are being liberated from the control of Saudi mercenaries.
The kingdom is also being targeted by the Yemeni army and its allied popular forces continuously, with the Sanaa government saying that it will keep hitting targets deep inside Saudi Arabia as long as the war and siege continue.
Throughout the course of the war, the United States has supported and armed Saudi Arabia.
Despite his February promise to end “all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales,” US President Joe Biden has recently approved $650 million worth of weapons sales to Saudi Arabia.
تخصص ورشات عمل العديد من مراكز الدراسات الأميركية أبحاثها للوضع في اليمن، في ضوء المستجدات التي لم يعد ممكناً إخفاؤها، والتي تتلخص بالتقارير المجمع عليها حول اعتبار سقوط مدينة مأرب بيد أنصار الله مسألة وقت، والتي اختصرها معاون وزير الخارجية الأميركي السابق ديفيد شنكر بقوله في إحدى ورشات العمل البحثية، إن استحواذ الأنصار على مأرب بات محسوماً، واصفاً ذلك بالسيناريو الأسوأ لواشنطن والرياض، وبخسارة الحرب على اليمن خسارة كاملة، والإجماع على مكانة مأرب يطال الجميع أميركيين وسعوديين ويمنيين، وعلى ضفاف ما يجري في مأرب برز المؤشر الثاني وهو تضعضع التحالف المناوئ للأنصار، وما ظهر على جبهة الحديدة كاف لإثبات ذلك، فإن كان ما جرى نتيجة صفقة فهو كارثة تشي بانهيار التحالف، وإن كان نتيجة سوء تنسيق بخلفية الخوف من تداعيات انهيار جبهة مأرب على القوات المنتشرة في الساحل بلا عمق يحميها، فتلك مصيبة، وفي الحالتين ستتواصل التداعيات، خصوصاً إذا أضيف للمشهد التمايز الإماراتي عن السعودية بخطوات يمنية يظهرها تمايز وضع الجنوب اليمني، وإقليمية كان آخرها التواصل العالي المستوى بين الإمارات وإيران وما نشر عن زيارة شخصية إماراتية كبيرة لطهران قريباً، فيما تبقى الإمارات بخلاف السعودية بمنأى عن استهداف الأنصار لمدنها وسفنها بصورة تثير شكوك السعودية بتفاهمات تحت الطاولة.
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أغلب الباحثين الأميركيين يشبه الوضع في اليمن بالوضع في أفغانستان عشية اتخاذ قرار الانسحاب الأميركي، فوضع قوات منصور هادي ليست أفضل حالاً من قوات أشرف غني، وعزم وعناد واقتدار أنصار الله ليس أقل مما أظهرته حركة طالبان، وحجم الحصار المفروض على أفغانستان لم يكن دون مستوى الحصار على اليمن، والأميركيون يقولون إنهم وهم يختلفون على ظروف الانسحاب يتفقون على أنه كان خياراً مراً لكن لا بد منه، فالوضع بدا ميؤوساً منه، والبقاء لعشرين سنة أخرى لن يغير المشهد، إلا باستنزاف المزيد من الأموال وإزهاق المزيد من الأرواح، ويقول بعض هؤلاء الباحثين، ربما يكون وزير الإعلام اللبناني جورج قرداحي آخر من استخدم توصيف الحرب العبثية، بما يتضمنه التوصيف لحرب لا نصر فيها، لكن لا هزيمة، بينما صارت اليوم حرباً مضمونة الخسارة، ولم يعد لدى السعوديين ترف الوقت لاتخاذ القرار بالانسحاب، وتجاوز الأمر حدود الحديث عن كارثة إنسانية محققة، فقد أنتجت الحرب تحولاً استراتيجياً كبيراً.
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السعوديون عبر وسائل إعلامهم يغيبون عن النقاش، لكن فلتات مواقف وردت على قناة العربية الحدث، كانت تدعو واشنطن للتساؤل عما يعنيه نشوء أفغانستان ثانية على البحر الأحمر تمسك بمضيق باب المندب، بدت رداً أو مناقشة للنصيحة الأميركية، من خلال المقارنة بين الموقع الاستراتيجي لكل من أفغانستان واليمن، حيث اليمن بقوته الصاعدة شريك مقبل في أمن الطاقة والملاحة الدولية، وباب المندب أحد أهم المضائق العالمية، الذي يزيد أهمية عن مضيق هرمز ومضيق جبل طارق، فهو وحده يربط أربعة بحار ومحيطات، هي البحر الأحمر والمحيط الهادئ والخليج والبحر الأبيض المتوسط، ويطرح السعوديون أسئلة ينتظرون أن يتلقفها الإسرائيليون حول الخلل الاستراتيجي في موازين القوى التي تترتب على التسليم بخسارة اليمن، الذي لا تخفي قيادته اصطفافها في محور المقاومة، وما أظهرته من مقدرات يجب أن يحسب له الحساب في كل ما يطال أمن «إسرائيل»، فيما يرد الأميركيون أنهم خسروا مع الخروج من أفغانستان التواجد من مسافة صفر مع كل من إيران والصين وروسيا، وتركوا الفرص مفتوحة لاحتوائها من التحالف الإيراني الصيني الروسي، بالإضافة لفرص تواصل أطراف هذا التحالف عبر اليابسة للمرة الأولى عبر الجغرافيا الأفغانية، لكن كل هذا كان لا بد من تقبله لاستحالة البقاء.
