Quds Day: Reminder of Palestinian struggle

By Salman Parviz

May 21, 2020 – 14:5

Originating in Iran with the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini declared the last Friday of the holy month of Ramadan as Quds Day with the aim of forging unity among the Muslims and Arab nations so that they will unanimously express their backing for the Palestinian nation each year.

To mark the occasion amid the novel coronavirus pandemic the International Quds Day Conference was held online May 18 and 19.

This year’s Quds Day has special significance in the denunciation of the so-called “Deal of the Century” and proposed annexation of Jordan Valley and occupied West Bank, a display of shocking disregard for international law. The deal has given green light to Israeli sovereignty on the illegal settlements built since the 1967 war, which is now colonized by more than 600,000 Israeli Jews.

Protests in the region on May 15 marked the 72nd anniversary of the Nakba or “catastrophe”, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced into exile following creation of the Zionist state in 1948. It was another opportunity to denounce the policies of U.S. President D. Trump’s ultra-right policies and alliance with Israel.

While successive U.S. presidents and administrations have supported Israel, none has done as much in such a short time to embolden its right-wing settler-led colonialist government than Trump whose administration recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017, stalling the road map for a two-state solution.

Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner worked closely with former U.S. special envoy for the Middle East, Jason Greenblatt, to design the “Deal of the Century”. The plan was announced in January after several months of delay. What Palestinians saw as a “surrender note”, referred in one of the Tehran Times’ headlines as the “Highway to Hell” and what many consider “Heist of the Century”.

After three inconclusive elections in the Zionist state a three-year power-sharing agreement was announced in April which allows Netanyahu first bite at leading before handing power to Benny Gantz. At the heart of that agreement is the illegal annexation of large swathes of the West Bank, including the Jordan Valley and the Northern Dead Sea.

Israel is 21st century’s Middle East version of apartheid-era South Africa, the only remaining apartheid state where Palestinians remain, at best, second class citizens in Israel, under occupation in Gaza, East Jerusalem and West Bank.

Of historical significance is the plight of residents of Gaza Strip. In January 2006, Hamas won a sweeping majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections ending more than 40 years of domination by Fatah, the political faction built by the late Yasir Arafat.

Following the elections U.S., EU and Canada cut off funding to the Palestinian Authority despite Canada having helped to facilitate and monitor the elections. Worth mentioning is that the Israel-Hezbollah conflict ensued during the summer of 2006.

Gaza Strip was put under Israeli and Egyptian blockade in 2007 when the Hamas resistance movement started controlling the enclave. As a result of Israel’s stifling measures the UN has warned in the past that the Gaza Strip would become “uninhabitable” by 2020.

More than two million people cramped up in a 362 square kilometer area, deprived of their fundamental human rights including freedom of movement. Under strict air, sea and ground siege imposed by Israel and Egypt for the last thirteen years, Gaza Strip is considered the largest open-air prison in the world.

This prison verdict is backed by international community, mainly the Western powers and the U.S. During the siege the coastal enclave has undergone three major Israeli offensives.

Today around 6.5 million Palestinians live abroad as refugees or members of the diaspora.

Quds day is a reminder of the plight of Palestinian people.
 

RELATED NEWS

The Oslo process was a trap from which the Palestinians never escaped: ex-UN Special Rapporteur for Palestine

