التطبيع الرسمي فلسطينياً وأردنياً: قراءة في مقدمات الاتفاقات “الإبراهيمية”

الثلاثاء 17 أيار 2022

المصدر

إبراهيم علوش 

التطبيع لا ينجح إن لم تضمن “إسرائيل” قطع شرايين الحياة عن الدول المطبِّعة، إن هي قررت تغيير رأيها.

تسلسل الاتفاقات والمعاهدات زمنياً مهمّ جداً، لأنه يدخلنا في الأبعاد الإقليمية للتطبيع مع العدو الصهيوني.

يتيح مرور عقود على توقيع المعاهدات والاتفاقات مع العدو الصهيوني سجلاً زمنياً طويلاً نسبياً لتقييم أثرها ومسارها وصيرورتها، بدءاً من اتفاقات كامب ديفيد التي وُقِّعت عام 1978، ومعاهدة السلام المصرية – الإسرائيلية التي وُقِّعت عام 1979، ودخلت حيز التنفيذ عام 1980، حتى معاهدة وادي عربة، أو معاهدة السلام الأردنية – الإسرائيلية، التي وُقِّعت عام 1994، والتي سبقها “إعلان واشنطن” بثلاثة أشهر بالضبط، والذي نص على إنهاء حالة العداء والبدء بمفاوضات لتوقيع معاهدة بين الأردن والكيان الصهيوني.

سبقت معاهدة وادي عربة عام 1994 اتفاقية أوسلو التي وُقعت عام 1993، وتأسست بناءً عليها قانونياً “السلطة الفلسطينية” عام 1994. وتبعت اتفاق أوسلو اتفاقات متعدّدة، مثل اتفاق أوسلو – 2 (يسمى أيضاً اتفاق طابا) عام 1995، والذي قسم الضفة الغربية إلى المناطق “أ”، و”ب”، و”ج”.  

وكان اتفاق أوسلو – 2 جاء تتويجاً لاتفاق “غزة – أريحا” عام 1994، الذي قضى بانسحاب “إسرائيلي” جزئي من أريحا وغزة لتأسيس السلطة الفلسطينية، وما يسمى برتوكول باريس عام 1994 أيضاً، والذي “نظم” علاقة السلطة الفلسطينية اقتصادياً بالكيان الصهيوني، وكلاهما (اتفاق غزة – أريحا، وبرتوكول باريس) أصبح جزءاً من اتفاق أوسع، هو أوسلو – 2.  

ثم جاء اتفاق الخليل عام 1997 الذي أعطى الاحتلال الصهيوني 20% من مدينة الخليل H2. ثم جاء اتفاق “واي ريفر” عام 1998 الذي كرس مؤسسة التنسيق الأمني رسمياً مع “إسرائيل” والولايات الولايات المتحدة الأميركية، كما كرس دور “السلطة الفلسطينية” في محاربة “الإرهاب” ضد العدو الصهيوني.  ثم جاء “اتفاق واي ريفر الثاني” عام 1999 ، والذي فسر بعض نقاط اتفاق “واي ريفر” الأول، ويسمى أيضاً اتفاق شرم الشيخ، وكان الاتفاق الأول مع نتنياهو والثاني مع إيهود باراك، وبعده جاء اتفاق تنظيم المعابر (معابر السلطة الفلسطينية) عام 2005.

يُضاف إلى تلك الحزمة من الاتفاقات المتناسلة البيانات المشتركة (كما في أنابوليس عام 2007)، وسلسلة اللقاءات التفاوضية مثل كامب ديفيد عام 2000، و”خريطة السلام” عام 2002، و36 جلسة تفاوضية بين محمود عباس وإيهود أولمرت بين عامي 2007 و2009، والمفاوضات المباشرة عام 2010 تحت وعد من إدارة أوباما بإيجاد “دويلة فلسطينية” خلال عام واحد، ثم محادثات تسيبي ليفني وصائب عريقات في الفترة 2013-2014… إلخ. 

ولا يشمل ما سبق عشرات المبادرات الموازية لـ”السلام”، مثل اتفاقية جنيف غير الرسمية بين ياسر عبد ربه ويوسي بيلين عام 2003 لتأسيس “سلام دائم”، وخطة الحاخام بنيامين إيلون للسلام، والتي جرى طرحها وترويجها بين عامي 2002 و2008، والتي تقوم على تجنيس الفلسطينيين في الضفة الغربية بالجنسية الأردنية، والسماح لهم بالبقاء ضيوفاً في الضفة الغربية بعد ضمها إلى “إسرائيل”، وخطة “إسرائيل الثنائية القومية” التي طرحها إدوارد سعيد ابتداءً، وتبناها عزمي بشارة وروّجها بقوة… إلخ.