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كيف سيتصرف الأميركيون والإسرائيليون، وكيف سيتفاعل السعوديون، يقول الأنصار إنهم جاهزون لكل احتمال، وأن بديل النصر هو النصر فقط، والخيار بين نصر لليمن لا يشعل المنطقة ونصر يأتي بعد اشتعالها، لكنه لن يكون محصوراً باليمن عندها.
فيديوات متعلقة
تدرييات ‘قاسية’ إستعدادا للحرب.. الوحدة السعودية الخاصة تسيطر على باص إيراني
يفيد مصدر أمني خاص جداً بانّ ثمة غرفة عمليات مشتركة لما يُعرف بالتحالف العربي لا تزال تأمل في إعاقة تقدّم أنصار الله باتجاه وسط مدينة مأرب، يشترك فيها بالإضافة إلى ضباط بريطانيين، ١٤ ضابط أركان “إسرائيلي” يشاركون جنباً الى جنب مع ضباط سعوديين في ما بات يسمّيه أنصار الله آخر معارك اليمن الكبرى…!
كما تفيد أنباء متداولة في الكواليس وفي صالونات السياسة الإقليمية أنّ حاكم أبو ظبي يتجه لخسارة مدوية لحرب الموانئ التي أوحى يوماً بأنه امتلك ناصيتها فيما هو آخذ في التقهقر نحو اليابسة الإيرانية، بخاصة بعد أن قطعت عليه تل أبيب خطوط إمداداته النفطية من إيلات إلى عسقلان أو أشدود (بحسب وزارة الطاقة الإسرائيلية التي طالبت بوقف مشروعه)!
هذا كما تفيد الأنباء بأنّ الزيارة المرتقبة في الساعات المقبلة لابن زايد إلى أنقرة إنما تأتي في هذا السياق، أي التنسيق مع غريمه الإخواني السابق أردوغان، لكيفية استخدام الأراضي الإيرانية للتجارة الدولية بدلاً من خط إيلات ـ عسقلان، وذلك في إطار المشروع الصيني العملاق: حزام واحد ـ طريق واحد.
وعودة التركي إلى “بيت الصديق” كما عبّر أحمد شاويش أوغلو في طهران مستحضراً بيت شعر شهيراً لأحد شعراء إيران القدامى، وهو بضيافة عبد اللهيان، فإنّ ثمة من فسّرها بهذا الاتجاه أيضاً.
أيّ تقهقر المشروع التركي في البحار بعد غزواته الفاشلة الثلاث في المتوسط والأحمر وبحر الخزر (ليبيا ـ اليمن ـ أذربايجان)، وتراجع وتيرة الصراع التركي- الإيراني لصالح اتفاقية طويلة الأمد بين البلدين يتمّ التحضير لتوقيعها بين أنقرة وطهران خلال زيارة مرتقبة لأردوغان إلى العاصمة الإيرانية قريباً.
كلّ ذلك يقول عارفون ومطلعون لما يحصل على حدود شبه الجزيرة العربية بين أنصار الله وأرباب الحرب الكونية على اليمن منذ 7 سنوات، والتي تبوء بالفشل وتتوه في صحراء الربع الخالي كما حصل لسابقتها الحرب الكونية على سورية وتكسّر نصالها على أبواب الشام.
لا يظنن أحد أبداً بأنّ زيارة الوزير التركي للبنان وهو الآتي إليه من طهران، والأخرى القطرية المشابهة المرتقبة، إنما تأتي في إطار مبادرات إنقاذ الرياض أو إنزالها من الشجرة كما يتصوّر البعض، أو حتى إصلاح ذات البين بينها وبين بيروت، أبداً بل هي للتقرّب من محور المقاومة المنتصر، وقبل ذلك وبعده فهي من ثمار ذلك الفشل الكبير للغزوات “الجهادية” المندحرة على أسوار مدننا، والتي يتمّ تتويج هزيمتها الكلية في هذه الساعات ضدّ حكم الرياض أيضاً وعلى يد أنصار اليمن الأحرار القابضين على الجمر طوال 7 سنين من الحرب والحصار.
أن هروب مرتزقة تحالف العدوان من الحديدة على عجل ومن دون ترتيب مسبق لا مع الرياض ولا مع الأمم المتحدة والذي سموه إعادة تموضع أو إعادة انتشار، إنما هو انكسار مرّ اضطروا له خوفاً من خسارة ما هو أخطر.
فالأنصار يُطهّرون الآن مدينة مأرب والوادي حيث مجمع صافر النفطي يتجهون لوصله بمجمع بلحاف للغاز في شبوة وعينهم على البحر جنوباً لقطع الطريق على مشروع نظام الرياض التاريخي الذي ظلّ يسعى لسنوات طويلة لتوظيف الأراضي اليمنية جسر عبور للوصول لإعادة رسم خطوط تصدير نفطه ملتفاً عن مضيق هرمز باتجاه بحر العرب.
كلّ هذا يحصل وسط إعادة رسم الخريطة الكونية كلها بين القوى العظمى التي خاضت حروب أنابيب الطاقة والمضائق والبحار خلال السنوات العشر الماضية، والتي يُقال إذا ما نجح أنصار الله في إكمال خطتهم الخاصة بتحرير اليمن كل اليمن، فإنهم ليس فقط سيأخذون لهم دور بارز في المعادلة الكونية الجديدة جيوسياسياً وجيواقتصادياً بل وجيواستراتيجياً أيضاً، أي بلغة أخرى سيقلبون الطاولة على الجميع.