Source

By M.A. Saki

TEHRAN- Richard Anderson Falk, professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and former UN Special Rapporteur for Palestine, says “the Oslo process was a trap from which the Palestinians never escaped”.
“Indeed, the dynamics of this Oslo period from 1993 until the start of the Trump presidency in 2017 was to raise Israeli expectations with respect to its maximal territorial ambitions,” Falk tells the Tehran Times in an exclusive interview.
Here is the full text of the exclusive interview:
Q: As a UN Special Rapporteur for Palestine your reports revealed many facts about the Israeli settlement policies, its apartheid approach, and so on. Your efforts in this regard are commendable. To what extent did these reports have a practical impact on Israeli policies?
A: My period as UN Special Rapporteur to Palestine was between 2008 and 2014. During that time Israel carried out massive attacks on Gaza in 2008-09, 2012, and 2014, while expanding the archipelago of its unlawful settlements on the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and blocking any realistic process of a political compromise in the context of the Oslo Peace Process. I mention these negative developments as background for responding to your question about whether my reports had any ‘practical impact on Israeli policies.’ I would have to acknowledge that I could not identify any positive impact on Israeli practices and policies, especially in relation to its efforts to pursue its expansionist ambitions with regard to the control of Palestinian territory and its non-Jewish inhabitants or its unabashed defiance of international law and UN authority.
A more promising Palestinian strategy, additional to continuing acts and displays of resistance, is to encourage pressures mounted by the global solidarity movement including at the UN. Such campaigns can gain inspiration from the South African worldwide anti-apartheid movement, which overcame seemingly insurmountable odds to achieve an unexpected, mostly bloodless, victory over racism in the form of a nonviolent transition to multi-racial constitutional democracy.It seems that the heightening of criticism of Israel’s behavior by myself and others did encourage Israel’s new approach, which abandoned defending itself against allegations of unlawfulness and criminality, and instead mobilizing energy and devoting resources to defaming critics, and doing its best to discredit, and even criminalize support for the BDS Campaign and other global solidarity initiatives as the Free Gaza Campaign. This Israeli pushback culminated in the widespread adoption of the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism that deliberately conflated hatred of Jews as a people with criticism of Israel as the State of the Jewish people. It is ironic that this regressive move has been most influential in countries such as the U.S., UK, and Germany that pride themselves on being the most respected constitutional democracies the world has known since ancient Athens, and yet when it comes to Israel the right of free expression and nonviolent protest are violated with official approval.
I believe my reports did have some beneficial impact on the discourse within the UN itself (including civil society NGOs), and on the understanding of the diplomatic community, with respect to four distinct aspects of Israeli behavior: 1) Understanding the settler colonial character of Israel’s domination and dispossession of the Palestinian people; 2) The de facto annexationist aspects of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem carried out in violation of international humanitarian law; 3) The unsupportable character of prolonged belligerent occupation, the abusive nature of which is not addressed by international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions and Protocols; 4) The apartheid character of Israel’s Jewish State, not only in relation to the occupation of the territory acquired in the 1967 War but in relation to the Palestinian people as a whole, including refugees and involuntary exiles, the minority living in pre-1967 Israel, and those in Gaza after Israel’s ‘disengagement’ of 2005.
I gave particular attention in my reports to the daily injustices associated with prolonged occupation of Palestinian territories, which had not attracted much prior attention, although my successor as SR, Michael Lynk, has carried my arguments further and to their logical conclusion that the occupation must be ended by judicial and political action at the international level. The legally, morally, and politically problematic character of ‘prolonged occupation,’ especially as combined in this with a denial of all civil and political rights to the residents of the occupied Palestinian territories and subversive of underlying Palestinian sovereignty as evidenced by UN recognition of Palestine in 2012 as a non-voting member State in the UN.
I believe that my reports helped in small ways to change the discourse and perceptions of civil society activists as well as of many members of the diplomatic community who privately conveyed to me their agreement with my analysis. The reports also brought up to date the lawlessness of Israel’s behavior with respect to the settlements, the separation wall, and reliance on excessive force, most pronouncedly in Gaza, which figured in the way the media and public opinion understood the competing arguments being put forward by Israel and Palestine, and seemed of some use to governments in formulating their approach to the underlying conflict.
Q: One of your reports on Israel was removed from the UN website under pressure from the United States and Israel. What was the content of the report, and why was there so much sensitivity about it?
A: My report was temporarily removed from the UN website in either 2009 or 2010, but interestingly, not at the initiative of either Israel or the United States, but by the Palestinian Authority, which represents Palestine at the UN. Their sole objection to my text was its acknowledgment of Hamas as the administering authority of Gaza, ineffective control of the governing process, reflecting both through its electoral victory in the 2006 elections in Gaza and as a result of the expulsion of Fatah forces associated with the Palestinian Authority during the following year.
What is worse (during the Oslo process), the Palestinians went along with their own entrapment, somehow thinking that they would be rewarded by their cooperative attitudes.It was the mere mention of Hamas that disturbed and agitated the PA to the point of seeking my resignation as SR, especially after I criticized aspects of the PA administration of the West Bank and their surprising controversial support of Israeli and U.S demands that the UN disregard the recommendations of the Goldstone Report that had been critical of Israel’s violation of the Laws of War during Operation Cast Lead, its devastating military attack on Gaza that started at the end of 2008 and lasted for several weeks in January 2009. After failing to oust me from my position, the PA shifted its tone and posture, and for the remaining years of my mandate was cooperative, and did not subsequently object to my reports even when the role of Hamas was discussed.
Q: You have repeatedly criticized Israel’s policies and considered the peace process as a hoax. Why do you think this process is a hoax?
A: Maybe the word ‘hoax’ overstates my view, which was that the peace process as structured and implemented greatly favored Israel, discriminated against Palestine to such an extent that it was naïve to expect a sustainable and just peace to emerge from such one-sided diplomacy. This basic imbalance was evident in a number of respects. Above all, the framework for negotiations was seriously flawed by giving the United States, an overt and unconditional supporter of Israel, the inappropriate role of intermediary or ‘honest broker.’ This flaw exhibited itself by diplomats and staff representing the United States in the course of the Oslo process often being closely identified with the Zionist Movement, including being drawn from former employees of the pro-Israeli extremist lobbying group AIPAC. Such partisanship also explained the U.S. pressure on the Palestinian negotiating team not to object to settlement expansion or press other legal grievances as such objections would disrupt the peace process, insisting that such issues be left unresolved until ‘final status’ negotiations occurred at the last stage of the process, which was never reached. This pressure to mute international law objections to Israeli expansionism was perversely coupled with Washington’s acceptance of ‘facts on the ground’ as taking precedence over legal objections to the settlements, in effect, punishing Palestinians for following the advice to defer objections. This play of arguments reveals the entrapment of the Palestinians by the Oslo process—instead of insisting to Israel to freeze settlement activity to safeguard the diplomatic prospects, it exerted pressure on the Palestinians to suppress their objections to Israeli unlawful behavior, which by its nature, threatened reaching a two-state compromise. What is worse, the Palestinians went along with their own entrapment, somehow thinking that they would be rewarded by their cooperative attitudes.
The framework for negotiations was seriously flawed by giving the United States, an overt and unconditional supporter of Israel, the inappropriate role of intermediary or ‘honest broker.’The Oslo process was a trap from which the Palestinians never escaped, and ended up worsening Palestinian prospects as well as inflicting additional torments, including the frequency and viciousness of settler violence directed at Palestinian residents of the West Bank. Indeed, the dynamics of this Oslo period from 1993 until the start of the Trump presidency in 2017 was to raise Israeli expectations with respect to its maximal territorial ambitions, and to depress Palestinian hopes of reaching a political compromise in the form of the co-existence of separate sovereign states enjoying equal standing in international society. It became evident, as well, that Israeli internal politics drifted steadily to the right, partly reflecting the increasingly leverage of the settler movement. These developments made it increasingly clear that a two-state political compromise was no longer seen by the Israeli leadership as an expedient goal. In effect, it was no longer necessary to hide the Israeli belief that the West Bank, known in Israel by its biblical names of Judea and Samaria, was an integral element of the entitlement of the Jewish people to the land of Palestine as interpreted by mainstream Zionism as ‘the promised land.’ Some Zionists, attached to the ‘democratic’ claim attached to Israel’s political identity, worried that annexing the West Bank would explode a demographic bomb that would make it impossible to hide the apartheid nature of the Israeli state.
Q: U.S. President Donald Trump has now proposed a so-called Deal of the Century, and Israel is seeking to annex the West Bank. How do you evaluate this process?
A: As the occupation continued, and Israel’s annexationist moves met with only token international resistance, there was a noticeable shift in the outlook of Netanyahu, the dominant Israeli political figure of the period, from an international posture favoring political compromise to an outcome reached unilaterally in the form of an imposed Israeli one-state solution. When Trump arrived in the White House in early 2017 this shift for the first time enjoyed the explicit geopolitical support of the U.S. government, and need no longer be hidden from view. In this atmosphere Israel moved to affirm its claims to most of the promised land, and relinquished any attachment to ‘peace’ through negotiations, even negotiations biased in their favor.
The Trump Plan, whether known as ‘the deal of the century’ by its official name of ‘From Peace to Prosperity’ gives its seal of approval to the Israel vision of a one-state solution, slightly disguised by designating areas set aside for Palestinian administration as ‘a State,’ what was correctly associated with the Bantustans established by the apartheid regime in South Africa to hide the ugliest features of racist domination and exploitation.
The Trump Plan, whether known as ‘the deal of the century’ by its official name of ‘From Peace to Prosperity’ gives its seal of approval to the Israel vision of a one-state solution, slightly disguised by designating areas set aside for Palestinian administration as ‘a State,’ what was correctly associated with the Bantustans established by the apartheid regime in South Africa to hide the ugliest features of racist domination and exploitation. As is now known to the world, even the PA was unable to treat the Trump Plan as a serious negotiating proposal, correctly dismissing it as a blueprint for the Israeli one-state victory scenario. Israeli plans to annex a large portion of the West Bank by de jure enactment, on the basis of a green light from Washington, seems likely to be implemented in coming months, although opposed by some prominent security officials in Israel and even by maximalist Zionists on the grounds either of imperiling the Jewish demographic majority or provoking a surge of renewed Arab and international support for Palestinian grievances, and perhaps a trigger for a third intifada.
It should be internationally understood that the Trump Plan lacks any respectable international backing, and as such is in no way deserving of respect at the UN or elsewhere. It is an extremely partisan and arrogant set of proposals that are inconsistent with international law, the UN consensus, and elementary morality. Rather than being seriously considered, it should be summarily dismissed as an irrelevant geopolitical attempt to deny the Palestinian people of their inalienable right of self-determination.
Q: May 15 marked the 72nd anniversary of the establishment of Israel, and all through these years Israel has been supported by countries such as the United States and Britain. It is also noticeable that countries are consenting to Israel’s occupation. Please explain?
A: The core rationale of support for Israel over the years has changed. Back when Israel was established in 1948 the public mood was shaped by the experience of World War II, including an acute sense of guilt on the part of liberal democracies in the West as having done so little to oppose Nazi racism toward Jews. From the start of the Zionist Project in the late 19th century anti-Semitic governments in Europe oddly shared the goal of Zionists of inducing Jews to leave their countries, and were eager to encourage emigration to Palestine. These attitudes underlay the 1917 colonialist initiative of the UK, known to the world as the Balfour Declaration, by which Britain pledged to look with favor on the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine although the Jewish minority was less than 8% and the Arab majority was never consulted. The more politically active personalities in Palestine opposed the idea of a Jewish homeland in their midst from the beginning. In that sense, Western support rested on these rather weak moral foundations that were not even consistent with regional strategic interests such as access to (Persian) Gulf oil reserves, trade routes, and leverage in the post-Ottoman Arab world. Zionism in Palestine turned against its British backer when Arab unrest in the 1930s led to some limits being imposed on Jewish immigration to Palestine, and the more militant Zionist militias started an ‘anti-colonial’ war in Palestine despite themselves being colonists. Of course, this was not so unusual in the British experience, having their earlier memories of the American Revolutionary War waged by their own colonists to gain political independence.
This hostile propaganda (against Palestinians), popularized by Hollywood movies demonizing Arabs and glorifying Israelis, bestowed on Israel the political space to impose an apartheid structure of control over the Palestinian people as a whole, and to avoid any international accountability relating to its defiance of international law beyond token expressions of disapproval from European capitals and Washington whenever Israel’s provocations could not be entirely ignored.
In Palestine, as elsewhere, British divide and rule tactics during its administration of Palestine between the two world wars suggested to the UN that partition, again without consulting the smaller, yet still Arab majority, was the solution, which in turn sparked a series of regional wars, culminating in the 1967 War. In that war Israel demonstrated its military prowess, and was no longer regarded by American policymakers as a troublesome burden of conscience for the United States, but was seen as a reliable strategic ally in a turbulent region, and Israel has remained reliable over the course of the last fifty years. All in all, Israel made this unusual transition from being a burden of conscience to becoming a geopolitical junior, often not so junior, partner of the United States. In the process of a string of military defeats of the Arab countries by Israel, especially the 1973 War, there was a gradual weakening of regional support for the liberation of Palestine, and more of an Arab elite disposition to normalize the presence of Israel, and more recently join in an implicit coalition confronting Iran with the lead role being assumed by the U.S., a result of Trump’s tightening regional alignments with Israel and Saudi Arabia during the last four years. The Jewish diaspora also provided a major source of Zionist pro-Israeli leverage around the world, first, in the post-Holocaust context, and after 1967, in the course of celebrating Israel’s military successes and modernizing record of achievement.
Throughout the process, the native Palestinian population was Orientalized, denigrated as ‘backward’ and inclined toward ‘terrorism.’ This hostile propaganda, popularized by Hollywood movies demonizing Arabs and glorifying Israelis, bestowed on Israel the political space to impose an apartheid structure of control over the Palestinian people as a whole, and to avoid any international accountability relating to its defiance of international law beyond token expressions of disapproval from European capitals and Washington whenever Israel’s provocations could not be entirely ignored. Although Israel has benefitted over the decades from American aid and support and European less blatant support, Israeli leadership has always had a Plan B. Israel, sought by every means to be self-reliant with respect to its security, highlighted by its covert acquisition and development of a nuclear weapons arsenal. In this sense, unless there are important shifts in the outlook of Arab governments (although not among the captive populations), even the withdrawal of U.S. support, which seems highly unlikely, would not make Israel much more vulnerable to external pressures.
Q: Based on the realities on the ground, it seems that the only way for the Palestinian people to get their rights is to resist the Israeli occupation. What is your opinion?
A: In view of the considerations discussed above, the most opportune Palestinian strategy would be to give up hopes under present conditions for reaching a satisfactory solution through diplomacy or at the UN. A more promising Palestinian strategy, additional to continuing acts and displays of resistance, is to encourage pressures mounted by the global solidarity movement including at the UN. Such campaigns can gain inspiration from the South African worldwide anti-apartheid movement, which overcame seemingly insurmountable odds to achieve an unexpected, mostly bloodless, victory over racism in the form of a nonviolent transition to multi-racial constitutional democracy.
The UN should not be forgotten. It remains a crucial site of struggle in waging what I have in the past referred to as ‘the legitimacy war’ fought to gain control of world public opinion, as well the high ground of public morality and international law. It should be appreciated that since 1945 the side that prevailed in the legitimacy war, rather than the side that controlled the battlefield, usually achieved political victory in the end. Gandhi appreciated the role of international public opinion in changing the balance of forces in India against the British Empire as did Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam in leading the defeat of overwhelmingly superior American military capabilities. Each conflict has unique characteristics, but the Palestinian struggle, despite present difficulties, can draw hope from the historical record of liberation and self-determination struggles of the past 75 years, and it is winning the legitimacy war, despite the Zionist defamatory pushback.

