The role of Musa al-Sadr in shaping national identity of Lebanese Shias الصدر ودوره في تأصيل الهوية الوطنية للشيعة في لبنان

The role of Musa al-Sadr in shaping national identity of Lebanese Shias

February 01, 2021

The role of Musa al-Sadr in shaping national identity of Lebanese Shias

Description: 

Lebanese university lecturer in history, Talih Kamal Hamdan, explores the role of the late Imam Musa al-Sadr in shaping a sense of national belonging and identity within the Shia sect in Lebanon, specifically during the 1960s and 1970s.

Understanding the historical formation of the national and political identity of the Shia of Lebanon is particularly relevant today, as contemporary Lebanese Shia Muslims are highly influential actors not only within Lebanon, but on the regional level as well. This is especially the case when viewed from the lens of Hezbollah, a group which considers itself an extension of the general political paradigm shaped by al-Sadr.

Source:  Al Akhbar Newspaper

Date:  September 8, 2015

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Transcript:

Imam al-Sadr and his role in instilling a sense of national identity in Lebanese Shia

Talih Kamal Hamdan

This year marks the 37th anniversary of the disappearance of Imam Musa al-Sadr and his two companions, (an anniversary that) comes at the height of internal, regional and international conflicts; takfirism; and discrimination against sectarian and ethnic minorities in the Arab world, where Shias are the main target of Takfiri groups. The role of Shias in the Lebanese political reality is also being increasingly targeted by way of distorting their nationalist struggles, for which Imam al-Sadr laid solid foundations, and for which thousands of martyrs (of Shia origin) sacrificed their lives. (Many Shias) gave their lives (within these nationalist struggles) in order to free (their) land (from Israeli occupation), fighting (the occupation) as members of national and Islamic resistance groups successively (established) between 1975 and 2006.

The government’s neglect of the villages in the South (of Lebanon), the Beqaa, and Beirut suburbs; together with the deplorable conditions that farmers and their families lived under; and the overwhelming dominance of feudal families who had great political, economic and social influence in these areas, all these were starting points for (the establishment of) left-wing and progressive parties beginning in the mid-50s. These parties sought to fight deprivation, unilateralism of southern political representation, and the blatant denial of the rights of workers and farmers. However, these parties failed to establish social justice. Due to their fragmentation, differing frameworks and (political/ideological) poles, and their ordering of priorities that favored politics over other issues, these parties were not able transform their social standing into influence in the government, thus preventing them from turning the family structure into a national institutional structure. They chose cosmetic changes over (real) change, and social struggles with political and power-based objectives over a comprehensive social revolution. Then came the civil war in 1975 and toppled the social and national, non-sectarian movements, thus giving the upper hand to the 1943 (sectarian) formula only with new faces.

Since the mid-1960s, there had been growing social demand (for the rights of) marginalized groups, especially the Shia community who was suffering from the lack of institutions, jobs and services, and the scattering of its skilled individuals between left-wing parties and Palestinian organizations on the one hand, and opportunistic feudal leaderships on the other. As a result, unlike other Lebanese social groups, (the Shia community) lacked a specific identity.  Therefore, the objective conditions made room for another kind of leadership, (a leadership) that seeks change, and mobilizes its resources to lift (people) from fragmentation to unity, and from a feeling of deprivation to a feeling of power; (a leadership that grants) the right to participate in the government and its administrative and functional departments, (the right to) social development, and (the right to) participate in local, regional and international political decision-making of the Lebanese state. All this on the basis of both a religious identity and a unified national vision. Thereafter, Imam Musa al-Sadr’s movement emerged to call for social and political reform as a priority, on the basis of the “Lebanization” of Shia decision-making, and (the Shia sect’s) integration into the Lebanese state, whom Shias had always felt abandoned by.

Initially, the influential feudal and religious families did not have a negative reaction to the emergence of Imam al-Sadr. However, (with time) his reform movement against traditional feudalism gained strength as he gained large public support. His work was culminated in the adherence of young secular individuals to his project thanks to his undermining of the religious legitimacy granted to the feudal leaderships. (He) took advantage of the political and social situation in the South, the Beqaa and the Beirut suburbs, to begin the process of comprehensive change of the role of Shias in Lebanon.

Imam al-Sadr took the social dimension as a priority, and fought for “ending the deprivation (of basic rights) in the Beqaa and the South”. He started by confronting his opponents from the traditional feudal leaderships, notably Kamel al-Assaad, and left-wing parties, especially the Communist Party, in order to prevent them from “manipulating the Shia youth ideologically and on the basis of party-loyalties.” (1)

Even though (Imam al-Sadr) held firm to his religious foundations, yet he used religion to sharpen the sense of belonging to a national identity, and worked on establishing a social identity that – similar to other sects – combined both patriotism and the exaltation of the (Shia) sect. He replaced family loyalty with religious sectarian loyalty, thus attracting various segments (of society) who had previously adhered to the (powerful) feudal families, or adhered to the left-wing parties with their (various) slogans.  (Imam al-Sadr) also brought back the idea of ​​institutionalizing religious identity by reviving the “Al Ber wal Ehsan” Charity (جمعية البر والإحسان) founded in 1948 by Sayyed Abd al-Hussein Charafeddine in (the city of) Tyre, making it a starting point for his social service activities, and a project similar to the Amel Association (الجمعية الخيرية العاملية) in Beirut. He then established the Supreme Islamic Shia Council in Lebanon in 1969, which was a major turning point (that struck at) the core of the traditional authoritarian leadership (of Lebanese Shias). He was also able to establish educational, professional and social institutions, after they were absent for many decades because of the (Lebanese) state’s failure (to provide) services and (build) institutions in the South and the Beqaa. By raising the awareness of Shias regarding their sectarian and national identity, (Imam Musa) wanted to stress that they are citizens who have the right to consistent development, to be relieved from deprivation, and protected against Israeli attacks (2).

He built multiple relations with many national and southern actors, and showed an outstanding leadership and a strong ability to influence Lebanese elites and the Lebanese people. Therefore, Sayyed (Musa) was granted Lebanese nationality in 1963 by President Fouad Shehab, and became a permanent guest at the Lebanese symposium, which was composed of Lebanese political and intellectual elites. Therefore, Sayyed Musa was described by Michel Asmar as a “man of the coming time”. He also established relations with famous media figures, especially Ghassan Tueni. However, despite his wide network of internal and external political relations (that he established) on the basis of supporting his reform project, he tried to make sure that his political line stays as independent as possible.

(Imam al-Sadr) was known for his boldness in objecting to the excesses of the (Lebanese) state against southern citizens who were suffering daily from Israeli attacks. As such, he declared a general strike to support the people of the South, and consequently, he established the Southern Council, then the Commission for Southern Support in cooperation with Cardinal Anthony Khreish and a large group of Muslim and Christian scholars and clerics. He also confronted the Palestinian resistance, despite his alliance with it, after its multiple excesses against the southerners. He addressed Abu Ammar (i.e. Yasser Arafat, Former Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization) saying: “Abu Ammar, I (am ready to) protect the Palestinian resistance (even) with my turban, but I will not be silent about its transgressions against people in the South” (3).

Accordingly, Imam al-Sadr is indeed the true father of “Lebanese political Shiism”, which considers the national dimension a priority in its internal movement, and which believes that Lebanon is the permanent home for all its sons and various other social groups, and (a country) that must be defended by all means and at all costs, not on the basis of hegemony and partisanship, but rather partnership and national belonging. This explains the (contemporary) Shia urgency and seriousness to protect Lebanon from both Israeli aggression and the Takfiri threat.

References

1- Abd Al-Raouf Sunno: “The Lebanese War 1975-1990: The Dismemberment of the State and the Rift within the Society”, Volume One, ibid, pg. 145.

2- Talal Atrissi: “The conditions of the Shiites of Lebanon have changed,” in: “The Shiites in Lebanon from marginalization to active participation,” ibid., pg. 245

3- “The Supreme Islamic Shiite Council and the Rights of the Sect,” a special booklet issued by the Supreme Islamic Shiite Council, January 1974, pg. 10.

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الصدر ودوره في تأصيل الهوية الوطنية للشيعة في لبنان

The role of Musa al-Sadr in shaping national identity of Lebanese Shias

الأخبار

طليع كمال حمدان الثلاثاء 8 أيلول 2015

تأتي الذكرى السابعة والثلاثون لتغييب الإمام موسى الصدر، ورفيقيه، هذا العام، في ذروة التناقضات الداخلية والإقليمية والدولية، وفي ظلّ تصاعد موجات التكفير، والعنصرية الدينية، تجاه الأقليات المذهبية والعرقية في المنطقة العربية، حيث يقع الشيعة العرب على رأس الاستهداف التكفيريّ، وتعاظم استهداف دور الشيعة في الواقع السياسي اللبنانيّ، من خلال تشويه نضالهم الوطني، الذي أرسى أسسه المتينة الإمام الصدر، وعمّدته دماء الشهداء، الذين سقطوا بالآلاف على طريق تحرير الأرض، بعد تعاقب مجموعات المقاومة الوطنية والإسلامية بين 1975- 2006.


شكّل الإهمال الرسمي لقرى الجنوب، والبقاع، والضواحي البيروتية، والأوضاع المزرية للمزارعين وعوائلهم، واستحكام قبضة العائلات التقليدية النافذة سياسياً، واقتصادياً، واجتماعياً على تلك المناطق، منطلقاً للأحزاب اليسارية والتقدمية، منذ منتصف الخمسينيات، لمحاربة الحرمان، وأحادية التمثيل السياسيّ الجنوبيّ، والإجحاف اللاحق بحقوق العمّال والمزارعين، لكنّها أخفقت في إرساء العدالة المجتمعية، بحيث لم تستطع تجيير مكاسبها على الصعيد الاجتماعي نفوذاً في السلطة الرسمية، نتيجة تشرذمها، وتعدّد أطرها وأقطابها، وتقدّم الجانب السياسيّ على ما عداه من قضايا، ما منعها من قطف التحوّلات الاجتماعية في البنية العائلية، وتحويلها إلى بنية مؤسساتية وطنية، فآثرت التجميل على التغيير، والنضالات الاجتماعية ذات المغزى السياسي، والسلطوي، على الثورة الاجتماعية الشاملة، فجاءت الحرب الأهلية، عام 1975، لتطيح الحراك الاجتماعي والحركة الوطنية اللاطائفية، لصالح تركيبة 1943 بوجوهها الجديدة.

فمنذ منتصف الستينيات، أخذت المطالب الاجتماعية تتصدّر واقع الفئات المهمّشة، وعلى رأسها الطائفة الشيعية، التي كانت تعاني من الحرمان على مستوى المؤسسات، والوظائف والخدمات، ومن توزّع طاقاتها بين أحزاب اليسار، والمنظمات الفلسطينية من جهة، وبين الزعامة التقليدية الانتهازية من جهة أخرى، ما جعلها تفتقر إلى هوية محددة، على غرار بقية المكوّنات الاجتماعية في لبنان، فأضحت الظروف الموضوعية أكثر اتساعاً لقيادة من نوع آخر، تحمل سمات التغيير، وتسخّر الإمكانات للارتقاء من التشرذم إلى الوحدة، ومن الشعور بالحرمان إلى الشعور بالقوّة، والحق بالمشاركة في السلطة، وتقسيماتها الإدارية والوظيفية، والتنمية الاجتماعية، والمشاركة في الخيارات السياسية للدولة اللبنانية المحلية والإقليمية والدولية، على أساس مركّب بين هوية دينية، وبعد وطني واحد. فجاءت حركة الإمام موسى الصدر لتحمل عناوين التغيير الاجتماعي، والسياسيّ، كأولوية على أساس «لبننة» الخيار الشيعي، وإدماجه في الدولة اللبنانية، التي لطالما شعروا بأنها تخلّت عنهم لعبث التهميش والإهمال.

أظهر مقدرة كبيرة
على القيادة والتأثير بالنخب اللبنانية والجماهير

لم يشكل ظهور الإمام الصدر، في البداية، صدمة سلبية بين العائلات التقليدية والدينية النافذة، لكنه مع تصاعد حركته التغييرية في وجه الإقطاع التقليدي، واتساع تأييده الجماهيري، ما سهّل إطلاق حركته التغييرية، فتوّج نشاطه بصهر العناصر العلمانية الشابة في مشروعه، من خلال تقويض الشرعية الدينية الممنوحة للزعامة التقليدية، مستفيداً من الواقع السياسي والاجتماعي، في الجنوب والبقاع والضواحي البيروتية، لتبدأ مسيرة التغيير الشامل لدور الشيعة في لبنان.

اتخذ الإمام الصدر من القضية الاجتماعية أولوية، وحمل شعار «رفع الحرمان عن الجنوب والبقاع» مرتكزاً لمواجهة خصومه من الزعامات الإقطاعية التقليدية، وعلى رأسهم كامل الأسعد، ثمّ الأحزاب اليسارية، وعلى رأسها الحزب الشيوعي، لمنعها من «التهام الشباب الشيعيّ أيديولوجياً وحزبياً (1).»

فهو على الرغم من تمسّكه بالثابت الديني، فقد سخّره لخدمة الانتماء إلى الهوية الوطنية، وعمل على تأسيس هوية اجتماعية تجمع ما بين إعلاء شأن الطائفة والتمسك بالوطن، على غرار بقية الطوائف. وبذلك استبدل العصب العائلي بالعصب المذهبي الديني، واستطاع من خلاله أن يستقطب شرائح متعددة، كانت مشرذمة الولاءات بين العائلة التقليدية وخياراتها المتعددة، والأحزاب اليسارية وشعاراتها، فضلاً عن إعادة إحيائه فكرة مأسسة الانتماء والهوية الدينية، فأعاد إحياء «جمعية البرّ والإحسان» التي أسسها السيد عبد الحسين شرف الدين عام 1948 في صور، لتكون منطلقاً لنشاطه الاجتماعيّ والخدماتي، وفي ذلك إعادة لتجربة الجمعية الخيرية العاملية في بيروت، ثمّ جاء تأسيسه للمجلس الإسلامي الشيعي الأعلى في لبنان، عام 1969، ليشكّل نقطة تحول رئيسة، في جوهر الزعامة التقليدية المطلقة. كما استطاع بناء مؤسسات تعليمية ومهنية واجتماعية، بعدما غابت لعقود طويلة، في ظل تقصير الدولة مؤسساتياً، وخدماتياً في الجنوب والبقاع، فأراد من تثبيت وعي الشيعة بهويتهم الطائفية والوطنية التأكيد على كونهم مواطنين لهم الحق في التنمية المتوازنة، ورفع الحرمان، والدفاع عنهم أمام الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية (2).