وما ترونه اليوم من تدافع أو تدفق على دمشق لمصالحتها، سترون أضعافه على صنعاء، ما بعد انقراض القبيلة الحاكمة في الرياض عاصمة الوهابيين، وانتقال مركز ثقل الجزيرة العربية صوب الركن اليماني جنوباً.
وعندها فقط سترون كيف أن مرفأ بيروت سيستعيد عافيته فيما يأفل نجم ميناء حيفا وأشدود وعسقلان فعلاً.
وكذلك ستستعيد بغداد الرافدين دجلة والفرات من هيمنة قرار الغزاة المتعدّدي الجنسيات وكلاء الناتو ومخلبه الجنوبي الطوراني.
ويومها أيضاً سترون كيف أن مدن المقاومة والتصدي لمشاريع الهيمنة الغربية من جزائر الأطلس الكبير إلى تخوم جدار الصين العظيم تأخذ دورها الرائد في إعادة رسم جغرافيا آخر الزمان.
قاحلة أنت يا مدن الملح اليوم أكثر من أيّ وقت مضى بفضل الصبر الاستراتيجي لأنصار الله ومسيرتهم القرآنية التي وضع أسسها الشهيد القائد السيد حسين بدر الدين الحوثي.
وعامرة وعزيزة أنت اليوم يا مدن اليمن المنصور بالله بفضل قيادة القائد السيد عبد الملك بدر الدين الحوثي بحكمته وصبره ومعجزات رجاله الأنصار، وعقول كوادر اليمن المبدعة وما يقدّمونه من تضحيات من مأرب حتى باب المندب.
من دون مقدمات وعلى حين غرة أخلت قوات طارق صالح مواقعها على ساحل الحديدة في اليمن متوجهة إلى تعز، في وقت انسحبت قوات العمالقة التي كانت تشاركها جبهات الحديدة إلى ثلاث جهات… هي البرح للقتال مع صالح وعدن بينما رفضت بعض قوات من العمالقة الانسحاب ووقع غالبيتها في الأسر كما حصل مع كامل اللواء الخامس من العمالقة في الحديدة.
في معلومات حصلت عليها «البناء» فإنّ طارق صالح كان قد أبلغ قادة القوات المتواجدة في الحديدة قراره الانسحاب من الساحل الغربي إلى موزع ومن ثم البرح في محافظة تعز، وقالت المصادر إن طارق صالح زار الحديدة قبل أيام من الانسحاب وأبلغ القادة هناك قائلاً:
«أيها الإخوة سوف تسقط كلّ جبهات الساحل من الحديدة حتى خوخة، ونحن قررنا إعادة التموضع في البرح وموزع ومن يريد منكم الانضمام معنا فأهلاً وسهلاً بمن يريد منكم أن يكون تحت قيادتي». وأضاف صالح «من لا يريد كان الله بعونه يبقى وعليه مواجهة مصيره فوافق البعض وطلب البعض الآخر مبالغ مالية».
لماذا الانسحاب وإلى تعز تحديداً؟
تقول مصادر يمنية مقرّبة من آل صالح إن الانهيار في جبهات مأرب كان قوياً ومتسارعاً بشكل وضع خريطة الحرب اليمينة كلها على طريق النهاية السريعة لمصلحة أنصار الله.
وتضيف أن منطقة الساحل الغربي لا يمكن الدفاع عنها في حال سقوط مأرب إذا ما تمكّن أنصار الله من إرسال آلاف المقاتلين الذين كانوا في مأرب إلى الساحل الغربي، بالتالي أصبحت الخيارات أمام طارق صالح محدودة للغاية… إذ أنه ليس في وارد الذهاب للقتال في مأرب بوجه عشرات آلاف المقاتلين من أنصار الله، وليس لديه في الجنوب أيّ محب أو صديق، بالتالي فإنّ وجوده في الجنوب مرفوض من قبل الانتقالي، فكانت تعز أقلّ الخيارات سوءاً، خصوصاً أن لِعمّه فيها أنصار كون تعز كانت المحافظة التي تشكل منها كلّ كوادر الدولة اليمنية أيام حكم علي عبدالله صالح، بالتالي فسوف يجد طارق صالح فيها مقرأً للاستقرار المؤقت الذي يمنحه هامشاً من المناورة لعدة أشهر ربما، مع علمه أن محاولته هذه محفوفة بالمخاطر والصعوبات كون تواجده في تعز سوف يكون عرضة للحصار بسبب طول خطوط الإمداد وقدرة أنصار الله على قطع هذه الخطوط، فضلاً عن تواجد الإصلاح فيها، غير أن ضيق الخيارات لديه وحاجته إلى الحماية جعلته ينتقل إلى تعز، فكلّ ما يطلبه الرجل حالياً هو حماية نفسه لا أكثر.
Marib, the ancient capital of Sheba, referred to in both the Bible and the Holy Quran as a wealthy and wise kingdom, once ruled across the entire southern Arabian peninsula.
Today, Marib has risen again, this time as the final stronghold of Yemen’s latest invaders, now in panicked retreat after a six-year battle that has depleted their coffers and exhausted their forces.
This war was announced from Washington on 26 March 2015 and led by Saudi Arabia in support of the overthrown government of Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, a regime that had already lost the capital city of Sanaa to Yemen’s Ansarallah (Houthis) movement a few months prior.
A coalition of 10 countries, including pack leaders Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was formed to force the return of his highly unpopular government. The name Operation Decisive Storm was chosen and the air strikes began.
Ansarallah were assessed as being weak and the operation was expected to last no more than a few weeks or months, at the most.