خطاب الرئيس وأسئلة المواطن

هكذا يقوم العميل الصهيوني الخائن أبو مازن بتسليم المقاومين للسلطات ...

سعاده مصطفى أرشيد

أخيراً وبعد طول انتظار اجتمعت القيادة الفلسطينية في رام الله (مع غياب حركتي حماس والجهاد الإسلامي والقيادة العامة والصاعقة) مساء الثلاثاء، وأعلنت على لسان الرئيس الفلسطيني محمود عباس عن سبعة قرارات وملاحظة ختامية لافتة للانتباه، هذه النقاط السبع يمكن إجمالها في ثلاثة محاور.

المحور الأول: أنّ منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية والسلطة الفلسطينية في حلّ من الاتفاقيات والتفاهمات والالتزامات المعقودة مع الإدارة الأميركية و»إسرائيل»، وأنّ على «إسرائيل» منذ اللحظة اعتبار نفسها قوة احتلال مسؤولة عن الضفة الغربية بموجب اتفاقية جنيف الرابعة عام 1949 وأكد على اعتبار الإدارة الأميركية شريكة لـ «إسرائيل» في عدوانها على الشعب الفلسطيني.

المحور الثاني: إنّ منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية والسلطة الفلسطينية ملتزمتان بقرارات الشرعية الدولية وبحلّ الدولتين ومكافحة الإرهاب (أي كان مصدره أو شكله).

المحور الثالث: هو الاستنجاد بالموقف الدولي من خلال الطلب من الدول التي تعارض إجراءات الضمّ باتخاذ إجراءات عقابية رادعة ضدّ «إسرائيل» في حال نفذت تهديداتها والطلب من الدول التي لم تعترف بفلسطين لأنّ تسارع بإعلان اعترافها، وقد ذكر الرئيس عباس الدول الأوروبية بالاسم، في حين تمّ تغييب البعد العربي، كما أعلن الرئيس أنه وقع وسيوقع طلبات انضمام لاتفاقيات ومنظمات دولية.

أما الملاحظة الأخيرة في الخطاب فهي الحديث عن وحدانية ومشروعية تمثيل الشعب الفلسطيني، وكأنّ لدى الرئيس المعلومات أو الشعور بأنّ هناك مَن يحاول سلب منظمة التحرير مشروعيتها ووحدانيتها في تمثيل الكلّ الفلسطيني.

يبدو أنّ الرئيس عباس والقيادة من حوله في رام الله، لديهم التصوّر انّ هذه القرارات بالتنسيق مع جهات عربية من شأنها الضغط على الإدارة الأميركية لتأجيل تنفيذ قرار الضمّ، بما يسمح بشراء الوقت، إلى أن ينقضي موعد الثالث من تشرين الثاني المقبل – الاستحقاق الانتخابي الرئاسي الأميركي، حيث أنّ التفكير الرغائبي يميل للاعتقاد بأنّ حظوظ المرشح الديمقراطي جو بايدن هي الأقوى في الفوز بالانتخابات، وبجرعة رغائبية إضافية فإنّ الرئيس الأميركي الجديد حكماً هو جو بايدن الذي لن يوافق على ضمّ المناطق، تذهب التصورات والتحليلات إلى ما هو أبعد من ذلك لترى أنّ الرئيس ترامب في موقف ضعيف، وأنّ قوى عديدة نافذة وقوية داخل الولايات المتحدة تعمل ضدّه، منها وزارة الدفاع والجيش، ومنها المخابرات المركزية وكذلك الكونغرس الذي خصّه الرئيس عباس بالذكر في خطابه. شراء الوقت سيستمرّ إلى السابع عشر من تشرين الثاني عام 2021، موعد تسلم بني غانتس رئاسة الحكومة الإسرائيلية من رئيسها الحالي بن يامين نتنياهو (هذا بالطبع إنْ عاشت الحكومة حتى ذلك التاريخ). حيث من الممكن العودة للتفاوض مع غانتس بصفته أقلّ غلواً وتطرفاً من نتنياهو، وانه – حسب التصوّر الفلسطيني – رافض لفكرة الضمّ وإنما أُكره عليها عند تشكيل الحكومة. من الجدير التذكير بأنّ الجنرال بني غانتس رئيس أركان سابق وخريج المؤسسة العسكرية هو وشريكه في حزب أزرق – أبيض جنرال آخر ورئيس أركان أسبق غابي أشكنازي، كلاهما مؤمن بالعقيدة العسكرية والأمنية للجيش الإسرائيلي تجاه الأغوار والتلال المشرفة عليها من الناحية الغربية، فهي مصيدة الدبابات التي لا يمكن التخلي عنها تحت أيّ ظرف من الظروف باعتبارها ضرورة ماسّة من ضرورات الأمن القومي، والموقف ذاته ينطبق على مستوطنات وسط الضفة.

صرّح الجنرال غابي اشكنازي في حفل تسلّمه منصبه الجديد وزيراً للخارجية الاثنين الماضي، أنّ رؤية الرئيس ترامب (صفقة القرن) تمثل فرصة تاريخية لترسيم حدود «دولة إسرائيل» وضمان مستقبلها لعقود مقبلة، وانه سيدفع باتجاه ضمّ الأغوار وشمال البحر الميت والتلال المشرفة على الأغوار وأراضي المستوطنات، وذلك بالتنسيق مع الإدارة الأميركية، والحوار مع الجيران والأصدقاء الذين تجمعهم بـ «إسرائيل» اتفاقيات السلام والصداقة (والصداقة تشمل دولاً غير مصر والأردن).

الحكومة الإسرائيلية لم تبدِ اكتراثاً بالخطاب، ولم يصدر عنها ما يشير إلى الخوف أو القلق من تداعيات ما ورد فيه، أو حتى من مدى جديته، ولم تبد أنها بصدد مراجعة موقفها وقراراتها باتجاه الضمّ، بقدر ما تبدي إصراراً وتأكيداً عليه ولكن يمكن ملاحظة بعض ما ورد في الصحافة الإسرائيلية خاصة المقرّبة من رئاسة الحكومة وعلى ذمة مراسليها من أخبار لم يتمّ نفيها، تنقل صحيفة «هايوم إسرائيل» عن مسؤولين كبار في السلطة الفلسطينية، أنّ الخطوة الفلسطينية ليست إلا خطوة كلامية (بيانية) فقط. وهي في الوقت ذات رسالة إلى نائب رئيس الحكومة الجنرال بني غانتس تقول ما سلف ذكره في المقال، إنّ السلطة الفلسطينية جاهزة للتفاوض معه عند تسلمه رئاسة الحكومة من بن يامين نتنياهو بعد سنة ونصف السنة (بالطبع إنْ طال عمر الحكومة حتى ذلك الوقت)، وعادت «هايوم إسرائيل» للقول إنّ مسؤولين فلسطينيين كباراً، ولكن في هذه المرة من الجانب الأمني، أبلغوها أنّ التعليمات صدرت لهم من مكتب الرئيس الفلسطيني، تنصّ على تقليص التنسيق الأمني مع الطرف الإسرائيلي إلى حدّه الأدنى، وهي التعليمات ذاتها المعمول بها من أيام الرئيس الراحل ياسر عرفات عام 2000 عند اندلاع الانتفاضة الثانية.