وقام بنسج علاقات متعددة مع جميع الأطراف الفاعلة وطنياً وجنوبياً، وأظهر مقدرة كبيرة على القيادة والتأثير بالنخب اللبنانية والجماهير، فقد منحه الرئيس فؤاد شهاب الجنسية اللبنانية عام 1963، وأضحى ضيفاً دائماً على الندوة اللبنانية، التي ضمّت في صفوفها النخب السياسية والفكرية اللبنانية، فوصفه ميشال أسمر بـ»رجل الزمن الآتي»، وربطته علاقات مع رجالات الصحافة الكبار، وعلى رأسهم غسّان تويني، وحاول قدر الإمكان الاستقلالية في خطّه السياسيّ، رغم تشبيكه مروحة من العلاقات السياسية الداخلية والخارجية على قاعدة دعم مشروعه التغييريّ.

اتّصف بالجرأة على الاعتراض على تجاوزات السلطة بحقّ مواطنيها الجنوبيين، الذين كانوا يتعرّضون يومياً للاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، فأعلن الإضراب العام لدعم أهل الجنوب، ونشأ نتيجة ذلك «مجلس الجنوب، وشكّل هيئة نصرة الجنوب مع الكاردينال أنطونيوس خريش، ومجموعة كبيرة من علماء ورجال دين مسلمين ومسيحيين، كما أنه اعترض على المقاومة الفلسطينية، رغم تحالفه معها، بعدما زادت تجاوزاتها ضدّ الجنوبيين، فخاطب أبا عمّار قائلاً: «يا أبا عمّار، بعمامتي أحمي المقاومة الفلسطينية، لكن لن أسكت عن تجاوزاتها ضدّ الناس في الجنوب (3).»

وعليه، فالإمام الصدر هو الباعث الحقيقي «للشيعية السياسية اللبنانية»، التي تجعل من البعد الوطني أولوية في حركتها الداخلية، وتجعل من لبنان وطناً نهائياً لجميع أبنائه ومكوناته المختلفة، يجب الدفاع عنه بكل الوسائل حتى لو غلت التضحيات، على قاعدة الشراكة لا الهيمنة، والمشروعية الوطنية لا الفئوية، وهذا ما يفسر الاندفاعة الشيعية في حماية لبنان من الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، والخطر التكفيري.

هوامش

1ـ عبد الرؤوف سنّو: «حرب لبنان 1975-1990، تفكّك الدولة وتصدّع المجتمع»، المجلد الأول، مرجع سابق، ص: 145.
2 ـ طلال عتريسي: «تغيّر أحوال شيعة لبنان»، في: «الشيعة في لبنان من التهميش إلى المشاركة الفاعلة»، مرجع سابق، ص: 245
3 ـ انظر: «المجلس الإسلامي الشيعي الأعلى وحقوق الطائفة»، كتيّب خاص صادر عن المجلس الإسلامي الشيعي الأعلى، كانون الثاني 1974، ص: 10.
* أستاذ جامعي

لبنان على المفترق… أو موسى الصّدر!

حملة مؤسسة جامع الائمة للثقافة والاعلام لنشر سيرة السيد موسى الصدر في ذكرى  تغييبه اعاده الله ----------------------- … | Arabic quotes tumblr, Arabic  quotes, Quotes

حسن الدّر

إذا كانت السّياسة فنّ الممكن، فهذا يعني أنّها فنّ تطويع المواقف حسب الظّروف الدّاعية إليها، وفنّ التّقلّب والتّبدّل تبعاً للمصالح والمطامع، فلا صديق دائم ولا خصم دائم، ولا موقف ثابت، ويعني بالضّرورة، أنّ الأكثر تقلّباً ومرونة، هو الأكثر حنكةً ودهاءً وذكاءً!

أمّا أن تنهج في السّياسة منهج الثّبات، وتبقى مواقفك صالحة لعقود من الزّمن، بل وتكون مواقفك هي الحلّ النّظريّ لكلّ أزمة عمليّة، وتصبح تعويذة خلاص يردّدها زعماء الأحزاب والطّوائف على اختلاف مشاربهم، كلّما دعتهم الحاجة إلى إعلان انتمائهم وتأكيد انتسابهم إلى لبنانهم، فتلك ميزة تفرّد بها الإمام موسى الصّدر، على غيره من أهل الدّين والسّياسة معاً.

هذا الإمام الّذي حطّ رحاله في وطننا الصّغير، أتت حركته من خارج السّياق السّائد، فقد بدا واثقاً من خطواته، عارفاً بقدراته، مؤمناً بقضيّته، فقال: لا أحد يحدّد لي دوري، دوري محدّد من السّماء.

وهو، بالطّبع، لم يدّعِ وحياً ولا نبوّة، لكنّ سيرته تنبئ عن فهم عميق لسير الأنبياء والأولياء والصّلحاء، فكانت وظيفته ودوره إحياء لمناهج الصّالحين في إدارة شؤون الدّنيا والدّين..

وحتّى لا تختلط المفاهيم على الوعي الشّرقيّ عموماً، والشّيعيّ خصوصاً، قال موسى الصّدر: لا أريد تسييس الدّين بل تديين السّياسة، وهو بالمناسبة، أوّل مجتهد يقود حركة إصلاح سياسيّة واجتماعيّة منذ ثورة الامام الحسين، فقال: أمل إرثها في ثورتك يا وراث الأنبياء، ليعيد للمجتمع حيويّة النّهضة وحركيّة الثّورة، وليضع كلّ مؤمن أمام تكليفه الإيمانيّ برفع الحرمان ومحاربة الطّغيان، فصار بذلك، ولا يزال، علامة فارقة في حركته السّياسيّة، وكان ولا يزال مالئ قلوب اللّبنانيين وشاغل عقولهم، حبّاً واحتراماً، ومصدر إلهام لكلّ باحث عن وطن في غياهب الدّويلات المتحكّمة بالدّولة.

اثنان وأربعون عاماً مضت على تغييب قلب لبنان النّابض بالحرّيّة والسّيادة والكرامة الوطنيّة.

اثنان وأربعون عاماً مضت على سجن لبنان في أقبية الطّائفيّة والزّبائنيّة والتّبعيّة الخارجيّة.

إثنان وأربعون عاماً مضت، وما زال عقل لبنان السّياسيّ عاجزاً عن اجتراح وصفةٍ واحدة لمشكلة واحدة، أفضل ممّا اجترحه عقل موسى الصّدر لمشاكل لبنان الدّاخليّة والخارجيّة.

وسيراً على خطاه، مضت ثمانية وعشرون عاماً، وما زال وريث نهج الإمام الصّدر، الرّئيس نبيه برّي يطرق أسماع المسؤولين بلسان إمامه: اعدلوا قبل أن تبحثوا عن وطنكم في مقابر، أو مزابل، التّاريخ.

ثمانية وعشرون عاماً، يقف فيها نبيه برّي على رأس كلّ سنة صدريّة، في الواحد والثّلاثين من آب، يذكّر بأطروحة الإمام الصّدر لخلاص لبنان:

إلغاء الطّائفيّة السّياسيّة.

اعتماد لبنان دائرة انتخابيّة واحدة خارج القيد الطّائفي.

الدّعوة إلى دولة مدنيّة حديثة.

“إسرائيل” عدوّ أيديولوجيّ، وسورية شقيقة جغرافيّة وتاريخيّة وحاجة استراتيجيّة.

الوحدة الوطنيّة أفضل وجوه الحرب مع “إسرائيل”.

هذه الثّوابت لم ولن يجرؤ أحد على مخالفتها علانيّة، وإن عمل على نقيضها سرّاً، حفظاً لمكاسب طائفيّة أو سياسيّة ضيّقة، جعلت لبنان على رأس قائمة الدّول الفاشلة والفاسدة، بل ومهدّد بالاختفاء كما قال وزير خارجيّة فرنسا لو دريان!

وها نحن مجدّداً على موعد متجدّد للاحتفاء بفكر موسى الصّدر في ذكرى تغييبه، وعلى موعد مع الإطلالة السّنويّة للرّئيس نبيه برّي، ليدعو ويذكّر، وهو الّذي ما كلّ ولا ملّ، يأمر بالوطنيّة وينهى عن الطّائفيّة، مستلهماً روح موسى الصّدر، الّذي ورث إرث الأنبياء بوراثة ثورة الإمام الحسين.

ويبدو أنّ نبوءة الإمام الصّدر قد تحقّقت، فقد اشتدّت المِحَن، وامتلأ الزّمان بالذّئاب، تنهش في لحم الوطن والمواطن، ولا بدّ من وضع النّقاط على الحروف، ونبيه برّي الثّائر، قد يقف على منبر الصّدر، في ذكرى تغييبه، المتزامنة مع ذكرى عاشوراء، ليدعو إلى الإصلاح، صارخاً بوجه العابثين بما تبقى من وطن: إن لم تكونوا تخافون المعاد، فكونوا أحراراً في وطنكم…

اللهمّ إنّي بلّغت، اللهمّ فاشهد!

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مقالات متعلقة

أزمة لبنان أزمة نظام… فما الحلّ؟

العميد د. أمين محمد حطيط

حدث الانفجار – الزلزال في بيروت، في الوقت الذي كان يعيش لبنان فيه أزمة معقدة، ازمه أنتجها نظام سياسي مولد للكوارث منذ أن اعتمد لحكم لبنان في العام 1920، وجاء الانفجار الكارثي نتيجة لهذا النظام انفجار عمق الأزمة ولم يكن هو سببها بل جلّ ما فعله الانفجار فضلاً عن الكوارث البشرية والمالية والاقتصادية التي أنزلها بهذا الوطن والشعب، انه أماط اللثام جذرياً عن قبح هذا النظام واظهر عدم صلاحيته للاستمرار.

بيد أنّ العقلاء المتبصّرين لم يكونوا بحاجة إلى مثل هذه الكارثة حتى يقفوا على بشاعة هذا النظام ووهنه وعجزه عن إدارة دولة، لكن المنتفعين من النظام كانوا يتمسكون به ولا زالوا يرفضون أي تغيير او إصلاح فيه لأنهم يرونه الطريق السريع السهل والآمن لتكوين الثروات واستعباد الناس وبناء الإمبراطوريات والمحميّات المالية والشعبية.

وبمراجعة بسيطة لمواقف سجلت في هذا الموضوع نجد على سبيل المثال دعوة الأمام السيد موسى الصدر في أوائل السبعينيات إلى مراجعة النظام من اجل تحقيق العدالة فيه حيث قال «اعدلوا قبل أن تجدوا دولتكم في مزابل التاريخ»، كما نجد مواقف الأحزاب الوطنية والعلمانية التي دعت إلى بناء الدولة المدنية دولة المواطن وليس فيدرالية الطوائف. وقبل سنوات أطلق السيد حسن نصرالله دعوته إلى مؤتمر تأسيسي لمراجعة النظام وتطويره لإقامة الدولة القادرة العادلة، وقبل أشهر أطلق المفتي الجعفري الممتاز الشيخ أحمد قبلان دعوته إلى نظام سياسي يحاكي الواقع ويحفظ الحقوق التي عجز عن حمايتها نظام الطائف وقبله صيغة الـ 1943 التي سقطت.

وقبل الانفجار بأيام أطلق البطريرك الراعي دعوته لحياد لبنان، ورغم أنه راجع موقفه وأعطى نظريته أكثر من تفسير، فإننا نرى انّ الدعوة بحدّ ذاتها جاءت نوعاً من الدعوة إلى مراجعة الدستور والنظام لأنّ للحياد مقتضبات لا يؤمّنها الدستور الحالي واعتمادها يفرض التعديل.

أما القنبلة التي صعقت معظم الرافضين للإصلاح أو مراجعة النظام خاصة الفئات التي تتمسك بنظام الطائف، فقد كانت الدعوة التي أطلقها رئيس فرنسا في زيارته المفاجئة إلى لبنان بعد الانفجار – الكارثة حيث دعا إلى عقد سياسي جديد أيّ بكلّ بساطة نظام سياسي جديد يلبي مقتضيات الواقع ويسدّ الثغرات ويقطع الطريق على انفجار سياسي وفوضى تعقبه تعطل البلاد وتهدر الحقوق بعد ان تطيح بالأمن والسلامة العامة.

