Taking the ‘Little Way’ to Organize for Palestine: Contesting an Anti-Palestinian Documentary in Toronto

February 16, 2023

A pro-Palestine demonstration in Toronto, Canada. (Photo: Paul Salvatori, Supplied)

By Paul Salvatori

– Paul Salvatori is a Toronto-based journalist, community worker and artist. Much of his work on Palestine involves public education, such as through his recently created interview series, “Palestine in Perspective” (The Dark Room Podcast), where he speaks with writers, scholars and activists. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

Recently I organized a demonstration outside a Toronto theatre. It was to protest the screening of a dishonest documentary—First to Stand: The Cases and Causes of Irwin Cotler—taking place inside.

The documentary is on former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, professor and lawyer Irwin Cotler. He also denies the Nakba—the catastrophe of 1948 when at least 800,000 and 15,000 Palestinians were, respectively, displaced and killed by Israeli forces to make way for the state of Israel. The film however presents Cotler as a human rights “hero”, which no Nakba denier can be.  

Admittedly all documentaries have a degree of bias in them in that they portray individuals, states of affairs, etc. from a particular point of view, often the filmmaker who, say, wants to convey a certain social or political message. However, First to Standdoes more than this. It misleads the public by keeping outside the frame any substantive discussion or critique about Cotler’s denialism.

That’s a major part of who Colter is. For years he’s been promoting the view that the Nakba, as understood by historians the world over and formally acknowledged by a United Nations resolution last year, is effectively a fiction.

In doing so, he Is part of a larger global subculture, if you will, of racists, that either seek to downplay the severity of the Nakba or, like Cotler, erase it as a historical fact. In turn, they, deplorably, trivialize the legacy of Palestinian suffering and trauma caused by the Nakba itself, which—as we see on social media daily—is ongoing through Israel’s violent ethnic cleansing against Palestine, carried out with impunity (e.g. Israel not being sanctioned by Western powers). 

Whether it manifests itself in the bombing of Gaza, random killings of unarmed Palestinian civilians, illegal evictions of Palestinians from their homes in the West Bank (to build more Israeli settlements that contravene international law), such cleansing is inextricably connected to the Nakba. For the Nakba is coextensive with the founding of Israel which, ever since, has been a state that was founded on and continues to expand by destroying Palestinian life. Israel would simply not be where it is today without that destruction.  

This all went into my thinking as I independently organized the demonstration. The event was not sponsored or part of any formal organization. I mostly did the organizing online and when it was thought, at first, that Cotler would be in attendance there seemed to be quite a bit of enthusiasm among possible demonstration attendees. Many of us, at the time, were moved by the idea of contesting Colter, non-violently and face-to-face in the theatre. But as it turned out (and was advertised) he would only be at the screening virtually. 

When this came to light the enthusiasm dropped. This was admittedly discouraging; I wasn’t sure if it was worth organizing any demonstration at all. I felt I might be the only one to show at it—a lone person standing outside the theatre with a sign protesting Cotler. 

The thought of that changed everything. I asked myself why not do that. Why does a demonstration have to be big? Loud? A crowd? Why can’t a demonstration, however great the injustice it opposes, not be comprised of one individual? What ultimately matters, it seemed to me, is that a demonstration conveys a clear message, such as that First to Stand is a dishonest film. 
I also thought that I had a duty to protest the documentary, as an ally to the Palestinian people who could not be outside the theatre (living in another continent and, in the case of Gaza more specifically, under illegal blockade) at the time of the demonstration. Accordingly, the duty, as I conceived of it, would consist of me being a voice in solidarity with the Palestinian people, not for them, where they were physically absent. Whether I’d get much of a rise from any single passerby (and there turned out to be many) was irrelevant. Central to my thinking was that the documentary, whatever merit it had, is whitewashing the anti-Palestinianism of Cotler and by extension the current Canadian government where he enjoys the prestigious post of Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism.

Moreover, I didn’t want the documentary to be screened and people—entering the theatre, passing by it, etc.—not know this was happening. If I could get them to think about that or, better, engage in conversation with them so that eventually they might join the larger struggle for Palestinian justice, I believed that would be a tiny but meaningful victory. And so in a similar spirit to what St. Therese of Lisieux and later Dorothy Day referred to as the “little way”, while strengthened by love for the Palestinian people, I resolved to do so while holding up a simple sign. Made with only a black marker it read: “IRWIN COTLER IS A NAKBA DENIER.” 

I announced my plan to others in the WhatsApp group where I was doing part of the organizing. I also invited any who wanted to join me to do so. My tone was cordial. I did not want anyone to feel they had to or feel bad if they couldn’t. Additionally, I wanted to clarify for any who anticipated something bigger that the demonstration might very well just be me. I didn’t want people to attend it thinking they had in any way been misled to believe they would be part of a sizeable, animated crowd—though any non-violent action for Palestine, whatever the scale, is in my view both necessary and worthwhile. 

As the video of this article shows and to my pleasant surprise about 10 fellow Palestinian allies showed also protest the dishonesty of the film. They were of different faiths, ethnicities, etc. with one thing in common—their love for the Palestinian people and unwavering commitment to justice for Palestine itself. 

Some I knew already, others the honor of meeting the first time. It was an emotional experience for me. It confirmed there were others who believed enough in my small act of standing alone, in solidarity with Palestine, to join me and ultimately turn the act into a group event. 

We held signs, distributed a flyer about Cotler’s anti-Palestinianism, chanted loudly pro-Palestinian messages and others that challenged the legitimacy of Cotler—in contrast to the documentary—as a beacon for human rights. As we did so people, many of whom were entering the theatre, passed by us. Some were curious to know more about our message. We engaged them in constructive dialogue, as I had hoped. 

Others mocked and yelled at us, not unlike at the pro-Palestinian demonstration I attended in Toronto last December and wrote about. Like at that demonstration, we were at times met with anti-Palestinian animus. At least two people told us that there was no Palestine, echoing the false and racist position of Toronto groups such as the Canadian Education Antisemitism Foundation (CAEF) thatdoes the same and held an event last November where Cotler was a featured guest

Not only did the demonstration allow us to contest the documentary it also brought out the anti-Palestinianism that still exists in Toronto. I’ve brought this to the attention of several local and federal elected officials, including recently resigned Mayor John Tory, inviting them to work with those concerned about both the safety of Palestinians in Toronto and justice for Palestine more broadly. None have replied.  

On a positive note, the demonstration was a success. It challenged people to think about who Cotler really is and, in turn, how anti-Palestinianism in Canada and elsewhere is not being taken seriously. I’m also encouraged by, looking back, how it doesn’t take much to hold a demonstration as we did. It can begin with one person saying I’ll be at a certain place and time to protest an injustice, be it against Palestine or otherwise. If others see your sincerity, that you’re not doing it to be “cool” or get likes on social media, they will join you. Even if they don’t you can still demonstrate alone. 


That requires the mustering of at least some courage, the inspiration for which can be drawn from the Palestinian people themselves. Risking their lives they fight daily against Israeli military might, far exceeding their defense resources and capacity. If they can do that surely we, in safer and more privileged parts of the world, can demonstrate against anti-Palestinianism—however large or small we are in number—in public. 

That has more impact than posting about Palestine online. It tells people you are serious about Palestine and you are not afraid to fight for it in the proximity of random strangers, who you can’t just scroll over like on a computer screen. This will surely upset some but, more importantly, mobilize others.

Among those strangers are those who want justice for Palestine too. If it means holding a sign in front of a theatre, let them know they can join that struggle with you. 

There’s no reason to hide from that struggle if it’s in your heart to partake in it. There’s an international family of pro-Palestinian brothers and sisters waiting for you. And unlike First to Stand we do not hide the truth.  
We are not afraid to say that the Nakba is ongoing and it’s high time it ends.

Sheikh Jarrah: Jewish Settlers, Led by City Councilman, Chant ‘We Want Nakba Now’ (VIDEO)

January 15, 2023

A Palestinian woman faces Jewish settlers and Israeli soldiers in Sheikh Jarrah. (Photo: Palestine Chronicle)

Israeli police assaulted Palestinians in Jerusalem during a solidarity demonstration late on Friday, while standing by as groups of extremist Israelis chanted “We Want Nakba now”, led by a city councilman, The New Arab reported.

Scores of Sheikh Jarrah residents and activists took part in a protest against the new Israeli far-right government’s policies, waving Palestinian flags and calling for an end to Israeli apartheid.

In recent days, Israeli authorities have ordered the demolition of several Palestinian houses across Jerusalem, while continued Israeli attacks in the occupied West Bank have claimed 12 Palestinian lives since the beginning of the year.

Jewish settlers, led by city councilman Yontan Yossef, amassed in a counter-protest, chanting racist slogans and calling for a repeat of the Nakba – the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their lands during the creation of Israel in 1948.

Israeli police were seen assaulting Palestinian protesters, including elderly veteran protester Nafissa Khweiss, who regularly takes part in sit-in protests at the Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The Israelis calling for a repeat of the Nakba, however, were allowed to continue chanting.

Chants calling for the expulsion of Palestinians have been given fresh oxygen in recent months by the rise of the extremist religious right in Israeli politics.

(The New Arab, PC, SOCIAL)

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The Nakba Day Triumph: How the UN Is Correcting a Historical Wrong

December 14, 2022

Gaza’s Great March of Return. (Photo: Abdullah Aljamal, Palestine Chronicle)

The next Nakba Day will be officially commemorated by the United Nations General Assembly on May 15, 2023. The decision by the world’s largest democratic institution is significant, if not a game changer.

For nearly 75 years, the Palestinian Nakba, the ‘Catastrophe’ wrought by the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by Zionist militias in 1947-48, has served as the epicenter of the Palestinian tragedy as well as the collective Palestinian struggle for freedom.

Three decades ago, namely after the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinian leadership in 1993, the Nakba practically ceased to exist as a relevant political variable. Palestinians were urged to move past that date, and to invest their energies and political capital in an alternative and more ‘practical’ goal, a return to the 1967 borders.

In June 1967, Israel occupied the rest of historic Palestine – East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza – igniting yet another wave of ethnic cleansing.

Based on these two dates, Western cheerleaders of Oslo divided Palestinians into two camps: the ‘extremists’ who insisted on the centrality of the 1948 Nakba, and the ‘moderates’ who agreed to shift the center of gravity of Palestinian history and politics to 1967.

Such historical revisionism impacted every aspect of the Palestinian struggle: it splintered Palestinians ideologically and politically; relegated the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees, which is enshrined in UN Resolution 194; spared Israel the legal and moral accountability of its violent establishment on the ruins of Palestine, and more.

Leading Palestinian Nakba historian, Salman Abu Sitta, explained in an interview a few years ago the difference between the so-called pragmatic politics of Oslo and the collective struggle of Palestinians as the difference between ‘aims’ and ‘rights’. Palestinians “don’t have ‘aims’ … (but) rights,” he said. “… These rights are inalienable, they represent the bottom red line beyond which no concession is possible. Because doing so will destroy their life.”

Indeed, shifting the historical centrality of the narrative away from the Nakba was equivalent to the very destruction of the lives of Palestinian refugees as it has been tragically apparent in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria in recent years.

While politicians from all relevant sides continued to bemoan the ‘stagnant’ or even ‘dead’ peace process – often blaming one another for that supposed calamity – a different kind of conflict was taking place. On the one hand, ordinary Palestinians along with their historians and intellectuals fought to reassert the importance of the Nakba, while Israelis continued to almost completely ignore the earth-shattering event, as if it is of no consequence to the equally tragic present.

Gaza’s ‘Great March of Return‘ (2018-2019) was possibly the most significant collective and sustainable Palestinian action that attempted to reorient the new generation around the starting date of the Palestinian tragedy.

Over 300 people, mostly from third or fourth post-Nakba generations, were killed by Israeli snipers at the Gaza fence for demanding their Right of Return. The bloody events of those years were enough to tell us that Palestinians have not forgotten the roots of their struggle, as it also illustrated Israel’s fear of Palestinian memory.

The work of Rosemary Sayigh on the exclusion of the Nakba from the trauma genre, and also that of Samah Sabawi, demonstrate, not only the complexity of the Nakba’s impact on the Palestinian collective awareness, but also the ongoing denial – if not erasure – of the Nakba from academic and historical discourses.

“The most significant traumatic event in Palestinian history is absent from the ‘trauma genre’,” Sabawi wrote in the recently-published volume, Our Vision for Liberation.

Sayigh argued that “the loss of recognition of (the Palestinian refugees’) rights to people- and state- hood created by the Nakba has led to an exceptional vulnerability to violence,” with Syria being the latest example.

Israel was always aware of this. When Israeli leaders agreed to the Oslo political paradigm, they understood that removing the Nakba from the political discourse of the Palestinian leadership constituted a major victory for the Israeli narrative.

Thanks to ordinary Palestinians, those who have held on to the keys and deeds to their original homes and land in historic Palestine, history is finally being rewritten, back to its original and accurate form.

By passing Resolution A/77/L.24, which declared May 15, 2023, as ‘Nakba Day’, the UNGA has corrected a historical wrong.

Israel’s Ambassador to the UN, Gilad Erdan, rightly understood the UN’s decision as a major step towards the delegitimization of Israel as a military occupier of Palestine. “Try to imagine the international community commemorating your country’s Independence Day by calling it a disaster. What a disgrace,” he said.

Absent from Erdan’s remarks and other responses by the Israeli officials is the mere hint of political or even moral accountability for the ethnic cleansing of over 530 Palestinian towns and villages, and the expulsion of over 750,000 Palestinians, whose descendants are now numbered in millions of refugees.

Not only did Israel invest decades in canceling and erasing the Nakba, it also criminalized it by passing what is now known as the Nakba Law of 2011.

But the more Israel engages in this form of historical negationism, the harder Palestinians fight to reclaim their historical rights.