يملك «الإسرائيلي» والأميركي مصادر القوة التي تمنحهم القدرة على تنفيذ رؤاهم وخططهم، ووضع مروحة واسعة من الخيارات والبدائل، في حين لا يملك الفلسطيني هذا الترف وأحياناً بإرادته عندما يضع العراقيل أمام محاولات إنهاء الانقسام أو الوحدة الوطنية القائمة على برنامج حدّ أدنى من التوافق، وأحياناً أخرى رغم إرادته بسبب تداعي الوضع العربي وما يجري من حروب عبثية واقتتال، وكما بسبب الأزمات المتلاحقة في الضفة الغربية وغزة السابقة لوباء الكورونا واللاحقة له.

يتساءل الفلسطيني حول جدية هذه القرارات ومفاعيلها وهو الذي لم يستشعر أنّ السلطة الفلسطينية قد استحوطت لهذا الوضع إلا باستدانة مبلغ ثمانماية مليون شيكل من العدو، وقد أصبحت الآن ترفض السداد بموجب البند الثاني الوارد في خطاب الرئيس الذي ينص أنّ على «إسرائيل» تحمّل مسؤولياتها كقوة احتلال، وهل تبلغ السذاجة بالحكومة الإسرائيلية لأن تقرض من يعلن رفضه للسداد؟

كما يتساءل الفلسطيني مَن هي الجهة التي أراد الرئيس عباس إيصال الرسالة لها في ختام خطابه والتي تريد أو تحاول سرقة وحدانية ومشروعية تمثيل منظمة التحرير للشعب الفلسطيني؟

ليس من الحصافة وسداد الرأي الحكم المبكر على الخطاب أو الجزم بمسائل سياسية متحركة، ولكنها أسئلة برسم الإجابة، وإنّ غداً لناظره قريب.

*سياسي فلسطيني مقيم في الضفة الغربية

السياسة كما الطبيعة تكره الفراغ

سعادة مصطفى أرشيد

يوم الأحد المقبل سيعلن بن يامين نتياهو عن تشكيلته الحكومية الجديدة، بالاشتراك مع حزب ازرق – ابيض، ويبدأ إجراءات الثقة البرلمانية بها، وذلك بعد طول انتظار، إذ إن المفاوضات الوزارية بين طرفي الإتلاف قد أخذت وقتاً طويلاً في نقاشات مستفيضة حول حصص كل حزب من المقاعد الوزارية والإدارات العليا في الدولة، وذلك أكثر مما اخذ الجانب السياسي من وقت وجهد. فالجانب السياسي وهو الأهم والأبرز سيكون في إعلان الحكومة عن إقرار عملية الضم لمناطق الأغوار وشمال البحر الميت والمستوطنات وبرية الخليل والشروع الفوري في تنفيذها سواء على مراحل متقاربة أم دفعة واحدة، الأمر الذي لن تواجهه صعوبات. فالمسألة تكاد أن تكون إجماعية في المجتمع العنصري المنزاح يميناً، ولن تنال الاثنين وسبعين صوتاً في الكنيست فقط وإنما سيؤيد هذه القرارات لفيف من الأطياف المعارضة للحكومة مثل نفتالي بينت الذي أعلن أنه ومن صفوف المعارضة سيدعم الحكومة بكل قوة في إجرائها، هذا وبالطبع سيصوت لصالح الضم لبرمان الذي لطالما كان من المبشرين والسباقين لهذا التوجه، ومثله الأحزاب الحريدية واليمينية الأخرى.

في هذه الأثناء أتت زيارة وزير الخارجية الأميركي السريعة لتل أبيب وهي الأولى له خارج الولايات المتحدة منذ بدء سريان قرار منع السفر الذي اتخذته واشنطن اثر انتشار وباء الكورونا، البيان المشترك الذي صدر عقب جولة المحادثات بين نتنياهو وضيفه ذكر في البيان انّ الحوار دار حول نقطتين :

الأولى حول قرار الضم المذكور والذي هو في الأساس البند المحوري في صفقة القرن والذي تدور حواليه ما يسميه الأميركان رؤية الرئيس ترامب لعملية السلام. وأشارت بعض المصادر إلى أن المحادثات أكدت دعم الإدارة الأميركية لعملية الضم، فيما مصادر أخرى ذكرت أن الوزير الأميركي طلب من نتنياهو أو( تمنى) عليه التريث قليلا في إعلانه عن الضم، ربما بسبب رجاء أردني بتأخير إعلان القرار وبتنفيذه على مراحل ريثما تستطيع الحكومة الأردنية تمريره، ولكن ذلك يذهب في مذاهب الظن، أما بشكل رسمي فلم توضح المصادر الأسباب، وهو ما ستكشفه الأيام المقبلة، لكن الوقائع والتصريحات المتلاحقة الصادرة عن البيت الأبيض أو على لسان بومبيو شخصياً تعتبر الضمّ مسألة داخلية اسرائيلية، أو في مقابلة السفير الأميركي دافيد فريدمان لصحيفة «إسرائيل هيوم» مؤخراً لا تشير إلى أنّ ضغطاً أو تمنياً قد تقدّم به الوزير الأميركي لتأجيل والتريث في قرار الضمّ.

الثانية في محادثات بومبيو – نتنياهو كانت حول مخاطر النشاط الإيراني وضرورة تقويضه وقطع موارد إمداده، وهو أمر يشمل الدور الإيراني في سورية والعراق وبالطبع حزب الله، وسبق ذلك قرار أميركي بسحب وحدات عسكرية أميركية من الخليج، ثم ما تردّد عن رغبة أميركية بالانسحاب من المشاركة في قوات حفظ السلام المرابطة في سيناء منذ توقيع اتفاقية السلام المصرية – الإسرائيلية عام 1978 (معاهدة كامب دافيد). وقد أشارت مراكز أبحاث أميركية مقربة من سياسة بلادها ودوائرها الحاكمة أن أسباب الانسحاب لها أسبابها المالية، فيما رأت مراكز أخرى أنّ الانسحاب من المنطقة هو بسبب انهيار سعر النفط وانخفاض الطلب عليه، الأمر الذي جعل أهمية المنطقة تتدنّى استراتيجياً، ولكن مراكز ثالثة وجدت السبب في نتائج الحصار الطويل الذي تعاني منه إيران وأنه قاد إلى متاعب داخلية ثم إلى أكلاف التورّط الإيراني في الملف السوري، وأخيراً إلى الانخفاض الحادّ بأسعار البترول، فذلك يعني بحساباتهم أنّ إيران قد ضعفت إلى الحد الذي جعلها غير قادرة على أن تمثل تهديداً استراتيجياً للمصالح الأميركية أو تهديداً وجودياً لـ «إسرائيل».

تضرب «إسرائيل» في سورية منذ مطلع نيسان الماضي بشكل شبه متواصل فهي مطلقة اليد أميركياً، فيما الحكومة السورية تبدو مكبلة اليد روسياً، ومع أنّ الضربات تستهدف الإيرانيين في سورية، إلا أن ذلك يتمّ على الأرض السورية ويمسّ سيادتها وأمنها ومصالحها، والإيرانيون في سورية ليسوا من فئة السياح والمتنزّهين وإنما هم خبراء قد يكونون عسكريين وقد لا يكونون، ولكنهم في كلّ الأحوال موجودون في سورية لدعم جهود الدولة في محاربة الإرهاب، وقد بدأ الإسرائيلي وصحافته يذهبون في تصوّراتهم الى أنّ هذه الضربات ستضطر إيران إلى الانسحاب من سورية.