Instead, Ansarallah prevailed, forcing its Saudi and Emirati foes to insert ground troops into the expanding quagmire and divide their roles in Yemen.
Today, the UAE is present mainly in the country’s south controlling its strategic ports and islands, while the Saudis remain in the north, along their extensive northern border with Yemen, in the east, where the province of Marib and its rich oil and gas fields are located, and in the west, in the coastal city of Hodeidah.
For Yemenis, the importance of Marib is not limited to its oil and gas fields, but also for its ancient culture, its inclusion in the holy Quran, and its significant historical sites and water engineering feats, such as the ancient Marib dam built around the 8th century BC. A new dam, the country’s largest, was later built near the cherished ruins of the old one.
Saudi Arabia acknowledged Marib’s importance by making it the stronghold for its war operations, building military bases and bribing local tribes to fight alongside the coalition. Most of Riyadh’s military and intelligence operations – excluding air strikes – were launched from Marib against the northern Houthi-controlled Sanaa city and province.
Ansarallah endured these onslaughts for three years, then flipped the war on its adversaries in 2018 by going on the offensive. Since then, the group has expanded its territorial gains significantly, destabilized Saudi Arabia’s own borders, and exponentially advanced its military tactics and capabilities in drone and missile technology.
These startling gains forced the coalition to the negotiating table in 2018 to sign the Hodeidah Agreement. The agreement was a boon for Ansarallah from a military perspective, first and foremost. Hodeidah and its Red Sea port are west of Sanaa, and the negotiated ceasefire would help Ansarallah turn its focus on only two fronts now, the east (Marib) and the south.
But the agreement also had humanitarian benefits for a country besieged by land, sea, and air by coalition forces since the war’s onset. With goods now entering the port, fresh access to medicine, fuel and food reduced the crisis in territories controlled by Ansarallah.
In 2019, Ansarallah marched eastward, increasing their defence operations inside Saudi Arabia, and targeting the capital city of Riyadh, airports, and Aramco facilities in retaliation for Saudi airstrikes. The UAE was also threatened when drone activity caused a brief closure of Dubai airport.
The UAE’s very existence depends on the security of Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Understanding that they were one ballistic missile away from an existential disaster, the Emiratis withdrew from Marib leaving the Saudis to their own devices, and headed south. The ten-nation coalition had now dwindled to two, neither of whom were fighting alongside the other.
For Sanaa, access to oil is a higher priority than access to ports, hence Ansarallah’s decision to first push eastward, where Marib lies. Although the reverse would have been easier – at 17,000 km², Marib requires a huge military presence, while Hodeidah port and its surrounding areas are less than 1,000 km² – the Yemeni rebels chose the harder, more dangerous fight first.
Today, the complete liberation of Marib is imminent. Of its 14 districts, 13 are now back in Yemeni hands, with only Marib city and the oil fields remaining, alongside one major Saudi military base (Sahen Jin).
Marib’s liberation will be an unprecedented victory for Ansarallah that will place Sanaa back firmly on the world map. Aside from the huge morale boost for the Houthi rebels, Ansarallah will gain control of Yemen’s vital water and oil resources and bring relief for the capital’s civilians. Despite the fact that areas controlled by the group enjoy more financial stability ($1 = 600 Yemeni Rials versus 1,480 Rials in areas outside their control) the war has impoverished Sanaa.
Marib’s liberation will also mean that Ansarallah will govern around 80 percent of the Yemeni population of 30 million, secure its eastern front, and make a move on Hodeidah where remaining coalition forces are based.
After the liberation of Hodeidah and Marib, Saudi Arabia will lose its boots on the ground in Yemen, but will it retreat and accept defeat?
Will Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman – also his country’s minister of defense – who spearheaded the war against Yemen, accept this fait accompli? Will Saudi Arabia continue bombing Yemen for another six years?
With so many unexpected victories under its belt, Ansarallah is now in a position to direct these Saudi decisions. Already this year, the Yemeni rebels have bombed Aramco and Saudi airports in retaliation for airstrikes in Sanaa. Riyadh clearly understands the correlation – bombing Sanaa means Aramco will get hit – and so although the war is still fiercely being played out, important deterrences have been established.
In September, during the approach toward Marib, Ansarallah leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi said: “We will liberate the entirety of our country and recover all regions occupied by the Saudi-led aggression.”
After the fall of Marib, Saudi Arabia will never be the same. Having expended all its chips and a vast fortune on bringing the Houthis to heel, Riyadh’s influence in the Arab and Muslim world are set to decline.
Through proxies and large financial donations, the Saudis have historically managed Muslim communities and dictated the policies of entire states. But in an actual direct war, led by one of the world’s wealthiest nations against one of its poorest, the Saudis lost resoundingly.
After the fall of Marib, the UAE’s position is less clear, but it will ultimately face one of two choices: either surrender to Ansarallah’s demands or face reprisals inside Dubai and Abu Dhabi.
Yemen has vast mineral reserves of zinc, silver, nickel, gold, copper and cobalt as well as oil and gas fields, resources that the Saudis have not allowed successive Yemeni rulers to exploit, develop or monetize since 1934.
Yemen was then (arguably still is) considered a Saudi backwater, and Riyadh’s policy toward its southern neighbor was entirely driven by the kingdom’s founder, Abdul Aziz Al Saud, who declared in an infamous quote:
“the honor of Saudis is in the humiliation of Yemen, and their (Saudi) humiliation is in the glory of Yemen.”