May 15, 2023, UN Nakba Day represents the triumph of the Palestinian narrative over that of Israeli negationists. This means that the blood spilled during Gaza’s March of Return was not in vain, as the Nakba and the Right of Return are now back at the center of the Palestinian story.

Farha brings back the horrifying memories of Nakba

December 8, 2022 

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Aya Youssef 

By watching Farha, every Palestinian will get to see their own families losing their homes, families, and land as the Jordanian movie recounts the horrors of the 1948 Palestinian Nakba.

Farha brings back the horrifying memories of Nakba

Imagine that you prepared yourself to watch the movie that your friend has been urging you to watch. You prepare the setting, make some popcorn, and sit down to watch. You are all set. You turn your TV or laptop on and log in to your Netflix account and click on the ‘Farha’ movie and start watching.

Undoubtedly, what you will be doing next is typing ‘Nakba’ on Google’s search bar.

Realizing it is all true

Upon finishing the movie, you will feel heavy-hearted and irritated, with a possible fear of closed places.

What will make you feel even worse is realizing that the events depicted in the movie were based on a true story. All the horrific scenes, the murders, the screams, and the tears.. they all did happen in real life.

The forceful displacements, mass killings of children and families, and seizure of lands and homes… “Israel” did do all that during the Nakba in 1948 all for the sake of occupying Palestine, and they are still ongoing until this very day.

Imagining Palestine before the occupation 

“Goodbye, Goodbye!” Farha, the main character, is seen screaming at the British troops getting out of Palestine. Farha did not know any other word to express her anger to kick the troops out of her homeland.  

The movie allows you to get a snippet of the Palestinians before the Israeli occupation, which refutes all the Israeli false narratives about how Palestine “never existed” or that there is “no such thing as Palestinians.”

Take Farha as an example; she was a 14-year-old girl who had all the future ahead of her and was dreaming of becoming a teacher and building a girls’ school in her village. She wanted to study maths, science, history, and English. She wanted to move to the city where her best friend lives.

The Palestinian culture meticulously depicted in the movie is bedazzling and can easily enchant you. One cannot help but notice the Palestinian embroidery on the dresses of the characters and the Palestinian songs that were heard on different occasions in the movie. The movie takes you on a journey through all the Palestinian traditions before the Israeli occupation.

Dreams shattered

Before the Israeli attack on the Palestinian village, Farha can be seen sitting beside her best friend on a swing as they chatted about what they wanted to become when they grow up.

“When I grow up, I want to become…” Farha’s best friend said and was just about to complete her sentence when Israeli forces invaded the village. Israeli bombs and bullets interrupted the whole scenery. The two swings where the two best friends were seated have now become empty as they ran away in horror.

What follows is a complete mess and chaos in Farha’s village where everything is suddenly shattered; families, best friends, and even 14-year-old kids’ dreams.

From dreaming of going to the city to attend school, Farha was now saying goodbye to her father who was trying to lock her in the pantry to keep her safe. 

She was stuck in the pantry for days, without water, clean oxygen, a bathroom, or even a bed to sleep on. Most importantly, the 14-year-old girl found herself watching, through a hole in the door, a whole family being executed by Israeli soldiers. 

Throughout the period in which Farha is stuck inside the pantry, the viewer can only see Farha and hear the sounds, which Farha is hearing, around the village. You can hear the sounds of footsteps and bullets fired by Israeli soldiers ordering and kicking Palestinians out of their houses before killing them.

Why are the events important to mention?

The events of the Palestinian Nakba and everything that happened afterward, from massacres to forced displacements and land theft, are not well documented, and even those that are documented do not find a platform as huge as Netflix to be streamed on, thus failing to reach millions of people and thus, fading away with time. 

Stories from the Nakba are usually sent down from one generation to another, but the people who lived through the Nakba are not able now to document Israeli crimes by themselves. The Nakba generation worked hard to preserve the Palestinian right to return, and if one asks an 80-year-old Palestinian if he still believes, after all this time, that he will return to Palestine, he will say yes, indeed. 

However, unfortunately, the voices of this particular generation are fading as the years pass by. That is why it is crucial to document Israeli crimes during the Nakba; to understand that Palestine is an occupied land for generations to come.

Farha gives Palestinian refugees, especially the younger generation who did not get to hear a Nakba story from their grandfather, mother, or father the opportunity to hear and watch what their family went through. 

Farha gives the chance to every Palestinian to get a glimpse of the painful memories of the Nakba. Every person who does believe in the Palestinian struggle for freedom will get to live an experience that no one wishes to live in real life.

So why are Israelis mad?

Whenever a new Israeli massacre is exposed, the occupation will get mad. And what is their weapon of choice? Anti-Semitism, of course.

While the movie does not refer in any way to Jewish people, many Israelis felt the urge to lead smear campaigns against Farha under the pretext of “anti-Semitism“.

The campaigns were not just virtual. Some Israeli officials took the time to condemn the movie and demand taking it down from Netflix.

Israeli culture minister was so bothered and disturbed by the facts in the movie that he had to state that it “depicted lies and libels,” the same lies and libels his occupation entity was based on.

“Israel” being exposed for committing mass killings and massacres is nothing new. Last year, Israeli media revealed that Israeli soldiers who took part in the massacre in 1948 in the Palestinian village of Tantura admitted to a mass killing of Palestinian civilians.

An Israeli director collected testimonies from Israeli soldiers who were present during the massacre in a documentary film titled “Tantura”.

And these are the only massacres that are mentioned. One can only imagine the number of massacres that were committed by “Israel” throughout more than 70 years of illegal, ruthless, and blood-thirsty occupation.

And this is just one story…

The Palestinian Nakba resulted in the forced displacement and killing of millions that the public knows nothing of. There are many like Farha’s father who promised to come back but never did and whose destinies remain unknown until this very day.

There are many more painful stories to tell… Palestinians who have seen worse, Palestinians who have suffered more, and Palestinians who lost everything.

Farha is not just a film that one could just drop in the back of his mind and forget all about. It is the right side of history, and more importantly, it is being witnessed by a new and fresh generation who shall bear witness to the brutality of the Israeli occupation.

While watching the movie, keep in mind that Farha is real; Farha is an actual person; Farha did go through all of these sufferings; Farha still doesn’t know anything about her father; Farha was forced to leave her homeland; and most significantly, Farha and many others like Farha do exist and their stories shall be told, whether the occupation likes it or not…

19 Palestinian films were shown by Sputnik Cinema in Geneva

‘Farha’; a slap in the face of ‘Israel’ despite silencing attempts

5 Dec 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen English

By Al Mayadeen English 

The attempts to efface the 1948 Palestinian Nakba and the ethnic cleansing “Israel” practiced against the rightful owners of the land prove useless, and Farha is here to tell her story.

‘Farha’; a slap in the face of ‘Israel’ despite silencing attempts

    The Jordanian movie “Farha” narrates the story of a tragedy, among hundreds of untold tragedies, that took place during the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced out of their homeland by Zionist gangs. In the process, dubbed ethnic cleansing, mass killings were carried out, and mass graves are still unearthed up to this very day.

    The movie, which “Israel” is making every attempt to silence, depicts how the dreams of a 14-year-old Palestinian girl called Farha were shattered overnight when her village came under the vicious attack of ruthless Israeli soldiers.

    On the day of the massacre, Farha was ordered by her father to hide inside a locked pantry while she waited for him to return.

    Looking through a small opening in the wall, she saw her dreams of leaving the village for a nearby city to attend school being shattered right before her own eyes. Farha’s eyes, which once shined with hope, turned dull; they were now focused on Israeli soldiers executing an entire Palestine, including two young children and a baby.

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    It does not come as shocking news that “Farha”, Filmmaker Darin Sallam’s debut set to be the Jordanian entry for the 2023 Academy Awards, is based on the true story of a friend of her mother, who is now living in Syria as a refugee, long after the incident. 

    According to Sallam, the movie, in many ways, could help in the healing process of memories brought upon by the merciless Israeli occupation. It stands as a slap in the face of the IOF that continue to carry out its massacres and crimes up to this very day.

    “I’m not afraid to tell the truth. We need to do this because films live and we die,” Sallam said in an interview last winter following the film’s premiere at the Red Sea International Film Festival. 

    “This is why I decided to make this film. Not because I’m political, but because I’m loyal to the story that I heard.”

    Panic mode led to silencing attempts

    “Farha,” which literally translates to “joy” in Arabic, comes to expose all the Israeli attempts to deprive the Palestinians of any chance to rejoice. 

    It goes without saying that due to the attention it is getting, including it trending on social media, the movie threw the Israelis in at the deep end, dealing a mighty blow to them and leading “Israel” to blow a fuse as the occupation entity came to realize that all its attempts at effacing their massacres and crimes had just gone in vain. 

    Of course, Israeli officials denounced “Farha” and even threatened that there will be consequences for airing it.

    “It’s crazy that Netflix decided to stream a movie whose whole purpose is to create a false pretense and incite against Israeli soldiers,” outgoing Israeli Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman said in a recent statement. 

    Lieberman went as far as suggesting to end funding to a theatre in Yafa just because it screened the film, with the “goal of preventing the screening of this shocking film or other similar ones in the future.”

    Various other Israeli officials have denounced the production of “Farha” in public statements. In response to its screening on Netflix, there has been a deliberate, coordinated attempt to lower the film’s ratings online, not to mention a social media campaign calling on people to cancel their Netflix subscriptions.

    There are relentless attempts to take “Farha” off Netflix by any means possible. The fear of the truth being exposed to the whole world is driving the Israelis crazy. And so it seems, Palestinians are not even allowed to reflect their suffering through art. 

    Following the film’s release, Sallam said, “The story traveled over the years to reach me. It stayed with me. When I was a child, I had this fear of closed, dark places, and I kept thinking of this girl and what happened to her.”

    “So when I grew up and became a filmmaker, I decided that this would be my debut feature,” she added.

    Massacres; an Israeli signature 

    The massacres the Israeli occupation committed against Palestinians are countless, and they are exposed frequently as Palestinians recall their tragedies and sufferings. 

    The ethnic cleansing could not go unnoticed even by Israeli historians. The Tantura massacre is one of the various massacres that the Israeli occupation brutally committed against the people of Palestine with vile savagery.

    Israeli soldiers that took part in the massacre in 1948 in the Palestinian village of Tantura have admitted to a mass killing of Palestinian civilians after decades, Haaretz revealed.

    An Israeli director collected testimonies from Israeli soldiers that were present during the massacre in a documentary film entitled “Tantura”.

    Moshe Diamant, one of the soldiers who finally admitted to the massacre, was reported as saying, “It mustn’t be told, it could cause a whole scandal. I don’t want to talk about it, but it happened. What can you do? It happened.”

    The villagers, according to Diamant, were shot to death by a savage using a submachine gun after the battle was over.

    As Israeli officials try to bury what had happened during the 1948 Nakba, having buried thousands of Palestinians they killed in cold blood, the surviving Palestinians or progeny should be able to tell their stories, either in movies, songs, documentaries, and any art-related pieces.

    To keep “Farha” available for millions of people to watch on Netflix, many social media users are speaking out in favor of the movie and the necessity of recounting reality no matter how hurtful it may be. 

    https://www.instagram.com/reel/CloTaVGoyUq/embed/captioned/?cr=1&v=14&wp=675&rd=https%3A%2F%2Fenglish.almayadeen.net&rp=%2Fnews%2Fart-culture%2Ffarha-a-slap-in-the-face-of-israel-despite-silencing-attempt#%7B%22ci%22%3A0%2C%22os%22%3A9616.79999999702%2C%22ls%22%3A1956.5999999977648%2C%22le%22%3A9612.89999999851%7D

    One user called the Israeli outrage over the movie a “total joke”. 

    Palestinians should be able to tell their tragedies, Palestinians should be able to speak up; Palestinians should be able to prove how “Israel” was established on the ruins, blood, and bones of the rightful owners of the land.

    UNGA votes in favor of commemorating Palestinian Nakba day

    December 2, 2022

    Source: Agencies

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    The initiative comes at the request of Egypt, Jordan, Senegal, Tunisia, Yemen, and Palestine despite opposition from the US, the UK, and of course, the Nakba perpetrator, “Israel”.

    UN approves pro-Palestinian resolution to mark Nakba day

    The UN General Assembly passed a resolution for the commemoration of the Nakba, or the “day of catastrophe” that marks the day Palestinians were expelled from their homeland in 1948 following the Israeli regime’s claim to “existence”.

    The voting turnout showed 90 were in favor and 30 were opposed, whereas 47 abstained.

    The initiative came at the request of Egypt, Jordan, Senegal, Tunisia, Yemen, and Palestine despite opposition from the US, the UK, and of course the Nakba perpetrator, “Israel”.

    Among the countries that opposed the resolution were Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, and the Netherlands.

    As per the resolution, the UN calls for a “commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Nakba, including by organizing a high-level event at the General Assembly Hall” in May 2023. 

    The resolution also urges the “dissemination of relevant archives and testimonies.”

    See this: Palestine.. 74 years after the Nakba

    In a similar context, the UN General Assembly adopted yesterday a pro-Syrian resolution regarding Syria’s Golan Heights, which “Israel” has been occupying for more than half a century now.

    The resolution demanded the withdrawal of “Israel” from the area.

    92 states voted in favor of the resolution, whereas 8 voted against and 65 abstained.

    The resolution called on “Israel” to abide by the resolution and withdraw from the Golan Heights to the line of June 4, 1967. It also declared that “Israel” has failed to comply with Security Council Resolution 497 of 1981, which demands the occupation to annul its decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction, and administration in the occupied area.

    It is worth noting that UNSC Resolution no. 497, adopted unanimously on December 17, 1981, declares that the Israeli occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights is “null and void and without international legal effect.”