عود إلى محادثات بومبيو – نتنياهو، في الملف الأول لا يبدو أنّ السلطة التي تقترض 800 مليون شيكل بصدد الرحيل أو حلّ نفسها أو الخروج من الاتفاقات مع الأميركي أو الإسرائيلي، وإلا فكيف يمكن للحكومة التي تعلن صبحاً ومساء أنها ستقوم بعمليه الضم أن تقرض السلطة التي تعلن قبل تسلم المبلغ أنها لن تقوم بسداده لأنها راحلة أو لأنها في حلّ من أية اتفاقات أو التزامات مع الإدارة الأميركية أو «إسرائيل»، وان رحلت السلطة فإنّ الأرض باقية بمن عليها ولا أظن أنّ هناك من سيملأ فراغها سوى «إسرائيل» وعساكرها، حقاً أنّ الأمور في فلسطين تغيظ الصديق وتسرّ العدو.

في الملف الثاني فمع ما تشيعه الصحافة الإسرائيليّة وشقيقاتها من بعض الصحف العربية، فمن الواضح أنّ إيران باقية في سورية ما دامت الدولة السورية تجد الحاجة لبقائها، وإيران تدرك أهمية الملفات السورية والعراقية لأمنها القومي، واعتبارات الأمن القومي هي محركها وآلتها الدائمة الدوران، ولكن المسألة الأهمّ والأخطر هي أن الانسحاب الأميركي من الخليج يتمّ في غياب تنسيق عربي إيراني وفي غياب استراتيجية عربية لملء الفراغ الناشئ عن الانسحاب الأميركي، وذلك سيجعل من «إسرائيل» المدعومة أميركياً تهرول لملء الفراغ… فالسياسة مثل الطبيعة تكره الفراغ.

*سياسي فلسطيني مقيم في الصفة الغربية.

The “Zionist Virus” and the Future of Palestine

New York Governor Cuomo, the Virus, the Nakba and Me

By Rima Najjar

Global Research, May 13, 2020

To me, an American-Palestinian, the world tainted by the corona virus is analogous to Israel tainted by the evil it contains.

Every day for the past few days, I have been listening to New York Governor Cuomo give his daily briefing on the virus. His words resonate with me eerily transforming themselves to advice on how to handle Israel’s cruel manifestation in Palestine as a Zionist Jewish apartheid colonial state. As talk of “re-opening” the New York increases in volume, so does my feverish imagination.

For those who don’t know, the Arabic word “Fateh” [فتح], the name of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, which is the political bloc now dominating the Palestinian Authority in the occupied West Bank, means “opening”. It also carries the meaning of “conquering”. What’s more, “Fateh” and “key” [مفتاح], that profoundly indicative word of Palestinian longing for return, have the same linguistic root in Arabic. Hence, all these unbidden associations in my mind as I listen to Cuomo.

Every day, I wait for Cuomo’s briefing impatiently and watch while perched, tense and hyper-alert, at the edge of my seat, mesmerized by the shifting lines of his charts that, I swear, often morph into the outline of the map of Palestine.

My mind automatically sucks in Cuomo’s words and echoes them back at the TV in an altered form. I am Muslim, but the dynamic gripping me is one akin to the relationship between a pastor and his congregation at a black church. Cuomo calls and I respond, sometimes aloud. I hold back from hollering and shouting at his image, so as not to scare my family.

I take in every word of his sane, hopeful message — facts, not “facts on the ground”; science, not myths; let’s learn from our mistakes. Yes!

I translate his sentences into something else, like this: After decades of land theft, when will Palestinians be finally in control of their destiny and not subject to the whims of Israel and the international community? You tell me how Israel behaves today; I will tell you how Palestinians will be resisting a year from now.

The Zionist virus that is the Jewish state of Israel has yet to be stamped out. Hot-spot outbreaks have been with us since the Nakba of 1948. Currently, they are in the form of Israel’s horrifying annexation of parts of the West Bank, preying on the most vulnerable of peoples. We need to look for solutions that make things better for the Palestinian people. We need to reimagine the status quo and pose such a solution.

“In the first phase, we had to figure out what we are dealing with because we had no idea.” Yes, we had no idea — just intimations of unbelievable cruelty and diabolical greed! In 1947–48, we really had little idea. Remember, Palestine was 80% agrarian then — not the sophisticated community of Basle, Switzerland, where the plot for our dispossession was hatched at the First Zionist Conference in 1897.

“In the first phase, stabilize, control the damage,” says Cuomo. It turns out the key (here is that word again!) is information.

“I worked hard every day to make sure they knew the facts. ‘Trust the people’ — Lincoln, right? An informed public will keep this country safe. True, and that’s exactly what happened here,” Cuomo continues.

Funny Cuomo should say that, because, just the other day, a Palestinian friend on Facebook, Imad Jibawi, was saying something similar. He was commenting on a Zoom discussion I had posted titled “What do we do now?” conducted by Hani al-Masri, Director General of Masarat — The Palestinian Center for Policy Research & Strategic Studies (Masri is also a Policy Advisor for Al-Shabaka).

Imad Jibawi wondered:

“What is it that would drive the Palestinian people to the streets to protest by the thousands? Is it the annexation of Jerusalem? No; is it annexation of the Jordan Valley? No; is it Israel’s new settlements, then? No.

Why is that so?

I think the answer is in the question: Who is it mainly that we expect to take to the streets? They are those who are primarily under 30 — i.e., the Oslo generation.

These Palestinians were born and brought up in the reality of the Palestinian Authority, a government, ministries, VIPs, jobs, loans, etc.

[Preserving that] has been the national project for which our people sacrificed for years. People’s very livelihoods are now the red lines, holding them back. Their concerns are the teachers’ movement, the social security movement, the “we want to live” movement.

The question that concerns the political class as a whole is this: What next? What to do? The answer is: We start with our ABCs all over again. The first lesson is: Who are the Palestinians? What are the borders of the homeland of Palestine? The second lesson is: Who is our enemy? And what do we want?

Wanted: a new national awareness ….” [my translation from Arabic]

But then, as I continued to listen to Cuomo, I realized that, even though he and Jibawi are appealing to people to act collectively in their best interests by looking to themselves, rather than to their governments, there is a fundamental difference.

Cuomo is invoking security of health, family and livelihood as a raison d’etre for a certain set of collective behaviors, whereas what Jibawi is pushing for, necessarily given the Palestinian condition, is a revolutionary national consciousness that calls for a sacrifice of the very same things Cuomo is protecting for New Yorkers.

To Jibawi, the ideal of home and hearth (job security, health care, education, etc., as provided currently by the Palestinian Authority and the Oslo regime) must be superseded by the ideal of liberty, justice and equality for a people under occupation, who have escaped Israel’s genocide so far, but who continue to be dispossessed, brutally subjugated and oppressed by a vicious, powerful judeo-fascist entity and its allies.

Cuomo says,

“I don’t know when government became so political. It all became about rhetoric rather than actual competence, but it happened somewhere along the way that government could not handle the situation. People had to get engaged; people had to be informed and that’s the new thing I did. They got engaged because it mattered — this is not an abstract issue we are talking about people’s lives and people’s health and the health of their children.”

They’ll get engaged, because it matters. For both Palestinians and New Yorkers, these are not abstract issues. Far from it. In our case, all you have to do to realize the concreteness is to tune in to the daily news of thievery and savagery in their myriad forms the Israeli regime inflicts on the Palestinian people.

Many ask, if not the Palestinian Authority, if not the status quo of self-government for the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, what then? My answer is this: First, hard as it is for many, we must find the will and steadfastness to effect an insurrection to continue the interrupted Palestinian revolution, returning to the political and community structures that sprang up to further the first intifada. We need a supreme manifestation of popular resistance against both the Palestinian Authority and Israel in all of occupied Palestine from the river to the sea with aid from Palestinians in exile.

Cuomo is right! “No government can impose any of these things … Stay in the house. Close every school. Close every bus. State government can’t enforce that. People had to understand the facts people had to engage in governing themselves in a way they hadn’t in decades … We are tough, smart, united, disciplined and loving” — even if our governments aren’t. We are samidoun.

Amen to that! Hallelujah!
*

Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.

Rima Najjar is a Palestinian whose father’s side of the family comes from the forcibly depopulated village of Lifta on the western outskirts of Jerusalem. She is an activist, researcher and retired professor of English literature, Al-Quds University, occupied West Bank.