كل ما سبق مهمّ لأن كثرة العناوين والمبادرات والجلسات التفاوضية وامتدادها عبر عقود، هو أمر مثير للاهتمام بمقدار ما هو مثير للملل، لأنه يقول كثيراً عن انعدام جدوى تلك الاتفاقات والمفاوضات، ولاسيما في ضوء ما تمخضت عنه على الأرض من تزايدٍ للاستيطان وتغولٍ لمشروع التهويد وتطرفٍ متصاعدٍ في المشهد السياسي الإسرائيلي وضلالة الحالمين بـ”حل سياسي للصراع”.

معاهدة كامب ديفيد: الخطيئة الأصلية في السياسة العربية

كذلك، فإن تسلسل الاتفاقات والمعاهدات زمنياً مهمّ جداً، لأنه يدخلنا في الأبعاد الإقليمية للتطبيع مع العدو الصهيوني. فمعاهدة السلام المصرية – الإسرائيلية عام 1979 أخرجت مصر من حلبة الصراع العربي – الصهيوني، ولاسيما أن المادة السادسة من تلك المعاهدة تنص حرفياً على أن الأحكام الواردة فيها تُعَدّ ملزمة ونافذة في حال تعارضها مع أي التزامات أخرى (مثل معاهدة الدفاع العربي المشترك لعام 1950 مثلاً؟!)، وهو ما ساهم في تحجيم دور مصر الإقليمي فعلياً باعتبارها الشقيق العربي الكبير، وأكبر الدول العربية المحيطة بفلسطين، وهو ما يعني موضوعياً فتح الباب للتمدد الإسرائيلي إقليمياً، وكان من عواقب ذلك غزو لبنان واحتلاله عام 1982.

بعد معاهدة السلام مع مصر وقرار الجامعة العربية مقاطعتها ونقل مقر الجامعة العربية من مصر إلى تونس، راح النظام الرسمي العربي يدخل أكثر فأكثر في صيرورة اختلال التوازن والتفسخ والصراعات الداخلية، وكان ذلك كله نتيجة طبيعية لتحييد مصر سياسياً من جانب العدو الصهيوني، وتوهمها أنها يمكن أن تقتنص السلام والازدهار في مصر بمفردها إذا نأت بنفسها عما يجري في محيطها.

العبرة هنا أن تقسيم الوطن العربي إلى دولٍ وسياساتٍ قُطريةٍ متنابذة ليس تاريخاً قديماً أو مشكلة عقائدية يتداولها القوميون العرب فحسب، بل تحمل تجزئة الوطن العربي دلالاتٍ جغرافيةً – سياسيةً عميقةً وراهنةً. وبالتالي، فإن إزالة عمود مركزي، مثل مصر، من معادلة الصراع، كان يفترض بها أن تؤدي إلى انهيار الأقطار الأخرى كأحجار الدومينو، لولا المقاومة والرفض في الشارعين العربي والفلسطيني من جهة، وحالة الصمود والتصدي التي نشأت على الصعيد الرسمي العربي في مواجهة مشروع كامب ديفيد من جهة أخرى. وثبت، بعد عقودٍ من التجربة، أن هذا ليس خطاباً ديماغوجياً أو “لغة خشبية”، كما يهذر البعض، بل إنه يشكل قيمة جغرافية – سياسية ملموسة كحائط صد أعاق الانجراف والانهيار في الوضع العربي على مدى عقود، وإن كان العدو انتقل سياسياً إلى حالة الهجوم. 

بعد التجربة المصرية في السلام مع العدو الصهيوني، برزت عقدة “السلام الشامل” في مقابل “السلام المنفرد”، والتي أعاقت المشروع الأميركي للإسراع قدماً في فرض مسلسل المعاهدات والتطبيع على الصعيد الرسمي العربي، على الرغم من سعي المحور الخليجي لفرض مبادرة الأمير فهد في القمة العربية في فاس في تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر 1981، والتي رفضتها سوريا آنذاك وأفشلتها (عن وجه حق، وإدراك ووعي تامّين لما تعنيه من تجريفٍ للوضع العربي وإلحاقٍ له بصيرورة كامب ديفيد من خلال الاعتراف الرسمي العربي جماعياً بحق الكيان الصهيوني في الوجود، على أساس مبدئي على الأقل). 

بعد العدوان الصهيوني على لبنان عام 1982 وعقابيله، انعقدت قمة عربية استثنائية في فاس مجدداً في أيلول/سبتمبر 1982، أُقرت فيها مبادرة الأمير فهد رسمياً، والتي أصبحت تعرف بعدها بمقررات قمة فاس 1982، وهي تعادل، بالنسبة إلى الجامعة العربية، برنامج “النقاط العشر” بالنسبة إلى منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، كما سيأتي.

المدخل الفلسطيني لتعميم مشروع كامب ديفيد عربياً

كانت العقدة المركزية في الإصرار على “السلام المنفرد” هي القضية الفلسطينية والمسؤولية العربية إزاءها، مع أن القصة ليست قصة مسؤولية إزاء القضية الفلسطينية، بمقدار ما هي قصة مسؤولية إزاء الذات في مواجهة خطر المشروع الصهيوني على المنطقة برمتها. ولنا عودة إلى تلك النقطة، لكن كان لا بد من “فرط” العقدة المركزية، المتمثّلة بالموقف الرسمي الفلسطيني؛ أي موقف منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، من أجل تعميم مشروع كامب ديفيد على كل الأقطار العربية، وصولاً إلى الاتفاقيات المسماة “إبراهيمية”.