    Read more: Netanyahu, far-right Religious Zionism party sign first coalition deal

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    From Balfour to Lions’ Den: A contribution to defining Palestinian Nakba

    11 Nov, 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Makram Khoury-Machool 

    The Palestinian Nakba began exactly 105 years ago with the release of a letter from then-British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to the leader of the Zionist movement in what became infamously called the Balfour Declaration.

    The project to establish the Zionist entity was and still is based on a long-term joint program between the Zionist movement and some colonial powers, primarily Britain and the US

    As someone who grew up and was raised in the city of Yafa after the occupation of eastern Palestine in the 1967 war – known as the Naksa – in the house of his late grandfather and under the auspices of a great educational figure such as my grandmother, known as Madame Khoury, who’s slogan “I’d rather die in my house in Yafa than become a refugee” became a mantra that engraved in our minds the effect of attachment to the land… and as someone who listened and read the successive enthusiastic political articles of his father, the political writer Naim Youssef Machool, about the Nakba, the land, agriculture and steadfastness, as well as the articles, plays, interviews, and lectures of his mother, writer and novelist Antoinette Adeeb El-Khoury, I thought that based on this extensive personal experience, I should support and base my claim, listed below, on journalistic observations from the 80s and 90s in Palestine in particular and on two decades of academic research on the Palestinian issue in Britain in particular, and present a contribution to an expanded project whose main idea I will briefly list below.

    We say that it is widely accepted that the Nakba of the Palestinians took place chronologically under the British mandate between the partition plan and Resolution of 29/11/1947 and the 1949 armistice with Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, although there was no agreement within the framework of an armistice or the like with the Palestinian people; whether those who were expelled from it or those who remained in their homeland.

    Accordingly, the struggle involving the Palestinian people remains open: Zionist domination of Palestine and Palestinian resistance against the occupation.

    This article, part of which was presented at the University of Freiburg in Germany in 2011 and the Bandung Conference in 2015 and 2022, argues that although the most catastrophic period of the Palestinian Nakba (lit. catastrophe) reached its peak between 1947 and 1949, the Nakba was neither the beginning nor the end of the Palestinian people’s catastrophe.

    This article claims that the Nakba of the Palestinian people began exactly 105 years ago with the release of a letter from then-British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to the leader of the Rothschild Zionist movement in what became infamously known as the Balfour Declaration issued on 2/11/1917, which followed the occupation of Palestine by Britain that was involved in WWI, especially the occupation of Al-Quds by General Allenby in December 1917.

    It also argues that the Nakba includes everything that has happened since then until now, but certainly, this catastrophe reached its peak between 1947 and 1949 – which witnessed the forced expulsion of half of the Palestinian people from their homeland and the destruction of the majority of Palestine’s cultural, commercial, and social structure – and is continuing deliberately according to a plan that has not stopped until achieving liberation and independence.

    Apart from emotional slogans, the project to establish the Zionist entity was and still is based on a long-term joint program between the Zionist movement and some colonial powers, primarily Britain and the US. In addition, this article claims and warns that an attempt to implement a new chapter of the Nakba of the Palestinian people is very possible, including the expulsion of additional Palestinians from West and East Palestine because the goal is to seize Palestine as a whole and the Palestinian people are seen as an obstacle that must be eliminated to achieve this goal.

    Since the peak of the Nakba between 1947 and 1949, Palestinians, whom I defined as the survivors of the Nakba – meaning those who were able to remain in their homeland and who were intended to be loggers and waterers, as per the Israeli occupation administration, for the ruling Zionist class and its Jewish Arab servants who were brought in from the Arab countries to colonize Palestine – consisted a “security problem” not only in Al-Jaleel, the Triangle Area, and Al-Naqab, but also in the Palestinian coastal cities, such as Akka in the north and Yafa in the south.

    When late historian Dr. Constantin Zureik published the book The Meaning of the Nakba in 1948, a few months after the catastrophe and the peak of the Nakba, his description of the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people was accurate – due to what he witnessed personally and through his professional academic tools – being coupled with a resounding catastrophic psychological trauma.

    However, examining what has happened to the Palestinian people, during the past 105 years, requires a new definition or at least an updated definition of the Nakba that has prevailed so far. What happened since 1917 onward shows the numerous and ongoing chapters of the Nakba of the Palestinian people since the Balfour Declaration till now, including the decision to partition Palestine in 1947 and the occupation of the second part of Palestine in 1967, the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987, the Oslo Accords and their offshoots between 1993 and 1994 and the second Palestinian Intifada that began in Al-Quds in 2000, as well as the killing of the first official Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in 2004, the repeated wars on the Gaza Strip, and the ongoing aggression against the occupied West Bank and Al-Quds, in addition to a set of racist laws against the Palestinian people in western Palestine, specifically the so-called “National Law” of 2018, the continuous killing of the Palestinian people in occupied East Palestine and the arrest of more than a million Palestinian since the Naksa, including women, children and elderly, the expanding settlement that hasn’t stopped and the confiscation of lands, the so-called “Deal of the Century” and Netanyahu and Trump’s annexation scheme, which I called in a previous article the “third armed robbery,” and the economic and “military” occupation siege on the Gaza Strip by air, sea and land, 

    On December 16, 2016, exactly on the 99th anniversary of the issuance of the Balfour Letter, we launched the Palestine Initiative 100 to re-engage with the beginning of this catastrophe. We were determined to renew encouragement to open the Balfour file since the beginning of the Palestinian people’s Nakba in 1917 and held a publicity evening in London, the capital of the British Empire that issued the Balfour Letter to the Zionist movement. As part of holding Britain to its historical, legal, and moral responsibilities, we demanded three types of steps: apology, compensation, and correction. We believe that canceling any of these steps would be naive, incomplete, or deceptive.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Children are Entitled to the Truth: Teaching Young People about Palestine in Canadian Schools and Beyond

    November 1, 2022

    Despite history of human rights abuses, the Israeli are training American cops. (Photo: File)
    – Paul Salvatori is a Toronto-based journalist, community worker and artist. Much of his work on Palestine involves public education, such as through his recently created interview series, “Palestine in Perspective” (The Dark Room Podcast), where he speaks with writers, scholars and activists. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

    By Paul Salvatori

    I was at a Toronto mall Saturday. I help coordinate a weekly talent show there.

    After one of the talented singers, a girl about 10 years old, performed the MC asked her to stay on stage to share some words about herself.

    “What do you like to do when you’re not singing?” he asked.

    “Eat pizza and school,” she replied.

    “Oh, tell us what you like about school?”

    “I get to learn. I know a lot of things,” she said confidently. “I know about science, stuff like chemistry and biology, math, I’m learning about geography too. Places outside Canada.”

    When she said that I thought about Palestine. And was hit with sadness too. I went for a walk.

    I questioned the sadness. Yes, I reflected, Palestine brings to mind the suffering of innocent people. That always makes me sad.

    Still, I felt there was something else underlying the feeling. I figured it out after the showcase.

    The sadness stems from knowing that the girl is but one of many young people, as we saw during the Javier Davila scandal at the Toronto District School Board (TDSB), who are part of a larger educational system in Canada that prevents students from learning about what’s actually happening in Palestine. In fact, it’s a system, as a recent Independent Jewish Voices Canada report confirms, that bullies educators into not teaching that all.

    Children have a right to learn about world injustices at school. That obviously includes the longstanding Israeli oppression of the Palestinian people, thereby denying them a safe and dignified life. Where the right is denied children cannot explore–in the classroom, for example–ways of ending this.

    Questions that might be explored to that end include: how can the international community play a role in dismantling the regime of Israeli apartheid, set up to keep Israelis “superior” and Palestinians “inferior”? What legal and other mechanisms must be in place to ensure that Israel is held accountable for its crimes against the Palestinian people–presently and historically?

    Why are those who occupy important roles in democratic governments, such as Irwin Cotler (Canadian Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism), permitted to endorse and spread Nakba denialism with impunity? How can young Canadians—as people of conscience—be better allies to the Palestinian people, including children who deserve yet don’t have the same educational opportunities as their Canadian counterparts?

    Surely some segment of intelligent and caring children will eventually go on to become pro-Palestinian activists. Perhaps the girl singer too. But by not improving the Canadian educational system such that it is not hostile to the truth about Palestinian oppression we are doing them a great disservice. We leave them to figure out, on their own, a world that is rife with racist Israel ideologues—and dishonest ones at that—intent on destroying the Palestinian people and their allies (either physically as in the assassination of Shireen Abu Akleh, or metaphorically where the voices of pro-Palestinian dissent are killed or intimidated into silence).

    We owe young people more and that means preparing them within the educational system to challenge this. Conservatives will object: “Leave politics out of school. There’s no place for activism in the classroom anyway.” But as the great political theorist and leftist activist, Henry Giroux, once told me during a podcast, nothing is apolitical.

    What the objection really is about is reproducing the status quo—the educational system does not prepare students to fight for social justice, in solidarity with the Palestinian people and others. Quite often that’s because conservatives would rather students undergo a rigid and even morally impoverished education: preparation to succeed in the job market, such as acquiring and developing “skill sets” to perform well at impersonal work. If that’s what an “education” is about then, frankly, it sucks.

    It’s important that students have at least the opportunity to become anti-colonial activists at school. Granted that’s no easy task where conservatives determine school curricula. This only means we must push harder. Anti-colonial efforts should be something in which all are engaged—for the betterment of humanity. By the same token how to engage in such efforts need to become a priority in schools. What values do schools have if they are not helping students learn to think critically and act in constructive ways to dismantle regimes like Israel, which keep fellow persons subjugated?

    Ultimately we are not here for ourselves but for one another. We are reminded of that by the pain of having, by choice or otherwise, separated ourselves from the task of living and building community together. School curricula should reflect that and pave the way for young people to join Palestinian and other solidarity efforts, which aim to obliterate needle divisions between people—on the basis of race, class, gender, etc.

    That’s the future all children deserve.

    SHOCKING DETAILS OF ZIONIST BIOLOGICAL WARFARE AGAINST PALESTINIANS EXPOSED

    OCTOBER 28TH, 2022

    By Kit Klarenberg

    Source

    Academics Benny Morris of Ben-Gurion University and Benjamin Z. Kedar of The Hebrew University of Jerusalem have produced an extraordinary paper based on a welter of archival material, exposing in disturbing detail the hitherto obfuscated dimensions of an operation by Zionist forces to use chemical and biological weapons against both invading Arab armies and local civilians during the 1948 war.

    That brutal conflict created the state of Israel, and led to permanent displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, known as the “Nakba” – Arabic for disaster, catastrophe, or cataclysm.

    Morris and Kedar offer a highly granular timeline of events, starting in the initial months of that year, as Britain prepared to evacuate Mandatory Palestine on May 15. In the lead up to that date, Zionist settlers were very much on the defensive, with militias “continuously” attacking their enclaves and convoys, with the support of neighboring armies, due to their joint rejection of UN Resolution 181, passed in November 1947, which proposed partitioning Palestine into separate Arab and Jewish states.

    With Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Transjordan all having expressed an intention to invade Palestine when Britain left – and having been actively encouraged in this regard by British intelligence – Zionist guerrillas began mounting an offensive, not merely to neutralize Arab fighters, but capture territory, destroying houses and civilian infrastructure along the way, to prevent displaced residents from returning.

    In order to augment the latter component of this effort, ensure Zionist seizure of Arab villages and towns was permanent, facilitate easier conquest of further areas, and hinder the progress of advancing Arab armies, these militias began poisoning wells with bacteria to create local epidemics of typhoid, dysentery, malaria and other diseases, in direct violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which strictly prohibits “the use of bacteriological methods of warfare.”

    As we shall see, the Zionists were suitably emboldened by the clandestine operation’s success that they eventually attempted to expand their poisoning campaign to invading Arab armies’ home soil.

    “STATE OF EXTREME DISTRESS”

    The code name of the biological warfare operation, “Cast Thy Bread” was a reference to Ecclesiastes 11:1, which directs Jews to “cast thy bread upon the waters, for after many days you will find it again.”

    The prospect of using biological weapons against the “enemy” had been percolating among the Zionist movement for some time, come the 1948 war. Three years earlier, immediately after the end of the war in Europe, Crimea-born Jewish partisan leader and poet Abba Kovner had, after reaching Palestine, hatched a plot to mass-poison Nazis, to avenge the Holocaust.

    Kovner intended to either infect waterworks in German cities, or poison thousands of SS officers detained in Allied prisoner of war camps with a fatal disease. Having procured poison from two academics at Jerusalem’s Hebrew University, he travelled to Europe to enact the plans, but was arrested by British security officials en-route, right after dumping his deadly cargo in the sea, and aborting his mission.

    Abba Kovner, center, poses in Lithuania in July 1944, before he made is way to the Ein Ha-Horesh settlement in Palestine. Source | Yad Vashem

    The former strategy resurfaced in Zionist consciousness as the prospect of a war of independence loomed, and became formalized with the creation of HEMED by Haganah, the primary Jewish paramilitary organization in Mandatory Palestine 1920 – 1948. HEMED’s three components – titled A to C – dealt with chemical and biological defense and warfare, and nuclear research.

    On April 1, 1948, David Ben-Gurion, a leading figure in the Zionist movement who is regarded as the primary founder of the state of Israel, and served as its first Prime Minister, met with a senior representative of Haganah to “discuss the development of science and speeding up its application in warfare.”

    Two weeks later, bacteria that would induce typhoid and dysentery among those who consumed it was distributed to Haganah operatives across Palestine. Before war even broke out on May 15, it had been used to poison water sources in Arab-held areas, the West Bank city of Jericho being the first documented instance. This was done in order to “undermine Palestinian staying power in still inhabited sites and to sow hindrances along the prospective routes of advance of invading Arab armies.”

    That Zionist militants did not expect areas earmarked for Palestinians under the UN’s partition plan to remain Arab-inhabited in the event of victory in the looming war is strongly underlined by their targeting of many of these villages and towns in advance.