All images in this article are from the authorThe original source of this article is Global ResearchCopyright © Rima Najjar, Global Research, 2020

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (30 April – 06 May 2020)

Posted by PCHR

30 April – 6 May 2020

  • IOF raids into oPt: a dangerous vulnerability in Palestinian preventive measures to combat the spread of coronavirus
  • Israeli occupation escalates personal attacks on Palestinian public figures in occupied Eastern Jerusalem to ban Palestinian Authority’s work
  • 13 Palestinian civilians sustained wounds, including 3 children in the West Bank
  • shootings reported against agricultural lands and 4 times at Palestinian fishing boats in eastern and western Gaza Strip
  • In 63 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 59 civilians arrested, including 5 children, a poet (woman) and a journalist
  • Collective Punishment Policy: Demolition notice delivered to a prisoner’s family house in Tulkarm
  • 5 notice to halt construction at 3 houses, an agricultural room, and water well in Salfit; civilian properties bulldozed and a settlers road dug in the West Bank
  • Settlers attacks in the West Bank: houses attacked and vandalized, Palestinian civilian assaulted and robbed of his sheep;
  • IOF established 38 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and roads closed

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to violate Palestinians’ human rights and commit crimes against civilians and their properties, conducting raids into Palestinian cities without regard to the state of emergency declared across the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) since 06 March 2020, in the efforts put forward to combat the spread of coronavirus. IOF raids are conducted without proper attention to prevention and safety standards to mitigate the risk of transmitting coronavirus to Palestinian territory, as the virus is widespread throughout Israel. PCHR’s concerns over Israeli raids still stand, as those raids undermine preventive measures adopted by the government. Meanwhile, settlers backed up by IOF continued to seize more civilian property and attack civilians and their property. This week, IOF launched an arrest campaign against prominent Palestinian figures who work for the Palestinian Authority (PA), in a continuation of Israeli systematic efforts to combat the presence and work of the PA in occupied East Jerusalem. PCHR reiterates its concern over the Israeli occupation’s policy of banning any preventive measures by the Palestinian Authority in occupied East Jerusalem, especially that Israel has adopted lenient measures in the city despite its responsibility for it under international law as an occupying power.

This week, PCHR documented 134 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.  The restrictions imposed under the state of emergency have hindered our fieldwork team’s ability to cover all incidents in the oPt and were forced to collect information via phone from trusted local sources. As such, this report is an incomprehensive record of Israeli violations of human rights against Palestinians in the oPt, as IOF continues its attacks against civilians despite the exceptional circumstances that have overcome the whole world in the face of a life-threatening viral pandemic.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: 13 Palestinian civilians, including 3 children, were shot and wounded in excessive use of force by IOF. Among those wounded, 6 sustained their wounds in IOF attacks on workers attempting to sneak into Israel via the Annexation wall in Jenin, Qalqilya and Tulkarem. While 6 others, including 3 children, were wounded during IOF suppression of a protest in Kufur Qaddoum, Qalqilya, West Bank. Another civilian was wounded in an IOF raid to Jericho. Dozens of civilians suffocated due to inhalation of tear gas fired by IOF during its raids into Palestinian cities. IOF committed12 shootings against agricultural lands eastern Gaza Strip, and 4 shootings were reported against Palestinian fishing boats off the western Gaza Strip shore.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 63 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 59 Palestinians were arrested, including 5 children, a poet (woman) and a journalist. This week, IOF launched an arrest campaign against prominent Palestinian figures who work for the Palestinian Authority (PA), in a continuation of Israeli systematic efforts to combat the presence and work of the PA in occupied East Jerusalem.

Collective Punishment Policy

On Friday, 01 May 2020, IOF Mohamed ‘Alaa Jameel Risha’s (19) family a demolition notice. Risha was arrested and wounded after carrying out  a stab attack on 28 April 2020 in Kafar Saba city in Israel.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: IOF continued its settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 9 violations, including: 2 plantation grounds, a laundromat in Bethlehem, 4 notices to halt construction at 2 houses, an agricultural room and a water well in Salfit; agricultural tools confiscated while digging a water wll in Qalqilya, an agricultural room demolished in Tubas, water pool bulldozed and iron barracks dismanteled in Jericho, a notice to halt construction at a house in Jenin and a settlement road dug in Hebron.

PCHR also documented 4 settler attacks: houses attacked and vandalized, assault on a civilian a theft of his sheep in Nablus; 24 olive trees sabotaged in Qalqilya.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the History of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life. Furthermore, IOF uses Erez Crossing that is designated for movement of individuals as an ambush to arrest Palestinians who obtain permits to exit via Israel.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Violation of the right to life and to bodily integrity
  1. Shooting and other violations of the right to life and bodily integrity
  • At approximately 03:00 on Thursday, 30 April 2020, IOF stationed along the annexation wall, adjacent to Zeta village, north of Tulkarm, opened fire at Palestinian workers. As a result, 2 civilians, from Ajjah village in Jenin, were shot and injured. IOF arrested one of the wounded civilians, namely Eyad Adanan Zuhair Ma’li (26), who was shot with a live bullet in his abdomen. The other civilian aged 41years old was shot with a live bullet in the left knee. He was transferred to Khalil Suleiman Governmental Hospital.
  • At approximately 06:50 on the same Thursday, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 3 nautical miles). As a result, fishermen panicked and were forced to flee from the see. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 06:50 on Friday, 01 May 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 3 nautical miles). As a result, fishermen panicked and were forced to flee from the see. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00 on the same Friday, IOF stationed along the annexation wall, adjacent to Hablah village, south of Qalqiliyah, opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers when they attempted to enter Israel through the annexation wall’s gate for work . As a result, a 23-year-old young man was shot with a live bullet in his right leg and a 21-year-old young man was also shot with a live bullet in his right leg. The wounded civilians, who are from Qalqiliyah, were transferred to Dr. Darwish Nazal Hospital for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 14:30 on the same Friday, IOF stationed at the northern entrance established at lands of Kafer Qaddoum village, north of Qalqiliyah, suppressed a protest in which dozens of civilians participated to protest against closing the road for more than 16years. IOF chased the young men, who gathered in the area. Clashes erupted in the area in which IOF fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the young men. As a result, 6 civilians, including 3 children, were shot and injured with rubber bullets throughout their bodies.
  • At approximately 16:00 on the same Friday, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of al-Shoka village, east of Rafah, opened fire at Palestinian shepherds. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 22:20 on the same Friday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of al-Buraij in central Gaza Strip, fired flare bombs at agricultural lands, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 07:00 on Saturday, 02 May 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 3 nautical miles). As a result, fishermen panicked and were forced to flee from the see. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 13:50 on the same Saturday, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of al-Maghazi in central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF stationed along the annexation wall, adjacent to Hablaha village, south of Qalqiliyah, opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers when they attempted to enter Israel through the wall’s gate for work. As a result, a 30-year-old civilians was shot with 2 live bullets in his feet. He was transferred to Dr. Darwish Nazal Hospital in Qalqiliyah for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 03:00 on Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF moved into Aqabet Jaber refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They stationed in the southern area of the camp. In the meantime, a number of Palestinian young men protested and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails  at Israeli soldiers. The soldiers chased the young men and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, an 18-year-old young man was shot with a live bullet in his foot. He was transferred to Jericho Hospital for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 07:20 on the same Sunday, IOF stationed along the border fence, adjacent to Far’oun village, south of Tulkarm, fired live bullets at a number of Palestinian workers when they attempted to enter Israel through the wall’s gate for work. As a result, a 26-year-old young, from Tulkarm,  man was shot with a rubber bullet in his right leg. He was transferred to Thabet Thabet Hospital for medical treatment.
  • At approximately 22:00 on the same Sunday, IOF moved into al-Tour neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They stationed on Slaman al-Faresi Street in the center of the neighborhood. In the meantime, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and fireworks at Israeli soldiers while the later responded with rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters. As a result, dozens of civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  • At approximately 03:00 on the same Sunday, IOF reinforced with military SUVs moved into al-Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron, deployed between houses and patrolled the area, causing fear among the residents. They raided and searched Islam Mahmoud Jawabrah’s (19) house, searched it and arrested Islam and took him to the area where the military vehicles stationed. In the meantime, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli soldiers. The soldiers chased the young man and fired sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, a number of stone throwers suffocated due to tear gas canisters. At approximately 05:00 on the same day, IOF withdrew from the camp taking the arrested civilian with them.
  • At approximately 06:30 on Monday, 03 May 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area ( 3 nautical miles). As a result, fishermen panicked and were forced to flee from the see. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 09:00 on the same Monday, IOF reinforced with dozens of military SUVs moved into Kafer Aqab village, north of occupied East Jeruslem. They stationed in several sites in the villages, and checked the ID cards of passersby and wrote fines for some others, who were not wearing the muzzle as the Israeli government forces all people to wear it when they leave their homes in light of their procedures to combat the spread of corona virus. Israeli soldier also raided dozens of commercial shops and wrote  exorbitant fines for their owners. In the meantime, dozens of Palestinian young men protested and threw stones and empty bottles at Israeli soldiers while the later responded with rubber bullets, and sound bombs. As a result, many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. They received medical treatment on the field.
  • At approximately 19:00 on the same Monday, Israeli soldiers stationed along the border fence, east of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire at agricultural lands in the vicinity of the land fill. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Tuesday, 05 May 2020, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis in southern Gaza Strip, fired live bullets and sound bombs at agricultural lands, east of Khuza’a village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 02:00 on Wednesday, 06 May 2020, IOF reinforced with several military SUVs moved into Bani Na’im village, in Hebron. They patrolled the streets and fired sound bombs indiscriminately at Yaqin and Khelat al-Mas’ourah areas without a reason. As a result, residents. IOF later withdrew from the village; no other raids were reported.
  1. Incursions and arrests