These words had monumental significance: the guiding principle for all future Saudi monarchs would be to subjugate Yemen at all cost, or the price would be existential.
With Ansarallah in charge, reverberations will be felt across West Asia – not least because Yemenis still consider the Saudi provinces of Jizan and Najran to be part of Yemen.
Yemen is often referred to as the ‘birthplace of Arabs,’ with numerous tribes stretching across the Arabian peninsula to Iraq tracing their origins back to Yemen.
At the other end of the Arabian peninsula, Ansarallah will also be controlling the strait of Bab al Mandab which leads directly to the straits of Suez. This gives them geopolitical and geoeconomic clout over Egypt, historically the ‘mother’ of the Arab world, and a country which itself has launched a failed war against Yemen.
Ansarallah controlling access to the Suez Canal will be a nightmare for the Israelis – Tel Aviv and Zionism are the mortal enemy of the Houthis, and no ship heading for Israel will be allowed to cross this strait.
China and Iran will be big winners in the ensuing geopolitical shuffle. Iran will gain its first diehard ally in the Arabian Peninsula – one that has oil, produces its own weapons, and can defend itself without costing Tehran money, manpower or resources.
Yemen’s geography is of strategic importance to China too: its southwestern part faces the east coast of Africa, and with the Bab al Mandab strait, Yemen has more than 10 major ports on the Indian ocean, and through the Red Sea to the Mediterranean.
It is the closest West Asian nation to the Horn of Africa, where China has its only overseas military base in Djibouti, and where it has built roads and railways connecting the latter to Ethiopia.
With the US, UK and western countries in general having supported the aggression against the Yemeni people, Ansarallah is more likely to choose to align with China, Iran, and other unaligned nations.
Reports indicate that Saudi Arabia spent well over $300 billion on its war on Yemen. Six years later, it is on the verge of being soundly defeated, with only Marib blocking that path. Marib is the city that will soon dictate the terms that end this war, and perhaps the end of Saudi power projection as we know it.
The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.Author
The Yemeni army and allied fighters from popular committees achieved a “key military breakthrough” in Marib, infiltrating “the last defense lines” of Saudi-backed militants in the northern part of the province.
Lebanon’s al-Akhbar news website cited informed sources as saying that the Yemeni troops launched a surprise operation from eastern al-Jawf Province, reaching the desert areas in northern Marib Province.
According to the report, the Yemeni forces penetrated the last defensive lines of militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi in the vast desert front, approaching the border between the provinces of Marib and Hadhramaut.
The sources said the operation, which was launched from al-Khanjar camp in al-Jawf, resulted in the recapture of vast areas in al-Rowaik, which lies 15 kilometers away from the border between Marib and Hadhramaut, east of the oil region of Safer.
The sources stressed that the Yemeni forces “achieved a significant military breakthrough that would enable them to cut the last supply lines” of the pro-Hadi militants who are present in northern Marib City.
Marib has turned into a focus of the Yemeni army’s liberation operations since last year.
The province’s recapture, towards which many advancements have been made so far, is expected to pave the way for further military victories for Yemen’s forces.
Saudi Arabia on Saturday intensified its airstrikes on the strategic province of Marib in a bid to undermine the Yemeni troops’ achievements.
Last month, Yemen’s Defense Minister Mohammad al-Atefi said the capture of Marib City is “a matter of time.” He also stated that the Saudi-led aggression on Yemen has already been defeated and that the aggressors have no choice but to admit defeat.
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing the Ansarullah movement.
The Saudi war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases.
In the meantime, Yemeni armed forces and the popular committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
Yemeni forces and allied fighters from Popular Committees have captured a key military base occupied by Saudi militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi in the country’s strategic oil-rich province of Marib, and moved closer to the heart of energy reserves in the area.
Local military sources, speaking on condition of anonymity, said army troops and their allies launched intense attacks in the al-Jubah district of Marib, and managed to seize Umm Reesh base following hours of fighting with Saudi mercenaries on Friday.
The sources added that the Yemeni forces raided the military base from various directions, and forced the Saudi-backed militants to withdraw from the area.
They noted that the base includes training centers, and it is the last bastion for Saudi-sponsored forces in the southern part of Marib.
The sources went on to say that the withdrawal of Saudi mercenaries from Um Reesh base came after the Yemeni army soldiers and Popular Committees fighters targeted the military site with ballistic missiles and heavy artillery rounds.
The fall of Umm Reesh means quickened the advance of Yemeni army forces and their allies towards Safar region, where oil and gas fields of Marib province are located.
The Yemeni military sources highlighted that fierce clashes between the two sides continue in several highlands overlooking al-Khashina base. Neither side has managed to score any field progress yet.
A high-ranking member of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council has denounced the United States over approving a 650-million-dollar sale of air-to-air missiles to Saudi Arabia.
Mohammed Ali al-Houthi stated that the major weapons deal with the Gulf kingdom shows that the administration of President Joe Biden is not committed at all to Yemen peace, and in contrast supports the Saudi war on the impoverished Arab country.
He stressed in a post published on his Twitter page that the deal clearly shows Washington’s lack of seriousness and credibility to stop the ongoing devastating onslaught against Yemen, and will adversely prolong starvation and suffering of the Yemeni nation.
In a statement on Thursday, the Pentagon said the US State Department had approved the sale of air-to-air missiles to Riyadh.
It added that Massachusetts-based firm Raytheon would be the “principal contractor” for the sale of AIM-120C-7/C-8 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles [AMRAAM] and related equipment.