    A vital aqueduct in Kabri that was the primary if not sole source of water for many nearby Palestinian settlements was poisoned on May 15. The paper’s authors call it “the most serious and potent use” of biological weapons during the entire 1948 War.

    The historic northern city of Acre, designated part of a future Arab state by the UN, was one of the areas dependent on the aqueduct for water. The morale of its inhabitants is said by Morris and Kedar to have been “already shaky” at this juncture, due to Haganah’s recent conquest of the Arab parts of nearby Haifa, the region’s capital, and resultant flight of most of its population, many of whom took up residence in Acre.

    Haifa’s capture by Zionists – achieved despite protection from British forces – cut off Acre not only from Haifa but neighboring Lebanon, and the prospect of Britain’s departure contributed to “plummeting” spirits among the population. The outbreak of a typhus epidemic, courtesy of Operation Cast Thy Bread, left Acre “in a state of extreme distress,” the city’s mayor reported on May 3. No one had the slightest clue that it had been deliberately created, for precisely this reason.

    ‘WHAT WAS THE POINT?’

    Morris and Kedar assert that despite the widespread campaign of biological warfare engaged in by Zionist militias across Palestine, there were comparatively few reported casualties as a result – although dozens of Palestinians, and some British soldiers, are confirmed to have been killed – and the progress of invading Arab armies was barely halted due to disease outbreaks among soldiers.

    “The apparent ineffectiveness…and problems in producing and transporting the weaponised bacteria may well have curbed enthusiasm for the campaign among Israeli defence executives. What was the point?” the pair speculates.

    Such conjecture is somewhat bizarre, given so many of their findings, and private communications between Haganah operatives cited elsewhere in the paper, make abundantly clear the strategy was highly valued, and proved pivotal in the permanent capture of many Arab villages, towns, and cities.

    Take for instance the aforementioned Acre. One day into the war, Zionist forces attacked the city, and delivered an ultimatum: unless inhabitants capitulated, “we will destroy you to the last man and utterly.” The next night, local notables duly signed an instrument of surrender, and three-quarters of the Arab population – 13,510 out of 17,395 – were displaced in a proverbial pen stroke.

    Acre Palestine

    The Arab village of As Sumeiriya, on the outskirts of Acre, lay in ruins after being leveled by a demolition team in May 1948. Frank Noel | AP

    Accordingly, the academics refer to a previously unpublished June 1948 report from Hanagah intelligence unit Shai, which attributed the speed and ease with which Acre fell into Zionist hands in part to the epidemic they had earlier unleashed. The city was far from unique in this regard – outbreaks of typhus, and “panic induced by rumours of the spread of the disease” was determined to be “an exacerbating factor in the evacuation” of several areas.

    Hindsight can on occasion mislead, but it was not retrospective pattern recognition that led Zionist militants to eagerly expand the poisoning campaign as the war unfolded. Between June and August 1948, two pseudonymous Hanagah operatives exchanged a series of cables while the bitter battle for Jerusalem raged. One became increasingly angry at the lack of progress, imploring the other, “immediately stop your neglect of Jerusalem and take care to send Bread here [emphasis added].”

    Then, on September 26, “an important Zionist executive” proposed to Ben-Gurion a wide-ranging blitz of “harassment by all means,” not only in target areas of Palestine, but also belligerent Arab countries. This counter-offensive was intended to reverse the Egyptian Army’s capture of UN-mandated Jewish territory, seize some or even all the West Bank for settlement, and prevent the return of displaced Palestinian to areas partially or wholly in Zionist control.

    The utility of biological warfare in achieving those objectives was obvious, and cables initiating the literally toxic process were fired off from the highest levels of Hanagah to its assorted militias the same day. Cairo’s water supplies were a major stated destination. Plans to that effect were evidently being explored in advance elsewhere as well.

    On September 21, a Hanagah operative hiding in Beirut reported to headquarters on possible targets for sabotage operations in Lebanon, including “bridges, railway tracks, water and electricity sources.”

    Lebanon remained in the crosshairs for some time, even as the war neared its completion, and Zionist victory was all but assured. In January 1949, two months before the country and Israel signed an armistice agreement ending the war between them, Hanagah again tasked operatives with investigating “water sources [and] central reservoirs,” in Beirut, and “supplying maps of water pipelines” in major Lebanese and Syrian towns.

    “IT’S A TRICK…”

    Clearly, then, there was very obviously a “point” to the poisoning program from the perspective of Ben-Gurion et al.

    The connivance allowed the Zionists to efficaciously seize Palestinian territory, evicting Arabs from lands they had inhabited for centuries and deterring them from coming back, without firing a shot. Neither their victims – nor the international community – had no idea that the community-threatening epidemics seizing much of the region were man-made, rather than naturally occurring, either.

    While it is clear from the paper certain individual militants were horrified by Cast Thy Bread and sought to curtail its operation, the relative lack of casualties cannot be chalked down to humanitarian concerns. Senior Zionists knew well the dire effects those infected by the bacteria suffered, not least because several of their own operatives contracted typhus themselves after accidentally drinking bottles containing it, believing the contents to be “gazoz”, a popular carbonated drink in the Middle East then and now.

    Instead, Cast Thy Bread helped conceal the settlers’ long-term objectives of annexing land far in excess of that which had been proposed under the UN partition plan, including Palestinian territory and portions of neighboring Arab countries. Clandestine use of low death rate biological weapons meant a mass purge of civilians from these areas would appear to be voluntary and self-initiated, and could be secured without the need for large-scale massacres, or local residents being evicted at gunpoint en masse.

    Ben-Gurion spelled out the Zionists’ true territorial ambitions in October 1937, following publication of Britain’s Peel Commission findings, which first advocated partitioning Palestine between Arabs and Jews. He supported the proposal, “because this increase in possession is of consequence not only in itself, but because through it we increase our strength, and every increase in strength helps in the possession of the land as a whole.”

    Such honesty is vanishingly rare. Obscuring at all times the genocidal character of Zionism, which underpins and is absolutely fundamental to the colonial ideology, has been of the utmost importance to all its adherents ever since its inception. It is an ever-increasingly difficult facade to maintain, as the days of employing covert techniques to purge Israel and the territories it illegally occupies of Arabs are largely over. Instead, the slow-burn annihilation of Palestinians is conducted overwhelmingly in broad daylight.

    As former British Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn and his supporters found out to their immense personal, professional and political cost, the primary means by which Israel shields its systematic ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from public scrutiny and condemnation today is via bogus accusations of anti-Semitism against detractors. Shulamit Aloni, former Israeli Education Minister and winner of the Israel Prize, explained to Democracy Now! in 2002:

    It’s a trick, we always use it. When from Europe somebody is criticizing Israel, then we bring up the Holocaust. When in [the U.S.] people are criticizing Israel, then they are anti-Semitic…It’s very easy to blame people who criticize certain acts of the Israeli government as anti-Semitic, and to bring up the Holocaust, and the suffering of the Jewish people, and that is to justify everything we do to the Palestinians.”

    The material collated by Morris and Kedar suggests this is a long-established “trick”. On May 27, 1948, Egypt’s Minister of Foreign Affairs sent a cable to the UN Secretary General, revealing that the previous day his country’s soldiers had captured two “Zionist agents” who were attempting to contaminate springs “from which the Egyptian troops at Gaza draw their water supply,” and had “dropped typhoid and dysentery germs into the wells lying to the east of that town.”

    Acre Aqueduct was poisoned by typhoid injected by Zionists in May 1948. Source | Palestine Land Society

    The cable, intercepted by Hanagan, was read out at a UN Security Council meeting later that day by Syria’s representative. In response, Major Aubrey Eban, designated representative of the Jewish Agency for Palestine (Israel had not yet been internationally recognized and was not a member state at that time), offered a vicious riposte.

    He charged that the Egyptian and Syrian governments had “chosen to associate themselves with the most depraved tradition of medieval anti-Semitic incitement – the charge that Jews had poisoned Christian wells.”

    “The Security Council, we are convinced, will not wish to become a tribunal for recitations from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion offered from the words of Dr. Goebbels. We hope that the Security Council will be interested not in this contemptible incitement, but in the reality of [Arab] bombs and shells falling on Jerusalem and Tel Aviv at this moment,” he added furiously.

    Such an intervention may account for why, after initial press interest in the two diplomats’ caustic war of words, Cast Thy Bread remained successfully buried for almost seven-and-a-half decades subsequently, despite opaque references to the monstrous machination appearing in several autobiographies of Zionist leaders and militants from the time, and a 2003 academic article.

    Indeed, the operation was so secret that even Israeli government censors were apparently unaware of its existence, so allowed numerous highly incriminating papers referencing the operation’s codename to pass by them unexpurgated, straight into the publicly accessible archives of the Israeli Occupation Forces.

    Reinforcing the significance of Operation Cast Thy Bread, and the eager Zionist embrace of its grisly constituent techniques, HEMED’s biological warfare division became the formally civilian Institute for Biological Research in Nes Ziona, a town in central Israel, after the 1948 War ended. Its first director was former Haganah officer Alexander Keynan, who was intimately involved in the planning and execution of “Bread”.

    Little is known about the extent or nature of Israeli biological weapons research or development today. The Institute for Biological Research has remained largely hidden from public view ever since launch, not least due to extensive security measures blocking outsider access. British investigative journalist Gordon Thomas has described a site over which no aircraft are allowed to fly, and scientists toil in laboratories deep underground creating “bottled agents of death.”

    Nonetheless, it may be significant that modern Israel is one of very, very few countries in the world that is neither a signatory to the 1975 Biological Weapons Convention nor the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention. Could another “Cast Thy Bread” be in the literal and proverbial pipeline? At the very least, we have no reason to think it won’t be. If such a campaign was to be waged now, it would likely escape public detection even more effectively than last time.

    A striking aspect of Palestinian writing about the 1948 War, identified by Morris and Kedar, is an almost total lack of reference to epidemic outbreaks at the time at all. Surviving victims of the Nakba today who contracted typhoid at the time, or had friends and relatives who did, now face the renewed indignity of learning, 74 years after the fact, they were deliberately poisoned.

    Tishreen Liberation War: A Compass of Struggle to Liberate Lands & Restore Rights

    Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°
    Damascus, SANA

    Forty-Nine years have passed since Tishreen Liberation war and men of the Syrian Arab Army, who have defeated the Israeli enemy in 1973, continue victories over the tools of this enemy of terrorist organizations to restore security and stability to the majority of the Syrian territory after being cleared off terrorism thanks to the sacrifices of the army soldiers.

    Tishreen liberation war, led by the late leader, Hafez al-Assad, has formed a compass of the struggle to liberate the usurped lands and restore the Arab rights. The liberation war was a clear declaration to start the era of victories and end the time of defeats to be the war of liberation, the first war in the Arab-Zionist conflict which broke the wall of despair after Naksa of June 1967 . Tishreen war has consolidated a fact that Syria is the fortress of the resilience of the Arab nation that defends its existence and future.

    The Successive victories against the Zionist enemy since the October war stress that it has formed a solid rock on which the glory of national resistance against Colonial plots was built in the region. This enemy tried to steal the victory of October by occupying South Lebanon, but the Syrian Arab army with the blood of its martyrs and heroisms of 1982, defeated the Zionist enemy, followed by standing beside the patriotism of Lebanese Resistance until liberating most of the territories of southern Lebanon in 2000 and the defeat of the Israeli enemy there.

    Heroic battles were carried on by the sons and grandsons of October liberation men in their war against terrorism during which they wrote heroic epics and engraved deeply in the conscience of the Syrians the meanings of pride and dignity, the blood of the martyrs, was the title of liberation from terrorism in Aleppo, Deir Ezzor and Ghouta ,Daraa, Hama, Quneitra, the countryside of Homs, Hama, the Syrian desert.

    Fedaa al-Rhayiah/ Mazen Eyon

    Documents from October 1973
    A documentary film entitled “October .. The Epic of Victory”

    Interim Israeli PM to use pre-Nakba villa as official residence

    The villa was built by wealthy Palestinian businessman Hanna Salameh in the 1930s, who was forced to leave Palestine after Israel was created

    July 11 2022

    (Photo credit: Times of Israel)

    ByNews Desk-

    Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Mohammed Shtayyeh demanded this month that interim Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid hand over a villa built prior to the Palestinian catastrophe, or Nakba, of 1948.

    Shtayyeh gave the order when it was revealed that the Israeli caretaker prime minister was planning on living there temporarily.

    The Villa Salameh, as engraved on one of the walls, was built in the 1930s by Palestinian businessman Hanna Salameh.

    Salameh was expelled from Palestine in 1948 upon the formation of the state of Israel, and lived in exile in Lebanon.

    The luxurious home is located in the Talbieh neighborhood of West Jerusalem, which was built a century ago and was home to several residences built by wealthy Palestinian elites.

    After the formation of Israel and the resulting Nakba, the dispossessed residents of the Talbieh neighborhood were forced out of Palestine by Israeli forces.

    Two years later, the villa, along with many Palestinian homes in the area, was seized by Tel Aviv under the Absentee Property Law.

    The Absentee Property Law was passed by the Israeli government in 1950, allowing it to seize the homes of Palestinians who were forced to both abandon their properties and leave their country.

    Reportedly, Lapid has temporarily occupied the villa, as the official prime ministerial residence on Balfour Street in occupied West Jerusalem, which is near the villa, undergoes renovation.

    On 4 July, during a meeting in Ramallah, Shtayyeh strongly condemned Israel’s continued violation of homes left behind by refugees, and called for the right of return for all Palestinians to their homeland under UN Resolution 194.

    The takeover by the Israeli prime minister of a historic Palestinian home aligns with Tel Aviv’s official policy of seizing or destroying Palestinian homes, and forcibly evicting their residents.