من خلال هذا العرض نصل لرسم صورة يكاد يكون فيها الإجماع قد تحقق حول فكرة عجز النظام السياسي اللبناني القائم حالياً عن تحقيق ما يصبو اليه الشعب اللبناني ما يفرض البحث الجدي عن نظام مناسب يتمّ اعتماده بالقبول والرضى من أكثرية الشعب اللبناني، لاعتقادنا بأنّ الإجماع هنا صعب التحقق، وقد يكون أجماعاً على المبادئ العامة والشعارات كالقول مثلا «الدولة القوية العادلة» لكن ما ان تأتي إلى التفسير والتفصيل حتى يظهر الخلاف والتباين، لأن العدل عند البعض يكون عدلاً حسابياً يمكن من إرساء المساواة بين الأفراد أياً كان معتقد الفرد ويقيم دولة المواطن، بينما مفهوم العدل عند آخرين هو عدل كمّي نوعي بين الطوائف يقيم المساواة بينها أيّاً كان حجم الواحدة منها. هذا مثل وعليه يمكن أن يقاس الكثير…

في ظل هذه المخاوف من العجز على الاتفاق تطرح أسئلة حول المخارج الممكنة من الأزمة التي وضعت لبنان أمام مأزق وجودي، فهل يكون الحلّ كما هي بعض الطروحات الآن متمثلاً باستقالة الحكومة؟ أو بإقفال مجلس النواب؟ أو بانتخابات نيابية مبكرة؟ او بوصاية دولية على لبنان تبدأ بوضع اليد على التحقيق بالانفجار ثم تتوسّع لتصبح انتداباً سياسياً كما سمعنا في الشارع الذي استقبل ماكرون مؤخراً؟

إنّ الذين يروّجون لهذه الأفكار يعملون عن قصد أو غير قصد لإعادة إنتاج النظام والعودة إلى نظام المآسي ونراهم في ذلك منفصلين عن الواقع يقولون الشيء وعكسه، من دون أن يدركوا أن طلبهم يقود إلى أحد وضعين في ظل ما هو قائم الآن، أما الشلل والتعطيل الذي يقود إلى الفوضى وإكمال الانهيار ومنع قيامة لبنان الدولة أو إعادة إنتاج الوضع المزري في ظل النظام القائم من دون أي نتيجة وللإيضاح أكثر نطرح الأسئلة التالية:

1

ـ أيّ حكومة يمكن أن تحلّ مكان هذه الحكومة بعد استقالتها في ظلّ وجود أقلية نيابية ترفض العمل مع الأكثرية النيابية لتشكيل حكومة وحدة وطنية؟ وهل تظن الأقلية أن بإمكان الأكثرية تسليم رقبتها للآخرين ويتكرّر ما حصل في العام 2005 عبر ما يدّعون إليه من تشكيل حكومة محايدة، وهل هناك في لبنان من هو مؤكد الحياد المستحق لأن يتولى الحكم في ظل مقولة أن «المحايد بين الحق والباطل هو نكرة نصر الباطل بعدم نصرته للحق«؟

هذه الأسئلة تقودنا إلى القول بان استقالة الحكومة لن تغير شيئاً كما يعتقدون، لأنها ستؤدي إلى شلل حكومي كما كان يحصل في أزمات مماثلة عبر العجز عن تشكيل حكومة، او عودة إلى حكومة مماثلة او استعادة حكومة الوحدة الوطنية الفاشلة؛ وكلها حالات لن تكون مناسبة لتقديم الحلول… بل ستكون الطريق الأنسب للفراغ والفوضى.

1

ـ أما عن المجلس النيابي، فإن على دعاة الاستقالة ان يتذكروا الانتخابات الفرعية مهما كان عدد المستقيلين من النواب حتى ولو تجاوزوا الثلث من عديد المجلس فإن الأخير، قادر على الانعقاد وممارسة أعماله طالما أن لديه القدرة على تأمين الأكثرية المطلوبة دستورياً أي الأكثرية المطلقة في معظم الحالات ألا ما جاء فيها نص دستوري على أكثرية موصوفة تتجاوز المطلقة. فإذا جرت انتخابات مبكرة الآن وفي ظل قانون الانتخاب الحالي من يضمن ان لا يعود أعضاء المجلس بمعظمهم كما هم الآن وكما عودتنا انتخابات سابقة في ظل قانون انتخابي طائفي يشوه الديمقراطية ويمنع التمثيل الصحيح؟

2

ـ أما عن التحقيق الدولي فإنّ تجربة محكمة الحريري كافية وحدها لنسف الفكرة من أساسها. إذ ان 15 عاماً مضت حتى الآن لم تكن كافية للبت بالقضية وكشف الحقيقة ومن يدري إذا كنا بحاجة إلى 15 عاماً أخرى او أكثر للانتهاء من المحاكمة وحسناً فعل رئيس الجمهورية عندما اتخذ موقفه الرافض لهذا التحقيق مستنداً على مقولة «العدالة المتأخرة ليست بعدالة». والقضاء الدولي كما بات مسلماً به لدى معظم رجال القانون ونحن منهم ليس ألا وسيلة سياسية بلبوس قضائي يستعملها القوي في المنظومة الدولية من جل التغطية على المجرم والانتقام من خصومه، أما هو فيرفض الخضوع لهذا لقضاء كلياً كما تفعل أميركا.

وفي الخلاصة ومع التأكيد على ان النظام القائم بات مرفوضاً من قبل الأكثرية الشعبية، لأنه لا يحقق العدالة ولا يؤمن الاستقرار ورغم تمسك الطبقة السياسية به، فإنه غير قابل للاستمرار، لكن الوصول إلى المبتغى لا يكون عبر طروحات منفصلة عن الواقع عقيمة في ذاتها تعيد إنتاج النظام، ولذلك لا نرى بداً ولا مفراً من وضع خطة انقاد تراعي الواقع والممكن وتحدد الخسائر وتختصر الوقت، وتمنع إعادة إنتاج السلطة الفاسدة وإحياء النظام، خطة نراها في:

أ ـ مؤتمر وطني لاعتماد نظام سياسي وعقد اجتماعي جديد يراعي حقوق المواطن وهواجس الجماعات الوجودية والحقوقية الذاتية والوطنية وتكون أمامه مهل قصيرة جداً للوصول إلى الحلول بشكل لا تتعدى الأشهر. وفي حال العجز عن تحقق الإجماع فيه فيمكن العمل بما تقبل به الأكثرية المركبة (أكثرية أعضاء المؤتمر وأكثريات الطوائف) ثم عرض النتائج على الاستفتاء الشعبي.

ب ـ إعادة تكوين المؤسسات الدستورية وفقاً لما يتوصل اليه المؤتمر الوطني.

ج ـ التحقيق والمحاكمة بكارثة بيروت عبر إحالة القضية إلى المجلس العدلي من دون سواه ويمكن طلب معونة فنية أو تقنية من الخارج من دون أن تمس بالسيادة.

د ـ إجراء الإصلاحات الضرورية جداً من اجل فك الحصار عن الدولة والمواطن.

*أستاذ جامعي – خبير استراتيجي.

معادلات جديدة للسيد نصرالله ـ 2 ـ خريطة طريق للتغيير: إلى الانتخابات درْ

ناصر قنديل

ربما يكون لتزامن هذه الحلقة من سلسلة المقالات حول معادلات السيد حسن نصرالله الجديّة، مع مشهد الجلسة النيابية معنى، حيث ظهر المشهد السياسي اللبناني عارياً من أي رتوش، بما هو مشهد “الشعوب اللبنانية”، كما وصفه السيد نصرالله في حواره الأخير مجازاً، للإشارة إلى المعاني المختلفة للقضايا باختلاف البيئات السياسية والطائفية التي يتم تناولها فيها، وحيث فكرة المقاربة للقضايا على أساس المواطنة، لا تزال رهينة تفكير أقلية بين اللبنانيين، الذين لا زالت زعاماتهم تتمكن من مخاطبتهم عبر العلبة الطائفية وشدّ عصبيتهم من خلالها، رغم كل المخاطر التي تحيط بمستقبل لبنان واقتصاده وسيادته، وحجم التحديات التي يستدعي الحديث عن قيام دولة حقيقيّة والتصدي لها، ما يعني بوضوح أن اللحظة التي التقى فيها الحشد اللبناني فوق الحواجز الطائفية تحت تأثير الغضب الاقتصادي والاجتماعي في 17 تشرين، لم تكن تعبيراً عن مغادرة النظرات المتعددة بتعدد الهويات الفئوية التي ينقسم حولها اللبنانيون، وسيكون مخادعاً توهم أن هذه اللحظة هي نداء شعبي لخلاص من الزعامات الطائفية، في ظل ازدواجيّة التعامل اللبناني بين الهوية الوطنية الجامعة والهوية الفئوية القائمة على أساس الانتماء إلى العلبة الطائفية.

الدعوة للتغيير موجودة لدى أغلبية لبنانية كاسحة هذا صحيح، ولم يتغيّر هذا التطلّع للتغيير الذي ظهر في 17 تشرين، لكن مفهوم التغيير، كمفهوم الفساد ومكافحته، يختلطان عند اللبنانيين بمفهومهم عن هويتهم الملتبسة بين الوطني والطائفي، ومثلما صار شارع 17 تشرين شوارع، دعوة التغيير دعوات، ومكافحة الفساد مكافحات، وهي في غالبها تعني في حال تمكن إحداها من امتلاك قوة التسيّد والسيطرة، مشروع حرب أهلية. وهذه المفردة التي بدت حاضرة كتحذير مكرر في حوار السيد نصرالله، تستمدّ معناها عندما نتخيّل استجابة حزب الله لمعسكر من معسكرات دعاة التغيير، ومكافحة الفساد، والشوارع، وكل منها يرى الفساد خارج طائفته، ويرى التغيير بتعديل التوازنات لحساب زعامته، فمَن يرى القضية بإطاحة العهد، ومَن يرى القضية بإنهاء الحريرية السياسية، لا يلتقيان على دعوة تغيير واحدة، والذين يقفون خارج هذه الاصطفافات ومثلها لا يمثلون الكتلة التاريخية اللازمة لتغيير الموازين الشعبية الحقيقية اللازمة للحديث عن تغيير ناضج، وهم في غالبهم شوارع صغيرة أيضاً وليسوا شارعاً واحداً، ونظراتهم للدولة ومشروعها وقضايا ليست واحدة، فكيف ينضج التغيير؟

عرفت المنطقة تجربة مليئة بالآمال والآلام اسمُها “الربيع العربي”، وكان عنوانها تطلّع الشعوب نحو التغيير، ولا يستطيع قائد تاريخي وسياسي بحجم ما يمثل السيد نصرالله مقاربة قضية التغيير من دون أخذ عبر هذه المرحلة ودروسها ونتائجها بالاعتبار، وقد قالت بوضوح إنه مهما بلغ حجم الغضب الشعبيّ، فإن التغيير المنشود لا يتحقّق من دون روزنامة متفق عليها، وقيادة مجمع حولها، وإلا فإن الغضب المتفجر سيكون عرضة للسرقة والتلاعب، ومفتوحاً على مخاطر الفتن والفوضى، وفي حالة لبنان يجب ان يكون المشروع والقيادة عابرين للطوائف، ويجب أن يجسّدا إجابة على أسئلة الدولة اللبنانية، وليس فقط أسئلة لحظة الغضب، فالذين يتصدّون لمهمة التغيير معنيون بتسلم السلطة، فهل هم متفقون على ماذا سيفعلون بالدستور الطائفي؟ وماذا سيكون موقفهم من تحدي الاحتلال والعدوان؟ وما هي نظرتهم للعلاقة بالجوار العربي انطلاقاً من سورية، وأي اقتصاد يريدون أن يكون لدولتهم؟ وهذا يعني أن ما شهدناه من غضب ليس علامة نضج قضية التغيير بل واحدة من إرهاصاته، يصير لها قيمة بمقدار ما تفرز نخباً وقيادات تملك وزناً متعاظماً في الشارع، وفي حالة لبنان تملك أوزاناً في الشوارع، فتهزّ عروش القيادات السائدة، وتلتقي فيما بينها على مشتركات تتيح لها قيادة موحّدة لشؤون الدولة، والشرطان غير متوفرين بعد، فلا ثمّة قيادات وازنة صاعدة في الشوارع اللبنانيّة، وما يظهر منها لا تجمعه مشتركات تتيح الحديث عن تبلور فرصة تشارك في مفهوم موحّد للدولة.

ولادة هذا المسار التاريخيّ للتغيير وفقاً لرؤية السيد نصرالله لا تتمّ في الشارع، ولا في لحظة غضب، ولا تتحقق نهاياتها بكبسة زر عنوانها، فلينزل حزب الله ويحسم الأمر، بل عبر البناء التراكمي الذي لا يمكن قياس نموه وحجم تأثيره. والرهان على تأسيسه لمسار جديد في الانتخابات النيابية. وفي الانتخابات نكتشف حجم التغيير الذي يتحدث عنه البعض في اصطفاف الشارع أو الشوارع. فالناس الذين يُقال إنهم أغلبية كاسحة من اللبنانيين تريد التغيير، وتطالب حزب الله بالتحرك، ستكون أمام فرصة تاريخية لتعبر عن هذا التوق والتطلع من خلال الانتخابات، وعندها يمكن مساءلة حزب الله عن موقفه، وتاريخ لبنان حاضر أمامنا، حيث كان كل تغيير ولو نسبي في المزاج الشعبي يجد تعبيره الانتخابي، ففي مرحلة ما قبل الحرب الأهلية، نجحت بدايات نهوض الحركة الوطنية بإيصال عدد من النواب إلى البرلمان، وفي كل الطوائف والمحافظات، وكانت كل التقديرات أنه لو جرت انتخابات نيابية عام 76، في موعدها، لكان هذا العدد تضاعف مرات ومرات، وربما يكون أحد أهداف الحرب قطع هذا المسار، وهذا لن يتكرّر، لأن مهمة حزب الله هي هنا في رعاية التغيير، بأن يشكل سداً منيعاً بوجه خطر الحرب مرة أخرى. وفي التجربة التي توقف أمامها السيد نصرالله للإمام الصدر، مثال تتويج النهوض الشعبي الذي تخطى مراحل الغضب الراهن، بالإجماع وراء مشروع وقيادة، وترجم حضوره في انتخابات فرعية في النبطية الحق خلالها الهزيمة بالإقطاع السياسيّ. وهذا يعني أنه حتى في ظل قانون سيئ وسلطة سيئة لا يمكن إخفاء نبض التغيير المتبلور، إلا بالحرب، التي يحسب لحزب الله حرصه على تفاديها وسعيه لتفكيك ألغامها، وجعلها خطاً أحمر يملك قوة كافية لمنع مجرد التفكير بها، وحكمة كافية للامتناع عن الانزلاق إليها.