Thursday, 30 April 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Jabal al-Mawaleh area, in central Bethlehem. They raided and searched Sufian Mohammed Ajaj’s (34) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Owa village, southwest of Hebron Governorate. They raided and search Mahmoud Waseem Masalmah’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Shweika suburb, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Ameer Ameed Abu Hashish (22), Majdi Mohammed Dar A’mar (23), and his brother Saleem (24), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:55, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Jericho, and stationed on the city center. They raided and searched Ahmed Hazem Jahalin’s (24) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Betounya, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Ibrahim Awad al-Najar’s (27) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (3) incursions in Seelat al-Thuhr village, south of Jenin; Deir Sharaf and Tal villages in Nablus. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 01 May 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Beit Sera village, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians: Mohammed Ra’ed Anqawi (22), Ibrahim Suliman Anqawi (20), and Mohammed Yaser Anqawi (20).
  • IOF carried out (6) incursions in Salem, Ourif, Surra, and Qasra villages in Nablus; al-Samoua and Deir Samit villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 02 May 2020:

  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into Bab Hatta neighborhood, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Eyad Mos’ab Ghazalah (17) and Mohammed Reyad al-Joulani (22), and arrested them.
  • IOF carried out an incursion in al-Jaftalek village, north of Jericho. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 03 May 2020:

  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into al-Issaweya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (7) civilians including a child: Samer Anwar Obaid (34), Adam Kayed Mahmoud (19), Mo’tasem Hamza Obaid (16), Waleed Dawoud Alian (24), Qusai Abdullah Alian (22), Tamer Ali Mahmoud (21), and Mohammed Ramadan al-Masri (20).
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Azoun village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians including a child: Akram Tayseer Saleem (15), Mohmmed Ali Redwan (24), and Mansour Asem Saleem (19).
  • At approximately 18:30, IOF who were on patrol in al-Bayada neighborhood, southeast of Nablus, arrested Deya’ Omar Darawshah (22) and Izzat Majed Awwad (22), while they were collecting beans from their land. IOF took them to Howara military camp, and released them at approximately 21:30 of the same day.
  • IOF carried out two incursions in Aqraba, southeast of Nablus Governorate, and Izbt al-Tabib, east of Qalqilya. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 04 May 2020:

  • At approximately 02:30, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Qafin village, northeast of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abed Basel Biqawi (28) and Bara’ Sameer Ammar (20), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Fawwar refugee camp, south of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Mahmoud Ishaq Abu Hashhash (26) and Obaida Jaber al-Titi (21).
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Wad Risha, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Abdul Fattah Ata Abu Jhaisha’s (25) houses and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:45, IOF moved into Abu Shukhaidm village, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Zeyad Mohammed Abu Salem’s (26) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Zeyad is a former prisoner in the Israeli prisons.
  • At approximately 04:40, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Marka village, southwest of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Nawras Firas Sbaih (19), and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Nablus. They raided and searched Ameed al-Houtari’s (18) house, east of the city, and took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into al-Issaweya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Awni Dawoud Ateya’s (53) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF arrested Ameen Omar Hamed (26) while present near the western entrance to al-Issaweya village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (3) incursions in al-Jabreyat neighborhood, Arraba village in Jenin, and Askan new camp in Nablus. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 05 May 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Qutna villae, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Kayed Taha’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Owa village, southwest of Hebron Governorate. They raided and searched Sameer Subhi Masalmah’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Obaid neighborhood, west of al-Issaweya village, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (7) civilians: Mahmoud Ramadan Obaid (23), Deya’ Ayman Obaid (24), Yousef Ali al-Kaswani (22), Abdullah Ata Derbas (18), Yousef Dawoud Muhaisen (43), Ameer Awwad, and Mahmoud Mohammed Obaid (23).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched the house of the Secretary General of the National People’s Congress, Belal Hashim al-Natsheh (57), and his director Mo’ath al-Ashhab (52). IOF took them to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem.

Lawyer Ahmed Safeya said that the Israeli Magistrate Court extended the arrest of General Bilal al-Natsheh, the Secretary-General of the Popular National Congress in Jerusalem, and his director Moaz Al-Ashhab, to the next day, to present them to the court again at approximately 14:00. Safeya confirmed that the Israeli Authorities immediately investigated with al-Natsheh and al-Ashhab which deteriorated the health condition of al-Natsheh. Al-Natsheh was referred to “Shi’ari Tsediq” the Israeli Hospital for treatment with an ambulance.

IOF’s spokesperson announced that they arrested (7) civilians, who were distributing food aids to needy families during the Coronavirus pandemic in charge of violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.

  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into al-Towr neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched the Poetry Rania Hatem’s (38) house, and took her to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem. IOF released her in the noon after investigating with her about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched the volunteer in the Palestinian Civil Defense; Jadallah Saeed al-Ghoul’s (41) house, and took him to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem. It should be noted that al-Ghoul was released after investigating with him about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into Wadi al-Jooz neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched the Eng. Mustafa Amin Abu Zahra’s (68) house, Member of the High Islamic Authority in the Occupied Jerusalem, and Chairman of the Committee for the Care of Islamic Cemeteries in the Palestinian Endowments, and took him to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem. In the noon, IOF released him after investigating with him about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Jabal al-Mukaber neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched the journalist Tamer Obaidat’s (34) house and took him to al-Maskoubeya investigation center. IOF released him after investigating with him about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 09:30, IOF moved into Beit Hanina village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched, assistant Secretary-General of the Popular National Congress in Jerusalem, Emad Awad’s (48) house and took him to al-Maskoubeya investigation center. At approximately 15:00, IOF released him after investigating with him about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 12:00, IOF moved into Qafin village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched Mahmoud Fawwaz Ammar’s house and confiscated the surveillances cameras of his house.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into Obaid neighborhood, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Omran Lo’ay al-‘Aweiwi (16) and Mohammed Mahmoud (17), after severely beaten them, then they were taken to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into Silwan village, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Yazan Emad Syam’s (25) house and arrested him.

Wednesday, 06 May 2020:

  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Taqoua, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Yousef Jamal al-Sabbah (22) and Yaseen Yousef al-Sabbah (22), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 21:00m IOF moved into Silwan village, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched the volunteer in the Palestinian Civil Defense; Jadallah Saeed al-Ghoul’s (41) house, and took him to al-Maskoubeya investigation center in West Jerusalem. It should be noted that al-Ghoul was arrested for investigation on the dawn of the previous day after investigating with him about violating the law of the application, which criminalizes any work of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied Jerusalem.