    In March this year, the Jerusalem Municipality declared its intention to annex 800 Palestinian homes in the neighborhood of Jabal al-Mukaber, in order to raze them and build a commercial center as well as 500 settlement units for Jewish residents.

    On 12 June, a report by Land Research Center of the Arab Studies revealed that Israeli forces demolished at least 1,032 Palestinian buildings and homes in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank in 2021.

    The Nakba, administrative detention, Jenin and Shireen Abu Akleh

    1 Jun 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Fra Hughes 

    What do these four separate events have in common?

    The Nakba, administrative detention, Jenin and Shireen Abu Akleh

    The Nakba as many people are already aware refers to the mass expulsion of ethnic Palestinians from their homes towns and villages in 1948.

    Over 750 000 old men, young women mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters, fled for their lives, under the threat of annihilation and ethnic genocide from the forces of the newly created “Israel”.

    “Israel” was born into the bloodied hands of Zionist terrorism, the Irgun, Stern gangs, and Haganah.

    Terrorist groups murdered, maimed mutilated, and raped Palestinians as part of their campaign to create the colonial regime of “Israel” in the land depleted of its indigenous population.

    Europeans who were not born in Palestine carried out a wave of ethnic cleansing and a campaign of murder to replace the indigenous population with a nonindigenous invasion of European Jewish and Zionist colonial carpet baggers, who stole farms, occupied homes and robbed the national wealth and resources of Palestine for their own selfish gain.

    They not only stole the land, but they stole the lives, the future, the dreams and the aspirations of a nation and its people, forcing 8 million Palestinians to live in exile, many still surviving in refugee camps, and two open-air defacto prison camps, incarcerating the remaining Palestinians living under illegal military occupation.

    The ‘Nakba’ is the name given to the Catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people in 1948.

    That ongoing catastrophe continues today as illegal Israeli settlements are built on land stolen by the apartheid regime in the occupied territories.

    The theft of homes in Al-Khalil and Sheik Jarrah, combined with the recent Israeli Court decision to expel 1000 Palestinians from their homes in order to plant trees on top of their land, proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that the ethnic cleansing house by house,  dunum by dunum, continue apace and is indeed Israeli state policy 

    The remodeling of Palestine into “Israel” continues.

    Add to this the cultural appropriation of Palestinian culture and food, and we have nearly the complete expropriation of most things that are Palestinian into a hybrid “Israel” society.

    Even the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Al-Quds (Jerusalem) is under constant assault by Israeli occupation forces and illegal settlers, who wish to take and ultimately destroy the mosque, the third most holy site in Islam, in order to build the fabled Temple Mount on the site, of which “Israel” archaeologists have found no historical evidence.

    All this violence, death, destruction, and regional conflict were delivered by the US, Britain, and the UN.

    They gave away 52% of Palestine on the 14th of May, 1948.

    They gave it to the armed militant Zionist gangs who were designated as terrorists at that time.

    “Israel” was built on terrorism and continues to exist through its use of terrorism, illegal occupation, siege, bombings, warships, F16 aircraft, attack helicopters, nuclear submarines, extrajudicial murders, spies, and collaborators.

    Palestinians have paid the ultimate price for European antisemitism from 19th-century Czarist Russia to Hitler’s 20th-century Germany.

    Palestinian are paying the price for crimes they did not commit.

    The riots in Al-Quds in 1926 prove Zionist intentions to colonize Palestine long before the second world war.

    The primary resistance to this military occupation of Palestinian homes, towns, lands, and villages by Zionists was the use of armed resistance. 

    Although Palestine had no army, navy, or airforce, with most of the civilian population having been disarmed by the British occupation prior to partition, the people tried valiantly to defend themselves.

    As part of the occupation’s oppressive control of Palestinians today, the use of administrative detention, also known as internment without trial, used by the British during the British Mandate laws, has no legal basis in international law.

    It is used to disrupt peaceful opposition to the ongoing illegal Israeli occupation as a blunt tool of repression.

    No charges are brought against the plaintiff.

    Secret evidence may be produced for the non-jury, trial judge to peruse.

    This secret evidence, if it even exists, is not made available to the defense, and universally the victim of this miscarriage of justice is carted off to jail for periods of 6 months at a time. 

    This can be extended at the whim of the court upon expiry.

    Some Palestinians have served concurrent periods of administrative detention leading to between 10 and 15 years of incarceration.

    No formal charges are presented, no trial by jury, no evidence provided in open court to be challenged by the defense, just a nod and a wink between the state enforcement branch of government and the state judiciary branch of government, and you’re locked up.

    A whole society and government based on the continued exploitation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, in order to allow Zionists to steal their homes and their land.

    This is all carried out under the protection of the IOF.

    Palestinians are subject to military law and military courts while illegal Israeli settlers are subject to civil law and civil courts. 

    Administrative detention, controlled movement, extrajudicial murder, house demolitions, live bullets rubber bullets, batons, tear gas, bombs, and missiles are the order of the day in the arsenal of the repressive apartheid regime to be used as necessary against the Palestinian people.

    While the UN passed resolution 194 allowing Palestinians who fled the ethnic cleansing of 1948 to return to Palestine, “Israel” consistently refuses to comply.

    Any Jew not born in Palestine can immigrate there from Russia, America, France, Ukraine, Britain, or indeed from any part of the globe and be given land or homes that have been stolen from the indigenous people?

    Palestinians have the right under international law to resist the illegal occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by ‘ Any Means Necessary’ this includes the right to armed self-defense.

    Jenin is one of the many refugee camps that are to be found in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and indeed all over West Asia.

    Many of its inhabitants are refugees from the expulsions of 1948 and again in 1967 when the Israeli militarily occupied the West Bank and Gaza.

    A refugee camp filled with the nightmares of occupation and the dreams of returning to their homes and land.

    A place where the spirit of freedom shines bright amidst the darkness of oppression. 

    The only response to the overwhelming and complete control of their society, and as a reaction to the continued Israeli military brutality and provocations, was to use their very bodies in an act of desperation to remind the world and Israeli society they refuse to be treated like this, they chose to resist 

    Recently we have witnessed Israeli provocations at Al Aqsa,

    The beatings and arrests inside the mosque combined with the firing of tear gas at peaceful worshippers, the brutality shown towards the old men, young women, and girls near Damascus Gate and the apparent shoot to kill policy being used by the IOF against unarmed civilians, has enraged Palestinian civil society and roused the resistance into action

    Many children, young men, and even mothers have been murdered by the IOF.

    A death sentence is a price for resisting the illegal occupation with a stone.

    Jenin is not alone in continuing to resist the occupation, every Palestinian – except those who profit from the occupation or collaborate with it – demands peace, justice and dignity for Palestine.

    Shireen Abu Akleh died as she lived exposing Israeli violations of international law, its war crimes, its brutality and its viciousness.

    The hierarchy of victimhood, which is so well defined in the West, can also be found in Israeli coverage of the occupation.

    Palestinians are “terrorists”.

    Israelis are “peace-loving people who just want to live in safety.”

    The reality is most likely the reverse of this narrative.

    Why was Shireen assassinated?

    Well, its quite simple really, from the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians during the Nakba which is commemorated every May 15, the day after “Israel” was created and the ethnic cleansing began in earnest, through Administrative detention, used to repress legitimate dissent and opposition to the occupation, to the abandonment of Palestinians to the refugee camps in order to control them, it is the broadcasters, journalists, photographers and eyewitnesses that the occupation also wants to control.

    They want to control not only what Palestinians are allowed to do in their own country in their homes on their land and even in their mosques but they want to control what you and I outside of Palestine are allowed to see and hear.

    Targeted assassination of journalists is as much a tool in the arsenal of the apartheid regime as ethnic cleansing house demolitions, Administrative detention, controlled movement, and murder.

    Shireen was executed because she exposed the truth to the world of the brutality of “Israel”s continuing illegal occupation

    She reported on house demolitions, peaceful protests, military house raids, and on the excesses of the Israeli Courts

    She was a thorn in their side.

    According to the Palestinian Union of Journalists 55 journalists have been murdered, executed by the IOF in Palestine from 2000 and many many more injured.

    The press is regularly attacked, cameras are broken and journalists are assaulted.

    There is no freedom in Palestine from the brutality of the repressive military occupation for any indigenous person.

    Indeed international solidarity activists are also under threat, while walking children to school like the ecumenical accompaniers in Al-Khalil, to Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndell both International Solidarity members murdered by the Israeli regime.

    There is a linear line that goes from 1901 through to 2022 that joins land, acquisition, ethnic cleansing, race riots, the partition of Palestine, the 1948 and 1967 Israeli wars of aggression, the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, and the murder of Shireen Abu Akleh.

    It’s called Zionism.

    It is a cancer that has invaded the body politics and society of WestAsia if not treated it will destroy the host.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    LONG MARGINALIZED, THE RIGHT OF RETURN IS ONCE AGAIN A PALESTINIAN PRIORITY

    MAY 25TH, 2022

    Source

    By Ramzy Baroud

    The Nakba is back on the Palestinian agenda.

    For nearly three decades, Palestinians were told that the Nakba – or Catastrophe – is a thing of the past. That real peace requires compromises and sacrifices, therefore, the original sin that has led to the destruction of their historic homeland should be entirely removed from any ‘pragmatic’ political discourse. They were urged to move on.

    The consequences of that shift in narrative were dire. Disowning the Nakba, the single most important event that shaped modern Palestinian history, has resulted in more than political division between the so-called radicals and the supposedly peace-loving pragmatists, the likes of Mahmoud Abbas and his Palestinian Authority. It also divided Palestinian communities in Palestine and across the world around political, ideological and class lines.

    Following the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, it became clear that the Palestinian struggle for freedom was being entirely redefined and reframed. It was no longer a Palestinian fight against Zionism and Israeli settler colonialism that goes back to the start of the 20th century, but a ‘conflict’ between two equal parties, with equally legitimate territorial claims that can only be resolved through ‘painful concessions’.

    The first of such concessions was relegating the core issue of the ‘Right of Return’ for Palestinian refugees who were driven out of their villages and cities in 1947-48. That Palestinian Nakba paved the way for Israel’s ‘independence’, which was declared atop the rubble and smoke of nearly 500 destroyed and burnt Palestinian villages and towns.

    At the start of the ‘peace process’, Israel was asked to honor the Right of Return for Palestinians, although symbolically. Israel refused. Palestinians were then pushed to relegate that fundamental issue to a ‘final status negotiations’, which never took place. This meant that millions of Palestinian refugees – many of whom are still living in refugee camps in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan, as well as the occupied Palestinian territories – were dropped from the political conversation altogether.

    If it were not for the continued social and cultural activities of the refugees themselves, insisting on their rights and teaching their children to do the same, such terms as the Nakba and Right of Return would have been completely dropped out of the Palestinian political lexicon.

    Palestinian refugee
    A Family warms themselves by a fire during cold weather in a slum on the outskirts of a Gaza refugee camp, Jan. 19, 2022. Khalil Hamra | AP

    While some Palestinians rejected the marginalization of the refugees, insisting that the subject is a political not merely a humanitarian one, others were willing to move on as if this right was of no consequence. Various Palestinian officials affiliated with the now-defunct ‘peace process’ have made it clear that the Right of Return was no longer a Palestinian priority. But none came even close to the way that PA President Abbas, himself, framed the Palestinian position in a 2012 interview with Israeli Channel 2.

    “Palestine now for me is the ’67 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is now and forever … This is Palestine for me. I am [a] refugee, but I am living in Ramallah,” he said.

    Abbas had it completely wrong, of course. Whether he wished to exercise his right of return or not, that right, according to United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194, is simply “inalienable”, meaning that neither Israel nor the Palestinians themselves, can deny or forfeit it.

    Let alone the lack of intellectual integrity of separating the tragic reality of the present from its main root cause, Abbas lacked political wisdom as well. With his ‘peace process’ floundering, and with the lack of any tangible political solution, he simply decided to abandon millions of refugees, denying them the very hope of having their homes, land or dignity restored.

    Since then, Israel, along with the United States, has fought Palestinians on two different fronts: one, by denying them any political horizon and, the other, by attempting to dismantle their historically enshrined rights, mainly their Right of Return. Washington’s war on the Palestinian refugees’ agency, UNRWA, falls under the latter category as the aim was – and remains – the destruction of the very legal and humanitarian infrastructures that allow Palestinian refugees to see themselves as a collective of people seeking repatriation, reparations and justice.

    Yet, all such efforts continue to fail. Far more important than Abbas’ personal concessions to Israel, UNRWA’s ever-shrinking budget or the failure of the international community to restore Palestinian rights, is the fact that the Palestinian people are, once again, unifying around the Nakba anniversary, thus insisting on the Right of Return for the seven million refugees in Palestine and the shattat – Diaspora.

    Ironically, it was Israel that has unwittingly re-unified Palestinians around the Nakba. By refusing to concede an inch of Palestine, let alone allow Palestinians to claim any victory, a State of their own – demilitarized or otherwise – or allow a single refugee to go home, Palestinians were forced to abandon Oslo and its numerous illusions. The once-popular argument that the Right of Return was simply ‘impractical’ no longer matters, neither to ordinary Palestinians nor to their intellectual or political elites.

    In political logic, for something to be impossible, an alternative would have to be attainable. However, with Palestinian reality worsening under the deepening system of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid, Palestinians now understand that they have no possible alternative but their unity, their resistance and the return to the fundamentals of their struggle. The Unity Intifada of last May was a culmination of this new realization. Moreover, the Nakba anniversary commemoration rallies and events throughout historic Palestine and the world on May 15 have further helped crystallize the new discourse that the Nakba is no longer symbolic and the Right of Return is the collective, core demand of most Palestinians.