The sale comes months after Biden said he would end US support for Saudi Arabia’s “offensive operations” in Yemen, including “relevant arms sales.”
Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the Hadi government back to power and crushing Ansarullah. The war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis martyred, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases.
Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders, and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.
The pace of the liberation operations of Marib is accelerating unexpectedly, suggesting that its conclusion is around the corner. This is what the battlefield says. Looking at previous military operations by the army and the popular committees, including the ones in Nasr Min Allah, Al-Bunyan Al-Marsous, and Amkan Minhom to the subsequent operations in Al-Bayda, Shabwa, and Marib, all the way to Rabi Al-Nasr 2, tell us the victories on the ground are understated. The armed forces hold back on declarations in order not to compromise military, security, and intelligence operations. This means that the announcement by Brigadier General Yehya Saree during Wednesday’s briefing by the armed forces downplays the extent the achievements on the ground. And the coming days will reveal the reality.
This is as far as the battlefield is concerned.
The situation is not much different when we examine the data and expectations, which expose convictions among the mercenaries of the aggression, of the inevitable liberation of Marib, or, according to them, the fall of Marib. It’s just a matter of announcing it officially, which reflects the collapse of the morale of the elements of the aggression and their acceptance of the expected fait accompli. Perhaps the defeat of the aggression in Fardt Nihm, then in Kovel and Mas, and more recently in Abdiya, Mahlia, Rahba, Jabal Murad, and Juba add insult to injury. They can be added to the many setbacks they’ve suffered and will be carrying on their backs to the city of Marib.
The string of defeats were reflected in statements and insinuations by the leaders of the mercenaries and their media mouthpieces, which began to talk about the danger of the fall of Marib for the rest of region. They are not just talking about Yemen’s occupied south, but rather about the Arabian Peninsula and the region as a whole.
These exaggerations are tempting Riyadh to throw more weight behind these battles even though it has spared no effort in providing military support, especially from the air, including hundreds of raids to prevent and curb military progress on the ground. But to no avail.
Nevertheless, the mercenaries issued a statement – attributed to the parties supporting it – mourning Marib in light of the recent victories by Yemen’s armed forces and holding the Saudi-led coalition and the regime it backs responsible for the defeat.
Marib is important to Yemen politically, militarily, and economically. Politically, it is an occupied part of the country and cannot in any way be left in the hands of the invaders and occupiers. It must be returned to the bosom of the homeland and complete national sovereignty must be imposed and restored.
Militarily, Marib has always been a focal point and a dagger in Yemen’s waist. The forces of aggression used it as a camp in which they collected elements of Al-Qaeda, Daesh, and other takfiris, as well as remnants of the Islah party, and a handful of mercenaries looking for Riyadh’s crumbs, including oil and gas. This dangerous outpost, which threatened all its neighboring areas – Al-Jawf in the north, Sanaa in the west, and al-Bayda in the south – should not remain a source of danger and a hotbed for the elements of Al-Qaeda and Daesh.
Economically, Riyadh has used Marib as a tool for its siege, cutting off oil, gas, and electricity supplies – the most vital services for all aspects of life for a large segment of the Yemeni people – to other areas. Liberating Marib will break part of the unjust siege and plans by the aggressors and their hopes to break the will of the people and bring them to their knees will be destroyed.
Speaking of the results, internally, thwarting the aggression and its plans, especially the partition plan, and taking one of the most important cards out of the equation, is considered an important achievement, which will bring the aggressors to the negotiating table without arrogance as well as political and humanitarian blackmail.
It will undermine their ability for political maneuvering and their dangerous gamble at the expense of the Yemeni people, their present, and their future.
The second result concerns the people of Marib who will return to their homes, and farms after being displaced for years. Meanwhile, calm and security will return to the country, the price of the riyal and the prices of essential goods and materials will decline, as these have recently been achieved in liberated districts in the south of the governorate. As for the people of Marib belonging to the other camp, Sayyed Abdul-Malik al-Houthi’s initiative still stands; they must seize it today because it is their only way out.
The third result is regional. It relates to [Mohammed] bin Salman and the loss of one of his most important cards, which he uses to bargain here and there, selling and buying from other people’s possessions. By doing so, he is losing what he imagined from a regional position – strength and reliance on his cross-border influence and powers. Now, he will appear to have lost all these cards and will stop fiddling with and engaging in unfair bargains.
What has been achieved to date clearly expresses that, by God’s grace, the Yemenis have overcome strategic obstacles to reach the position of imposing conditions on the enemy, with confidence and power, depending on the facts on the battlefield as well as historic and geographical facts. To God be the glory before and after.
A short article by Nasser Qandil on the significance of the current battle for Ma’rib, a strategic Yemeni city currently held by pro-Saudi forces but which is reportedly on the verge of falling into the hands of forces led by the Ansarullah Houthis, a movement that is part of the Iran-led regional ‘Resistance Axis’.
Qandil is the Editor-in-Chief of the Lebanese Al-Binaa newspaper, and a prominent fixture on Lebanese and Arab television.
The battle of Ma’rib and the regional equations at stake (for the overall) war in Yemen are almost similar to the battle of Aleppo and the regional equations (that were) at stake (for the overall Syrian War. Aleppo was the starting point for a stable path in the Syrian War, after which successive victories began to follow in favor of one team – the Syrian state backed by its allies – from Aleppo to the countryside of Homs, Hama, the Syrian desert and Palmyra, all the way to Deir ez-Zur and back to Ghouta and southern Syria.
Ma’rib is following the same path. Unless there is a tempting settlement that satisfies (the) Ansarullah (movement) and stops them from continuing to fight battles, the Battle of Ma’rib is following a path that ends in seizing the provinces and cities of Yemen by the army, the (popular) committees and (the Houthi movement) Ansarullah.
Geographically, Ma’rib is the most important city in Yemen. Although it is neither the first nor second capital (of Yemen), it is the connecting point between the southern and northern governorates of Yemen. For Mansour Hadi, his government and the Arab coalition led by Saudi Arabia, the failure to retain Ma’rib means the impossibility of defending other cities, and (it means) success for the (Houthi-led) army, the (popular) committees and their supporters in securing a decisive victory in the Battle of Ma’rib, and probably other battles in the future.
After the (use of) drones and ballistic missiles settled Yemen’s firepower (superiority and) control over the energy security and commercial navigation of the Gulf, and (their use) had a vital and effective impact on the security of vital installations within the Gulf states, the war in Yemen was decided in favor of Ansarullah on Yemeni land (too).
Just as the (2006) July War and the Syrian War led to the rise of Hezbollah’s power, a new regional situation will be formed with the victory (of the Houthi movement) in Ma’rib, making Ansarullah a major regional player.
As much as Saudi pressure on Lebanon constitutes an attempt to stop further progress in Ma’rib, the victory (of Ansarullah) in Ma’rib will be the gateway to changing the situation in more than one battlefield, including Lebanon.
تمثّل جولة ليندركينغ محاولة أميركية متكرّرة لقطع الطريق على استعادة ما تبقّى من محافظة مأرب (أ ف ب )
حطّ المبعوث الأميركي إلى اليمن، تيم ليندركينغ، مجدّداً، في المنطقة، حاملاً مبادرة تستهدف، على ما يبدو، استدراك التطوّرات الميدانية المتسارعة في محيط مدينة مأرب، وهو ما أدلى به صراحة بحديثه عن «الحاجة الملحّة إلى خفض التصعيد» هناك. والظاهر أن ليندركينغ، الذي تُظلّل جولته نصائح خبراء أميركيين بالعمل على محاصرة الخسائر بدلاً من السعي خلف «معجزة» لن تَتحقّق، سيحاول إقناع السعودية بتلبية جانب من مطالب «أنصار الله» أملاً في دفْع الأخيرة إلى وقْف هجومها. لكن إلى أن يتمكّن المبعوث الأميركي من إنجاز مهمّته، تتسارع المفاوضات بين قبائل مأرب وقيادة صنعاء، وسط أنباء عن تحقيقها تقدّماً كبيراً، وهو ما قد يفوّت الفرصة الأخيرة على كلّ من الرياض وواشنطن وحلفائهما المحليين
على رغم توالي سقوط المواقع والحاميات في محيط مدينة مأرب بيد قوات صنعاء، إلّا أن الجانب السعودي لا يزال يضع رهانه على حرب استنزاف طويلة الأمد ضدّ الجيش اليمني و«اللجان الشعبية»، أملاً في منعهما من السيطرة على المدينة. ولذا، فهو يعاكس رغبة السكان في تسليم مناطقهم من دون قتال، ويحثّ القوات الموالية له على تعزيز خطّ الدفاع الأخير عن مركز المحافظة، عبر حفر الخنادق ونصْب المتاريس وزرع الألغام الأرضية. وعلى خطّ موازٍ لذلك، بدأت الولايات المتحدة تحرّكاً متجدّداً، بهدف قطع الطريق على قوّات صنعاء لاستعادة ما تبقّى من المحافظة. وفي هذا الإطار، تأتي زيارة المبعوث الأميركي تيم ليندركينغ، الجديدة إلى المنطقة، حيث يحمل في جعبته مبادرة يُرجّح أن تكون السعودية قد وافقت عليها، خصوصاً أن الأيام الماضية شهدت مشاورات مكثّفة بين ليندركينغ ومسؤولين آخرين في وزارة الخارجية الأميركية من جهة، وسفيرَي السعودية في اليمن وواشنطن (محمد آل جابر، وريما بنت بندر بن سلطان) من جهة أخرى.
وفيما ذكر الحساب الرسمي للخارجية الأميركية على «تويتر» أن مهمّة المبعوث الجديدة ستُركّز على مناقشة مسألة واردات الوقود عبر ميناء الحديدة، واستئناف الرحلات الجوية عبر مطار صنعاء، في إشارة واضحة إلى رفع الحصار، نصح العديد من الخبراء العسكريّين الأميركيّين حكومتهم بعدم تجاهل المعطيات الجديدة على الأرض، معتبرين أنه يمكن تلافي العواقب الخطيرة لاستمرار المعارك باتّفاق سلام يلبّي شروط حركة «أنصار الله» أو أكبر قدر ممكن منها. ومن بين هؤلاء الخبراء، المتخصّص في الاستراتيجيات العسكرية، آرون ميلير، الذي أوصى الإدارة الأميركية بالدفْع باتفاق سلام يوقف المعارك في مأرب لانعدام الخيارات البديلة، وفق ما سمّاه «تغيّر معطيات مسرح المعارك». واعترف ميلير بأن إيقاف تقدّم قوات صنعاء باتجاه المدينة «بات مستحيلاً من الناحية العسكرية، ونحتاج إلى معجزة حتى نوقف الهجوم»، معتبراً أن «أقصر الطرق لإيقافهم هو القبول باتفاق سلام يراعي شروطهم». ورأى ميلير أن استمرار المعارك «يصبّ في مصلحة المهاجمين وليس المدافعين، والضربات الجوية لطيران التحالف لم تَعُد في هذه المرحلة مجدية بسبب تغيّر التضاريس الميدانية بشكل متتالٍ والالتحام المباشر لمقاتلي قوات صنعاء والقوات الحكومية»، لافتاً إلى أن الجيش و«اللجان» «لديهما خطوط إمداد أفضل».
ينصح خبراء عسكريون الإدارة الأميركية بالدفْع باتفاق سلام يوقف المعارك لانعدام الخيارات البديلة
إلّا أنه من غير المعلوم حتى الآن مدى استعداد السعودية لقبول تسوية من هذا النوع. إذ طوال فترة الحرب، لم تستطع المملكة مغادرة الشروط الإلغائية ومنطق الغلبة والفوز. وعلى رغم فقدانها الكثير من الأوراق، إن لم يكن معظمها، على مرّ سنوات الحرب، سواءً لناحية الخريطة الميدانية أو المزاج العالمي، إلّا أن الرياض بقيت أسيرة المربّع الأوّل. وقد كانت التسوية الوحيدة التي قبلت بها «اتفاقية استوكهولم» بخصوص مدينة الحديدة عام 2018، والتي فرضتها الضغوط الدولية على ولي العهد، محمد بن سلمان، على إثر الضجة العالمية الناتجة من قتل الصحافي جمال خاشقجي. ومع أن قيادة صنعاء عادت وقدّمت، الصيف الماضي، مبادرة بشأن مأرب للوفد العُماني الذي زار العاصمة اليمنية آنذاك، إلّا أن الرياض لم تكلّف نفسها عناء الردّ على المبادرة. بل عمدت، بدلاً من ذلك، إلى إمداد الجبهة بالمزيد من الذخائر المتوسّطة والثقيلة، واتّخاذ إجراء احتياطي تمثّل في سحب السلاح النوعي خوفاً من وقوعه بيد قوات صنعاء، فضلاً عن تكثيف إصدار البيانات المفخّمة حول القدرة على تحقيق الانتصار. على أيّ حال، وإلى أن تُعرَف تفاصيل المبادرة الأميركية الجديدة، يستمرّ مسؤولو ما يسمّى «الشرعية»، وبعض الأحزاب المحسوبة على التحالف السعودي – الإماراتي، بدفْعٍ من الرياض، في التحريض على تأخير تسليم مدينة مأرب ومديرية الوادي لقوات صنعاء، خصوصاً بعدما انضمّت قبيلة عبيدة، ثاني أكبر قبيلة في المحافظة بعد قبيلة مراد والمتركّز تواجدها في الوادي، إلى طاولة المفاوضات، التي تتوالى الأنباء عن تحقيق تقدّم ملحوظ فيها منذ ليل أول من أمس. وفي هذا الإطار، يحاول مسؤولو حكومة هادي التقليل من أهمية تراجع قواتهم، مدّعين أن خيارات الجيش و«اللجان» محدودة، ما بين الاتّجاه عبر الصحراء نحو منطقة حقول الغاز والنفط شرق مأرب، حيث سيكونان فريسة لمقاتلات «التحالف»، وما بين تطويق مدينة مأرب من جهات ثلاث، وهو المرجّح بالنسبة إليهم. والظاهر أن هذه التصريحات تأتي ردّاً على البيان الذي أصدرته يوم الاثنين الماضي، الأحزاب المنخرطة في القتال إلى جانب السعودية، وعلى رأسها «الإصلاح»، والذي فُهِم على أنه اعتراف مسبق بالهزيمة، ورسالة إبراء ذمّة إلى كلّ من «التحالف» و«الشرعية»، علماً أن البيان المذكور حمّل مسؤولية الهزيمة لـ«سوء إدارة التحالف العربي للمعركة»، واتهم حكومة هادي بـ«الخذلان والفساد».
On October 4, a ballistic missile struck communication towers in the western outskirts of the city of Ma’rib, which is held by Saudi-backed forces.
The missile was allegedly launched by the Houthis (Ansar Allah) from the province of Saada, to the north of Ma’rib. As a result of the strike, all communications were cut off Ma’rib city.
The communication towers were equipped with military and civilian systems. The two main telecommunication companies in Yemen, MTN and Sabafon, were transmitting from the towers.
The Houthis are currently leading a large-scale offensive to capture Ma’rib city and nearby oil fields from Saudi-backed forces.
In the last few weeks, the Houthis made significant gains in southern Ma’rib. The group also stepped up its missile strikes on the province, according to pro-Saudi sources.
On October 28, a ballistic missile struck the house of Sheikh Abdul Latif al-Qibli Nimran, a Saudi-backed tribal leader, in the town of Al Sayyad. The Sheikh survived the attack. However, 12 people, including two of his children, were killed. On November 1, a ballistic missile strike targeted a mosque and a religious school run by Salafist scholar Yahia al-Hajuri in the town of al-Aumd. Al-Hajuri survived the attack. Nevertheless, 39 people were killed.
While all recent ballistic missile strikes on Ma’rib were attributed to the Houthis, the group is yet to official claim responsibility.
The Saudi-led coalition has been working nonstop to repel the Houthis’ offensive in Ma’rib. The coalition claims that more than 115 Houthi fighters were killed and 14 vehicles of the group were destroyed in the province as a result of some 25 airstrikes which were carried out by its warplanes between November 3 and 4.
UPROOTED PALESTINIANS: SALAM ALQUDS ALAYKUM 