III. Collective Punishment Policy

  • As part of the collective punishment policy applied by the IOF against the Palestinian families of those accused of carrying out attacks against the Israeli forces and/or settlers,  IOF handed a demolition notice for a prisoner’s family in Tulkarm. According to PCHR’s follow-up, at approximately 02:00 on Friday, 01 May 2020, IOF moved into Tulkarm camp and raided a house belonging to Mohamed ‘Alaa Jameel Risha (19), who was arrested and wounded after carrying out a stab attack on 28 April 2020 in Kafar Saba city in Israel. IOF handed Risha’s family a demolition notice. Meanwhile, many Palestinian young men gathered in the area and IOF fired tear gas canisters at them, under the pretext of throwing stones. As a result, many civilians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.
  1. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem
  • Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property for Settlement Expansion Activities
  • At approximately 07:00 on Thursday, 30 April 2020, Israeli bulldozers leveled an agricultural nursery in Joret al-Sham’ah, south of Bethlehem, under the pretext of non-licensing. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that IOF bulldozed Mahmoud Ahmed Abu Hammad’s agricultural nursery in Wadi al-Nies village, under the pretext of non-licensing. He pointed out that IOF notified to demolish other houses and barracks in different areas in Bethlehem.
  • On Thursday morning, Israeli bulldozers demolished a carwash in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. Eng. Eyad Abu Surra, said that IOF moved into Um Rokba area, south of al-Khader village, and demolished Mohamed Ibrahim Da’dou’s under-construction carwash, under the pretext of non-licensing. He pointed out that Um Rokba area is exposed to a systematic demolition of houses and shops by IOF.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF moved into Qarawet Bani Hassan village, west of Salfit. They expelled Palestinian shepherds from Nowiatif area while breeding livestock and ordered them not to return, under the pretext of being state-owned lands. IOF also distributed 3 notices to stop construction work in 2 houses and an agricultural room in Nowiatif area, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C, and gave them until 24 June 2020 (to hold a session during which it will be decided to either demolish the building or return it to its previous status). The distributed notices were as follows:
  1. Jala Kan’an Rayan, stop construction work in an agricultural room built of tin plates.
  2. ‘Abed al-Hakeem Mohamed Mer’I, stop construction work in his 2-storey-house.
  3. Yaseen Nabil Mer’I, stop construction work in his 2-storey-house.
  • At approximately 13:30, IOF moved into Khelet Nejarah area in Dirsitiyia village, north of Salfit. They distributed notices to stop construction work in Moneer Khalil Ahmed Mansour’s water well, under the pretext of working in Area C and in a natural reserve. IOF identified 10 June 2020 to hold a court session in Beit Eill during which it will be decided to either demolish the building or return it to its previous status.
  • At approximately 15:00, IOF confiscated equipment belonging to Ras ‘Atiyia Cooperative Assocation for Agricultural Development, claiming that the association excavated an artesian well between Ras ‘Atiyia and Magharet al-Dab’ah villages, which are classified as Area C. IOF also confiscated a mounted-crane truck belonging to the association while excavating a new well in Tayseer Mohamed Mara’bah’s land to alleviate the water crisis that encounters farmers in the area.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Monday, 04 May 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into al-‘Aqaba village, east of Tayaseer village in Tubas. They demolished Murad ‘Awni Saleh Jaber’s 36-square-meter agricultural room built of brick and roofed with tin plates  in al-‘Aqaba village, under the pretext of illegal construction in Area C.
  • On Monday, 04 May 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet ‘Allan in al-Shona area, north of Jericho. IOF were deployed in the area while the military construction vehicles demolished a 300-square-meter water pool. The Israeli Civil Administration officers dismantled Anwar Abu Jouda’s 160-square-meter barrack built of tin plates and used for breeding livestock before confiscating it, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C. It should be noted that Israeli authorities and the Israeli Civil Administration Department handed Abu Jouda a demolition notice on 26 April 2020, upon Military order No. (1797), which gives Palestinians 96 hours to challenge before Israeli authorities. The new military order came into force in the West Bank on 1/4/2019, and its details hinder any attempt to challenge before the Israeli court.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Tuesday, 05 May 2020, IOF backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Daher al-‘Abed village, southeast of Jenin. The Israeli Civil Administration officers hanged a notice on ‘Ameed Bassam Sameeh ‘Amarnah’s house door to stop working in his 220-square-meter house, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C.
  • At approximately 14:00, Israeli authorities built a new road on the Palestinians’ lands, which were confiscated from al-Swati family in Faqiqis village, southwest of Hebron, to connect “Negohout” settlement with “Mirchalim” settlement outpost.  Israeli authorities seek to expand “Negohout” settlement on the Palestinian confiscated lands and prevent their owners from accessing them from many years ago. It should be noted that the Settlement Sub-Committee in the Israeli Authorities announced a detailed plan for the construction of settlement units, buildings and roads in the “ Negohout ” settlement on Palestinians confiscated lands, west of Dura city in Hebron. The detailed plan was published on the website of the Israeli Ministry of Interior on 14 February 2018. The plan No. (A / 1/521) allocates 291 dunums and aims to change land uses from agricultural lands to residential areas designated for the construction of new settlement units. This plan came to expand the settlement established on Palestinian lands since the early 1980s, and to build more settlement units.
  • Israeli Settler Violence
  • At approximately 01:55 on Thursday, 30 April 2020, Israeli settlers, from ” Hafat Gilad ” settlement, which is established on Surra village lands, southwest of Nablus, attacked Palestinians’ vehicles parked in front of their owners’ houses in the eastern area, western neighborhoods and on the village streets. They also vandalized Khaled Mohamed al-Hendy’s house walls and punctured the tires of 14 vehicles before leaving. PCHR keeps the names of affected persons.
  • On the same day, settlers, from “ Gilad ” settlement, attacked Amateen village lands, north of Qalqiliyia. They broke Riyad Sadeeq Beri’s 24 olive trees planted in al-Ahmar Mount area, north of the village.
  • At approximately 21:40 on Sunday, 03 May 2020, a group of settlers gathered in al-Zaytouna square, southeast of Nablus, under the IOF protection. They carried out riots in the area and no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00 on Wednesday, 06 May 2020, Israeli settlers, from ” Homish” settlement, which was established on Burqa village lands, northwest of Nablus, attacked Harbi Mohamed ‘Ali ‘Abdo (50), from Beit Amareen village, while breeding sheep in Bab Wad area. ‘Abdo was severely beaten, his left leg was fractured and 20 of his sheep was stolen by the settlers. The village residents helped him and returned 250 of his sheep. They phoned the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) to send an ambulance, which took him to Rafidia Hospital.
  1. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods
  • West Bank:
  • In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the movement of goods and individuals between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. IOF established 38 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, and checked their IDs.

Jerusalem:

  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Jabei’ village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 30 April 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Janata and Taqou’a villages and in ‘Aqabet Hasna area, west of Bethlehem.
  • On Friday, 01 May 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Janata and Taqou’a villages and in ‘Aqabet Hasna area, west of Bethlehem.
  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint in ‘Aqabet Hasna area, west of Bethlehem.
  • On Wednesday, 06 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Taqou’a and Janata villages, east of Bethlehem.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 30 March 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Bani Na’iem village, east of Hebron.
  • On Saturday, 02 May 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Yatta, at the southern entrance to Hebron, and at the entrance to al-Fawar refugee camp.
  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Ethna village, west of Hebron.
  • At approximately 16:00 on Monday, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Bani Na’iem village, east of Hebron.
  • At approximately 10:00, Israeli authorities closed with cement cubes Abu Touq road, which connects bwteen Beit Ummer and Bypass road (60).
  • On Tuesday, 05 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Beit ‘Awaa village, southwest of Dura, southwest of Hebron.
  • On Wednesday, 06 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to al-‘Aroub refugee camp and at the entrance to Bani Na’iem village (Wad al-Jouz).

Nablus:

  • On Friday, 01 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Qasrah village, southeast of  Nablus, and on ‘Oreef-‘Asirah al-Qabaliyia villages road. IOF also closed Surra village entrance, southwest of Nablus.
  • On Saturday, 02 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint on’Oreef-‘Asirah al-Qabaliyia villages road, southeast of Nablus.
  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Dir Sharafi village at the western entrance to Nablus. IOF also closed Hawarah checkpoint, at the south-eastern entrance to Nablus, and tightened their arbitrary measures at Za’tarah checkpoint against Palestinians who cross the checkpoint and undergo thorough searches before being allowed to cross.

Jenin:

  • On Wednesday, 06 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Ta’nak village, on Jenin-Hifa Street, west of Jenin.

Qalqiliyia:

  • On Friday, 01 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village and at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia.
  • On Saturday, 02 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village and at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia.
  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village and at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia.
  • On Monday, 04 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village and at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia.
  • On Tuesday, 05 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to ‘Izbit al-Tabeeb village and at the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyia.

Salfit:

  • On Monday, 04 May 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Salfit and at the entrance to Burqeen village, west of Salfit.

Ramallah:

  • On Thursday, 30 April 2020, IOF established a checkpoint on the main street, near “Beit Eill” settlement, which leads to al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah.
  • On Saturday, 02 May 2020, IOF closed with cement cubes the main entrance to Kafur Malek village, northeast of Ramallah, and prevented Palestinians from entering and exiting the village. The entrance was re-opened on Sunday, 03 May 2020.
  • On Sunday, 03 May 2020, IOF established a checkpoint, searched Palestinian civilians, and checked their IDs.

Islamic Jihad Warns against Security Coordination between Palestinian & US-Israeli Agencies

February 2, 2020

Member of the Islamic Jihad politburo Mohammad Al-Hindi warned against the continuation of the security coordination between the Palestinian agencies on one side and the US as well as Israeli ones on the other.

If the Palestinian authority does not halt this security coordination, it will lose credibility, and all its condemnations of the “deal of the century” will be fruitless.

CIA director Gina Haspel visited Ramallah on Friday and met with Palestinian security officials who informed her that the PA will cut off ties with Tel Aviv and halt the security coordination with the Zionist agencies.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Related

%d bloggers like this: