The Humiliation of ’Israel’ in the Eyes of Imad Mughniyeh

The Humiliation of ’Israel’ in the Eyes of Imad Mughniyeh

By Latifa Al-Husseiny

Beirut – You never run out of stories about the time of liberation. It is like a spring of fresh water on a high mountain pouring on the ground. Twenty full years of Imad Mughniyeh and his comrades in jihad. There was planning, implementation, and then achieving an Arab victory that was only difficult in the dictionary of the weak.

It is May 18, 2000. The beginning of the “Israeli” withdrawal from southern Lebanon begins to unfold. The resistance and its mujahideen are prepared and aware of what is going on. Its military leadership and its cadres are meeting in a village.

The goal is to continuously assess the situation to develop hypothetical scenarios in the event of any major retreat by the enemy. Hajj Imad is heading the meeting. He, along with his cohorts of resistance officers, are providing estimates while examining hypotheticals and sny potential plans the Zionists might adopt. Before those in attendance, he repeats one chorus: the “Israeli” enemy must leave humiliated and under fire.

For this purpose, numerous meetings with the command of military operations and mobilization forces were held. Various sources of fire including the artillery and launchers were stationed in the south. Reconnaissance of the enemy’s movements and soldiers was carried out a week before the liberation of the south, especially in light of the evacuations that were taking place along some of the posts. All this was overseen by Hajj Imad personally.

The enemy’s retreat rolled on. Qantara, Al-Qoussair, Deir Siriane, and Tayibe were liberated from the occupation under the strikes of the Mujahideen, while the locals headed to the occupied gate and removed it.

The resistance leadership drew up alternative plans on how to pounce the Lahad army at the time. It also deployed military police to the southern border villages to prevent any disturbances during the “Israeli” escape.

Indeed, some Lahad forces surrendered in Adaisseh, while others fled under fire from the resistance. Bint Jbeil and the towns in that district were liberated. The liberation rumbled from Tayibe to Hula to Beit Yahoun until the miniature security belt drawn up by the then “Israeli” War Minister Ehud Barak to protect the northern settlements collapsed.

A leader in the Islamic Resistance tells al-Ahed about those days.

“We stayed in the south, watching closely how the “Israelis” fled. Hajj Imad managed the military missions and distributed tasks. When the operations began, he was at the helm of those checking the situation. He went to the Palestinian border without escort.”

On May 23 and May 24, “Israeli” soldiers continued their withdrawal. From Ainatha to Kfar Tibnit to the Khiam detention center, the Zionists withdrew defeated. Hajj Imad was waiting, while the resistance men spread around and targeted them.

On the final day of throwing out the occupiers, the battle ended at the Fatima Gate at the border. Through it, the last “Israeli” soldier fled. That moment was historic.

While Benny Gantz, the commander of the so-called Lebanon Liaison Unit in the “Israeli” army, closed the gate and put the key under one of the rocks, Hajj Imad was a few meters away looking at how the “Israelis” were humiliated.

He stood in front of the Fatima Gate, while the resistance apparatus deployed and secured all the villages. Inhaling the breath of freedom and the fragrance of Palestine, he did not care about the people who had been trailing him for years. Those people were fleeing broken, looking for a refuge to hide their failures and surrender. On the other hand, Hajj Imad was defying everything to take a look at the Galilee and beyond. He had accomplished the first step of the inevitable liberation.

Six years after the 2000 liberation of the south, the July War came. Hajj Imad led 33 days of confrontations with the enemy. He thwarted the Zionists’ promise. It was another divine victory on the road to Palestine. Angered by the defeat, “Israel” decided to take revenge. For this purpose, it utilized its tools and agents. The meeting was in Syria.

Away from the commotion of the world, a group of leaders of the resistance axis gathered in one of the party’s centers in the Kafr Souseh area in Damascus.

On the evening of February 12, 2008, a group of leaders of the Revolutionary Guards headed by the commander of the Quds Force, Hajj Qassem Soleimani, met leaders of the Islamic Resistance, headed by Hajj Imad Mughniyeh.

It was a military summit that lasted for about an hour. One of the leaders who attended the meeting explained that the main reason for the meeting was to conduct an evaluation of the general situation at the level of the resistance factions. However, the special relationship between Hajj Imad and Hajj Qassem set the tone of the meeting.

There was laughter and smiles as if they felt that this would be a farewell. Hajj Qassem told our interlocutor, “What Hajj Imad says, I implement. I am a soldier of Hajj Imad Mughniyeh.” When the latter heard that sentence, he quickly said, “No, we are brothers.”

The evaluation session was over, and it was time to depart. Hajj Qassem Soleimani stood at the elevator and embraced Hajj Imad with great affection. That moment was engraved in the memory of the people present. It was proof that the relationship between the two men surpassed the cause. It was a relationship of spirit and sacrifice similar to the relationship between al-Hussayn and al-Abbas (PBUT). They shared redemption, responsibility, and a high jihadist spirit.

Five minutes later, Hajj Imad left to carry out an important mission. When he got to his car, he was martyred.

Hajj Qassem never knew Hajj Imad’s destination. He heard a loud explosion and was informed of the news. He went back to find his companion dead.

What was the nature of the meeting they agreed on minutes earlier? It was a painful separation. However, 12 years later that conclusion was repeated with Hajj Qassem’s spirit rising to the supreme kingdom. Both men’s blood was spilt on the road to Palestine for the sake of Al-Quds.

Deputy Head of Hezbollah Executive Council Tells Al-Ahed the Untold Stories of Lebanon Liberation on 20th Anniversary

Deputy Head of Hezbollah Executive Council Tells Al-Ahed the Untold Stories of Lebanon Liberation on 20th Anniversary

By Al-Ahed News Website

The resistance from Taklif until the glory of May

On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the glory of May – the Resistance and Liberation Day, Al-Ahd journeys back to the early days of the resistance and how Imam Khomeini (may God sanctify his secret) was the first to embrace it.

The deputy head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council Hajj Abdallah Kassir, a key witness from that period, recalls some of his expreeinces.

In 1982, Hajj Abdallah Kassir was with a group of al-Shabab al-Mu’min [Believing Youth]on a visit to the Islamic Republic of Iran to attend the Shaaban 15 Conference – The Day of the Vulnerable. The visit coincided with the “Israeli” invasion of Lebanon.

“At the time, the Imam sent a delegate to us after failing to secure an urgent appointment since we had decided to return to Lebanon after the invasion,” Hajj Kassir said.

He then quotes what the delegate conveyed to them from Imam Khomeini, “Your taklif [religious obligation] is to fight ‘Israel’, and ‘Israel’ fell into the trap as a mouse falls into a trap. You will definitely be victorious, and you must fight it with the capabilities available to you.”

According to Kassir, it was a religious position. “Therefore, everything that was built after our return – we returned to Beirut the day after the battle of Khaldeh – was built by the al-Shabab al-Mu’min based on this fatwa and Imam’s directions regarding the issue of fighting ‘Israel’.”

This impulse and sincerity – and thanks to the blood of the martyrs as well as the blessing of the leadership of Imam Khomeini and Imam Khamenei after him – led to the glory of May and the victories during that month.

Those victories were distinctive historical events in the Arab-“Israeli” conflict because the “Israelis” were forced to withdraw unconditionally for the first time. The May victory was called the clean victory since the enemy withdrew under fire from the resistance without any pledges or agreements.

The glory of May in Taybeh: One of God’s days

The second part of our overview of the history of the resistance with the deputy head Hezbollah’s Executive Council Hajj Abdallah Kassir, focuses on the liberation of Lebanon’s southern town of Taybeh. Hajj Kassir participated in that liberation and left his mark.

In May 2000, Kassir was a deputy for the south. He received a call from the resistance leadership telling him to head to the south.

“I arrived in Taybeh. In the town square, there was a popular celebration. Young men from the resistance asked us to wait until they cleaned the area. We went up with the men and women to Kamel Al-Assad’s old house, which was a headquarters for the Lahad forces. That house was overlooking the entire area. There we met a lot of our brothers that we knew, but we were separated by barriers that the occupiers had set up,” he said.

According to Hajj Kassir, the joy was “indescribable”.

“It was the happiness of a lifetime and one of God’s days … because it was a day of victory where people felt that the blood of the martyrs bore and yielded this beautiful, kind, and clean victory. No one can deny that this victory was the fruit of the Mujahideen’s jihad for 18 years – from 1982 until 2000.”

Hajj Kassir concludes by praising the role of the people who paved the way to liberation.

“We have people worthy of these sacrifices because they are the ones who supported and embraced the resistance. Therefore, this jihad and support for the resistance is what produced the glory of May.”

The untold story about Hajj Imad in his role in the media and arts

When speaking about liberation, the memory of the person who had a hand in it automatically comes to mind – the great jihadi leader Hajj Imad Mughniyeh whose spirit hovered over all the victories of the resistance.

The deputy head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council Hajj Abdallah Kassir has memories with Hajj Imad that must be written down.

“Hajj Imad was not only a military or security leader, he was also a strategic leader, meaning he looked at matters concerning the media, culture, spirituality, psychology and propaganda from a military and security point of view,” Hajj Kassir said. “Hajj Imad came up with the idea to employ media production in coordination with the military. He directly funded some artistic works that we, as a media department, did not have enough of a budget for.”

Hajj Kassir recalls the song “Your Victory Shook the World” during the July 2006 war. It was one of the artistic productions that had Hajj Imad’s fingerprints.

“The idea of the clip as well as the idea of Arab artists participating in and shooting it using a drone all came from Hajj Imad.”

In another clip, Hajj Imad gathered 40 launchers in the Bayt Lif valley. The move was forbidden within the rules of the military establishment.

“But Hajj did it because his priority was to portray a terrifying scene to the enemy and send it a message,” according to Hajj Kassir.

One of the first security documentaries produced was also the brainchild of Hajj Imad. He supported and funded it.

“Hajj Imad was the one who was following up with the directors, and he also produced the movie ‘Al-Mersad’ which documents the war between the resistance and the ‘Israelis’,” Kassir says.

Hajj Kassir goes back to 1984-1985 during the days of the Technical Committee for the Islamic Media.

“The first artistic work and the first camera that filmed the resistance at the time, was supported by Hajj Imad. He sponsored the volunteers in this committee and created the conditions for them to work. In some very special events, he asked for their presence,” Hajj Kassir adds.

O’ Redwan! Unveil Your Image As the Capital of Freedom

O’ Redwan! Unveil Your Image As the Capital of Freedom

Translated by Staff

In tribute to martyr leader Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, a song subtitled by al-Ahed News, displaying Hajj Imad Mughniyeh driving a bus with passengers as resistance fighters who are heading towards occupied al-Quds.

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Imam Khamenei’s Defense Advisor Tells Al-Ahed of Martyr Leaders, Fate of the Region

Imam Khamenei’s Defense Advisor Tells Al-Ahed of Martyr Leaders, Fate of the Region

By Mokhtar Haddad

Tehran – Brigadier General Hossein Dehghan was among the first members of groups linked to the Revolutionary Guards to come to Lebanon and the official who supervised the training of Hezbollah mujahideen. He witnessed the founding of the Islamic Resistance and lived with its martyred leaders. He is also Leader of the Islamic Revolution His Eminence Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei’s advisor on defense and Iran’s former minister of defense.

In an exclusive interview with Al-Ahed, Brigadier Hussein Dehghan talks about his memories with the leaders of the martyrs of the Islamic Resistance and Lieutenant General Hajj Qassem Soleimani. He also recalls how he founded the Al-Ahed newspaper – currently Al-Ahed news site – as he discusses recent developments in the region.

Below is the full transcript of the interview:

You have witnessed the establishment of the Al-Ahed newspaper. In marking 35 years since the paper was established, what does our veteran colleague remember about how it all started?

The conditions that Hezbollah faced early on helped in forming the organization. But considering Lebanese culture, if you want to stimulate a political course in Lebanon, you have to appoint a spokesperson and define the media as its own cultural apparatus in order to connect with the people. At the time, anyone could claim that he belonged to Hezbollah and say whatever he wanted. The goal was to create an information outlet.

When this suggestion was presented to His Eminence, Sheikh Mohammad Yazbek, he opened the Quran and found the following verse {And do not approach the property of an orphan, except in the way that is best, until he reaches maturity. And fulfill [every] commitment. Indeed, the commitment is ever [that about which one will be] questioned.} So, the newspaper was called Al-Ahed. The paper’s editorial team was appointed, and it started worked to publish two to three issues per week. The newspaper was widely admired by all Hezbollah members. Within a short period of time, the newspaper grew within the Lebanese media sphere. After that we set up a radio station in Baalbek. The station often broadcast recitation of the Holy Quran and announced to its listeners the station’s frequency. Martyr Hjaiji was appointed as the station’s director and Abu Hisham as its political director. It was necessary for the party to establish ties with the Lebanese society to be able to share its opinions and ideas.

Going back to Al-Ahed, what impressed me was that we had two young Iranian men who wrote in Arabic even though they were literally translating from Farsi. When the late Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Hussein Fadlullah read what they wrote, he exclaimed: ‘You are writing in Farsi. You should try to write in Arabic.’ And Sheikh Yazbek helped the editorial team become better in writing and played an important role in Al-Ahed.

How would you define the progress by the resistance in the media sphere?