    Israel is now an apartheid state in the real meaning of the word. Israeli apartheid, like any such system of racial separation, aims at protecting the gains of nearly 74 years of unhinged colonialism, land theft and military dominance. Palestinians, whether in Haifa, Gaza or Jerusalem, now fully understand this, and are increasingly fighting back as one nation.

    And since the Nakba and the subsequent ethnic cleansing of Palestinian refugees are the common denominators behind all Palestinian suffering, the term and its underpinnings are back at the center stage of any meaningful conversation on Palestine, as should have always been the case.

    Sayyed Nasrallah Reiterates Call on Lebanese Authorities to Exploit Maritime Gas Resources to Face Economic Crisis

     May 20, 2022

    Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah addressed on Friday the Party’s ceremony held to mark the sixth anniversary of the martyrdom of the Resistance military commander, Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine, indicating that the martyr was one of the symbols of the resistance generation which rebelled against the official regime in Lebanon and the region.

    Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated that martyr Badreddine was brave, determined, smart, innovative, and eloquent, adding that he gained all the medals of honor as a martyr, injured, fighter, leader and prisoner.

    Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted a number of political and military occasions which occurred in May.

    Palestine’s Catastrophe (Al-Nakba: May 15, 1948)

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Palestinian Catastrophe is still affecting the Palestinians and all the Arabs, citing the ongoing Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people.

    His eminence added that, in light of Al-Naksa which stormed the Palestinians, Egyptians, Syrians and Lebanese in 1967, the Palestinian people decided to resort to the resistance choice, adding that the Palestinian Resistance is now stronger than ever.

    Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah pointed out that the Israeli enemy wanted to repeat the Nakba in Lebanon in 1982, adding that the Israeli invasion reached the second Arab capital, Beirut, after Al-Quds.

    Sayyed Nasrallah noted that the Lebanese people were divided in 1982 into three categories: those who helped the invaders, the neutral, and the resistance groups.

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Lebanese resistance did not resort to the Arab official support as most of the regional regime had surrendered and normalized ties with ‘Israel’ publicly or secretly.

    Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that martyr Badreddine was one of the resistance members that started immediately after the invasion fighting the Zionist enemy, adding that martyr Badreddine was injured in Khaldeh battle against the Israeli enemy.

    Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the cooperation with the Arab countries may help Lebanon economically, not militarily, adding that the Arabs can never enable Lebanon to face the Israeli enemy.

    May 17 Pact

    Hezbollah Secretary General said that, after the Israeli invasion in 1982, the Lebanese state engaged in a humiliating negotiation with the enemy and concluded a surrender agreement with it on May 17, 1983.

    Ironically, those who approved May 17 Pact are now chanting slogans of sovereignty and establishment of ties with Arab states, Sayyed NAsrallah said.

    Sayyed Nasrallah added that various Lebanese parties opposed the pact and rebelled against it, including Amal Movement, adding that clerics, including Sayyed Mohammad Hssein Fadlollah, rejected the agreement.

    Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that the resistance overthrew May 17 pact, questioning the state’s ability, willingness, and bravery to face the Israeli enemy, the US administration and all the enemies.

    In this regard, Sayyed Nasrallah underscored the role of martyr Badreddine and his companions in liberating Lebanon from the Israeli occupation in 2000 after a large number of military operations, including Ansariyeh, which is still influencing the Zionist collective conscience.

    Sayyed nAsrallah also spot light on the role of martyr Badreddine in dismantling the gangs collaborating with the Zionist enemy in cooperation with the security service, hailing the performance of the public institutions in this field and calling on the military judiciary  to issue firm sentences against the collaborators.

    Qusseir Battle

    Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that martyr Badreddine’s last stage was in Syria battle where the plot aimed at striking the resistance axis in Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine, adding that the martyr attended the field in person.

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that, in 2013, Hezbollah surprised all the enemies by interfering militarily in Syria, adding that liberating Al-Qusseir changed the course of the battle.

    Sayyed Nasrallah addd that Al-Qusseir liberation enhanced the resistance operation to liberate all the border areas, winch protect all the Lebanese areas from the car bombs booby-trapped in Qalamoun, noting that martyr Badreddine was the commander of those battles.

    Moreover, Sayyed NAsrallah recalled that some Lebanese political parties supported the terrorist gangs secretly, adding that they could not announce that publicly.

    Hezbollah

    Sayyed Nasrallah said that Hezbollah has been sacrificing for the sake of the nation for 40 years, adding that it is the most party committed to protecting Lebanon and preserving its identity.

    Sayyed Nasrallah added that Hezbollah members do not have more than one ID or visa and do not have any choice but to live and dies in Lebanon.

    Local Issues

    Hezbollah Secretary General called on all the parties to cooperate in order to cope with the socioeconomic crisis, underlining the prices hike and scarcity of commodities locally and internationally due to the Ukrainian war.

    Sayyed Nasrallah cited David Schenker, former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, who described the pro_US groups and figures in Lebanon as egoistic and narcissistic.

    Sayyed Nasrallah also quoted economic experts as saying that 64 countries in the world will collapse in 2022, adding some of those countries are Arab and have normalized ties with ‘Israel’.

    Sayyed Nasrallah noted that Lebanon is on the collapse list, urging the various parliamentary blocs to prioritize coping with the socioeconomic crisis, away from any other issues, including the resistance weaponry.

    Hezbollah leader also called for rebridging ties with Syria, away from any narcissistic attitude, adding that Lebanon needs this step more than Syria.

    This paves way to address a basic crisis in Lebanon represented by hosting more than 1.5 million Syrian refugees, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

    Sayyed Nasrallah further urged the Lebanese authorities to start extracting the maritime gas resources, adding that the only hope to overcome the economic crisis is selling the Lebanese gas amid the prices hike.

    Finally, Sayyed Nasrallah called on all the Lebanese parties to assume their responsibilities to face the exceptional conditions dominating Lebanon and the world.

    Source: Al-Manar English Website

    السيد نصر الله: قضية لبنان مسألة خيارات.. ومقبلون على تحديات كبيرة وخطيرة

    المصدر: الميادين نت

    2022 الثلاثاء 20 أيار

    الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصر الله يؤكد، في كلمة له في الذكرى السنوية السادسة لاستشهاد القائد مصطفى بدر الدين، أنّ الشهيد “كان حاضراً، باسمه ذو الفقار، في كل الساحات”.

    الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصر الله

    قال الأمين العام لحزب الله، السيد حسن نصر الله، اليوم الجمعة، إنّ “جيل الشهيدين مصطفى بدر الدين وعماد مغنية، والذي التحقت به أجيال، هو الذي حمى لبنان إلى اليوم”.

    وفي كلمة له، في الذكرى السّنوية السادسة لاستشهاد القائد مصطفى بدر الدين، أكد السيد نصر الله أنّ الشهيد بدر الدين “هو أحد رموز جيل بكامله”، مشدداً على أنه “كان حاضراً، باسمه ذي الفقار، في كل الساحات، أي ساحة فلسطين ولبنان وسوريا”.

    وأشار الأمين العام لحزب الله إلى أنّ الشهيد بدر الدين “حمل كل الأوسمة، مجاهداً وجريحاً، إلى أن استُشهد وقضى عمره في مواجهة الصهاينة والتكفيريين”.

    وفيما يخص النكبة الفلسطينية، قال السيد نصر الله إنّ “نكبة الـ15 من أيار/مايو لم تكن نكبة فلسطين فقط، بل كانت نكبة كل العرب، وهي حادثة لا تنتهي مصائبها ولا آلامها”، لافتاً إلى أنّ “الأهم الآن إزاء هذه النكبة هو موقف الشعب الفلسطيني خلال عقود، وما جري في الأسابيع الماضية وسيف القدس”.

    وأضاف الأمين العام لحزب الله أنّ الشعب الفلسطيني “حسم خياره منذ وقت طويل، وهو اليوم حاضر في الميادين والساحات”، متابعاً: “أنا أعتقد أنّ إيمان الأغلبية الساحقة من الشعب الفلسطيني بخيار المقاومة الآن أقوى من أي زمن مضى”.

    وأشار السيد نصر الله إلى أنّ “رسالة الشعب الفلسطيني هي أنه لم يعد ينتظر أنظمة عربية ولا جامعة عربية ولا أمماً متحدة”، مؤكداً أنّ “ميزة جيل السيد مصطفى بدر الدين، أنه لم ينتظر دولاً عربية ومنظماتٍ إسلامية ومجتمعاً دولياً ومجلس أمنٍ دولياً، بل المقاومة في لبنان، التي بدأت منذ الساعات الأولى للاجتياح”.

    ولفت الأمين العام لحزب الله إلى أنّ “العلاقات بالعالم العربي من الثوابت التي لا نقاش فيها، لكن لا يتوهّمنّ أحد أنه قادر على حماية لبنان”، مشدداً على أنه “في مواجهة الاحتلال، وحماية لبنان من التهديدات، لا أعتقد أن أحداً يمكنه أن يفتح حساباً للنظام الرسمي العربي”.

    وأردف السيد نصر الله أنّ “الفريق الذي وقّع على اتفاقية الـ17 من أيار/مايو هو نفسه الذي ينادي اليوم بالسيادة والعلاقات بالعالم العربي”، مضيفاً أنه “يجب السعي لبناء دولة عادلة وقادرة، لكن الأساس هو السلطة التي تحكم هذه الدولة وارتباطاتها”.

    وأكد الأمين العام لحزب الله أنّ “المقاومة ساهمت في كشف كثير من شبكات التجسس الإسرائيلية وتفكيكها، بالتعاون مع الأجهزة الأمنية”، مشيراً إلى أنّ الأخيرة “مصمّمة على المضي في تفكيك شبكات التجسس”، مطالباً “كل القيادات بدعم هذا الاتجاه”.

    وتابع السيد نصر الله أنه “في ظلّ قدرات المقاومة، فإن الإسرائيلي بات محتاجاً إلى كثير من العملاء، وبدأ التجنيد بطريقة غير متقنة وغير احترافية”، مؤكداً أنّ “الشهيد القائد بدر الدين كان رأس الحربة في معركة تفكيك السيارات المفخخة في بداية مواجهة الإرهاب التكفيري”.

    نحن أكثر المعنيين بالمحافظة على البلد

    وأشار الأمين العام لحزب الله إلى أنّ “خيارات فريقنا السياسي كانت دائماً هي الصائبة، وهي التي انتصرت منذ عام 1982 إلى اليوم”، موضحاً أنّ “القضية في لبنان هي مسألة خيارات، منذ الاجتياح إلى اليوم، مروراً بالحرب الكونية التي شُنّت على سوريا”.

    وأضاف السيد نصر الله أنّ “الانقسام في لبنان لا يزال موجوداً، وهو اليوم حادّ، وبالتالي نحن مقبلون على تحديات”، موجّهاً الكلام إلى من “يناقش بشأن الانتماءات الوطنية”، بالقول “نحن أكثر المعنيين بالمحافظة على البلد وهويته”.

    وتابع الأمين العام لحزب الله: “نحن هنا، وُلدنا وهنا نُدفن، ولا يتوقّعنّ أحد أننا سنضعف أو نتخلى عن بلدنا الذي دفعنا من أجله كل هذا الدم الغالي”، لافتاً إلى “أننا في لبنان اليوم أمام تحدياتٍ كبيرة وخطيرة جداً”.

    وأوضح السيد نصر الله أنّ “التحدي الداهم هو الأزمتان الاقتصادية والمعيشية، وأزمات الخبز والدواء والكهرباء، وليس سلاح المقاومة”، مضيفاً أنّ “أكثر من يعرف الفريق الذي ندعوه إلى الشراكة اليوم هم الأميركيون، ومنهم ديفيد شينكر”.

    وأردف الأمين العام لحزب الله أنّ “شينكر، الذي هو أعرف بهم (خصوم المقاومة في لبنان)، وصفهم بالنرجسيين والشخصانيين، أي أنه لا تهمهم مصلحة البلد والناس”، مشيراً إلى أنّه “بحسب الخبراء، فإنّ الوضع الاقتصادي لعدة دول مطبّعة مع إسرائيل على حافة الانهيار، وإحداها بدأت بيع أصولها”.

    وأكد السيد نصر الله “أننا في لبنان لا نملك ترف الوقت، وهذا يتطلب حركة طوارئ في البرلمان وعملية تشكيل الحكومة”، لافتاً إلى أنّ “الانفتاح على الشرق والغرب يجعلنا نمنع الانفجار، وعودة العلاقات بسوريا تفتح لنا باب معالجة أزمة النازحين”.

    وشدّد الأمين العام لحزب الله على أنّ “استخراج النفط هو باب الأمل الأساسي للخروج من أزمتنا، لا التسوّل وقروض البنك الدولي”.

    مقالات متعلقة

    From Nakba 74 and Beyond: Solidarity is Ongoing

    May 19, 2022

    Thousands of Palestinians throughout the besieged Gaza Strip commemorate the 74th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

    By Benay Blend

    On Nakba Day 2022, thousands of people around the world marked the 74th anniversary of the “catastrophe” of 1948 that saw nearly 800,000 Palestinians expelled from their homes as Zionists established the illegal state of Israel. Demonstrators also demanded justice for the slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh who was assassinated by Israeli forces in Jenin within the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

    Appropriately, on May 15, poet and activist Remi Kanazi tweeted: “Why solidarity matters. It’s Nakba Day. Other communities are in pain and dealing with supremacist forces. If we don’t fight against all systems of domination and build with each other,” he warned, “the oppression we face will never truly end, even if we think it does.”

     As if in answer, an Azov-insignia wearing teen carried out a mass shooting at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. Because 11 out of the 13 victims were black, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the police have labeled the murders a “hate crime.”

    The problem with this label is that it implies that the crime was an act of a lone individual acting on racist impulses. The solution, many believe, is gun control. Both assumptions are mere band-aids on the problem. Whether a member of an organized group or not, this man was not a lone shooter, but rather part of a larger Nazi movement.

    As Benjamin Norton noted, the shooter was wearing the same “black sun” Nazi symbol used by Ukraine’s neo-Nazi Azov militia, which NATO is arming and training. According to an Al Jazeera report, Ukraine has emerged as an international center for the far right around the world. There Azov has been active in training men who want combat experience and share a fascist ideology.

    The soldier who murdered Abu Akleh also acted as a member of a particular society, writes  scholar/activist Steven Salaita, doing “exactly what Israeli soldiers do.” Indeed, over the past two decades the Zionist state has murdered approximately fifty journalists, making Abu Akleh’s death not an aberration, a mistake, but rather a matter of policy.

    The colonizer, concludes Salaita, perpetuates violence “because of colonization.” In the end, it is “the only way he knows how to be a good citizen” while maintaining a “meaningful existence” for himself.

    Just as few shooters act alone, but rather as products of their worldview, so do those who successfully work for social justice do so in community. Mourning the assassination of her compatriot, Gaza-based Palestinian journalist Wafa Aludaini writes that Abu Akleh was a household name in local homes because she documented Israeli crimes.

    In her own words, Abu Akleh attests to her close connection to community: “I chose journalism,” she explained, because she wanted to be “close to the people. It might not be easy to change reality,” she continued, “but at least I could bring their voice to the world.”

    Writing is a solitary endeavor, but the formation of ideas is not. In the introduction of These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons (2020), Ramzy Baroud, activist/journalist/writer and editor of this collection, declares that “because Palestinian resistance is a collective experience, the writing of this book has also been a collective effort. It is our attempt to reclaim the narrative of our people,” he continues, “to liberate it from the suffocating confines of political, media and academic discourse and take it into the heart of resistance.”

    Palestine solidarity by its very definition is also a communal effort, the work of many groups of individuals whose histories are likely different but whose goals for the future intersect with those of all colonized peoples around the world.

    My own involvement began around 1980 with a Muslim/Jewish dialogue group organized by fellow grad students at the University of New Mexico. Since then, my activism has evolved away from conversations that by their very nature involve a power gap to direct involvement/writing that attempts to place Palestinians at the center. At the present time my activist work involves membership in the recently organized Albuquerque chapter of Samidoun: Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. As a writer, I’ve also learned that very little happens in a vacuum; formulation of ideas requires a give and take between people of similar, and sometimes different, persuasion. From all those years I’ve learned the importance of being part of an organization.

    Solidarity means maintaining unanimity no matter where the media directs our attention. “Empathy’s endurance,” writes Onyesonwu Chatoyer, organizer for the All African People’s Revolutionary Party—Southwest, makes possible “a better and more just way of living” that is “within our capacity” to rebuild. At the present time, however, our inner lives are being “weaponized and manipulated,” especially among the “disorganized and unconscious” elements of our society.

    In his preface to Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out (2022), Ramzy Baroud defines the parameters of the struggle. “Solidarity that is not guided by authentic Palestinian voices is simply futile,” Baroud declares, “it cannot effectively mobilize what is essential: their purpose” (p. xviii).

    The collection’s chapters are a testament to the ability of Palestinians—and by extension all people who are engaged in freedom struggles—to liberate themselves. Reflecting on “The International Struggle on Behalf of Palestine,” co-editor Ilan Pappé shares three major truths that he has learned during his decades-long involvement in the solidarity campaign. First, solidarity for an Israeli Jew means moving away from Zionism and its “comfort zone”; second, winning the trust of the Palestinian people remains crucial; and finally, trying to influence others to follow the same path is hard (p. 411).

    In an interview with Asantewaa Nkrumah-Turé, organizer with Black Alliance for Peace Philadelphia, Margaret Kimberly led the conversation in a way that resonates well with Baroud’s and Pappe’s interpretation of solidarity. Nkrumah-Turé began by speaking of her experience on a panel at the recent Al-Awda Conference in New York. There she tied her anti-imperialist work to Palestine solidarity, commitments that she traced back to the long history of Black support for the Palestinian struggle,

    For example, Nkrumah-Turé mentioned her late brother Kwame Turé who came out against Zionism during his involvement with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). In this way her trajectory is different than Pappé in that she did not have to leave Zionism in order to oppose it.

    Like Baroud and Pappé, Nkrumah-Turé acknowledges other groups who have come to share her position. For example, she salutes Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) for what she believes must have been a “difficult move” when they came out with a public statement denouncing Zionism.

    Finally, she addresses what Pappé calls the “tension between effort and tangible results” (pp. 411,412), losing hope due to the lack of significant changes on the ground. In answer, both highlight the importance of looking to the future. For Pappé, the solution is asking if we “have done enough for the cause,” and for Nkrumah-Turé, a similar response: developing the kind of courage to stay in the fight for the long haul.

    For me, it is helpful to consider all of the activists mentioned in this article, along with the contributors to Our Vision for Liberation, as the energy who provide sumud (steadfastness) and inspiration for the future struggle.

    – Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

    Sayyed Nasrallah Reiterates Call on Lebanese Authorities to Exploit Maritime Gas Resources to Face Economic Crisis

     May 20, 2022

    Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah addressed on Friday the Party’s ceremony held to mark the sixth anniversary of the martyrdom of the Resistance military commander, Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine, indicating that the martyr was one of the symbols of the resistance generation which rebelled against the official regime in Lebanon and the region.

    Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated that martyr Badreddine was brave, determined, smart, innovative, and eloquent, adding that he gained all the medals of honor as a martyr, injured, fighter, leader and prisoner.

    Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted a number of political and military occasions which occurred in May.

    Palestine’s Catastrophe (Al-Nakba: May 15, 1948)

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Palestinian Catastrophe is still affecting the Palestinians and all the Arabs, citing the ongoing Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people.

    His eminence added that, in light of Al-Naksa which stormed the Palestinians, Egyptians, Syrians and Lebanese in 1967, the Palestinian people decided to resort to the resistance choice, adding that the Palestinian Resistance is now stronger than ever.

    Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah pointed out that the Israeli enemy wanted to repeat the Nakba in Lebanon in 1982, adding that the Israeli invasion reached the second Arab capital, Beirut, after Al-Quds.

    Sayyed Nasrallah noted that the Lebanese people were divided in 1982 into three categories: those who helped the invaders, the neutral, and the resistance groups.

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Lebanese resistance did not resort to the Arab official support as most of the regional regime had surrendered and normalized ties with ‘Israel’ publicly or secretly.

    Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that martyr Badreddine was one of the resistance members that started immediately after the invasion fighting the Zionist enemy, adding that martyr Badreddine was injured in Khaldeh battle against the Israeli enemy.

    Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the cooperation with the Arab countries may help Lebanon economically, not militarily, adding that the Arabs can never enable Lebanon to face the Israeli enemy.

    May 17 Pact

    Hezbollah Secretary General said that, after the Israeli invasion in 1982, the Lebanese state engaged in a humiliating negotiation with the enemy and concluded a surrender agreement with it on May 17, 1983.

    Ironically, those who approved May 17 Pact are now chanting slogans of sovereignty and establishment of ties with Arab states, Sayyed NAsrallah said.

    Sayyed Nasrallah added that various Lebanese parties opposed the pact and rebelled against it, including Amal Movement, adding that clerics, including Sayyed Mohammad Hssein Fadlollah, rejected the agreement.

    Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that the resistance overthrew May 17 pact, questioning the state’s ability, willingness, and bravery to face the Israeli enemy, the US administration and all the enemies.

    In this regard, Sayyed Nasrallah underscored the role of martyr Badreddine and his companions in liberating Lebanon from the Israeli occupation in 2000 after a large number of military operations, including Ansariyeh, which is still influencing the Zionist collective conscience.

    Sayyed nAsrallah also spot light on the role of martyr Badreddine in dismantling the gangs collaborating with the Zionist enemy in cooperation with the security service, hailing the performance of the public institutions in this field and calling on the military judiciary  to issue firm sentences against the collaborators.

    Qusseir Battle

    Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that martyr Badreddine’s last stage was in Syria battle where the plot aimed at striking the resistance axis in Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine, adding that the martyr attended the field in person.

    Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that, in 2013, Hezbollah surprised all the enemies by interfering militarily in Syria, adding that liberating Al-Qusseir changed the course of the battle.

    Sayyed Nasrallah addd that Al-Qusseir liberation enhanced the resistance operation to liberate all the border areas, winch protect all the Lebanese areas from the car bombs booby-trapped in Qalamoun, noting that martyr Badreddine was the commander of those battles.

    Moreover, Sayyed NAsrallah recalled that some Lebanese political parties supported the terrorist gangs secretly, adding that they could not announce that publicly.

    Hezbollah

    Sayyed Nasrallah said that Hezbollah has been sacrificing for the sake of the nation for 40 years, adding that it is the most party committed to protecting Lebanon and preserving its identity.

    Sayyed Nasrallah added that Hezbollah members do not have more than one ID or visa and do not have any choice but to live and dies in Lebanon.

    Local Issues

    Hezbollah Secretary General called on all the parties to cooperate in order to cope with the socioeconomic crisis, underlining the prices hike and scarcity of commodities locally and internationally due to the Ukrainian war.

    Sayyed Nasrallah cited David Schenker, former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, who described the pro_US groups and figures in Lebanon as egoistic and narcissistic.

    Sayyed Nasrallah also quoted economic experts as saying that 64 countries in the world will collapse in 2022, adding some of those countries are Arab and have normalized ties with ‘Israel’.

    Sayyed Nasrallah noted that Lebanon is on the collapse list, urging the various parliamentary blocs to prioritize coping with the socioeconomic crisis, away from any other issues, including the resistance weaponry.

    Hezbollah leader also called for rebridging ties with Syria, away from any narcissistic attitude, adding that Lebanon needs this step more than Syria.

    This paves way to address a basic crisis in Lebanon represented by hosting more than 1.5 million Syrian refugees, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

    Sayyed Nasrallah further urged the Lebanese authorities to start extracting the maritime gas resources, adding that the only hope to overcome the economic crisis is selling the Lebanese gas amid the prices hike.

    Finally, Sayyed Nasrallah called on all the Lebanese parties to assume their responsibilities to face the exceptional conditions dominating Lebanon and the world.

    Source: Al-Manar English Website

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    The Nakba Is Ongoing, It Didn’t End In 1948

    19 May 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen

    Robert Inlakesh 

    For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project.

    If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant

    By now most people familiar with the Palestinian cause know well of the horrific ethnic cleansing campaign that took place between 1947-9, during the creation of the regime that calls itself “Israel”. Little however, know much about the ethnic cleansing ongoing today, or perhaps their knowledge is limited to isolated cases.

    The Nakba, or ethnic cleansing of Palestine, is often defined as a historical event in which over half of Palestine’s villages, towns, and cities were destroyed, and 450 towns and villages depopulated of their Palestinian inhabitants, amounting to the forced ethnic displacement of around 800,000 people. The word Nakba means “catastrophe”, which is what is used to refer to that time, but when we speak of al-Nakba in English, what we are doing is using a term with which we refer to a historical event often meaning the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 

    Recently, Palestinian-American congresswoman, Rashida Tlaib, introduced a House Resolution which would see the United States government recognise the Palestinian Nakba. “This Sunday [Nakba Day] was a day of solemn remembrance of all the lives lost, families displaced, and neighborhoods destroyed during the violence and horror of the Nakba. The scars bourn by the close to 800,000 Palestinians who were forced from their family homes and their communities, and those killed are burned into the souls of the people who lived through the Nakba,” said Tlaib. Although this would certainly be a major achievement to gain such recognition of Palestinian suffering, in essence meaning that the US government would be admitting the historic crime that the Zionist terrorist forces committed prior to declaring themselves a State, it is important that we not disconnect the past from the present.

    The goal of today’s Israeli regime is very much the same as it was back in 1947, to occupy as much land as possible, with as few Palestinians on it as possible. In order to achieve such a goal, the settler-colonial project has taken different forms and used various tactics over the past 74 years, yet that same goal remains intact. 

    The 1950’s saw large-scale incursions into the Gaza Strip and the further displacement of more refugees during this process, whilst those Palestinians who remained inside what would become “Israel”, were kept under military rule. Often known as the 1948 Palestinians, who today have Israeli citizenships, this portion of the Palestinian population consists of many who were considered to be “present absentees” by the Israeli regime, which translates to; the people who fled their villages and remained in what became “Israel” but were refused their right to return to their original villages. Israel quickly made use of laws implemented by the British occupation regime in Palestine, like ‘Article 125 of the Defense (Emergency) Regulations’, which Israel used as a legal basis for making Palestinian villages “closed military zones”, hence preventing the displaced natives from returning to their houses. Israel also implemented the 1950 Absentee Property Law, which is broad in its definitive language and would be used to declare displaced Palestinians as “absentees” in order to steal their homes. Between 1948 and 1950, it is also believed that Israel ethnically cleansed a further 40,000 Bedouin Palestinians, whilst also destroying more Palestinian villages along the Lebanese border and expelling thousands more Palestinians until 1956.

    In 1967, during what was called the ‘Naksa’ (setback), again the tactics slightly changed, Israel had decided to illegally occupy all of historic Palestine and even beyond, expelling 300,000 Palestinians from their homes in the process. In 1969, roughly 100,000 more were forced to flee villages around the Jordan Valley area after successive Israeli air raids and military assaults against both Palestinian and Jordanian villages. 

    Without summing up all of the cases of ethnic cleansing throughout the 74 years of the Zionist regimes settler colonialist expansion, it suffices to say this, the very same tactics and laws are being used by “Israel” today to do the exact same thing they did in the past. 

    In the Naqab, where the majority of Palestinian Bedouins live today, Israel is attempting to ghettoize the people there. This means forcing them into a small number of so-called “recognised villages” and ethnically cleansing some 40 unrecognized villages, this is a throwback to the suffering of the people of the Naqab during and after 1948, when Zionist forces rounded up the remaining 11,000 Bedouin’s – of a community that were 100,000 prior to 1948 – and forced them to live in an area called al-Siyaj, where they were under strict martial law rule until 1965. Israel is today using the Jewish National Fund to work on “agricultural projects”, similar to what occurred in 1948, in order to usurp the lands of Bedouins. 

    In the West Bank, the largest portion of “Area C”, is considered to be where “closed military zones” are, meaning that Palestinians are forbidden from entering these areas. In Area C (60% of the West Bank) it is also near impossible for Palestinians to get a building permit to construct a new home. The plan to ethnically cleanse the 1,000 Palestinian residents of the village of Masafer Yatta is just the latest in a long line of plans to expel Palestinians from their villages in the West Bank. Nevertheless, Israeli illegal settlers are granted a near carte blanche to establish outposts and settlements wherever they please, despite the fact that even by Israeli law many of these outposts are illegal. Israel is also using the “Absentees Property Law” to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from their homes in East al-Quds today, as we see in Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah, in addition to areas in Haifa and Jaffa. 

    I had the pleasure of working on producing a short documentary with Redfish, called ‘The Palestinian Nakba: In Memory and the Present’, in which we interviewed survivors of the 1948 Nakba, as well as Palestinians from the younger generations who are surviving it today. Unfortunately, this short documentary report has been censored in all corners of the internet. Due to Redfish – like many other platforms that report information from an alternative and critical perspective – having been booted off of Youtube and other social media platforms, the voices and stories of Palestinians are by proxy being silenced. It is this sort of content that attempts to portray the true story of the Nakba from a Palestinian perspective, yet the public are being robbed off this knowledge.

    For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project. To say that the ethnic cleansing of Palestine was simply taking place around the time of 1948 would be, in a way, bowing to the Zionist concept that their “State” model won and that the Palestinians have already been defeated. The Palestinian resistance is most certainly not defeated, this is an ongoing struggle and an ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign, which fits into “Israel’s” settler-colonial ambitions. Naming one single event as The Nakba is correct, but when isolating the concept of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine to atrocities visited on Palestinians singularly during 1948, we begin to paint a different picture of what the true picture is.

    Many of the same legal concepts, language, arguments, and tactics that were used to ethnically cleanse Palestine in 1947 are today being used to do the same thing and the examples of this are clear for all to see. This is an ongoing battle, one of a people – the Palestinians – who are fighting to expel an invading and occupying usurper entity – the Zionist regime. If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant, therefore everything “Israel” is doing today is part of its expansionist mission and for it to stand as a ethno-supremacist “State” it must cement itself on all the land it illegally occupies. Israel has not achieved its goals and the Palestinians are not defeated, therefore the ethnic cleansing of Palestine only ends when one side wins.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    74 Years of Historical Injustice: The Creation of “Israel”

    18 May 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Hussam AbdelKareem 

    The British colonialists viewed the Zionist movement as a tool for their imperial designs and hence the Balfour Declaration was issued in 1917.

    74 Years of Historical Injustice: The Creation of “Israel”

    “Al-Nakba” is the Arabic term used to commemorate the creation of the “State of Israel” on May 15, 1948. “Al Nakba” literally means “catastrophe”, which best describes how Arab peoples feel about the creation of the Hebrew “state” in Palestine at the expense of its legitimate owners; the Palestinian Arabs.

    In 1948, the principles of right and justice were, literally, butchered at the hands of the Zionist gangs and militias known as Haganah, which later turned into the “Israeli Army”. The Jewish Zionists in Palestine, who emigrated mainly from Eastern Europe, were preparing for this day for decades. The Zionists knew very well that they were not welcomed in Palestine and will never be accepted by Arab nations, so conquering the land by force was their sole path to achieving their goals in Palestine. War with the Arabs, in the Zionists’ eyes, was inevitable. Extensive military planning and preparations were undertaken by the Zionists in Palestine since their early arrivals at the beginning of the 20th century and particularly after Great Britain took over Palestine at the end of World War I.

    The British colonialists viewed the Zionist movement as a tool for their imperial designs and hence the Balfour Declaration was issued in 1917, confirming Great Britain’s commitment to establishing a “Jewish homeland” in Palestine. The Zionists were receiving full support from the colonial power, which was true to its pledge. Waves of Jewish immigrants arrived from Europe to strengthen the Zionist project in Palestine, and by 1947, when the Palestine partition plan was passed at the UN, the Zionists had a 75,000 semi-army force, which was further aided by another 20,000 Jewish militants in the following year when they waged their war on the Arabs in Palestine in 1948. When the British withdrew their forces from Palestine in 1948, they handed their military installations, camps, and equipment to the Haganah, thus leaving behind them a fully armed and well-trained Jewish army ready to fight the Arabs in Palestine who were practically deprived of weapons and even the slightest means of defense.

    The Zionists, who were owning a mere 6% of the land in Palestine in 1948, launched their “war of independence” against the Arabs, which ended in declaring their Jewish “state of Israel” after conquering about 80% of historical Palestine by force and bloodshed. The war was brutal, and the Zionists exhibited utmost forms of savagery and cruelty. Many massacres against civilian Arabs were committed in several cities and villages in Palestine. In one of the most horrible massacres, 254 civilian villagers, including women and children, were killed in cold blood at the hands of Zionist terrorists in the town of Der Yassin, near Jerusalem. Other brutal crimes were also committed in Haifa, Tantura, and Lydd, and the Zionist terror campaign resulted in about 800,000 Palestinian Arabs fleeing their homes and lands and becoming refugees in neighboring Arab countries, namely Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt. Total destruction was inflicted by the Haganah on 531 Arab villages all over Palestine. About 85% of the Arabs who lived within the borders of the to-be “State of Israel” were forcefully expelled. It was ethnic cleansing in its ugliest forms.  

    The world was watching while these Zionist crimes were happening in Palestine and did practically nothing except some relief efforts and humanitarian aid. Even when “Israel” officially decided to confiscate the Palestinian refugees’ homes, lands, and properties in 1949, the UN did not bother to intervene. Actually, it was no surprise, as the UN was under the domination of the Great Powers of the post-World War II era, particularly the UK and USA, both supporting the new Jewish “state” which was planted in the heart of the Arab world.

    After the 1948 war ended, “Israel’ firmly refused to allow the Palestinian refugees to return to their country and demanded they be settled permanently in the other Arab countries. Furthermore, “Israel” refused to admit to the crimes committed by its troops and even declined to acknowledge its responsibility for uprooting the Palestinian Arabs and turning most of them into stateless refugees in miserable camps. The Israeli narrative about the Palestinian refugee problem is that they “voluntarily” left their homes and lands! And “Israel” refused to pay any financial compensation to the refugees whose properties were illegally confiscated and taken over by Jewish settlers. In 1967, another wave of displaced Palestinian refugees was added to the 1948 one to make the problem even worse. Again, the world did nothing apart from some expressions of sorrow for the humanitarian suffering of the refugees. With the help of its patron, the US, “Israel” escaped any accountability for its crimes and actions.

    Seven decades have passed, with successive generations, and the status of the Palestinian refugees is still the same; not allowed to return to their historical homeland, not compensated, and not recognized as victims of historical injustice!

    “Al-Nakba” will remain the term to be used to describe what happened on May 15, 1948, as long as the Palestinian suffering at the hands of the Israeli occupation continues. It’s a shame that the world allows such a tragedy to go on this long. It’s a shame that “Israel” is left without accountability.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine Weekly Update (12- 18 May 2022)

    19 05 2022

    Violation of right to life and bodily integrity

    Two Palestinians died of wounds they sustained by Israeli occupation forces’ (IOF) fire. Also, 143 civilians, including 5 children, a paramedic, and a journalist, were wounded while dozens of others suffocated and sustained bruises in IOF attacks in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. 

    On 14 May 2022, a Palestinian succumbed to his rubber bullet injury by IOF during clashes at al-Aqsa Mosque yards in occupied East Jerusalem on 22 April.

    On 15 May 2022, a Palestinian from Jenin Refugee Camp wounded by IOF’s fire succumbed to his wound at Rambam Hospital, noting that he sustained a bullet injury in the abdomen during IOF’s incursion into Jenin refugee camp on 13 May 2022 to arrest a wanted Palestinian, besiege his house and pound it with missiles. At the time, 12 Palestinians, including 3 children, were injured: 2 sustained serious injuries.

    Meanwhile, those injured were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied IOF suppression of peaceful protests and gatherings organized by Palestinian civilians and they were as follows:

    13 May: 33 Palestinians, including a photojournalist, were injured due to IOF’s suppression of mourners at journalist Shireen Abu ‘Akleh’s funeral in East Jerusalem. For further information here. On the same day, 2 Palestinians, including a child, were wounded with rubber bullets during IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly protest in Qalqilya.

    14 May: 3 Palestinians sustained rubber bullet wounds during IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly protest in Qalqilya. On the same day, a Palestinian was injured by IOF’s fire and then arrested near al-Mahkama military checkpoint, northern al-Bireh, allegedly for throwing stones at a settlers’ car.

    15 May: 20 Palestinians, including 2 children, were wounded in clashes after IOF suppressed a protest organized in commemoration of Palestinian Nakba near al-Mahkama military checkpoint, northern al-Bireh.  

    16 May: 71 Palestinians, including a paramedic, were wounded while 35 others were arrested during IOF’s widespread operation to suppress thousands of Palestinian mourners in the funeral of Waleed al-Sharif, who died 2 days after he was injured.  Also, IOF assaulted journalists and obstructed work of 11 journalists.

    17 May: a Palestinian with disability (suffering a mental disorder) was injured by IOF’s fire.  He was then arrested and taken to a hospital in Israel, claiming he attempted to attack soldiers according to a video published by IOF.

    So far in 2022, IOF attacks killed 48 Palestinians, including 38 civilians: 10 children, 4 women (one was a journalist) and the rest were activists; 3 of them were assassinated. Also, 693 others were wounded in these attacks, including 68 children, 4 women, and 19 journalists all in the West Bank, except 7 fishermen in the Gaza Strip.

    Settler-attacks on Palestinian civilians and their properties:

    2 Palestinians, including a human rights defender, were wounded and 50 trees were cut during setters’ attacks in the West Bank.  Details are as follows:

    12 May: under IOF’s protection, settlers attacked a human rights defender from Defense for Children Palestine and threw stones at his car on Jenin-Nablus Street near the entrance to evacuated Homish settlement, northwestern Nablus.  As a result, he sustained bruises and his car sustained damage.

    13 May: settlers attacked a Palestinian in eastern Yatta in Hebron and smashed windows of al-Ghad al-‘Arabi Channel vehicle during IOF’s suppression of a peaceful protest in the area against an Israel plan to expel thousands of Palestinians from Masafer Yatta area.

    18 May: settlers cut 50 olive trees in Yasouf village, eastern Salfit.

    So far this year, settlers carried out 123 attacks on Palestinians and their properties in the West Bank.

    Land razing, demolitions, confiscation, and settlement expansion

    The Israeli occupation authorities demolished 2 houses, rendering a family of 5, including 3 children, homeless.  They also demolished a room and 4 agricultural facilities; IOF razed one dunum and took over 44.6 dunums in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.  Details are as follows:

    On 13 May, IOF handed 2 notices to evacuate a 4.5-dunum land, western Bani Na’im village in Hebron, claiming it is state property. On the same day, IOF demolished a rainwater pool used for irrigation in Marj Na’ajah village, northern Jericho.

    On 14 May, IOF forced a Palestinian to self-demolish his house in Sour Baher in occupied East Jerusalem for the second time under the pretext of unlicensed construction, rendering a family of 5 homeless.

    On 15 May, IOF handed a house demolition notice, noting that a family of 4 was supposed to move to this 2-story house in western Samou’a village in Hebron.

    On 16 May, IOF demolished an under-construction house, a wooden room, and 3 barracks for livestock in al-‘Issawiya village, northeastern occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.  On the same day, IOF handed 3 notices to demolish 3 barracks used for poultry in Umm ar-Rihan village, southwestern Jenin.

    On 17 May, Israeli municipality bulldozers razed a 1000-sqm land and demolished the surrounding steel fences in Shu’fat refugee camp, East Jerusalem.  On the same day, IOF handed military orders to seize 40 dunums in Wadi Fukin village, western Bethlehem, under the pretext that it is state property.

    Since the beginning of 2022, IOF made 61 families homeless, a total of 343 persons, including 70 women and 169 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of 67 houses and 5 residential tents. IOF also demolished 43 other civilian objects, razed 243 dunums and delivered 64 notices of demolition, cease-construction, and evacuation.

    IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians

    IOF conducted 187 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During this week’s incursions, 130 Palestinians were arrested, including 2 children and a woman; most of them were arrested in a widescale arrest operation during the funerals of Shireen Abu ‘Akleh and Walid al-Sharif in East Jerusalem.  Also, IOF conducted a limited incursion into eastern Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip.

    So far in 2022, IOF conducted 3166 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 2,296 Palestinians were arrested, including 226 children and 17 women. IOF also conducted 14 limited incursions into eastern Gaza Strip and arrested 40 Palestinians, including 25 fishermen, 13 persons attempting to enter Israel from the Gaza border area, and 3 travelers via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

    Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement

    On 15 May 2022, the Israeli occupation authorities reopened Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing, northern Gaza Strip, to Palestinian workers and permit holders from Gaza after it had been closed since 03 May.

    Meanwhile, the Israeli occupation maintains its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s March 2022 monthly update on the Gaza crossings.

    In the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, IOF continues to impose restrictions on the freedom of movement. On top of its 108 permanent checkpoints, IOF established 110 temporary military checkpoints this week and arrested a Palestinian at those checkpoints.

    So far in 2022, IOF established at least 1,516 checkpoints and arrested 90 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

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