الانتخابات في ظل قانون سيئ وسلطة سيئة، ليست هي المطلوب طبعاً، فمن يتابع رؤية السيد يعرف ان الانتخابات المعطوفة على تحسين ورفع مستوى صحة التمثيل، ووطنية التمثيل، هي الوصفة التي تجعل فاتورة التغيير قابلة للاحتمال. فالسعي لإدارة انتخابية تقفل طرق الرشى والتلاعب يجب أن يكون هدفاً، والسعي لقانون انتخابي يشجع الحياة السياسية والاصطفاف على أساس البرامج وليس وفق العصبية الطائفيّة، يجب أن يبقى على رأس جدول الأعمال، وهذه التزامات واضحة ومكرّرة في رؤية السيد، لجهة فهم دور حزب الله في عملية التغيير، وتعامله مع منتجات ومخرجات عمليات تغييرية سابقة في الشوارع اللبنانية، بغض النظر عن تقييم قواها الحالي بنظر مَن يعتبرون أنفسهم اليوم دعاة تغيير، تقول إن رؤية السيد هي تعبير منهجي عن فهم عميق للقضية، فاللقاء التشاوري والتيار الوطني الحر، ثمرتان واضحتان لاستبدال نسبة وازنة من الشعب اللبناني لقياداته بنسب متفاوتة. وقد قاتل حزب الله لمنحها فرصة التمثيل النيابي، سواء عبر رفع سوية إدارة العملية الانتخابية بعيداً عن التزوير، أو عبر تحسين شروط التمثيل في القانون الذي اعتمد النسبية، والأكيد أنه لو تكرر المشهد بقيادات جديدة، تحمل مشروعاً جدياً لبناء الدولة، فلن يكون حزب الله بعيداً عنها، وسيوفر لها الحماية اللازمة، بالمفهوم القانوني للعملية الانتخابية.

الساعون للتغيير بصدق، يجب أن يدركوا أن ما يحق لهم على حزب الله، وفقاً للرؤية التي قدمها السيد نصرالله بوضوح هذه المرّة، هو أولاً سعي دائم لقانون انتخابي خارج القيد الطائفي وفقاً للنسبية ولبنان دائرة واحدة، يشجع المواطنة، ويتخطى العصبيات، ويفتح طريق التنافس السياسي على أساس البرامج، وثانياً السعي الدائم لرفع مستوى إدارة العملية الانتخابيّة لمنع تأثير المال واللعب بدور الإعلام، في الانتخابات، لتكون في أعلى ما يمكن من النزاهة والشفافية، وثالثاً أن يبقى حزب الله الضامن لمنع الانزلاق لحرب أهلية تقطع مسار التغيّر مرة أخرى، والأهم من المهم هنا هو أن يبقى الحزب نفسه محصناً ضد محاولات استدراجه إلى هذا الفخ، لكن هذا لا يُعفي المطالبون بالتغيير من مسؤولياتهم، بإظهار القدرة على اختراق المشهد الانتخابي، والتوحد حول رؤى واضحة لماهية الدولة المقبلة، ولو في ظل قانون انتخابي سيئ، شرط أن لا يتراجع حزب الله عما يتهم به من وقوع تحت تأثير “فوبيا الحرب الأهلية”، لأنها الخطر الوحيد الحاضر والقاتل لكل مشروع تغير، خصوصاً إذا نجح الآخرون باستدراج حزب الله إلى كمائنها وفخاخها.

20 YEARS AFTER THE UNCONDITIONAL ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL FROM LEBANON: WHAT HAS BEEN ACHIEVED? (1)

Posted on  by Elijah J Magnier

A woman mocking an Israeli tank left behind when withdrawing from south of Lebanon in the year 2000, using its cannon as a hanger to dry cloths. Photo by @YounesZaatari

By Elijah J. Magnier: @ejmalrai

We were Hezbollah trainers. It is an organisation that learns quickly. The Hezbollah we met at the beginning (1982) is different from the one we left behind in 2000”. This is what the former Chief of Staff and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gabi Ashkenazi, said twenty years after the Israeli unconditional withdrawal from Lebanon.

For the first time we met a non-conventional army, but also an ideological organisation with deep faith: and this faith triumphed over us. We were more powerful, more technologically advanced and better armed but not possessing the fighting spirit …They were stronger than us”. This is what Brigadier General Effi Eitam, Commander of the 91st Division in counter-guerrilla operation in south Lebanon said. 

Alon Ben-David, senior defence correspondent for Israel’s Channel 13, specialised in defence and military issues, said: “Hezbollah stood up and defeated the powerful Israeli Army”.

Former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, the architect of the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, said: “The withdrawal didn’t go as planned. The deterrence of Hezbollah and its capability increased greatly. We withdrew from a nightmare”. Barak meant he had planned to leave behind him a buffer zone under the control of his Israeli proxies led by the “South Lebanon Army” (SLA) commander Antoine Lahad. However, his plans were dismantled and the resistance forced Lahad’s men to run towards the borders, freeing the occupied buffer zone. As they left Lebanon, the Israeli soldiers said: “Thank God we are leaving: no one in Israel wants to return”.

Israeli soldiers are happy to leave Lebanon in the year 2000.

In 1982, Israel believed the time had come to invade Lebanon and force it to sign a peace agreement after eliminating the various Palestinian organisations. These groups had deviated from the Palestinian compass and had become embroiled in sectarian conflict with the Lebanese Phalange, believing that “the road to Jerusalem passed through Jounieh” (the Maronite stronghold on Mt. Lebanon, northwest of Beirut, a slogan used by Abu Iyad). Israel intended Lebanon to become the domicile of its Palestinian conflict. It failed to realise that in so doing it was letting the Shiite genie out of the bottle. Signs of this genie began to appear after the arrival of Sayyed Musa al-Sadr in Lebanon and the return of students of Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr from Najaf to their home country and residency in the Lebanese Bekaa. Also, the victory of Imam Khomeini and the “Islamic revolution” in Iran in 1979 was not taken into consideration by Israel, and the potential consequences for the Lebanese Shia were overlooked.

The 1982 Israeli invasion triggered the emergence of the “Islamic resistance in Lebanon”, which later became known as “Hezbollah”, and it forced Israel to leave Lebanon unconditionally in 2000. This made Lebanon the first country to humiliate the Israeli army. Following their victory over the Arabs in 1949, 1956, 1967 and 1973, Israeli officials had come to believe they could occupy any Arab country “with a brass band”.

Israeli soldiers exited through the “Fatima Gate” (on the Lebanese border, also known as Good Fence, HaGader HaTova) under the watchful eyes of Suzanne Goldenberg on the other side of the border. She wrote: “After two decades and the loss of more than 1000 men, the chaotic Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon leaves its northern flank dangerously exposed, with Hezbollah guerrillas sitting directly on its border. The scale of the Israeli fiasco was beginning to unfold… After the Israelis pulled out of Bint Jubayl in the middle of the night, their SLA allies, already in a state of collapse in the centre of the strip, simply gave up. Branded collaborators, they and their families headed for exile. Behind them, they left tanks and other heavy equipment donated by their patrons. Shlomo Hayun, an Israeli farmer who lives on Shaar Yeshuv farm, said of the withdrawal, “This was the first time I have been ashamed to be Israeli. It was chaotic and disorganised.”

Israeli withdrawal (2000) crossing Fatima Gate.

What did Israel and its allies in the Middle East achieve?

In 1978, Israel occupied a part of southern Lebanon and in 1982, for the first time, it occupied an Arab capital, Beirut. During its presence as an occupation force, Israel was responsible for several massacres amounting to war crimes. In 1992, Israel thought that it could strike a death blow to Hezbollah by assassinating its leader, Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi. He was replaced by his student, the charismatic leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. Nasrallah has proved to be more truthful than the Israeli leaders, and thus capable of affecting the Israeli public through his speeches, as Israeli colonel Ronen, chief Intelligence officer for the Central Command of Israel Defence Forces, has said.

The new Hezbollah leader showed his potential for standing up to and confronting Israel through TV appearances. He mastered the psychological aspects of warfare, just as he mastered the art of guerrilla war. He leads a non-conventional but organised army of militants “stronger than several armies in the Middle East,” according to Lieutenant General Gadi Eisenkot, the former Israeli Chief of Staff. 

The Israeli doctrine relies on the principle of pre-emptively striking what is considered as a potential threat, in order to extinguish it in its cradle. Israel first annexed Jerusalem by declaring it in 1980 an integral part of the so-called “capital of the state of Israel”. In June 1981, it attacked and destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor that France had helped build. In 2007, Israel struck a building in Deir Ezzor, Syria, before it was completed, claiming that the government had been building a nuclear reactor.

6 years after its withdrawal, Israel declared war on Lebanon in 2006, with the aim of eradicating Hezbollah from the south and destroying its military capacity. Avi Kober, a member of the department of political studies at Bar Ilan University and researcher at the Israeli BESA centre said: “The war was conducted under unprecedented and favourable conditions the like which Israel has never enjoyed – internal consensus, broad international support (including tacit support on the part of moderate Arab States), and a sense of having almost unlimited time to achieve the war objectives. The IDF’s performance during this war was unsatisfactory, reflecting flawed military conceptions and poor professionalism and generalship. Not only the IDF fail in achieving battlefield decision against Hezbollah, that is, denying the enemy’s ability to carry on the fight, despite some tactical achievements, throughout the war, it played into Hizballah’s hands.”

“Soon we shall pray in Jerusalem” (Portray Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah).

Israel withdrew from the battle without achieving its goals: it was surprised by Hezbollah’s military equipment and fighting capabilities. Hezbollah had managed to hide its advanced weapons from the eyes of Israeli intelligence and its allies, who are present in every country including Lebanon. The result was 121 Israeli soldiers killed, 2,000 wounded, and the pride of the Israeli army and industry destroyed in the Merkava Cemetery in southern Lebanon where the Israeli advance into Wadi al-Hujeir was thwarted. 

Hezbollah hit the most advanced class Israeli destroyer, the INS Spear saar-5, opposite the Lebanese coast. In the last 72 hours of the war, Israel fired 2.7 million bomblets, or cluster bombs, to cause long-term pain for Lebanon’s population, either through impeding their return or disrupting cultivation and harvest once they did return. “An unjustified degree of vindictiveness and an effort to punish the population as a whole”, said the report of the UN commission of inquiry conducted in November 2006 (Arkin M. W. (2007), Divining Victory: Airpower in the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah War, Air University Press, Alabama, pp 67-71).

The battle ended, Israel withdrew again, closed the doors behind its army, raised a fence on the Lebanese borders, and installed electronic devices and cameras to prevent any possible Hezbollah crossing into Palestine.

When Israel’s chief of staff Gabi Ashkenazi said “Israel instructed Hezbollah in the art of war”, he was right. Hezbollah has learned from the wars that Israel has waged over the years. In every war, Hezbollah saw the necessity of developing its weapons and training to match and overcome the Israeli army (which is outnumbered) and which enjoys the tacit support of Middle Eastern regimes and the most powerful western countries. Hezbollah developed its special forces’ training and armed itself with precision missiles to impose new rules of engagement, posing a real threat to the continuity of the permanent Israeli violations of Lebanon’s sovereignty.

Today, Hezbollah has sophisticated weapons, including the armed drones that it used in Syria in its war against the Takfirists, and precision missiles that can reach every region, city and airport in Israel. It has anti-ship missiles to neutralize the Israeli navy in any future attack or war on Lebanon and to hit any harbour or oil platform. It is also equipped with missiles that prevent helicopters from being involved in any future battle. The balance of deterrence has been achieved. Hezbollah can take Israel back to the Stone Age just as easily as Israel envisages returning Lebanon to the Stone Age.

Hezbollah is Israel’s worse nightmare, and it was largely created by the Israeli attempt to overthrow the regime in Lebanon, occupy Lebanon, and impose an agreement that Israel could then mould to its own liking. But the tables were turned: a very small force emerged in Lebanon to become a regional power whose powerful support was then extended to the neighbouring countries of Syria and Iraq. The harvest journey has begun.

Proofread by:  Maurice Brasher and C.G.B.

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يوم القدس العالمي..دعوة لإنعاش الذاكرة في زمن التهويد والتطبيع

د.خليل حمدان

في الخامس عشر من شهر آب 1979، وفي العام الأول لانتصار الثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية أعلن قائد الثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية الإمام الراحل السيد روح الله الموسوي الخميني، يوم القدس العالميّ، إذ دعا شعوب العالم لإحياء هذا اليوم في آخر جمعة من شهر رمضان المبارك، في محاولة حثيثة لإنعاش ذاكرة الشعوب بعد محاولات محوها من قبل حكامٍ لأنظمة استبدادية لا تقيم للقيم وزناً، ولا للمقدّسات حرمة. إنّ مواكبة القادة في إيران الثورة للقضية الفلسطينية، ليس مستجدّاً، بل تشكّلت في أسباب هذه الثورة وأهدافها. فمعظم الثورات اندلعت في العالم لأسباب محلّية لمواجهة طاغيةٍ عاث في الأرض فساداً وأفقر العباد وأقفر البلاد، وقد تكون ميزة للثورة الإسلامية الإيرانية أنّ أسبابها ليست فقط داخلية على الرغم من وجود كلّ المبرّرات لاندلاعها، وما ظلم الشاه وجلاوزته إلا السبب الكافي. ولكن كان الاعتراض الأشدّ على شاه إيران، علاقته بالكيان الصهيوني الغاصب على حساب الشعب الفلسطيني والقدس. ففلسطين من اسباب الثورة. ومن هنا نجد أنّ أدبيّات قادة الثورة الإسلامية في إيران في كلّ مناسبة، ومن خلال مؤلّفات ومنشورات وتسجيلات، نجد أنّ الهمّ الأكبر لهذه الثورة نصرة القدس وفلسطين وشعب فلسطين، وهي ميزة من ميزاتها على الرغم من أنّها إسلامية، إلا أنّها لم تقسم العالم إلى ديار الكفر وديار الإيمان كما هي حال بعض الحركات الأخرى في العالم، بل ثبّتت علاقتها ومواقفها على أساس جبهة المظلومين في وجه الظالمين، أو جبهة المستضعفين في وجه المستكبرين. فلا تكفير ولا تنفير ولا فتن، بل وحدة من أجل العدالة لكل إنسان والانسان كلّه. وما دعم قضيّة الشعب الفنزويلّي والتضامن معه، إلا مصداق حيّ، وترجمة حقيقيّة لتلك الأسس والقناعات الراسخة لدى قادة هذه الثورة. وإن كانت مناسبة إحياء يوم القدس، حيث نستذكر من خلالها القادة والشهداء الأبرار، الذين قضوا ومضوا على هذا الدرب، ولا يمكن ان يستقيم الكلام عن تحرير القدس من دون أن نستذكر قائدنا الامام السيد موسى الصدر. ويبقى الإمام السيد موسى الصدر (أعاده الله وأخويه) علامةً فارقةً في هذه المسيرة، حيث صدح باسم الله ثائراً وقائداً: “إنّ القدس هي قبلتنا وملتقى قيمنا، وتجسّد وحدتنا ومعراج رسالتنا، إنّها قدسنا وقضيتنا”.

وإنّ الإمام الصدر كان يعتبر أنّ القدس وفلسطين هما المكوّن الجمعيّ للعرب والمسلمين والمسيحيين والأحرار والعالم.

على درب الإمام مضت أفواج المقاومة اللبنانية أمل، وكان الشهداء في مواجهة الاحتلال الصهيوني. على درب الإمام الصدر، ما زالت هذه القضية حاضرةً في فكرنا وقلبنا وعقلنا. ومع الأخ الرئيس نبيه برّي، الذي في أكثر من مناسبة حذّر من عبث العابثين المحاولين لإسقاط القدس، داعياً ومطالباً بإغلاق السفارات العربية في واشنطن، وإنّ محاولات إسقاط القدس هي بداية، بل نهاية معظم العواصم العربية بالضربة القاضية.

في يوم القدس العالمي نستذكر شهيداً كبيراً عاش للّه واستشهد في سبيله، أحد كبار المسؤولين في حركتنا، الشهيد القائد مصطفى شمران، إذ تشهد له مواقع النضال والجهاد في لبنان وإيران. نستذكره مستعرضين خريطة آماله وآلامه حين قال: “أسعد لحظات حياتي، سقوط شاه إيران، وأكبر أمل عندي تحرير القدس، وأكبر ألم عندي، تغييب الإمام السيد موسى الصدر”.

أجل ستبقى القدس المؤشّر الحقيقي للجهاد والنضال، وهي البوصلة لمواجهة الظلم الأكبر المتمثّل باحتلال فلسطين. يوم القدس العالمي يجسّد وحدتنا بتعبير الإمام الصدر، هي مناسبة لتوجيه تحيّة لجميع الشهداء والجرحى والأسرى والقادة، والمستمرّين في حفظ هذه المسيرة من فلسطين والى كلّ العالم.

تحيّة إلى الإمام القائد السيد موسى الصدر الذي دفع ثمن إخلاصه للقدس وكامل القضية الفلسطينية، فأخفوه وأخويه خدمةً للمشروع الفتنوي والمعتدي، المتمثّل بالاحتلال الصهيوني، وعلى يد المجرم صنيعة “إسرائيل” معمّر القذافي.

أجل، ينبغي أن تبقى القدس حاضرةً لدى الأجيال على مساحة العالم، فإن كان رهان الصهاينة على مقولة أنّ الكبار يموتون والصغار ينسون، فإنّ حفظ القدس وتحريرها على عاتق الأجيال المؤمنة، وذلك بتحرير الوعي وإنعاش الذاكرة في مواجهة تكبيل الوعي، حيث ما زالت أبواق إعلامية صفراء عربية وإسلامية، مدفوعة من أنظمة التطبيع والتهويد وذلك بتعميم اليأس بين الناس.

أجل، ينبغي أن تبقى القدس حاضرة وتتقدّم على ما سواها، لأنّ تهويدها لم يعُد احتمالاً في ظلّ إصرار الإدارة الأميركية بدعم الصهاينة بتصفية القضية الفلسطينية، أرضاً وحجراً وبشراً، من مقدّمات دعم الكيان الكامل وتغطية جرائمه، الى محاولة الإدارة الأميركية لحشد أوسع تأييد دولي لتنفيذ صفقة القرن. هناك الكثير ما يمكن قوله فيما لا تحتويه سطور، ولكن نورد ما يستنبطه تصريح السفير الأميركي لدى الاحتلال الإسرائيلي دايفيد فريدمان مؤخّراً: “ليس من المنطق أن تتنازل إسرائيل عن الخليل وبيت إيل، تماماً مثلما أنّ الولايات المتحدة لا يمكن أن تتنازل عن تمثال الحرّية”. وأضاف: “إنّ مسألة الإعلان عن ضمّ أجزاء من الضفة الغربية وغور الأردن ستكون مسألة أسابيع وستنتهي”. لعلّ القضية الفلسطينية تمرّ بأخطر مراحلها. فإن لم يستشعر البعض بخطر تهويد القدس وكلّ فلسطين، فإنّه يعيش في سبات عميق، وقد لا يفيد إن استُدرك الأمر بعد فوات الأوان. أليس السكوت على الظلم هو نوع من أنواع الظلم؟

يوم القدس يوم التأكيد على المقاومة ودورها واستمرارها. يوم وحدة الموقف لجميع القوى الفلسطينية واللبنانية والعربية والإسلامية والمسيحية في العالم، على قاعدة أنّ “إسرائيل” شرّ مطلق والتعامل معها حرام، و”إسرائيل” غدّة سرطانية.

*عضو هيئة الرئاسة لحركة أمل.

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The Transnational Hezbollah Commander: Sayyed Abbas Mousawi

Israa al-Fass and Marwa Haidar

“This resistance is our source of pride. It taught us everything. The resistance taught us that we can make strength out of our weakness,” said Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi, former Hezbollah Secretary General who was assassinated by Israeli occupation on February 16, 1992.

Sayyed Abbas was known for his resistance movement that knew no boundaries. Starting by Lebanon and Palestine, and not ending by Syria, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan, Sayyed Abbas considered Palestine as the primary cause of the Muslim nation. He saw the resistance as a transnational movement that can’t only operate in one battlefield.

Palestine Was the Spark

Sayyed Abbas AlMousawi

Inspired by a youth who was the first Lebanese to be martyred in a battle with Israeli occupation in 1968 in Jordan, Sayyed Abbas, who was 15 years old back then, went to Syria’s Zabadani to take part in a training camp established by Fatah Palestinian resistance movement.

The senior commander then decided to apply himself to Hawza studies. He affiliated with leading Lebanese Shia cleric Imam Sayyed Mousa Al-Sadr in the southern town of Tyre. After that, he joined Hawza of Grand Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Al-Sadr in the holy city of Najaf. Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Al-Sadr was an influential Shia cleric, philosopher, political leader, and founder of the Daawa Party of Iraq.

Upon his arrival to Lebanon in 1978, when the Baathist regime expelled all non Iraqi clerics, Sayyed Abbas founded Al-Muntathar Hawza in Baalbeck. He believed that the role of this Hawza was not limited to the Shiite arena in Lebanon. In March 1978, the Israeli enemy launched an aggression on Lebanon in which it managed to occupy areas located to the south of Litani River. At time, Sayyed Abbas played pivotal role in mobilizing the Lebanese people for resistance.

Sayyed Abbas was highly inspired by the victory of the Islamic Revolution led by Imam Sayyed Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979. The revolution in Iran represented for the former Hezbollah S.G. a glimpse of hope in face of the US hegemony and Israeli oppression.

Establishing Hezbollah

Following the Israeli occupation of south Lebanon in June 1982, Sayyed Abbas returned to Lebanon from Tehran along with Sheikh Ragheb Harb, Lebanese cleric who was well-known for his anti-Israel stances and then was a senior Hezbollah commander. The two men worked at the end of that year on establishing the resistance movement, Hezbollah.

“The Islamic Resistance in south Lebanon. We called it Islamic because its ideology ad spirit is Islam. However, it is for all the oppressed people across the world,” Sayyed Abbas said about Hezbollah, the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon.

In that year (1982), Sayyed Abbas headed a delegation representing Hezbollah to Iran, where they met Imam Khomeini who blessed their efforts, telling them that “he sees victory on their foreheads,” according to “Jihad and Martyrdom Leader” documentary which explores the life of Sayyed Abbas.

Sacred Defense in Ahvaz

Later in 1983, Sayyed Abbad headed for Iran’s Ahvaz to take part in the sacred defense during the war launched by the Baathist regime in Iraq.  Imam Khomeini dispatched his personal delegate Sheikh Abbas Al-Kaabi who urged Sayyed Abbas to go back to Lebanon, stressing that the Lebanese battlefield needed him more.

When he returned to Lebanon, Sayyed Abbas tried to strengthen ties with other Muslim clerics from outside the Shiite arena in a bid to boost Islamic unity and unify resistance movements allover Lebanon.

He coordinated resistance efforts with both Sheikh Said Shaaban in the northern city of Tripoli and Sheikh Maher Hammoud in the southern city of Sidon.

Resistance Path of Victory

ormer Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi with resistance fighters (photo from archive)

“Sayyed Abbas presented the resistance as a path of victory not only as a path of martyrdom,” Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah described his predecessor in the documentary which was aired on Al-Manar TV.

Sayyed Abbas was the military commander of the Islamic Resistance in south Lebanon. He personally oversaw resistance operations which forced the Israeli enemy to withdraw from Beirut and then from Sidon to the southern villages and towns.

Visits to Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kashmir

In March 1990, Sayyed Abbas went to Pakistan, to take part in a pro-Palestine conference. In that visit he toured 17 Pakistani villages, where he tackled Israeli oppression, importance of resistance and US schemes in the region. After that, Sayyed Abbas visited Afghanistan, where he met with fighters against Soviet troops, and then he went to Kashmir.

Hezbollah S.G.

In April 1991, and following years of hard work in ranks of the Islamic Resistance, Sayyed Abbas was elected to be Hezbollah Secretary General. Sayyed Nasrallah narrates in the “Jihad and Martyrdom” documentary how long it took to convince Sayyed Abbas that he has to accept this post.

“After ten days of attempts to convince him, Sayyed Abbas accepted to assume his duties as the Secretary General of Hezbollah,” according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

Upon his election, Sayyed Abbas was maintained strong relation with resistance fighters as well as with Lebanese people whom was keen to serve them. He raised the slogan of “We Are All at Your Service,” referring to securing basic needs of the people in light of the state’s absence in several areas especially in south, Bekaa and Beirut southern suburb.

Martyrdom and Will

Sayyed Abbas was assassinated in February 16 1992, when he was returning from south Lebanon where there was a ceremony marking the martyrdom anniversary of Sheikh Ragheb Harb. Israeli Apache helicopters fired missiles at his motorcade, killing him, his wife, his five-year-old son, and four others.

Following his martyrdom, Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah succeeded Sayyed Abbas, whose primary will was to “preserve the Islamic Resistance.”

Source: Al-Manar Website

Voice Message from Former Hezbollah SG Martyr Sayyed Abbas al-Mousawi to His Family in 1983: Preserve Faith & Education (Video) 

إنه العراق وليس ردّ سليماني على الحريري إنه اليمن وليس ردّ نصرالله على العقوبات

يونيو 18, 2018

ناصر قنديل

– في أحيان نادرة وفي لحظات مفصلية يتصرف التاريخ وتتحرّك الجغرافيا لتصويب مسارات خاطئة من تلقائهما، وتبدو عملية التصحيح إنصافاً لحقائق وتصويباً لوقائع، أوحت للحظة أنها التعبير الأقرب عن الواقع. ولعل هذا ما حدث مع الكلام الذي قاله رئيس الحكومة اللبنانية سعد الحريري عما وصفه بتعويض فشل الجنرال قاسم سليماني في العراق ومحاولته التعويض بمزاعم نصر في لبنان، تعليقاً على كلام لسليماني عن الانتصار الانتخابي لحزب الله في لبنان. ومثله الكلام الأميركي تعقيباً على مفعول العقوبات على حزب الله، بالدعوة لرؤية ما سيحلّ بمن وصفوها بالميليشيات الإيرانية في اليمن لمعرفة ما ينتظرهم بعد العقوبات. في إشارة لهجوم سعودي إماراتي أميركي غير مسبوق يستهدف مدينة الحديدة على ساحل البحر الأحمر، ومينائها الاستراتيجي.

– بالطبع ليس الموضوع هو ما قاله الجنرال سليماني، والواضح أنه كلام عن نتائج الانتخابات بهدف قراءة سياسية لها، بعد حدوثها وليس كلاماً عن تدخل فيها، ومضمونه أنّ سلاح حزب الله الذي كان مستهدفاً في هذه الانتخابات بات محصّناً بأغلبية نيابية تحميه، حتى لو كانت التعبيرات والصياغات تحمل ما يناسب المكان الذي يتحدّث فيه سليماني والحضور الذي يستمع إليه. لكن كلام الحريري عن العراق كان واضحاً لجهة اعتبار نتائج الانتخابات هناك قد حملت فشلاً ذريعاً لإيران التي يمثلها الجنرال سليماني في التنسيق مع حكومتها وأحزابها. وقد كان عنوان هذا التنسيق في مرحلة المواجهة مع خطر داعش، وما قصده الحريري بالتحديد، ومعه الإعلام السعودي خلال ما بعد الانتخابات، هو التموضع الذي اتخذه السيد مقتدى الصدر وحجم ما ناله في الانتخابات، ليصير بنظرهم رأس الحربة بوجه إيران وحلفائها، خصوصاً تحالف الحشد الشعبي. وقبل أن يجفّ حبر كلام الحريري، كان السيد مقتدى الصدر يعلن التحالف مع تحالف الحشد الشعبي لتشكيل الحكومة الجديدة، ويتحوّل هدفاً لرمايات إعلامية سعودية بصفته خائن للتعهدات. وما زاد الطين بلة الربط السعودي بين تموضع الصدر الأجدّ من الجديد، وبين رسالة قيل إنه تلقاها من الجنرال قاسم سليماني.

– بالمقابل ليس الموضوع قبول الوصف الذي يطلقه الأميركيون والسعوديون على أنصار الله وحلفائهم في اليمن، ولا قبول توصيف مواجهة الحديدة التي خاضوها وحدهم، وكأنها إنجاز لحزب الله رداً على التهديدات بالعقوبات وما يليها، لكن الموضوع هو أنه كما لم يتسن للأميركيين والسعودية الاحتفال بفرحة لم تكتمل في العراق، أصابهم الشيء ذاته مع هجوم الحديدة في اليمن. وقد رصدوا لكل من الحدثين أقسى ما لديهما، وربطا بهما مستقبل مواجهات المنطقة. وكما بدا لفترة غير قصيرة أن السيد الصدر سيكون عنوان مواجهة مع قوى المقاومة في العراق بدا أن هجوم الحديدة في ظروف حرب اليمن وتاريخها ووقائعها الجغرافية مؤهل لإحداث اختراق نوعي في الجبهة الساحلية، قبل أن تنكشف الساعات الثماني والأربعين التي سادها التشويش، عن هزيمة قاسية تصيب المهاجمين بعدما لجأ أنصار الله إلى احتواء الهجوم، وفتح الباب للمهاجمين نحو فخ محكم نصبوه لهم، ويفتحون عليهم النار من كل نوع وصوب. وتكون النتيجة تراجع قوى الحرب عن التبشير بدخول المطار إلى الحديث عن سيطرة نارية ومعارك لم تحسم، بينما يبث أنصار الله الفيديوهات المباشرة من ساحات المطار وقاعاته ما يؤكد بقاءه تحت سيطرتهم النارية والفعلية.

– ترتسم آخر صور المشهد في المنطقة في الحلقتين اللتين اعتبرتهما واشنطن وحلفاؤها حديقتين خلفيتين، يمكن ترتيب الهجوم المعاكس فيهما، هجوم سياسي في العراق وهجوم عسكري في اليمن، لتصاب واشنطن ومَن معها بالخيبة فيهما، وتبدو يد محور المقاومة كما هي في لبنان وسورية، هي العليا، ويصير العناد بلا جدوى، وتصير المكابرة مجرد تكذيب للصورة ونفي للوقائع الثابتة، وإنكاراً يثير السخرية، وبالتأكيد بعد الحدثين العراقي واليمني لن يحتاج سليماني ولا نصرالله لردّ، ففي العراق ولبنان أغلبية نيابية تحرس السلاح وتحميه، وفي اليمن رجال يحرسون الانتصار ويدافعون عنه.

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Sayyed Nasrallah on 2nd Liberation: Lebanon Protected…US-’Israeli’ Scheme Falling Apart

Zeinab Essa

31-08-2017 | 20:13

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered Thursday a speech celebrating the 2nd Liberation, represented by liberating the Lebanese eastern borders from the terrorist groups.

Sayyed Nasrallah on 2nd Liberation: Lebanon Protected...US-’Israeli’ Scheme Falling Apart

Addressing a huge crowd of people in Baalbek, Sayyed Nasrallah apologized for not being able to be among them.

“I liked to be among you in Baalbek on this glorious day, the same as I went to Bint Jbeil on May 25, 2000, but the situation after 2006 war is different, especially that the “Israelis” are angry and the US scheme is being defeated in the region,” His Eminence said.

He further congratulated the people for this great victory: “This victory is that of the army, people and resistance against all terrorists, who were occupying our precious land.”

39 years on the kidnap of Imam Musa al-Sadr by the former toppled Libyan regime, Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized that Sayyed al-Sadr was a man in a nation. “His cause is dear to all of us,” he mentioned.

Meanwhile, His Eminence saluted Lebanese House Speaker Nabih Berri over his national stances. “He has always proven that he is the man of all challenges and the guarantee of national unity,” he added.

Back to title of celebration, Sayyed Nasrallah clarified that the terrorists’ control of the Lebanese-Syrian eastern border has formed a threat for both Lebanon and Syria.

As he hailed the fact that there are political forces in Lebanon that supported confrontation with terrorists on the eastern border, His Eminence unveiled that

“some Lebanese were neutral towards the terror on our northern and eastern borders, some were positive towards the terrorists and offered them assistance, as other political forces chose confrontation.”

“During the previous phase and because of the political division, the Lebanese state was unable to make a decisive decision regarding the military confrontation, but it did enter into a security confrontation with the terrorist cells,” Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted.

Meanwhile, the Resistance Leader uncovered some aspects of the Lebanese political scene upon dealing with the terrorist groups.

“Due to political divisions, the Lebanese state was unable to take a decisive decision to launch a military confrontation.”

However, His Eminence added:

” To be fair, the Lebanese state was engaged in a clear security confrontation with the terrorist cells and networks. The army, General Security and State Security scored very important achievements.”

He also unveiled that “there was information that Daesh [Arabic Acronym for the terrorist “ISIS”/”ISIL” group] was preparing to occupy two Lebanese towns.”

In this context, His Eminence went on to say “It is clear that terrorism was strongly reactivated with the beginning of spring and that the next summer will be a serious one.”

“When the victory was achieved in Arsal outskirts, the Americans sent the Lebanese state a message of anger. When the Lebanese state decided that the brave Lebanese army would liberate the remaining outskirts, the Americans returned and asked the Lebanese officials not to carry out this operation and threatened to cut off military aid to Lebanon,” Sayyed Nasrallah detailed.

Praising the sacrifices of the Lebanese army in defending and liberating the eastern borders, Hezbollah Secretary General stressed: “The Lebanese army and its leadership have done a great job and political confidence must be enhanced by the army’s ability to conduct accurate operations.”

However, he reiterated that Hezbollah had no problem if the Lebanese state decided to liberate Arsal’s outskirts in July.

“The Lebanese Army Command was ready to do the mission but there was political hesitation. So, we decided to head to liberate Arsal’s outskirts. The hesitation was not due to insufficient army capabilities but rather for political considerations veiled as humanitarian considerations. Meanwhile, the state’s decision to launch Operation Dawn of the Outskirts was a very significant development and represented a form of practicing a sovereign political decision.”

Sayyed Nasrallah viewed that

“the 2nd liberation is one of the achievements of the new presidential term represented by President Michel Aoun, the man whom I always described a brave, independent leader who does not bow or submit to any state, embassy, pressures or intimidation. President Aoun preserved the state’s prestige through taking a sovereign Lebanese decision to launch the border operation.”

He also thanked the Syrian leadership for its efforts in accomplishing this liberation, particularly that it bore embarrassment in sake of Lebanon.

On this level, he uncovered that he met with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Damascus to over the deal with Daesh to uncover the fate of kidnapped Lebanese Army soldiers.

“I headed to meet President Bashar Assad in Levant and asked him for a settlement to move Daesh militants with the aim of unveiling the fate of the kidnapped servicemen,” Sayyed Nasrallah said .

Meanwhile, he urged the Lebanese state to take a sovereign decision to liberate occupied territories from “Israeli” occupation.

“We are waiting for another sovereign decision because there is Lebanese territory still under the “Israeli” occupation, the Shebaa farms and Kafrshuba hills. We call on the Lebanese state to plan for its liberation by a sovereign decision,” His Eminence said.

He further urged the Lebanese officials to take a sovereign decision to coordinate with Syria because this is a solution for us and we must hurry in this away from Western pressure

Sayyed Nasrallah also thanked the people and the government of the Islamic Republic for their continuous support to the resistance, Syria and Iraq. “I Congratulate Iraq for the liberation of Tal Afar and announcing Nineveh province free from terrorists.”On another level, Sayyed Nasrallah explained that “Israel” was disturbed by the liberation of the outskirts. “”Israel” is concerned by the coordination on both fronts and the performance of the Lebanese and Syrian armies. “Israel” is crying its orphans in Syria,” he said.

Sayyed Nasrallah also praised and thanked the Lebanese and Iranian Foreign Ministries’ efforts to block suggested major amendments to the mandate of UN peacekeepers in Lebanon following Wednesday evening’s vote at the Security Council.

“The British-American scheme sought to modify the UNIFIL’s mission in sake of “Israel” and to tighten the noose on Hezbollah,” he warned.

To the people in Bekaa, Sayyed Nasrallah sent a clear message:

“These borders and outskirts are the responsibility of the Lebanese army, and we never said that it’s our responsibility. Your eastern border with Syria is now under Army’s control. You must come together so that you mend your internal relations.”

Moving to the international scene, His Eminence also described the United States as the real threat to the international community, warning that the policies of the administration of President Donald Trump vis-à-vis North Korea were steering the world towards a nuclear war.

“We must know that the other scheme in the region is being toppled, and that the American-“Israeli” dreams that were built on Daesh and its sisters are falling apart. The world must know that Lebanon is protected and anyone who thinks of attacking its territory will have his hand cut off, thanks to the golden equation,” he concluded.

Source: Al-Ahed news 

Resistance Finds in Qalmoun Dangerous Video Revealing ISIL Intention to Attack Lebanese Towns

August 31, 2017

20-5

Hezbollah Military Media Center announced that while combing ISIL ex-posts in the outskirts of western Qalamoun, the mujahidin found an SD memory card in a wallet forgotten by one of ISIL terrorists before they left the area.

After examining the SD memory card, it ended up to include a video which shows one of ISIL commanders explaining his plan to attack and occupy Ras Baalbek and Al-Qaa towns in northeastern Lebanon.

In cooperation with the Lebanese and the Syrian armies, Hezbollah launched a major offensive against ISIL terrorists in Lebanon-Syria border outskirts, defeating them and eradicating all the plots.

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Sayyed Moussa Sadr: A Fighter for Rights and Freedom

BIOGRAPHY:

 

Sayyed Musa Sadr

 

Sayyed Moussa Sadr was born in the Holy Iranian City of Qum in the year 1928, to the Sadr family which was known to be a family of theologians. His father was Ayatollah Sadreddine Al Sadr, and Ayatollah Mohammad Baqir Al Sadr was his cousin.

Sayyed Moussa Sadr attended his primary school in Qum and later on moved to the Iranian Capital Tehran, where in the year 1956, he received a degree in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Sciences from Tehran University.

After that, His Eminence moved back to Qum to study theology before leaving to Najaf in Iraq in the year 1954, to continue his theology studies under Ayatollah Sayyed Mohsen Al Hakim, and Ayatollah Sayyed Abdul Qassem Al Kouei.

In the year 1955, Sayyed Moussa Sadr came to his home country, Lebanon, for the first time, where he met his cousins and extended family members in Tyr and Shuhoor, and was the guest of honor at Ayatollah Sayyed Abed Al Hussein Sharafeddine’s house.

Ayatollah Sharafeddine saw the talents and skills of Sayyed Moussa Sadr, and started talking about them in all his meetings and seminars, which gave a glimpse that Sayyed Moussa would be his successor.

In this context, and in the end of the year 1957, after Sayyed Sharafeddine’s death, the city of Tyre sent for Sayyed Moussa Sadr from Qum, and by the end of the year 1959, Sayyed Sadr came back to Lebanon, and settled in the city of Tyre.

As he started to appear widely in social affairs, Sayyed Moussa started with religious and general activities, spreading their range through seminars, meetings, and visits, where he was able to relate religion to the social affairs.

His Eminence did not only step into his work in the city of Tyre, but he also went from and to most of the Lebanese areas, among different social ranks, or even religions or sects.

His major concern was the unity of all Lebanese, regardless of their religion or sect, for he believed that religion’s role is ethical stability, where Sayyed Moussa was the first to conduct the Muslim-Christian dialogue, later during the Lebanese civil war.

Sayyed Moussa worked on achieving a better society for the people of his city Tyre, and for other people, leading them to a better civilized way of living, helping them through establishing social and charitable associations to direct basic instructions.

Orphans and less fortunate people had a chance to know the generosity of Sayyed Moussa Sadr, and how much he worked on helping developing the society.

Sayyed Moussa was a prominent active figure in the Islamic and Arab world, where he participated in several international and regional conferences, in which he used to contribute and address people with his knowledge, checking on all Lebanese immigrant people to the world.

When he came to think about his own Muslim, Shiite, sect, Sayyed Moussa Sadr sought to organize his sect’s affairs, as the law allows each sect to have the right to form its own institutions.

A COUNCIL OF AFFAIRS:

Sayyed Musa Sadr

From this context, His Eminence started urging for establishing a council special for the Shiite Muslims’ affairs, which was rejected and opposed by some Shiite political figures, in addition to politicians of other sects.

Sayyed Moussa’s cause to establish a Shiite council took him years, until the year 1966, where he conducted a press conference, in which he presented the sorrows of the Shiites, based on statistics and surveys that he used to prove reasons for establishing a council.
By the end of the year 1967, a proposal was approved by the Lebanese Parliament and Lebanese President, resulting in the establishment of the “Islamic Shiite Higher Council”.
This council was considered to be the fruits of what Sayyed Moussa worked for, in order to present a better future for the people of his sect, and to try and stop sectarian racism.
As the council was established to be a legal council with no flaws, it was agreed that a board of members would be formed in order to organize the work as in any other organization.

In the year 1969, Sayyed Moussa was elected as the first Head of the Islamic Shiite Higher Council, where he pledged on his day of election, that he would do his responsibilities and duties as head of the council, in order to achieve all what could be done in the benefit of the Shiite people.

Yet Sayyed Moussa was not only a religious figure, he was also a political scientist who cared enough about political developments, in addition to patriotic campaign in defending their country.

FACING “ISRAEL”

Sayyed Musa Sadr

Sayyed Moussa of course did have interest in the Palestinian issue, where he called upon supporting the Palestinians, and strictly cooperate with Arab countries, in order to liberate the occupied territories.

And so it happened that as Imam Moussa Sadr started his way as a prominent, Lebanese, figure, the “Israeli” brutal aggressions and assaults in south Lebanon had have been taking place.

In this context, His Eminence started urging Lebanese authorities to help and protect southern villages, in addition to arming southerners and train them to defend their country.

Sayyed Moussa’s demands developed to become a campaign, which as a result, the Lebanese government approved on enhancing the situation on the Lebanese southern borders in the year 1970.

The year 1970 was a rich year in the accomplishments Sayyed Moussa achieved for the benefit of the Lebanese people, especially in light of the “Israeli” aggressions.

While the South was the most, or by the only damaged area as a result of the enemy aggression, Sayyed Moussa sought to establish the “South Council”, which mainly dealt with making up for all damage caused by “Israeli” assaults, in addition to agreeing upon some projects that aim at enhancing the social situation in the south.

Despite the “Israeli” constant attacks in the southern areas, Sayyed Moussa wouldn’t let the situation go unless he would fight or hold campaigns against the aggressions.

Although the Lebanese government cared less about Sayyed Moussa’s demands in protecting the people, the Lebanese Army Leadership was interested in demands, which led them to establish special joint committees in the year 1974, which would be set to study all demands. Many reports were published concerning demands and the importance of them to be conducted, yet there were no results, leading Sayyed Moussa and his followers to continue all sorts of campaigns.

In the memory of Ashura, in the year 1975, Sayyed Moussa Sadr called upon the Lebanese people to form a Lebanese resistance in order to confront all “Israeli” aggressions and conspiracies planed for Lebanon.

Sayyed Mousa said, “Defending the country is not only the duty of the authorities, and if the authorities let us down, that doesn’t exclude the people’s duty in defending”.

In a press conference His Eminence held on the 6th of July 1975, he announced the start of Lebanese resistance, under the name of “Amal” (hope).
“The youth of Amal are the ones who were with me in my demands for defending the country and the dignity of the nation, in these days where the “Israeli” assaults reached their climax, and the Lebanese authorities did not do its duty in defending its country and people”.

The Lebanese civil war was not any less important than the “Israeli” war against Lebanon, for all His Eminence cared for is the wellbeing of the people of his country.
For that, Sayyed Moussa exerted too much effort for this cause, traveling from one Arab country to another, aiming at coming up with an Arab resolution and decision to stop the civil war in Lebanon.

He finally was capable of imposing a decision after an Arab Summit in Cairo on the 25th of October 1976, which agreed on sending Arab troops to Lebanon, to stop all internal aggressions.

Although the civil war ended, but the “Israeli” assaults continued in southern Lebanon, to the extent that the Arab troops sent for internal Lebanese peace keeping were not able to enter the Lebanese southern territories.

From here and so, Sayyed Moussa’s main concern was to liberate south Lebanon and stop all forms of aggressions against Lebanese civilians.

DISAPPEARANCE:

Sayed Musa Sadr

The Story of Sayyed Moussa, or what is considered to be the most negotiable, yet confusing, would be in Libya, linked with his disappearance.

On the 25th of August 1978, Sayyed Moussa went on an official visit to the Arab country of Libya, accompanied with Sheikh Mohammad Yaakoub, and journalist Abbas Badreldien. The visit aimed at meeting with Moammar Al Qadafi.

For the first time, Sayyed Moussa Sadr did not conduct many phone calls, and surprisingly no one knew anything about him and his companions, were he didn’t call his family nor the council as he usually did in previous travels.

Noon, the 31st of August 1978, was the last day he was seen in Libyan territories, where after no one knew what happened to him and his companions; the whole world started questioning the situation.

As international demands started to become louder, the Libyan authorities announced that His Eminence and his companions left Libyan on the evening of 31st of August, and headed towards Italy.

It is true that Sayyed Moussa’s luggage, and his companions’ were found in a hotel in Rome, yet the Italian intelligence and court conducted a major investigation, which proved that the abducted did not leave the Libyan territories, and never passed through Rome in that time period.

The situation then was announced to be the abduction of Sayyed Moussa Sadr and his companions, where the Lebanese intelligence as well left to Libya in order to investigate the incident, yet the Libyan authorities did not allow any Lebanese entry for that reason.

The Lebanese intelligence were then only able to go to Rome, where Lebanese investigations also proved, that Sayyed Moussa did not leave Libya as was claimed.
The Islamic Shiite Higher Council published many statements, in which with the agreement of all Lebanese parties, and most of international incites, they accused Moammar Al Qaddafi, Libyan President, to be the abductor of Sayyed Moussa Sadr and his companions.

The story has not been forgotten or faded away, for Sayyed Moussa is still awaited in Lebanon, Iran, and most of the areas and sects who believe in his achievements before, and what he could do and achieve if it was destined for him to return.

Sayyed Moussa Sadr, a name of wisdom, faith, strength, nationalism, generosity, and most important, patriotism, would now and forever be a memory, a blessing on the whole world, until the truth is revealed.

Alive or not, a pure soul remains as helping as always in the presence of Hope.

Source: Al-Ahed News

31-08-2010 | 14:15

Family of Hannibal Gaddafi Warn of $200 Million Bribe Between GNC and Lebanon, Demand Syrian Government Intervention

Hannibal Gadhafi

Jamahiriya News Agency

The family of the late leader Muammar Gaddafi, issued a statement addressed to the international community, humanitarian and human rights organizations, asking that they not stand idly by while Hannibal Gaddafi remains illegally detained in Lebanon on charges related to the disappearance of Musa Sadr and his companions, of which Hannibal could hardly be considered a witness or participant, being only two years old at the time.

The Gaddafi family explained that behind the bogus charges Lebanon is using to justify Hannibal’s continued detention, is a heinous plot to extradite him to a militia-run detention facility in Tripoli in exchange for $200 million, stolen from the Libyan people.

The family appealed to the Syrian government, asking that they fulfill their obligation to take all necessary measures to ensure the safe return of Hannibal, who was an official guest of the Syrian state, under their protection when he was abducted on Syrian territory.

The family holds the Lebanese government responsible for the unlawful abduction, torture and imprisonment of Hannibal and condemns the sectarian and political motivations behind their actions. They warn that no Lebanese official is above the law.



*NOTE

Forer  Hezbollah MP Hassan Yacoub. The background  shows a portrait of his father Sheikh Mohammed Yacoub (R)  –  with AMAL Movement founder Imam Moussa al-Sadr
Hezbollah MP Hassan Yacoub masterminded the abduction of Hannibal Gaddafi. The background shows a portrait of his father Sheikh Mohammed Yacoub (R) – with AMAL Movement founder Imam Moussa al-Sadr


Who’s playing with the Imam Sadr case and why?

Is Kuwait trying to scapegoat the Palestinians?

Franklin Lamb

Graphics by Alex


Beirut — The Imam Musa Sadr, Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub, and journalist Abbas Badreddine case, like the Tell Tale Heart in Edgar Allen’s Poe novel, will not stop crying out for justice despite more than three decades of political efforts to close the file.

Recent visits to Egypt and Libya as well as common knowledge here in Lebanon, make plain that there is still much interest in finally solving this mystery. But while the fall of the Gadaffi regime initially led to much speculation that the Sadr-Yaacoub case would finally be solved new factor’s including Egyptian-Libya-Lebanese economics and political relations, among other factors are slowing the investigation.

Against this backdrop comes the most recent speculation about the Lebanese trio’s fate, this time from Kuwaits Al Rai newspaper. Without revealing its claimed source for the sensational story, which has been denied by former Gaddafi operatives in both Cairo and Tripoli, including investigators at the Libyan Justice and Interior ministries, Al Rai weaves a most improbable story, that Sunni Palestinians murdered the Shia delegation.

At first glance the tale does lead one to at least take notice because for years, Libyan intelligence was closely involved with Abu Nidal and funded his “Fatah: The Revolutionary Council”, commonly known as the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO).

April, 1986: US Tripoli bombing protest
Following the US bombing of Gadaffi’s residence on April 15, 1986, when U.S. warplanes launched a series of bombing raids from British bases against Tripoli and Benghazi, killing 45 Libyan soldiers and 15 civilians in claimed retaliation for the bombing, ten days earlier, of a Berlin nightclub used by U.S. service personnel, that relationship solidified fast, with Abu Nidal becoming the recently appointed head of Libyan intelligence, Abdullah
Senussi’s “favorite mercenary.”

In June of 1986 this observers visited Abu Nidal’s office which was being set up in an apartment building four blocks from Green Square. The visit was arranged by former Libyan Ambassador Omar el Hamdi now laying low in Cairo. Omar served as Secretary-General of the Sennusi-created “International Secretariat For Solidarity With The Arab People And Their Central Cause Palestine” on which this observer served five years as North American Representative while working at the US Congress.

The ANO, along with other Palestinian “radical-rejectionist” groups, who favored armed struggle over what they considered, fake negotiations with the Occupiers of Palestine, had a representative on the International Secretariat so we were welcomed to their new office. While the seriously paranoid Abu Nidal was “not available” at the time, we visited with three of his taciturn aids as they unpacked cardboard boxes containing office and kitchen supplies. 

 
Photo:  Long-time Libyan Ambassador Omar el Hamdi, one of Moammar  Gaddafi’s closest confidants with Franklin Lamb, his friend of more than 25 years,  in Cairo during  12/2012  before meeting with Ahmad  Gaddafi el Dam on the subject of DNA evidence in the Musa Sadr, Mohammad Yaacoub and Abbas Badr-Eddine case.


Again with Omar, this observer visited the bomb site which included Gaddafi’s private residence. After viewing the canisters of 14 CBU/58 A/B cluster bombs that the US dropped on Gadaffi’s Bab al-Azizia (The Splendid Gate) compound we were shown damaged home including his bedroom with its huge heart shaped bed with silk sheets, his, also huge, bathroom with gold fixtures and a large bathtub as well as his bedside safe where he kept cash, a pearl handled pistol, and a stash of drugs.

Two of Gaddafi’s biological children were injured. Gaddafi himself was reportedly so shocked he was unable to appear in public for two days, but he did survive, to the dismay of the United States government. The story released by Gaddafi that Hanna Gaddafi, a baby girl who he and his wife adopted, was killed by the American attack was false. This observer met Dr. Hanna Gaddafi in Tripoli during July of 2011. She is very much alive, appeared fine and is no doubt a skilled pediatrician which she discretely trained for in Europe. Unlike her older sister Aisha, Hanna seems nearly oblivious to politics and is devoted to her patients.

As explained to this observer by one former Libyan official with detailed knowledge of what Abu Nidal did for the Gaddafi regime, shortly after the bombing of his home, they plotted revenge and more than one Palestinian faction was invited to Tripoli by Senussi. Guests were booked into the Grand Hotel near Green Square for consultations. Several projects were reportedly discussed and groups were judged and rewarded depending on their success.

In early June, 1986, Abu Nidal started his move from Syria to Libya. Some of the initial ANO projects included the murder of two British school teachers, Leigh Douglas and Philip Padfield, plus an American, Peter Kilburn who was kidnapped in Lebanon by Abu Nidal associates. Their bodies were found in a village east of Beirut on April 17, 1986. While not made public before, this date was chosen, according to a former Gadaffi official now in Cairo, to send a message from Gadaffi to Reagan. It was three years to the day following the bombing of the US Embassy in Beirut on April 17, 1983.

Ironically, on that day, this observer was in Athens, Greece with Omar el Hamdi and thirty or so delegates from the International Secretariat including two from the ANO. One of the 63 victims of the Embassy bombing was Janet Lee Stevens, an American ournalist and brilliant advocate for the liberation of Palestine with whom this observer had spoken the night before. British journalist John McCarthy was kidnapped the same day and another British journalist Alec Collett, kidnapped in Beirut on March 25, 1986, was hanged by Abu Nidal operatives in response to the Tripoli bombing. And that was just the beginning. Pan Am 103 (the ANO’s only direct role in the Pan Am operation was to put together the bomb, a skill they excelled in) while Senussi’s contractors did the rest.

So why should we not credit the Kuwaiti story?

The above noted brief history of what we know about Abu Nidal in Libya suggests to this observer that either Senussi did not make a statement blaming Palestinians or that he made it because he wanted to mislead his interrogators. Senussi doubted that the Lebanese delegation that interviewed him in Mauritania was serious. He also knows that some current Lebanese officials, despite public assurances, are not all that eager to have the Musa Sadr mystery solved just now. On the other hand, while the Libyans want to close the file they do not have all the details of what happened, which makes them play around with the issue.

Moreover, Abu Nidal was not based in Tripoli until 1986 whereas Sennusi supposedly stated that Musa Sadr was handed over to him in 1981. Granted, while Gaddafi later wanted Abu Nidal’s uniquely psychopathic brilliance to carry out a number of operations abroad, he did not need him to eliminate Musa Sadr who was in Tripoli where many regime operatives were available to carry out his commands. Removing Musa Sadr and Mohammad Yaacoub could also have been done in Lebanon. Both commonly rode together driving their own vehicles without security, unthinkable for some Shia leaders these days in Lebanon.

In addition, on the 13th of this month, Political Adviser of the First Deputy of the National Conference for the Libyan Opposition, Khaled al-Tarjaman, told reporter, Salama Abdellatif, that Musa Sadr was indeed murdered, that Libya has the killers (Abu Nidal died 11 years ago) and that they are alive and in prison. He claims that the killers” are former Libyan officials and symbols of the Gaddafi regime.”

If Senussi did not make the claimed statements why did the newspaper publish this hoax? Sources in Libya speculate that it is because Kuwait has joined the intensifying regional project of fomenting conflict between Shia and Sunni Muslims and having a Sunni Palestinian fingered as the murderer of a Shia Imam and a Shia Sheik would create more tension. Given all his current problems, why would Senussi want to be part of this scheme?
His era in Libya was essentially free of Shia-Sunni conflict, which only now, in post-Gadaffi Libya, is being exploited.

There are a few dozen ex-Gaddafi officials still around who know the truth about the Sadr-Yaacoub-Badr-Eddine case but the pool is drying up. One, who has been silenced, at least for now, is Ahmad Qaddafi al-Dam, a cousin of Moamar who was an intelligence official close to Senussi and Gaddafi’s son, Seif al-Islam, now in prison in Zintan, Libya. As part of a deal, Egyptian prosecutor Talaat Abdallah also ordered the arrest of former Libyan ambassador Ali Maria and Mohammed Ibrahim, the brother of senior Gaddafi-era official Ahmed Ibrahim,. All were detained in Cairo on March 19 and turned over to Interpol.

Among a list of 40 Gaddafi era Libya officials being hunted with Interpol Red Notices, Al-Dam is considered a national hero who participated in Egypt’s 1973 war against Israel, and is also a confident of Sabri Shadi, the right hand man of Senussi who is currently in Lebanon having been picked up at Beirut airport on an Interpol Red Notice warrant. During this past week, the billionaire Mr. Shadi reportedly spread around $ 4.5 million to certain individuals in order to get moved from a dank underground cell to a hospital. The Lebanese government officially denies any knowledge of Shadi being in Lebanon. The same source who has direct knowledge of the matter claims that there is another $5 million offer from someone in Lebanon in exchange for Shadi not being handed over to the Libyans.

For some in Lebanon it’s a win-win situation — big bucks and Shadi’s silence about the history of this mystery and who in Lebanon was involved.

On 3/27/13, upping the ante from the earlier 40 names, a Libyan intelligence delegation visited Cairo and submitted to the Egyptian government another list of 88 names of ex-Gadaffi associates who Libya wants without further delay.

The Libyan regime also wants Mr. Shadi bad but will likely reject the offer to exchange him for complete access Libya’s Sadr/Yaacoub files and a free hand with interviewing Senussi and seven others. The latest offer also reportedly includes a demand for proof positive regarding DNA and cooperation with an American team that wants exhumation near Sabha and to allow a Japanese team to work there and for body samples to be given to the custody of a British laboratory for DNA testing.

Libya’s enhanced ability to retrieve former Gaddafi officials has caused a near panic in Cairo among former powerful Gaddafi associates who thought their bribes and their long history of working with Egyptian officials would protect them. To their dismay, they are discovering that the protection many bought and paid for has become unreliable because most of their former friends no longer occupy the posts they did under Mubarak. In addition, Libya has started using its new oil money to encourage governments to hand them over.

This month they “bought” four Gadaffi associates and submitted a list to the Morsi government for 40 more including all who have NATO Red Notices against them.
These days Cairo is witnessing preparations by many Libyans to seek refuge elsewhere. To secure Mr. Gaddafi Al-Dam, Libya made deposits in Egypt’s Central Bank exceeding $2 billion. They did something similar to retrieve Abdullah Senussi from Mauritania, and former Libyan Prime Minister Mahmoudi from Tunisia and the process is just getting underway.

The Lebanese and Libyan governments appear not to be following up the Musa Sadr case and the families have been left on their own to get to the truth of this case.

During meetings with representatives of Libya’s Justice and Interior ministries, it was learned that the Libyan government did not allow the Lebanese delegation to ask probative questions for the reason that they feared Senussi would divulge information about the involvement of current Libyan officials in the disappearance of the Sadr delegation. Several months ago Mohamed Yousef el-Magariaf who is currently the President of the General National Congress and in this role is effectively Libya’s de facto head of state was asked publicly if his government would allow the Lebanese delegation to participate in the re-questioning of Senussi in private. Magariaf tersely replied La! (Arabic for No!) Because he fears that Senussi will reveal something about Lebanon, while refusing further comment.

Once again the Sadr-Yaacoub-Badreddine file has been returned to the political bazaar with the two governments most concerned with the case appearing unwilling to act. The families hold varying views of the fate of their loved one. During a recent visit to Libya this observer crossed paths in the lobby of the Radisson Hotel with Dr. Ali Yacoub, who continues to investigate the case. His father, Sheik Mohammad Yacoub is only 67 years old and hope remains that Imam Musa Sadr and Abbas Badreddine may be alive. Despite the passage of time and the many false reports about the case, DNA testing with the full cooperation of Libyan officials will expedite this overdue process.

Photo: The author in Tripoli during 1/2013 with Dr. Ali Yaacoub, the son of Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub who was the partner and shadow of Imam Musa Sadr during most of their careers. Imam Musa Sadr, Mohammad Yaacoub and journalist Abass Badreddine were last seen alive on 8/30/78 when they disappeared.

Meanwhile, trying to involve Palestinians in the disappearance of the revered Lebanese trio, simply because they are an easy target these days and are trying to stay on the sidelines of the Sunni-Shia strife is a disservice to every Palestinian everywhere. And it sidetracks the pursuit of truth and justice for the Musa Sadr case which is in need of more cooperation from all concerned.

Franklin LambFranklin Lamb is doing research in Syria and can be reached c/o fplamb@gmail.com

He is the author of The Price We Pay: A Quarter-Century of Israel’s Use of American Weapons Against Civilians in Lebanon.
He contribute to Uprooted Palestinians Blog

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Imam Musa Sadr and the man behind

Franklin Lamb, Beirut

Graphics by Alex
Abbas Badrelddin with Sadr
Yaacoub siting with Alsadr on the floor

It was in 1982 while in Beirut, initially for just a week, as part of a US Congressional delegation and on leave from the House Judiciary Committee that turned for me into a long summer that I first heard about Lebanon’s Shia activists, Imam Musa Sadr and Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub and their Lebanese journalist colleague, Abbas Badr Eddine. One thing was sure even then; all three disappeared on August 31, 1978, the night before Gaddafi’s 9th annual celebration of his “Great Fatah Revolution” at Green Square, in Tripoli, Libya, four years earlier.

Over the next decade I would visit Libya fairly frequently for conferences and meetings as the “North American Delegate” to one of Muammar Gaddafi’s favorite activist organizations that I was asked to join. Our group had a long title: The International Secretariat for Solidarity with the Arab and Muslim People and Their Central Cause, Palestine.


I continued to hear rumors in and outside of Libya about what became of the trio but only starting in the summer of 2011 did I begin a focused research project with the cooperation of a few Libyans I had met during the old days at the “Secretariat.” To my pleasant surprise, my three best friends had become high ranking officials during the past two decades and agreed to help me solve this historic mystery since, like Saif al Islam Gaddafi, they had come to believe “ It is time to finish with the Sadr-Yaacoub file and the events surrounding the cover-up”. A few are, post August 23, 2011, the day Tripoli was overrun by anti-Gaddafi forces, laying low in Egypt and Maghreb countries and two are in Libyan jails awaiting “trial”.

The solution to the nearly 34 year mystery surrounding the disappearance of Lebanon’s venerated Imam Musa Sadr, will be publicly confirmed following DNA tests now being prepared. Negotiations are continuing with the Libyan National Transition Council (NTC) regarding selecting an international firm to conduct DNA tests. Contamination is a concern given that Libya does not currently have a local firm with the equipment and experience to conduct the DNA tests and guarantee their integrity.  Also being negotiated is who will oversee the essential chain of custody of all DNA samples removed from the Imam’s recently discovered remains. Extreme care is required at each step because it is certain that upon the release of the evidence of what was Imam Sadr’s fate, on August 31, 1978, following his departure from a heated meeting with Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, the evidence will be challenged.

Predicted immediate challenges will come mainly from some in Lebanon who have become wealthy and politically entrenched based on exaggerated claims of having had a special relationship with Sadr and their appropriation of the “Musa Sadr brand” and their claimed right to carry the mantle of the Imam. These Lebanese politicians have a vested capital interest in preserving Musa Sadr’s and Mohammad Yaacoub’s status as ‘missing’ in order to continue their lucrative business at the expense of ordinary Shia and others in Lebanon and abroad who seek the truth.
Among the reasons given by this group for opposing scientific DNA analysis is that it is against Islam, that Sadr’s family believes the Imam is alive so the tests are not necessary or even possible, and claims made in private meetings of having “reliable evidence of sightings of Sadr alive, as recently as only a few months ago.”
All of these arguments delivered with apparent utmost sincerity during meetings in Beirut in April 2012 are patent disingenuous and cynical nonsense. They are understood to be such by many with even a rudimentary knowledge of Islam and the value the great religion places on science and by those still waiting for the proof and promised photos of “Sadr alive and well recently in Libya.”
First national sieze fire

Yet there remains no certainty about the fate of his partner and alter ego, Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub and his file remains open and the search to discover his fate is intensifying.

Sheik Yaacoub was born in the Bekaa Valley, Lebanon in 1945 and with his family that included 12 sisters and brothers moved to Hay Karameh South Beirut. He graduated in 1965 from the Lebanese University in mathematics and natural sciences, where he excelled as a brilliant student.  Dr. Yaacoub received his Ph.D. from the Sorbonne where his thesis was entitled “Islam, between Marxism and Capitalism”. He became Director of a high school in Nabetiyeh in South Lebanon in 1967. He went to Najaf, Iraq and studied with and under several renowned Islamic scholars including  Sayed Mohammad Bakr al Sadr, Sayed Mohsen al Hakim and Sayed Abou Qassem Al Khouii.

With President Abd alnasser

Upon his arrival in Iraq Mohammad Yaacoub and Musa Sadr first met in the home of Ayatollah Mohammad Baqr al Sadr. They instantly became friends. In 1970, while leading a delegation of Najaf scholars to a religious conference in Cairo Mohammad Yaacoub met Gamal Abdul Nasser and their political views influenced the others and they became friends.
Following the attack of April 13, 1975 at Ein el Rommaneh on a bus carrying Palestinian refugees, which massacre killed 30 and sparked the 16 year Lebanese Civil War, Sheik Yaacoub along with a Christian leader Dany Chamoun risked their lives, in an attempt to stop the Civil War by dismantling barricades along the red line of Mirror (Mraya) Street near Chiyeh working to promote harmony between the Christian and Muslim communities.

In Algeria

Research in Lebanon and Libya including several interviews with some with firsthand knowledge, has revealed that Sheik Yaacoub’s historic role in the Shia Renaissance has been kept largely out of the public spotlight for political reasons. In point of fact, Sheik Yaacoub worked hand in hand with Imam Musa Sadr, who together founded Lebanon’s National Resistance.

Research in Lebanon and Libya including several interviews with some with firsthand knowledge, has revealed that Sheik Yaacoub’s historic role in the Shia Renaissance has been kept largely out of the public spotlight for political reasons. In point of fact, Sheik Yaacoub worked hand in hand with Imam Musa Sadr, who together founded Lebanon’s National Resistance.

Yaacoub was simply the shadow and ‘secret box’ of Imam Sadr in the Shia awakening in the 1970’s.

This fact was clearly underlined by the testimony of leading Shia leaders in Lebanon who, after 33 years, recently paid public tribute to the still missing much esteemed Sheik who at 67 years is still relatively young. Today there is speculation in Lebanon by some who know him well that were Sheik Yaacoub to appear, he might reveal many historic secrets. It raises the question whether the return of Sheik Yaacoub would be welcomed by some Lebanese politicians, mainly from the Shia community, since they fear his revelations would shed light on the motivations of some who have worked to keep his vast work and contributions from public view.

On the occasion of a community tribute honoring Sheik Yaacoub, oddly for the first time on February 8, 2011, Lebanese leaders as well as current diplomats who know firsthand of his works and career:
Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, spoke about “the indispensable legacy of Yaacoub.” He emphasized Yaacoub’s humanity and his devotion to the cause Nasrallah believed in, his energy to connect with people he was committed to serving. “Sheik Yaacoub was particularly distinguished for his sacrifice to achieve goals for those in all Lebanese communities who were deprived, regardless of sect. 
Hezbollah’s leader spoke about Sheik Yaacoubs study under renowned Maragea and his professors at Najaf, Iraq, learning from them Fiqh science and gaining knowledge while discovering that the road to the truth is very hard and demands much patience and his willingness to devote one’s life to this achievement for his community. Hassan Nasrallah told his listeners that

a simple repetition of the words of Sheik Yaacoub can identify very clearly the cause I belong to and the cause he sacrificed and lived for. In his all Mohammad Yaacoubs words we see him carrying the anxiety and worry of the poor and the powerless of the deprived. He always sought to crystallize their cause and bringing from the shadows of denial to the real world.” 

Sheik Abdul al Amir Qabalan, Vice President of the Higher Shia Council spoke about how “We all remember him in all areas of the resistance. He overcame all difficulties and worked for the rights of the community—he opposed injustice and he always urged peace.” Sheik Qabalan concluded his tribute by telling his audience that “We demand from Arabic and Islamic umma to work for justice and truth and we demand in the name of Sheik Yaacoub that the Arabic people implement the just and remove the unjust. Why this long silence regarding his absence. The absence of the three?” 
Iran’s Ambassador in Lebanon Ghazanfar Roknabadi, paid high tribute to
While the search for Sheik Yaacoub continues in Libya, he remains in the hearts of millions in Lebanon and globally as a pillar of the Resistance and icon of the decade of struggles waged as part of the Movement of the Deprived and the founding of the Amal Movement.

“Our beloved Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub who as partner with Imam Sadr summoned the Lebanese Resistance to defend Lebanon against the Zionist invaders.” Ambassador Roknabadi delivered a clarion call “In name of Mohammad Yaacoub we renew our demand to uncover the mystery of this humanitarian case, the disappearance of Musa Sadr, Mohammad Yaccoub and journalist Abbas Badr Eddine.”

But serious question remain why no willingness to solve this case after nearly a year into the post-Gadhafi period was the case not solved with help from Lebanon despite several trips by officials allegedly for the purpose? Is it because some Lebanese politicians have no interest whether it is solved?
Were some regional powers involved with Gaddafi on this subject before and after the disappearance and prevented Lebanon’s cabinet from even discussing the issue (until 2005)?
What was the role of the recent White House Medal of Freedom recipient, Shimon Peres, Israel’s Prime Minister and head of the Labor Party at the time of the disappearance who feared Imam Sadr and Sheik Yaacoub as the two Arab leaders capable of uniting the Arabs against the Zionist Occupiers while at the same time they were supporting the Iranian revolution that led to the toppling of Israel’s ally, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi?

And what was the role of the Israeli Labor Party and Mossad, who believed that Imam Sadr and Sheik Yaaoub were capable of preventing Egypt from signing the Camp David Accords which was designed to remove 70 million Egyptians from the struggle to liberate Palestine?
These and other questions are generating increased demands to solve the case of Sheik Mohammad Yaacoub and answers may be forthcoming soon.
Franklin LambFranklin Lamb is doing research in Lebanon. He is reachable c\o fplamb@gmail.com
He is the author of The Price We Pay: A Quarter-Century of Israel’s Use of American Weapons Against Civilians in Lebanon.

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