We did not face a lot of problems because there was a natural need for this outlet and it took a lot of time for our work to be coherent and purposeful. Even with regard to the formation of Hezbollah, it was important that the movement was formed in Lebanon. At the time, there were various groups in Lebanon that needed to be integrated and organized, and most of them joined Hezbollah.

The formation of Hezbollah itself was a historic and temporal necessity. Today, after thirty-five years, media outlets must be able to convey the party’s message to the target audience using artistic and technical means and through appropriate content because in Lebanon, Hezbollah is engaging in a political society that is prone to radical change. What is happening in Lebanon is moving more rapidly towards renewal and change than anywhere else in the world. For this reason, anyone who wants to work in media must familiarize themselves with the environment in order for them to work well and present their message and be able to communicate effectively. We created Al-Ahed newspaper so that it could work as a spokesperson for Hezbollah. Now, thank God, Hezbollah is in a position where any member linked to Hezbollah can have a significant impact inside and outside Lebanon.

How do you evaluate the resistance’s media in facing the cultural and soft war?

This is normal in political affairs and the Lebanese society. This matter started before and has continued until now.  And the active political movements in Lebanon have a form of unlimited support without exception, and they have a form of representation. Today, the only political movement that is completely Lebanese is Hezbollah. Today, the Lebanese people do not view Hezbollah as merely a Shiite political movement, but rather a symbol of Lebanese national resistance in the face of the Zionist aggression and regime.

Today, the Lebanese Hezbollah is defined as the Lebanese people’s public conscience towards dignity, independence and freedom, and these types of causes. We can also say that Hezbollah plays a role in defining everything that matters in Lebanon’s political and social arena. Some say that ‘this is because Hezbollah has strength and weapons’. But this is not the root of the matter. Rather, the principle is that Hezbollah has proven its ability in preserving and developing Lebanon’s national interest, in addition to bearing all necessary costs. However, the sensitivity of Hezbollah’s behavior is also important. It leaves no room for confusion over representation and the private thoughts of the Lebanese people. Thanks to the wise leadership of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, he managed to preserve Hezbollah and always influence Hezbollah’s dignity and influence in politics as well as the social and cultural aspects in Lebanon.

What is the impact of Al-Ahed or other Hezbollah media outlets on the resistance?

This effect is fundamental and is the essence of the resistance. And that is what it is.

You lived with the master of the martyrs of the resistance, Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi. Can you tell us about the martyr and your memories with him?

No one could be like him. We had an office near his house. He possessed special qualities that made him special. The first is that Sayyed’s rule was realistic and unparalleled, not only because he was cultured, but also because his relationship with the leader of the Islamic revolution and his adherence to him was never shaken.

The second quality is that any behavior or decision emanating from him was in accordance with Islam. He was always trying to mirror the teachings of Islam in his words and actions. There is a hadith for the Messenger (PBUH) on the issue of Sharia, the way and the truth. The meaning of the hadith is as follows: What I say is sharia, and my conditions are the way and my actions are the truth. That is why Sayyed Abbas sought, through the introduction of the Sharia and the method, to confirm the truth about the Messenger of God (PBUH) through his behavior. And he had this quality in his promotional and advertising work.

His third trait was his indulgence, and as such he was able to attract a lot people to his side. And for this reason, Sayyed Abbas’s circle of influence was very wide. When he sat with anyone, he directly connected with them and brought them to his side. He had a deep sense of mercy and compassion. The tone of his voice was well heard by others. Humility, sympathy, and compassion were among his many traits. He was extremely humble and compassionate. We have hadith that says you should tell the person you love them. He took this matter into account. His spirit of jihad was distinctive.

Sheikh Saeed Shaaban was in Tripoli. He was accompanied by his son, a doctor who had a great influence on his father. Initially, Sheikh Saeed Shaaban expressed his concern about the emergence of Hezbollah and the fate of the Sunnis! At the time, we told Sayyed Abbas that if we stay here, we will not find a solution to this issue. We have to relieve Sheikh Saeed’s mind. Sheikh Saeed Shaaban was following up with the Islamic Revolution and was a revolutionary himself. We all went to him, and Sayyed Abbas was scheduled to speak to Sheikh Saeed. So, he spoke with his influential words, and the atmosphere changed.

When the issue of supplying the Baalbek clans with weapons was raised, we went to some of the tribal heads and discussed this matter. Then we headed to Beirut, and we went to many places with Sayyed Abbas. In Beirut, there were many roadblocks. In addition to war and conflict, the burden of dialogue was on Sayyed Abbas. Sayyed played an important role in shaping Hezbollah’s early features and unifying the ranks under a common Hezbollah flag until a common vision and language emerged within the party. This took a lot of time, but it was the responsibility of Sayyed Abbas to coordinate all these issues.

How would you describe Hajj Radwan?

I think even those closest to Hajj Radwan are unable to fully explain his personality. One of Hajj Radwan’s characteristic was his constant silence. Hajj was the most silent person in Hezbollah. He did not say anything. But his work on the ground was very extensive. The second trait was his complete reliance on divine victory. When we discussed strategic issues, he would only say one thing: “I rely on God.” And then he’d start his job without any hesitation. Therefore, he had the ability and belief in the divine victory and the strength to lead. And he had control over his language which stemmed from his heart.

In the war of minds, the creative martyr Hajj Hassan Lakkis was one of its pioneers, and you had a close relationship with him. What does Brigadier General Dehghan say about martyr Hassan?

Hassan was Hassan. I will tell you a special trait of most Lebanese youth. They are very creative. They are very brave and take risks. They do not fear the unknown. If I had to sum up Hassan in one sentence, I would have to say that he was a young man who freed his mind from everything that was dominant and invisible. That is why ideas were being constantly produced. It was important that Hassan always tried to be different and did not submit to the harsh conditions of life.

The relationship between Sayyed Nasrallah and Sayyed Abbas was that of a student and his teacher. What worried Sayyed Abbas worried Sayyed Nasrallah. When Hassan entered the field of missile manufacturing, we met him many times in Iran. Our last meeting was when his son was martyred, he came to me and said: ‘Do you know I also became the father of a martyr?’ Then, he was also martyred. Hassan was one of the closest people to me intellectually, spirituality, psychologically and practically. He was my best friend.

The US representative to the Security Council repeated her threats several times that the demonstrations in several countries in the region will continue if Iran does not submit to American demands. Do you fear for the axis of resistance in light of the new changes?

We have to go back to 2006 and the 33-day war. There was a front that was formed in the face of “Israel”. They analyzed where they have to weaken this chain and its weak point. So, they decided to hit Hezbollah in order to destroy this front. And they launched the 33-day war. What happened in this war? Wasn’t the occupation army – ranked fourth in the world and had defeated the Arab states in 1948, 1967, 1973 and throughout the years of the Nakba – defeated by Hezbollah? They believed that Hezbollah was the weakest link in the resistance front that is why they attacked it. But when they attacked Hezbollah and nothing happened, they realized that their calculations were wrong.

Is there any element in the region today that possesses the capabilities of this group? Has this determination? Has a goal and was able to achieve it on the ground? Can challenge the will of the US and “Israel” in the region? That is why they seek to strike such a force. What did they think about Hezbollah? To this day, Hezbollah possesses all the power and prestige to represent the Lebanese nation. It is a Lebanese national resistance force. That is why they want to discredit Hezbollah in the eyes of the people. This prompted them to pressure the Lebanese people in a bid to force them into a confrontation with Hezbollah over its policies and weapons.

You see, some in Lebanon suggested that Hezbollah should be disarmed. They believe that all of Hezbollah’s capabilities are limited to the weapons it possesses. This is not the case. Hezbollah’s strength and prestige lie in the Lebanese people and the resistance, and its weapons are necessary for the defense posture it adopted. The political scene in Lebanon is affected by a variety of events, such as those who claim that the unrest in Iraq is caused by the popular mobilization, and in Lebanon it is caused by the presence of Hezbollah.

Another point is that Iran does not need any military attachment to Hezbollah or others. Iran is strong enough.

In the event that a major war is waged against the resistance front in the region, Hezbollah will carry out its duty on its own. It does not need us to intervene and tell it what it has to do or not do. Hezbollah is also keen on adhering to this formula not causing a problem because the principle was supposed to be fixed for the Lebanese and not for us. Hezbollah is a target because it is a factor of stability and because it is an element that stands in the face of aggressors and authoritarian forces such as “Israel”, who do not want peace and stability in Lebanon. Hezbollah makes every effort to preserve these pillars, and this is why they oppose Hezbollah.

How can they oppose Hezbollah? By pitting the party against the Lebanese people. There will be a confrontation between them. However, Hezbollah never adopts such a policy. This is why they are imposing their plans and moving their agendas in Lebanon to inflame the situation. In the previous parliamentary elections, it was said that Saudi Arabia pumped large sums of money in order to impose its hegemony over the parliament. But its plans failed.

Now, most countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the US, “Israel”, and even the Europeans, target Hezbollah’s reputation. Lebanon has been the scene of struggle for influence between foreign powers throughout its history, and Hezbollah came to clean up all these interventionist parties and turn Lebanon into an arena where its people take part and show their presence in the region. Everyone is angry about this, which is best embodied by the words of martyr Beheshti: “Let America be angry with us, and let it die from this frustration.”

Did the Zionist enemy and those supporting it start a new war with the resistance front? Some Western analysts talk about replacing a military offensive with an economic one, and this is what we are witnessing (American economic terrorism). Does the Islamic Republic have the ability to withstand such a challenge?

In any case, we have to accept that these are our enemies in the first place, and ultimately they will enter into a war with us depending on the conditions they choose themselves. The Zionists and the Americans have always threatened us with strikes, ever since the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The person who wants to attack and can strike will not announce his intentions. But when he makes a fuss without doing anything, he wants to use this matter for political gain. On our part, we have never ruled out an attack or a military campaign against us, and there is always a military threat against us. The enemy is the enemy, and it wants to do what its intends to do, but when will it enter this war? When it can guarantee victory. No one enters a war unless he can guarantee two things, the first of which is victory, or that he is able to control it and end it when he wants.

Neither the Americans nor the “Israelis” reached the conclusion that they are able to win the war or prevent it from continuing if they ignited it, and for this reason they did not use any weapon against us or wage a war against us. But in other ways, they are waging economic, propaganda, and legal wars and many other pressures on us. And the economic war is the most violent war against us, and it managed to bring some to the streets and say that living conditions have become difficult and … The answer is that we acknowledge that the sanctions have imposed pressure on our nation.

The sanctions that the US imposed on our country aims to shock the authorities. However, these sanctions targeted the public because the blockade of medicine targets the people directly. It is contrary to the slogans that America is ranting about.

In fact, these people are seeking first to create a rift between the people and the government by increasing pressure and sanctions. Secondly, here they will incite the people against the government due to its inability to meet their demands. Thirdly, they will ignite riots and sabotage across the country against the political regime in Iran.

But the Iranian people love their revolution, their regime and their leader, and they are steadfast in the face of these American plans.

What about martyred Lieutenant General Hajj Qassem Soleimani and his martyred companions?

The martyr, Lieutenant General Hajj Qassem Soleimani, did not only belong to the Iranian people. He belonged to all the free people of the world because he fought injustice and the enemies in the past decades and thwarted all the arrogant plots.

The absence of martyr Soleimani is not the end of the axis of resistance but the beginning of a new rise of the resistance front in the face of arrogance and Zionism as well as the expulsion of the American occupation from this region.

Martyr Soleimani was seeking martyrdom, and he always hoped that he would eventually join his martyred companions. He possessed indulgence. He caused fear and terror in the hearts of the enemies but was kind to the people and the families of the martyrs.

Hajj Qassem Soleimani was raised in the school of Islam, Imam Khomeini and the leader of the Islamic revolution. Now, there is not one Soleimani but there are thousands and thousands of Soleimanis in the world who will continue on the path of this great martyr. His name is engraved in the hearts of the free people in the world, and he was born again. Today, martyr Qassem is stronger and his influence is greater.

Hajjah Saada Badreddine Mughniyeh to Al-Ahed: In God’s Eye, I Saw Nothing but Beauty

Hajjah Saada Badreddine Mughniyeh to Al-Ahed: In God’s Eye, I Saw Nothing but Beauty

By Al-Ahed News Team

Hajjah Saada Badreddine is puzzling. She doesn’t hail from the world of philosophy or the world of knowledge and thinkers. Perhaps she is a combination of all of these worlds.

There is no journalistic flattery in this description, nor is there a lot of creativity. The wife of [Hajj] Imad is similar to him, exceptional. In Hajjah’s house, there is an unmatched tranquility. She conceals her tears as she welcomes people to her living room. Here, the martyrs are present. There is a large picture of the great jjihadi leader Hajj Imad with his son, martyr Jihad. There is another picture that adorns the wall, that of martyr Sayyed Zulfikar. A third picture was recently added – that of martyr Qassem Soleimani, the master of the martyrs of the resistance axis.

She is a woman of many traits. She is often referred to as the mother of the martyr, the sister of the martyr and the wife of the martyr. With composure, she holds a picture of Jihad smiling. She recollects memories with Sayyed Zulfikar, her closest brother. But she is overcome by the lump in her throat when she mentions the name Imad, despite the fact that it’s been twelve years since his martyrdom.

She is a unique woman. Her husband Imad as well as her brother Zulfikar are both martyrs. She proudly proclaims, “We did not wash Jihad.” She had courage to tell us why, but we lacked the courage to write it. We were thinking about her immense degree of patience. Was this a human trait or did it come from God?

Hajjah Saada knew Hajj Imad from his visits to their house. He was a friend of Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine. She saw in the young man a revolutionary who thought, planned and then implemented that plan. When they got married, Hajj Imad did not have any of the requirements expected for present-day marriages. He did not even have the financial capabilities to rent a house. For years, she lived with him in a room in the family house of Hajj Imad. As for the rest of the years, they spent it with their children, moving between work centers (the jihadi work of Hajj Imad), from one center to another.

Hajjah Saada speaks to her guests with a lot of kindness even with those she is meeting for the first time. She spent years detached from a regular social life that most families enjoy. But she still mastered the art of entering people’s hearts without asking permission. She invites us into the room of her martyred son Jihad. Everything is in its place. As if Jihad was just there. Even his prayer rug is still in the corner of that warm room, waiting for his return.

Her longing for Hajj Imad, her life companion, is still unique. She cries more than once when mentioning his name, and repeats, “I do not cry and mourn him because he is a martyr. I cry for him because, praise be to God, he knew the way to reach God.”

“He was not a person who gave advice directly. He did not educate others through the use of words. His manner towards his jihadist work, which I had closely examined throughout his career, was more profound than words and advice. It was a practical will,” she recalls.

As for the bitterness of separation from loved ones, the abundance of longing, and the long march of patience, she sums them up by quoting the school of Sayyida Zainab (PBUH): “In God’s eyes … I saw nothing but beauty.”

Below is the transcript of the first interview conducted by Al-Ahed news with Hajjah Saada Badreddine, the wife of martyr Imad Mughniyeh:

1- Tell us about the beginning of the journey of Hajjah Um Mustafa with Hajj Imad? Where did it begin?

There wasn’t much distance between the homes of the Mughniyeh family and the Badreddine family. It was the same distance that separated the two mosques – the Chiyah mosque and the Imam Zain al-Abidin mosque in Ghobeiry. The two houses were beside the two mosques. The Chayah mosque, whose imam was Sheikh Muhammad Qubaisi, was very close to the house of the Mughniyeh family. Meanwhile, the Ghobeiri mosque, whose imam was Sheikh Awwad, was adjacent to the house of the Badreddines. At that point, the two mosques were frequented by young men who wanted to make a difference, especially since the prevailing tradition at the time was that mosques were only attended by the elderly, and young men had no business there.

The young men met spontaneously over a simple goal, which posed a challenge to the prevailing customs. This goal brought together the pioneers of the two mosques, among which were Imad Mughniyeh and Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine. This acquaintance between the two young men led to mutual visits, and during one of Hajj Imad’s visits to our home in Ghobeiri, I got to know him. I met a young revolutionary man who thought, planned and then implemented that plan. Like my brother Sayyed Mustafa, he saw things from a different perspective than that of their peers. This simple goal that the young men sought to accomplish grew as they were faced with increasing challenges, including the civil war, the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the martyrdom of Sayyed Muhammad Baqir Al-Sadr in 1980 and the invasion of Beirut in 1982. All of these made the young men pioneers in facing these challenges and seizing opportunities.

2- What did Haji Imad own at the beginning of your marriage?

When we were getting to know one another, he had nothing. We got married and moved directly to Iran where I lived with one of the Lebanese families there because Hajj Imad did not even have the financial capacity to rent a house.

When we returned to Beirut, our home was the balcony of his parents’ house in Chiyah. It was fixed in a way to be habitable. That room was my house until after the birth of my daughter Fatima. After the birth of my eldest son, we began moving around with him from one work center to another.

He continued to change his workplace for several years until we finally settled down at his final place of work between 2000-2006. By that time, I already had Jihad. We spent 6 years in our last place of residence, and those were the most stable years, until the July 2006 war broke out. The nature of his work forced us to move with him constantly to maintain his security. We experienced hardship due to the circumstances imposed on us as a family, which included none of our relatives coming to visit us. But we still felt a sense of responsibility towards him not only as a husband and father, but also as a leader.

3- What can you tell us about the beginning of his jihad and the long journey of patience?

We all know that life is a struggle. The philosophy of affliction is to fight life in order to know it and know ourselves. Religious literature and the literature of the Prophet’s Household (PBUT) call on us to be patient with these misfortunes in order to attain a degree of humanity that God has honored us with. I recall the words of my husband, Hajj Imad – the most important component in all jihadi equations is the human being. Each of us must be aware that for man to progress, he must achieve his humanity on this earth. From the first moment I got married, I realized that I was on a difficult and thorny path. After that, I identified my role and mission. I chose to continue because I believed that this was the road to perfecting myself as a human being.

And that was a conviction that was rooted deeper every time we overcame an affliction that befell us as a family, without taking into account the reasons and intensity of this scourge. We grew to know that Hajj’s life was complicated because of his jihadi work. The circumstances required that we live with him in the shadows as he lived. This way of life had its own characteristics: We could not identify ourselves using real names, disclose our relationship with him or reveal his name. We were continuously on the move. Relatives and neighbors were not allowed to visit us. We did not have our own house as I mentioned earlier.

4- How was Hajj Imad’s sincerity reflected in his work? What were his recommendations to his family?

Hajj Imad was known for being quiet from a young age. And this was confirmed by his late mother, Hajjah Um Imad. This is also what I saw during my marriage. He never talked about anything related to his jihad work during our family gatherings. He was kind and funny. And he was always distracted. I knew he was constantly thinking about his work. His entire life, Hajj never separated himself from his work. Every shred of his soul and body was work.

During our family gatherings, when he learned something new or something grabbed his attention, I automatically knew that he was thinking of investing this newly acquired knowledge in his work even if we regarded it as simple and normal. He had love, which was blended with intelligence and foresight. He also had this ability not to attribute any of the resistance’s achievements to himself. This I cannot grasp, but it is a special gift granted to him.

He never had difficulty being discrete. It was part of his nature. He did not acquire it as a skill due to the peculiarity of his security work. Sincerity is the result of a daily behavior and persistence in repeating Dhikr [short phrases or prayers]. He asked me to search for prayers to help him perform his work, and I searched and inquired. I even suggested he recite prayers when I saw him fatigued, and he recited them.

He was not a person who gave advice directly. He did not educate others through the use of words. His manner towards his jihadist work, which I closely examined throughout his career, was more profound than words and advice. It was a practical will. His priority was ‘to give’ in order to preserve this resistance and for it to continue to thrive. And this was the distinguishing quality of the resistance’s martyred leaders. Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi clearly expressed the conviction of Hezbollah in his final speech before his martyrdom – “the main will is to preserve the resistance”.

5- Could you please reveal some of his traits as a husband, a father and a leader?

He was a servant not only in worship, but also toward his nation and all the oppressed. He harnessed himself, his soul, mental abilities and physical skills for his nation and for the establishment of the truth. He was not a traditional husband and father. He did not have specific time with the family that was calculated. But when he attended our family gatherings, he was friendly and often laughing. He shared our spontaneous moments, interacted with us on general or personal topics. While we spent time with him, we never felt the burden of the responsibilities he carried.

6- How do you prefer to be addressed – the wife of martyr Imad, the sister of martyr Zulfikar or the mother of martyr Jihad?

Labels are nothing compared to martyrdom. I am a ‘good servant’. God has granted me the blessing of life to accompany these martyrs: my husband, my brother and my son, in different stages of their lives for them to obtain martyrdom.

7- What are the most difficult and most beautiful experiences you had on your journey of jihad with Hajj Imad?

In God’s eyes, I saw nothing but beauty. I even thought that the most difficult experience was beautiful. I think the most difficult experience we had as a family during those years was waiting for him to come back home every time. The best experience was when he came home every single time.

8- How did His Excellency the Secretary-General express his condolences to you for the martyrdom of Hajj Imad, martyr Jihad and Sayyed Zulfikar?

Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah made no exception when he expressed his condolences to us. He offered us consolation the way he would with all the families of the martyrs. When it came to the martyrdom of my son Jihad, I asked him a direct question about how he was martyred. He replied to me, “I envy him on this martyrdom.”

9- Can Hajjah Saada tell us about the food episode and her first encounter with Hajj Qassem Soleimani during the July 2006 war?

During the July 2006 war, I used to meet Hajj Imad and get him his Iftar meal because he was fasting during the entirety of the war. Before the year 2006, I did not know Hajj Qassem Soleimani. But one day during the war, I had agreed to meet up with Hajj to give him food. Hajj arrived on a motorbike with another person. When he took the food from me, he asked me to greet the person accompanying him. So, I greeted him, and that was the first time I saw Hajj Qassem. Our relationship with Hajj Qassem was strengthened later after the martyrdom of Hajj Imad. But before that, there was no personal acquaintance.

10- Is it true that Hajj Soleimani asked Hajjah Saada to pray for his martyrdom?

Two months before his martyrdom, Hajj Soleimani asked me to pray for him to attain martyrdom similar to that of Jihad. And I prayed for him repeatedly.

11- What message does Hajjah Saada have for the youth of Hezbollah and their leader?

Thank you for the sacrifices. I thank them for giving us the opportunity to be part of their jihad and stand beside them. I thank them for the experience, knowledge, strength and the pride they gave us. The human experience that we shared with them is unique and exceptional. This experience, according to our religious and ideological understanding of this universe, has its rewards in the afterlife.

I tell them that the presence of His Eminence, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, as a scholarly figure among us at this time, is a great opportunity that we should invest in, be keen on, know and always be thankful for. Hajj Imad’s most prominent trait was creating opportunities and turning threats into opportunities. This was confirmed by the enemy and the martyrdom of a friend. And Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah is an opportunity for us as a nation to establish the truth and reject any injustice.

On the personal level, I am ready for any task Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah asks of me on this jihadi path.

Sayyed Nasrallah: Influence of Suleimani, Muhandis Today Stronger than Ever

Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah

Sara Taha Moughnieh

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah spoke affectionately about Hajj Qassem Suleimani in an interview to an Iranian TV channel that was broadcast Thursday evening.

His eminence first spoke about the beginning of the relation with the Islamic Republic of Iran on the military level.

“It was in 1982 when the Israelis invaded Lebanon, occupying many areas and reaching Beirut. Imam Khomeini sent Iranian forces to Lebanon and their duty was to help the Lebanese establish a local resistance that could confront the Israeli occupation… This is how our ongoing relation with the Iranians emerged. Back then, Al-Quds brigade wasn’t established yet, but when the imposed war on Iran was over, Imam Khomeini ordered the formation of Al-Quds Force in the Revolutionary Guards Corps.

His eminence went back to the first days he met with leader of Al-Quds Brigade Hajj Qassem Suleimani. It was 22 years ago when he was appointed in this position.

“We had never met before that, even in our visits to Iran and our meetings with leaders there, Hajj Qassem was never present. He was either in the battlefields in Iran or fulfilling his duties in Karman, Sistan and Baluchestan.”

“When he was appointed he came to Beirut and met with us, Hajj Imad and Hajj Mustapha Badreddine were among the attendees, and since the first moments we met, there was harmony and we felt that we knew each other since many years.”

His eminence considered that “Martyr Qassem Suleimani was a comprehensive figure, not just a military leader. We never felt that we are in front of a military specialist, instead he had wide knowledge on the political, economic, cultural, military, and security aspects… In addition to that, he built a strong relationship with Hajj Imad Mughnieh and other leaders in the resistance that was based on trust, love, friendship and loyalty. All this put us in front of a promising and powerful phase.

When asked about the background of the term “School of Qassem Suleimani or Office of Qassem Suleimani”, his eminence clarified that this is a reference to his unique approach in work that relies on constant visits and presence in the battlefields.

“It is true that he is the leader of Al-Quds Force but he barely stayed in Tehran. He personally joined the battlefields in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and other places and visited the groups he worked with, he didn’t wait for reports or for anyone to visit him in his office.”

“He had strong relations on different levels and this is the secret behind his success, his constant presence in the battlefield, building friendly and personal relations… his relation with Hajj Imad was the strongest, they were friends and more like family. His relation with Haj Imad was very similar to his relation to Martyr Ahmad Kazemi.”

““School or Office of Qassem Suleimani” is a reference to his path which requires observation. For instance, since we started working together we only visited Iran a couple of times, he was the one visiting us constantly, meeting with the leaders, joining the battlefields, expressing respect and showing high morals, listening to other points of view, listening to the sufferings and struggles in the battlefields… he never relied on reports, he joined the battlefields and witnessed everything himself. Despite all that, he never got tired, I have never met anyone who tolerated pain as much as Hajj Qassem did… He didn’t get bored or tired… He was consistent and perseverant… He was very humble despite his high position… This is something very rare and important.”

His eminence pointed out that Hajj Qassem was always on the front lines and under threat.

“He insisted on being with us in July war 2006. He arrived through Damascus and contacted us to send a car to pick him up. We told him it was impossible under this situation, he replied that he would come by himself if we didn’t send a car. When he came he stayed with us throughout all the war days… and if you listen to the resistance fighters in Iraq they would tell you that Hajj Qassem was always present in the most critical places in the battlefields there.”

“The School of Qassem Suleimani is taken from the school of Imam Khomeini, from the directions of leader Khamenei, and from the Iran war, which was a great experience on the intellectual, cultural, spiritual, and military levels. Hajj Qassem was the embodiment of this great experience…” Sayyed Nasrallah concluded this part saying.

Hezbollah SG referred to the great role of Hajj Qassem in supporting and developing the resistance capacities in Lebanon.

“He used to visit us every couple of weeks, not every couple of months. He used to visit the Southern Suburb mostly and he sometimes visited the South and met with the resistance fighters there.”

On another hand, Sayyed Nasrallah noted that “in the past we didn’t believe that the Israelis would pull out from the South under military pressure, because this would be a blunt and strategic defeat for them. When we met with Sayyed Ali Khamenei in the end of 1999 and revealed our doubts, his response to the political leaders was to keep it a supposition, but his response in front of the military leaders, was that you will witness liberation yourself.”

“… and there was the victory in 2000, and all those 50 leaders whom Sayyed Khamenei addressed that day witnessed the victory, no one got martyred before that day.”

In 2006, Sayyed Nasrallah said, “the Arab world, European countries, even Russia and China took a negative stance against us. Even internally, stances divided with and against the resistance. This put us under huge pressure, but the presence of Hajj Qassem among the fighters had a great influence on their morale… In July war, Hajj Qassem, Hajj Imad, and I where at the same place, but we worried that we would all be killed together, of course our worries were not out of fear from death but out of fear on our role and duties. So we separated, but Hajj Imad and Hajj Qassem stayed together all the time.”

“All 33 days, Hajj Qassem shared with us our happiness, sadness, affection… When the letter of the mujahedeen, then my response to them were recited on TV we were all crying out of affection. Hajj Qassem was with us.”

Hezbollah SG further referred to a letter he received from Sayyed Ali Khamenei through Hajj Qassem in which he expressed confidence that Hezbollah will triumph in the war and will become a regional power after that, at a time when everyone was wagering on our defeat.

“The letter revealed that the US and Israel were preparing for a surprise war on Lebanon in the end of summer 2006, but the captivity of those Israeli soldiers by Hezbollah removed the element of surprise and the resistance was prepared for any confrontation.”

As his eminence indicated that “Hajj Qassem Suleimani had a political and strategic mind, not just a military one. One of the ideas he introduced to Hezbollah was putting long term plans, he helped us put plans for years ahead,” asserting that “Hajj Qassem never focused on internal Lebanese details, all his concern was to preserve and strengthen the resistance.”

In response to a question about the day of Haj Imad Mughnieh’s martyrdom, Sayyed Nasrallah said that “Hajj Imad was with Hajj Qassem. They were together in a house in Damascus, then Hajj Imad took Hajj Qassem to the airport and on his way home he was assassinated. Haj Qassem instantly returned to the location, then he came and met me in Lebanon… it hurt him so much.”

Sayyed Nasrallah recalled the day of the formation of the Popular Mobilization Units in Iraq (Hashd Sha’abi).

“When ISIL emerged Hajj Qassem saw Iraq as his ultimate duty… On the day that Grand Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Sistani issued the fatwa calling for jihad against ISIL, Hajj Qassem came to me at 12 am and told me that by sunrise 120 military leaders must be available to travel with me to Iraq. He said he had no other choice in order to be able to defend the Iraqi people. By morning 60 leaders were ready and he did not leave before I assured him that the rest will follow him the next day.”

“He never asked for fighters. There are many fighters in Iraq, he only wanted leaders. I have said earlier that throughout 22 years this was the only request Hajj Qassem had asked from us.”

Sayyed Nasrallah and Martyr Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis

“My first meeting with Hajj Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandes was in the early 90s in Iran. He was the leader of Badr Movement. He had a strong relation with Haj Imad and Haj Mustapha Badreddine, but the relation became stronger in the recent years due to regional developments and the war against ISIL,” Sayyed Nasrallah stated.

“In my last meeting with Hajj Abu Mahdi, we were discussing the Iraqi developments and analyzing military and security issues, then he told me that “the war with ISIL is almost over and I haven’t been martyred yet! Look at the white hair covering my head and beard… After all those years is it possible that I die in bed! He then asked me to pray for his martyrdom. Of course I haven’t prayed for a near martyrdom, but I prayed that when his life ends, it would be only through martyrdom.”

“Martyr Abu Mahdi was a faithful, devoted, religious, responsible person, and he had many common traits with Hajj Qassem, this is what build the significant relation between them.”

In conclusion, Sayyed Nasrallah referred to the last time he saw Hajj Qassem in.

“It was Wednesday and he was martyred early Friday. We sat for hours then prayed together… We did not have work to accomplish, he said he only wanted to see me… During his last visit he was very comfortable and relaxed, despite all the trouble around him. He even asked the photographers to take all those pictures for us. We don’t usually take this much pictures. I was worried about him.”

On the martyrdom, his eminence said: “The martyrdom of Hajj Qassem was historic. His funeral was unique in its size and level of affection! All the participants cried him as if they lost their dearest one. This level of affection only happens towards those who are very close to God.”

He reassured that “the US Administration had crossed the red-lines and people are now prepared for a confrontation with it. When a nation becomes aware of its real enemy it will fight it,” adding that “they wagered that Iran and the resistance axis will weaken after the assassination, but in contrast Iran showed great courage, and the axis of resistance advanced on several fields like Yemen and Iraq… I even received requests of individuals applying for self-sacrifice operations. The virtuous blood of Hajj Qassem and Hajj Abu Mahdi revived the spirit of revolution… their influence now is even stronger than before.”

“We are not worried; we are certain of our perseverance on this path. If we ever get tired or bored, the influence of Hajj Qassem and Hajj Abu Mahdi will urge us to continue even stronger.”

On the “Deal of the Century” his eminence stressed that “Hajj Qassem was a constant obstacle for the Americans, as he was present on various fields, so getting rid of him was important for the US to issue this deal.”

In a final word that he stated while trying to hold back his tears. Sayyed Nasrallah talked about a thought that came to him one day before the martyrdom of Hajj Qassem. It is that the angel of death gave him the privilege to choose between taking the soul of Qassem Suleimani or taking away his soul. His eminence asked him to leave Hajj Qassem and take his soul instead.

“I don’t say that just out of love and friendship, but also out of believe in the important role of Hajj Qassem in the Islamic Nation.”

Sayyed Nasrallah said “I thank Allah for knowing Hajj Qassem. I used to enjoy his company and trust him. I was always ready to sacrifice my life for his sake,” yet he reassured that “what happened was Hajj Qassem’s ultimate desire.”

Source: Al-Manar

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كشف حساب في يوم العماد وأربعين القاسم

ناصر قنديل

خلال أربعين عاماً هي أعوام ما بعد انتصار الثورة الإسلامية في إيران، وهي الأعوام التي أمضى الشهيد القائد عماد مغنية ما تيسّر له من العمر منها منذ البدايات الأولى حتى يوم الرحيل قبل اثنتي عشرة سنة، كان العنوان الذي أعلنه الإمام الخميني وتعاهد عليه مع رفاقه في قيادة الثورة، بناء نموذج ثوريّ جديد يستند إلى الإسلام لا يصيبه التكلّس والفساد من الداخل، ولا يساوم على الاستقلال والتنمية مع الخارج، ويبقي جذوة المواجهة مع المشروع الأميركيّ الإسرائيليّ مشتعلة، وفي ذكرى انتصار الثورة، الحادية والأربعين، ومع مرور أربعين يوماً على استشهاد القائد قاسم سليماني، تحلّ الذكرى الثانية عشرة لرحيل العماد، ويستحق كشف حساب.

خلافاً لما يظنه الكثيرون من دعاة استنساخ ثنائية الدولة والثورة، ولما يظنه المتحدثون عن نفوذ إيراني في المنطقة، أو عن هلال شيعي، أو عن تصدير الثورة، كان المشروع الذي آمن به عماد مغنية ووهبه عمره، هو بناء مقاومة عالمية للهيمنة الأميركية، ومقاومة عربية إسلامية للمشروع الصهيوني، والإيمان بأن هذين المشروعين يلبّيان حاجات إنسانية وأخلاقية ويعبّران عن النظرة التي انطلقت منها القيادة الإيرانية في فهم الإسلام وجعله مرجعاً لها، وثلاثية هذا المشروع، ربط شرعية ومشروعية الجمهورية الإسلامية، أي الدولة، بالقدرة على بناء قاعدة متينة اقتصادياً وعسكرياً وسياسياً لحماية المشروع وتوفير المقدّرات لتقدّمه ونموّه، وجعل المقاومة من اجل فلسطين مشروعاً عابراً للعقائد والقوميات والديانات، والسعي لجبهة عالمية تناهض الأحادية الأميركية في مشروعها للهيمنة الاقتصادية والعسكرية والسياسية على العالم.

كان العماد هو عماد مشروع بناء المقاومة العربية لأجل فلسطين، وكان الحاج قاسم سليماني القاسم المشترك بين خطوط تلاقي المقاومتين العربية والعالمية، وجاء الاجتياح الصهيوني للبنان، كما كل إجراء عدوانيّ مشابهاً تبعته في فلسطين، فرصٌ ينتظرها مشروع المقاومة، لينمو ويكبر ويقدم وصفته ويستقطب المزيد من النخب والشباب ويبني المزيد من الاقتدار، ويخوض المزيد من المواجهات. ونجح عماد نجاحاً منقطع النظير في لبنان وفلسطين، وأسس في سورية، وفي العراق وفي اليمن، وكانت تجارب المواجهة أعوام 1996 و2000 و2006، تظهر النجاح وتؤسس لما بعده. فكانت فلسطين حاضرة في انتفاضتها وتحرير غزة مع عماد مغنية، كما كانت سورية شريكاً في أعوام 1996 و2000 و2006 في لبنان، وكان تأسيس المقاومة في العراق وتحضير اليمن ساحة مقاومة من الإنجازات العظيمة، بينما أسس القائد قاسم سليماني في باكستان وأفغانستان، مستنداً إلى ما كان يبنيه ويرعاه في إيران، وامتدّ نحو تأسيس مشابه للعلاقة بسورية بعلاقة مع روسيا، والصين وفنزويلا وسواها.

منذ رحيل العماد تحمل القائد قاسم سليماني بعضاً من أعباء مهمته، وتحمّل قائد المقاومتين العربية والعالمية السيد حسن نصرالله البعض الآخر، ومع رحيل القائد سليماني صار العبء كله على قائد المقاومتين، لكن أين نحن الآن من المشروع الأصلي؟ والجواب بالانتقال من مرحلة المقاومات المتفرقة إلى جبهة المقاومة الواحدة، تحت شعار واحد يترجم هتاف الموت لأميركا والموت لـ”إسرائيل”، ببرنامج عمل عنوانه، لا بديل عن المقاومة في فلسطين ولأجل فلسطين، بعدما صارت مشاريع التسوية بعضاً من الذكريات، وليس خافياً أن ربط أمن كيان الاحتلال بقبضات المقاومين وليس بتواقيع المهزومين، هو الذي أدّى لليأس الأميركي الإسرائيلي من رهان التسوية للخروج بالتمسك بالجغرافيا طريقاً للأمن بدلاً من مقايضتها بالأمن، الذي لم يعُد يملك منحه للكيان أياً من دعاة التطبيع وجماعات التفاوض والاعتراف. وجاءت صفقة القرن تعبيراً عن هذا التحول، الذي حشد الأمة بمفهومها الواسع والمركّب وراء خيار المقاومة كخيار وحيد. وتلعثم النظام الرسمي وارتبك وفقد الخطاب، واللغة، والدور، وصارت المقاومة سيدة الساحات، وفي المقاومة العالمية صار شعار إخراج الأميركي من المنطقة برنامج عمل للدولة الإيرانية وللمقاومات الموحّدة في محور، وقد أنجزت إيران ما توجب على دولة الاستقلال والتنمية من مقدرات. ومثلما كان رحيل العماد نقطة الانطلاق لتأسيس محور المقاومة وفاء لدوره وقيادته وما أشعل رحيله من مشاعر، جاء تعبيراً عن حاجة موضوعية لتلبية مقتضيات المواجهة، وتوزّع خرائط استثمار المقدرات العسكرية في المواجهات المقبلة، ومثل ذلك شكل رحيل القائد قاسم سليماني نقطة الانطلاق لمشروع عملي بدأ تنفيذه عنوانه تحرير المنطقة من الاحتلال الأميركي، بما هو أبعد من مجرد الوفاء للدماء، إلى طلب جواب يليق بحجم الانتقام عبر جعله الفقرة الرئيسية من برنامج الأهداف التي كانت حياة مغنية وسليماني مرصودة لتحقيقها، وعنوانها طرد المحتل الأميركي من المنطقة، وإنهاء كيان الاحتلال في فلسطين.

خلال أربعين عاماً بلغت إيران ساحة الاشتباك الكبرى بعدما أكملت عدتها، ولم تعد إيران التي كانت قبل الأربعين، كما لم تعُد أميركا كما كانت وقد شاخت وهرمت وهزمت مراراً، ولا عادت “إسرائيل” كما كانت وقد تضعضت أركانها، واهتزّ كيانها، وفي يوم العماد وأربعين سليماني تبدو الأهداف أقرب مما يتخيّل الكثيرون، وبدلاً من أن يكون الاحتلال أشدّ شعوراً بأمنه برحيل القادة هو في حال ذعر من الآتي. والمقاومون والثوار يشعرون العدو بحضورهم في الغياب أشدّ مما يعيش حضورهم في الحياة، اسألوا قادة الكيان وقادة البنتاغون، هل هم أشدّ أمناً بعد اغتيال العماد والقاسم، أم أشد ذعراً وخوفاً ورعباً؟

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