كان يوجد داخل منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، منذ بداية السبعينيات (وبعض الكتّاب والمعاصرين لتلك المرحلة يقول إنه وُجد منذ نهاية الستينيات) تيارٌ يرى ضرورة التفاهم مع “إسرائيل” والإدارة الأميركية لتأسيس “دولة فلسطينية” وفق حدود عام 1967.  أبرز رموز ذلك التيار، في ذلك الوقت، كان ياسر عرفات ومَن حوله في قيادة المنظمة والجبهة الديمقراطية لتحرير فلسطين.  

جاء الانقلاب الرسمي في موقف منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية في المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني في القاهرة عام 1974، والذي أقر ما يسمى “برنامج النقاط العشر”، والذي مثّل نقطة التحول الجوهرية في برنامج التحرير إلى برنامج تأسيس “سلطة وطنية فلسطينية على أي جزء يتم تحريره من فلسطين”. ومنذ ذلك الوقت، بدأ الانجراف الرسمي الفلسطيني في اتجاه تأسيس الدويلة مع التخلي بالتدريج عن الشروط والضوابط التي وُضعت لها، فالمهم هو تثبيت “المبدأ”، وبعد ذلك تتم زحزحة الشروط والضوابط باللتدريج بفعل عوامل النحت والتعرية السياسيَّين، وكانت تلك هي الرحلة التسووية التي قادت قيادة منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية إلى أوسلو وما تلاها.

جرت المصادقة فوراً على هذا التوجه التسووي في مقررات القمة العربية المنعقدة في الرباط عام 1974: “إن قادة الدول العربية يؤكدون حق الشعب الفسطيني في إقامة سلطة وطنية مستقلة بقيادة منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، بصفتها الممثل الشرعي الوحيد للشعب الفلسطيني، على كل أرض يتم تحريرها”، والعبرة تكمن في تمرير خطاب “سلطة وطنية فلسطينية على كل أرض…”.

للتاريخ، لم يصوّت إلّا ثلاثة أعضاء في المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني عام 1974 ضد برنامج النقاط العشر، أحدهم ناجي علوش (أبو إبراهيم)، والثاني محمد داوود عودة (أبو داوود)، والثالث سعيد حمامي (الذي عدّه متشدداً أكثر من اللزوم لأنه ربطه آنذاك بشروط صعبة!). 

شكلت مفاوضات جنيف بعد حرب أكتوبر عام 1973، واعتقاد قيادة منظمة التحرير أنها “على وشك” أن تتمخض عن “دويلة فلسطينية” بموافقة أميركية – إسرائيلية، خلفيةَ الانجراف الرسمي الفلسطيني نحو وَهْم المشروع التسووي.   

لكنّ صيرورة مشروع كامب ديفيد هي الصلح المنفرد، وبالتالي نشأت مشكلة “الصلح المنفرد” في مقابل “السلام الشامل”، فكان لا بد من تذليل تلك العقبة عبر إقامة صلح منفرد مع منظمة التحرير ذاتها من أجل نزع الذريعة من أيدي رافضي “الصلح المنفرد”.

كان ذلك يتطلب “إعادة تأهيل” منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية ذاتها على نحو يتوافق مع متطلبات الطرف الأميركي – الصهيوني. وأدت حرب لبنان عام 1982، فيما أدت إليه، إلى إخراج منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية من لبنان. وفي الأعوام التي تلت، أشرفت قيادة منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية على ورشة كبرى لإعادة صياغة العقل السياسي الفلسطيني في اتجاه قبول دولة ضمن حدود عام 1967، وصولاً إلى “إعلان استقلال” وهمي في المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني في الجزائر عام 1988، تم الاحتفاء به كثيراً، كان من صاغه الشاعر محمود درويش، ووافقت عليه كل التنظيمات المنضوية في منظمة التحرير وقتها.

جاء الوصول إلى اتفاقية أوسلو بعدها عام 1993 تحصيلاً حاصلاً لتراكمات النهج التسووي، لأن البحث عن دويلة وعن “السلام” و”الازدهار” بالتفاهم مع “إسرائيل” والإدارة الأميركية، بعيداً عن “الشعارات الفارغة”، وعن العرب “الذين تخلوا عنا”، كما شاع في الخطاب السياسي الفلسطيني آنذاك، هو المعنى الحقيقي لشعار “يا وحدنا” الذي رفعه ياسر عرفات، كما أنه لا يزال المآل الحقيقي لكل من يرفع شعار “يا وحدنا” في أي قُطر عربي: التفاهم مع “إسرائيل”.. فالحس القُطري ليس مشروعاً نهضوياً للقطر، بل هو مشروع تسييد الكيان الصهيوني على المنطقة، وبالتالي تدمير القطر ذاته وتفكيكه.

لكنّ تيار البحث عن “الذات القُطرية” في الحالة الفلسطينية بالذات، وتحقيقها في “دويلة”، بعد التخلي عن مشروع التحرير، بالتفاهم مع الطرف الأميركي -الصهيوني، هو مكسب كبير لمشروع كامب ديفيد (الصلح المنفرد)، لأنه يجرح صدقية من رفضوه باسم “السلام العادل والشامل”. وما دام أصحاب القضية الرسميين ساروا في ركبه، فإنه لا تبقى لغيرهم ذريعة، باستثناء موقف أصحاب العلاقة وأولياء الدم: الشعب العربي، من مسألة التطبيع. ولا تزال هذه هي أهم جبهة في مقاومة التطبيع اليوم.  

صيرورة التطبيع على الصعيد الرسمي الأردني

بعد توقيع اتفاقية أوسلو، بات استكمال كسر حلقة دول الطوق مرهوناً بموقف سوريا ولبنان، لأن العلاقات التطبيعية بين النظام الأردني والعدو الصهيوني أقدم من أوسلو، بل أقدم من كامب ديفيد ومن أي مفاوضات بعد حرب أكتوبر 1973. وبحسب مقالة في صحيفة “واشنطن بوست” الأميركية للصحافيين الإسرائيليين، يوسي ميلمان ودان رفيف، في الـ27 من أيلول/ سبتمبر 1987، فإن الملك حسين بن طلال أرسل رسالة عام 1963 إلى رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي آنذاك، ليفي أشكول، فأرسل أشكول مدير مكتبه الخاص من أجل لقاء الملك في لندن في منزل طبيب الملك حسين الشخصي، اليهودي إيمانويل هربرت، في شهر أيلول/سبتمبر 1963. 

في عام 2014 نشر الكاتب الإسرائيلي يوسي ميلمان بعض المعلومات، وردت في صحيفة “معاريف” الإسرائيلية، تتعلق بعلاقة الملك حسين التاريخية بالساسة الإسرائيليين وجهاز الموساد. وورد ضمن المعلومات أن “إسرائيل” أنقذت حياة الملك حسين عدة مرات، إحداها – يقول ميلمان إنه كان شاهداً عليها – كانت بداية “لمواجهة سوريا حين استجابت “إسرائيل” لمساعدته بتركيز قوات من الجيش مكّنته من مهاجمة سوريا التي كانت تنوي مساعدة الفلسطينيين في أيلول/ سبتمبر 1970″.

وتحدث الكاتب عن “مئتي ساعة من المكالمات أو المحادثات للملك مع الزعماء الإسرائيليين، وأن رؤساء الموساد أحبّوا لقاء الملك، وهو ما تم في مقر الموساد في إسرائيل، وفي قصر الملك في عمّان، وفي القارب الملكي في ميناء العقبة، وفي منازل خاصة في لندن وباريس”.

وبحسب الكاتب، فإن “اللقاء الأول تم عام 1963 بين الملك حسين ويعقوب هرتسوغ، الذي كان آنذاك نائب مدير مكتب رئيس الحكومة، في منزل طبيب في لندن، بهدف تنسيق المواقف وفحص إمكان وجود تعاون سري”.

وفي هذا اللقاء – يزعم الكاتب – “جدد الملك حسين، بتأخير 16 عاماً، العلاقة التي كانت بين جده الملك عبد الله الأول بالصهيونية، بحيث أقام عبد الله الأول هذه العلاقات في الثلاثينيات من القرن العشرين”.

وليس الأمر في حاجة إلى كثير من التمحيص، إذ إن قصة العلاقات القديمة بين العدو الصهيوني والملك حسين وردت بالتفصيل في كتاب “أسد الأردن: حياة الملك حسين في الحرب والسلام”، بالإنكليزية، للكاتب الإسرائيلي آفي شلايم عام 2009.  واسم الكتاب بالإنكليزية هو Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace.

باختصار، لا تحتاج قصة الوصول إلى معاهدة وادي عربة إلى تحليل سياسي أو تاريخي مفصّل، مثل الحالتين المصرية والفلسطينية، اللتين مرّ كلٌّ منها في نقطة انقلابٍ ما، من الناصرية إلى الساداتية في حالة مصر، ومن ثقب إبرة “برنامج النقاط العشر” في الحالة الفلسطينية، وإنما هي حالة إخراجِ السر إلى العلن بعد أن أتاحت اتفاقية أوسلو ذاتها ذلك، وكان الأمر “مطبوخاً” أصلاً على الصعيد الرسمي الأردني.  

العِبْرة هي أن اتفاقية أوسلو ذاتها أتاحت الصلح المنفرد للنظام الأردني، بكسرها محظور “السلام الشامل” الرسمي العربي، على نحو يجعل التطبيع “الإبراهيمي” اليوم تحصيلاً حاصلاً، لولا أن معاهدات دول الطوق لم تكتمل بتوقيع مثيلاتها من جانب سوريا ولبنان. وكان يُفترض، على ما يبدو، أن تكتمل في دول الطوق أولاً، وهذا أحد أهم أسباب الحرب المستمرة على سوريا، وعلى المقاومة في لبنان، وتورط الطرف الأميركي – الصهيوني المباشر فيها.

التطبيع يمأسس لإلحاق الأردن بالفضاء الصهيوني

لكن فيما يتعلق بعواقب وادي عربة، لا بمقدماتها الواضحة، يجب أن نذكر أنها كرست قانونياً صيغتين أساسيتين للعلاقة الأردنية – الإسرائيلية:

–       أولاً: السعي لتحقيق تكامل إقليمي، تبلور في خمس عشرة مادة من أصل ثلاثين تتألف منها المعاهدة، غطت كل أوجه الحياة بين الطرفين، مدنياً واقتصادياً.

–       ثانياً: السعي لتحقيق تنسيق رفيع المستوى، أمنياً وسياسياً، أصبح الأردن الرسمي عبره ملزماً بالتعاون ضد أي شكل من أشكال العداء لـ”إسرائيل”، حتى لو كان ذلك على مستوى التحريض اللفظي فحسب، كما جاء مثلاً في المادة الحادية عشرة من تلك المعاهدة.

–       ونضيف أن المادتين الخامسة والعشرين والسادسة والعشرين، من معاهدة وادي عربة، نصّتا على أنها تسمو على كل ما عداها تماماً كما في معاهدة السلام المصرية – الإسرائيلية.

غير أن ذلك كله لم يُعفِ النظام الأردني من دفع ثمن كبير، بعد أن بات من الواضح أن مشروع ضم الضفة الغربية، في ظل “صفقة القرن”، يعني تصدير “المشكلة الفلسطينية” سياسياً إلى الأردن، وحلها على حساب ذاته القُطرية. وبذلك، فإن الاتفاقيات “الإبراهيمية”، كابنة شرعية للاتفاقيات ما قبل “الإبراهيمية”، انقلبت على أمها، وهذا طبيعي، لأن التفاهم مع العدو الصهيوني يعني تفاقم الصراعات العربية الداخلية. لقد دخلت السلطة في فلسطين والأردن في ترتيبات مع العدو تؤدي إلى تجاوزهما، ولولا أن البلاد تدفع ثمن التطبيع، لقلنا: على نفسها جنت براقش!

اتخذ التطبيع في الأردن، بحكم كونه دولة طرفية، وامتلاكه أطول حدودٍ مع العدو الصهيوني، وثقل التأثير الغربي فيه، وفقدان نظامه تراثاً استقلالياً وطنياً (في مقابل تراث وطني استقلالي عريق لشعبه)، صيغةً أكثر طغياناً مما اتخذه في مصر كدولة مركزية، تفصلها صحراء سيناء عن “دولة” العدو، وتملك إرثاً ناصرياً، وتملك قبله إرث دولة مركزية عريقة، على الرغم من استخزاء الأنظمة التي حكمت مصر بعد جمال عبد الناصر للطرف الأميركي – الصهيوني.

فُرِض التطبيع في الأردن بالقوة في كثيرٍ من الحالات، كما قُمِعت الاحتجاجات ضده في كثيرٍ من الحالات الأخرى، مثل اعتصام “جك” السلمي ضد السفارة الصهيونية في عمان، وهو أطول اعتصام في تاريخ الأردن، واستمر أسبوعياً منذ نهاية أيار/مايو 2010 حتى بداية عام 2016، وتم سحقه بالقوة في النهاية. 

وتكريساً لفكرة التكامل الإقليمي، جرى في عز الحرب على سوريا تحويل مرفأ حيفا إلى بوابة تصدير واستيراد، عبر الأردن، إلى الدول العربية. وكتبت صحيفة “جيروزاليم بوست”، في تقرير لها في الـ21 من شباط/ فبراير 2016، تحت عنوان “ارتفاع ضخم في المنتوجات الأوروبية المارة عبر إسرائيل إلى الدول العربية”، أن المنتوجات التركية والبلغارية بصورة خاصة تأتي على متن عبّارات تحمل شاحنات أو في حاويات إلى ميناء حيفا، ليتم شحنها براً إمّا إلى الأردن، وإمّا عبر الأردن إلى العراق والدول الخليجية، وأن عدد الشاحنات التي نقلت منتوجات تركية وبلغارية عبر الكيان بلغ نحو 13 ألفاً في عام 2015، دفع كلٌّ منها رسوماً إل العدو الصهيوني عند دخوله فلسطين العربية المحتلة وخروجه منها، وأن عدد تلك الشاحنات ارتفع بمقدار 25% عن عام 2014، إذ بلغت آنذاك 10.300 شاحنة. وهو ما يشكل، في رأينا المكتوب والمنشور، أهم عائق في فتح الحدود البرية على مصاريعها مع سوريا من جانب قوى الشد العكسي المستفيدة من مرفأ حيفا، في الأردن وخارجه.    

وفي شهر تشرين أول/أكتوبر 2016، أعلن الكيان الصهيوني تدشين خط سكة حديد بيسان – حيفا بتكلفة مليار دولار، الذي كان جزءاً من سكة حديد الحجاز قبل ذلك بقرنٍ ونيف. وقال بوعز تسفرير، المدير العام لشركة قطارات “إسرائيل”، بمناسبة التدشين وقتها، “إن خط قطار حيفا – بيسان سوف يربط ميناء حيفا بجسر (الشيخ حسين)، الواقع في منطقة الأغوار الشمالية، ثم سوف يواصل مسيره إلى الأردن، حيث مدينة إربد وصولاً إلى العاصمة عمَّان. وهو سيكون أيضاً قطاراً لشحن البضائع، وسوف يخدم سكان منطقة وادي الأردن، ويعزّز حركة التجارة لميناء حيفا، كما سيتم تعزيز عمل خط القطار الجديد خلال الأعوام المقبلة”. 

قبل التطبيع “الإبراهيمي” المعلن بأعوام، في 3/2/2017 تحديداً، نشرت وسائل الإعلام تصريحات لوزير المواصلات الصهيوني، يسرائيل كاتس، آنذاك، يقول فيها إنه يدفع في اتجاه تعزيز تبادل المعلومات بين الكيان الصهيوني والدول الخليجية، بسبب ما لذلك من تأثير إيجابي “في خطة التواصل البريّ المزمع إنشاؤها من إسرائيل مع دول الخليج”. كما أشار إلى أنّه، بصفته أيضاً وزيراً للمواصلات، يعمل على الدفع قُدُماً في هذا الاتجاه، وهناك “موافقة من رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيليّة بنيامين نتنياهو، على توسعة خط القطار بين إسرائيل والأردن، ليصل إلى المملكة العربيّة السعوديّة”، مُعتبراً أنّ “الأردن سيكون حلقة الوصل بين إسرائيل ودول الخليج في قضية السكك الحديديّة التي تربط بينهما”.  

وكان رشح، في صيف عام 2015، أن “الإدارة المدنية” للضفة الغربية، والتابعة للجيش الصهيوني، قرّرت المصادقة على مخطط لمدّ شبكة سكك حديدية في جميع أنحاء الضفة الغربية، وأن المخطط يشمل 473 كيلومتراً من السكك الحديدية، و30 محطة قطار في 11 خط سكة حديدية، “يتجاهل الحدود السياسية القائمة”، بحيث ستربط السكك الحديدية بين المدن الفلسطينية، كما ستربط هذه المدن بالمدن في “إسرائيل”، وبالأردن و”سوريا أيضاً”، “وستخدم جميع سكان المنطقة”. وبسبب الطبيعة الجبلية للضفة، فإن المخطط يشمل عشرات الجسور والأنفاق، بحسب مواقع متعددة عبر الإنترنت.

ليس الأردن والسلطة الفلسطينية، إذاً، إلّا منطقتين طرفيتين تمثّلان موطئ قدم للوصول إلى العراق وسوريا والدول الخليجية. وبالتالي، فإن مشروع “الكونفدرالية الثلاثية” (بين الأردن والدويلة الفلسطينية والكيان الصهيوني)، والذي يبرز بين الفينة والأخرى، ليس إلّا صيغة سياسية لتسهيل التغلغل الصهيوني في المشرق العربي.  

أسست معاهدة وادي عربة قاعدة لربط البنية التحتية في الأردن بالكيان الصهيوني من خلال عدد من المشاريع، مثل اتفاقية الغاز مع العدو الصهيوني بقيمة 10 مليارات دولار لمدة 15 عاماً لتوليد الكهرباء عام 2016، والتي أصدرت المحكمة الدستورية قراراً في أيار/مايو 2020 أنها لا يمكن أن تُلغى على الرغم من الاحتجاجات، ولا حاجة إلى عرضها على مجلس النواب… ومن تلك الاتفاقيات أيضاً مشروع قناة البحرين (الميت – الأحمر) لتحلية المياه وإنقاذ البحر الميت، بسبب سرقة “إسرائيل” مياه نهر الأردن، والذي لم يتم إعلان صيغة نهائية له بعد.. وهناك أيضاً المناطق الصناعية المؤهلة Qualified Industrial Zones (QIZ’s) والتي يتم بموجبها التصدير إلى الولايات المتحدة منذ التسعينيات من دون جمرك ما دام يوجد فيها مُدخل “إسرائيلي”، وأغلبية الشركات والعمالة فيها غير أردنية أصلاً.. ناهيك بتقارير كثيرة عن تطوير وادي الأردن ومشاريع مناطق حرة وصناعية ثلاثية مع السلطة الفلسطينية.

التطبيع لا ينجح إن لم تضمن “إسرائيل” روافع تمكّنها من قطع الكهرباء والماء والحياة الاقتصادية عن الدول المطبّعة إن هي قررت تغيير رأيها.  فلا أمان للكيان الصهيوني مع رأي شعبي عربي يمكن أن يمارس ضغوطاً تدفع في اتجاه وقف التطبيع. لذلك، فإن النموذج الأردني لإنتاج الكهرباء بغاز فلسطيني مسروق يضع كل مواطن أمام خيار صعب: إمّا أن يقبل التكامل الإقليمي مع “إسرائيل”، وإمّا أن يقبل العيش بلا كهرباء وماء واقتصاد… إلخ. ثم يقال له: إن شئت ألّا تطبّع، فلا تطبِّعْ!  

وستكون لنا عودة إلى البعد الاقتصادي للتطبيع، في مقالات مقبلة، إن شاء الله.

إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً

Seif Al-Quds: The battle which ushered in a new era of Palestinian armed struggle

12 May 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen English

Robert Inlakesh 

The battle fought between the unified Palestinian resistance factions and “Israel” completely changed the trajectory of the region’s conflict with the Zionist regime.

Seif Al-Quds: The Battle Which Ushered In A New Era Of Palestinian Armed Struggle

Although for many, the Seif al-Quds (Sword of Jerusalem) battle, last May, represented significant suffering and loss of Palestinian life, the war fought between the unified Palestinian resistance factions and “Israel”, completely changed the trajectory of the region’s conflict with the Zionist regime.

Lasting between May 10 and May 21, dubbed the “11-day war”, Palestinian armed factions in the Gaza Strip combined their strength with that of the entire Palestinian population inside occupied territories. After consistent Israeli incursions into al-Aqsa mosque last Ramadan, the spokesperson for the al-Qassam brigades [armed wing of Hamas], Abu Ubaydah, gave Israeli occupation forces a 6 PM deadline to withdraw from Al-Aqsa Mosque and stop a far-Right settler march. On the deadline, a barrage of rockets was fired from Gaza, into Israeli settlements surrounding Jerusalem. It was then that “Israel” officially announced it was going to war with Gaza.

Around 270 Palestinians were killed across the occupied territories by Israeli occupation forces and settlers, however, the story of human suffering during the war was not the only significant element. Unlike had been the case in 2014, 2008-9, and even in 2012, all years when the Israeli occupation forces launched military operations against the Gaza Strip, no significant win could be taken from the side of the Palestinian resistance. With the exception of the 2012 war, the other battles between Gaza’s armed groups and “Israel” had resulted in the weakening of the position of the Palestinian armed struggle. During Seif Al-Quds, things were quite the opposite, for the first time, it was a real strategic victory on the part of a unified front of armed factions, making up what has become known as the ‘Joint Room’ of resistance factions.

“Israel” was forced into political and military disarray, as the victory of Seif Al-Quds only further led to the downfall of former Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, ushering in a new Israeli ruling coalition. “Israel”’s military strategy of attempting to draw the resistance forces into the attack tunnel systems, in order to bombard them and kill hundreds, failed tremendously and completely took the Israeli military by surprise. The Gazan forces had somehow figured out, most likely through intelligence gathering methods, what “Israel” had been planning – a fake invasion announcement – preemptively preparing themselves for such an Israeli attack. Hamas even dictated to the Israelis in “Tel Aviv” when they could come out of their bomb shelters, telling them that they would stop their rocket attacks for 2 hours on one given night. The sight of Israelis listening to the guidelines set to them by Hamas and the other armed factions, made “Israel’s” air defense systems and military strategy seem weak, proving the Zionist forces useless at defending their own population.

Furthermore, the tactics used by the armed groups, such as; slowly revealing new weapons technology, striking everywhere inside the 1948 territories, putting Israeli airports on temporary lockdown and controlling the course of the battle, all showed the entire region the weaknesses of “Tel Aviv”. If little besieged Gaza could foil “Israel’s” military strategies that they had worked on for years, not lose their military capabilities, force “Israel” to accept a non-conditional ceasefire, imagine what a force like Lebanese Hezbollah, or the Syrian Arab Army, would do to them? This was the question in the minds of world leaders at the time. To conclude the battle of Seif Al-Quds, “Israel” did not fire the final shot by midnight when the ceasefire kicked in, it was Hamas that had the last say. 

Seif al-Quds proved for the Palestinians, as well as regional allies of the camp of resistance to “Israel”, that the armed struggle was the only way forward. The Palestinian Authority (PA), based in Ramallah, chooses the path of “security coordination” and refuses to resist “Israel” with violence and has failed to achieve a so-called “two-State solution”. The PA, of President Mahmoud Abbas, has little legitimacy left in the eyes of Palestinians and has no negotiating chips to bring to the table of any talks with the Israeli side, on top of this, no Israeli ruling coalition will have anything to do with the PA and talks of “two-States”. Now, the answer, following the era of Oslo, which really died with the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, is again the armed struggle and this is clearly what we see, as the rising belief, all throughout occupied Palestine.

A regional coalition, to fight for al-Aqsa Mosque, is now developing in its coordination and capabilities, included in which will be; Hezbollah, Ansarallah, groups from within the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) and the Palestinian armed factions. The head of the Hamas movement in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, has vowed that the war for Jerusalem will begin after Ramadan and that the armed factions in Gaza will be on high alert to thwart Israeli plots against the Palestinian people and Jerusalem’s Holy Sites. 

The battle of May 2021 represents the opening of a new chapter in the conflict with “Israel”, forcing the entire region and beyond to pay attention. Having said this, the questions to now be answered are; How will a regional coalition launch a successful military campaign against “Israel”? When will the Israeli ruling coalition collapse and how will the resistance deal with this? When will the PA change hands from its current rulers or collapse? And, when will the international community begin to start approaching Hamas as a representative of the Palestinian movement and people? The answers to these questions will be determining factors to how the Palestinian cause will once again emerge as a top priority on the regional and international stage. 

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

As Ramadan Ends, Israeli Provocations Seem Aimed at a Religious War

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° 

Jessica Buxbaum

“Israel uses this month [of Ramadan] to humiliate Palestinians, as much as they can. Especially at the doors of al-Aqsa Mosque, knowing how much this situation is sensitive for Palestinians.” – Younes Arar, PLO Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission

OCCUPIED EAST JERUSALEM, PALESTINE — On the last Friday of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, at least 42 Palestinians were injured when Israeli police raided al-Aqsa Mosque Compound in occupied East Jerusalem, the Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said. With nearly 300 Palestininians injured in the last two weeks at al-Aqsa compound, this year’s Ramadan in Palestine has been marked by bloodshed once again.

Since the start of Ramadan on April 2, human rights organizations have monitored a significant increase in violence against Palestinians. Palestinian human rights organization Al-Haq has documented a worrying trend “in killings, excessive use of force, settler colonial violence, attacks on holy sites and worshippers, and collective punishment measures against Palestinians, including widespread raids, arbitrary arrests, and movement restrictions.”

According to Al-Haq’s information, the Israeli army has killed 17 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank in April. Since Al-Haq’s publication, Israeli forces fatally shot 18-year-old Ahmad Fathi Masad in the head during a raid on the Jenin refugee camp this week.

Uptick in religious violations

Israeli police raids on al-Aqsa compound have become routine this month, with the PRCS noting the majority of injuries were to the upper areas of the body. Israeli forces have used rubber-coated steel bullets, tear gas, pepper spray and stun grenades against Palestinian worshippers at al-Aqsa.

In recent weeks, Israeli forces have also broken the iconic stained-glass windows of al-Qibli Mosque, the main mosque in the compound, and have attacked Palestinian journalists, children, women and the elderly at the holy site.

Palestinian Authority (PA) Minister for Religious Endowments Sheikh Hatem al-Bakri told MintPress News that Israel’s actions at al-Aqsa compound are in violation of international regulations, UNESCO resolutions and religious traditions.

In 2016, UNESCO, the UN’s world heritage organization, adopted a resolution decrying Israeli violations at al-Aqsa including restricting access to Muslim worship and storming of the compound by Israeli forces and extremists.

“Israel is not respecting religious treaties at all, instead using their privilege of power to enact these policies,” al-Bakri said, emphasizing how the Jordanian Ministry of Waqf has full jurisdiction over the holy site. “And because of our weaknesses, we cannot run any military confrontation with Israel. We have to just witness what’s happening.”

Israeli police are not the only ones violating the sanctity of al-Aqsa. This month, the Jewish festival of Passover coincided with Ramadan. Jewish extremists used the holiday season to storm the compound and pray at the site more frequently. On April 17, Israeli forces shut Ibrahimi Mosque in the West Bank city of Hebron to Muslim worshippers for two days. That following Tuesday, hundreds of Jewish settlers stormed the mosque to perform Talmudic rituals in celebration of Passover. The Israeli army also erected military barricades surrounding the area of the mosque to facilitate the settlers’ movement. The director of the mosque, Ghassan Al-Rajabi, said the closure was a continuation of “Zionist authorities’ attempts to dominate and occupy the mosque.”

In 1994, Israeli settler Baruch Goldstein killed 29 Muslim worshippers at Ibrahimi Mosque during Ramadan. Following the massacre, Israel divided the holy site into Muslim and Jewish sections, with Muslim access cut to 40%.

Last year, Israel authorities initiated excavation works at the mosque in order to install an elevator there. A Palestinian petition against the settler project was rejected by Israel’s Supreme Court on the grounds the elevator’s purpose is to ensure greater disability access. However, Palestinans stress the plan isn’t humanitarian in its purpose, instead giving cover for an attempt to confiscate land and further Judaize the mosque.

Sheikh al-Bakri, who is also a preacher at Ibrahimi Mosque, said Israel’s tightened security measures around the religious site suggest a more sinister intention. “Israel has been trying to control that site through converting it from a place for worshipers to a military zone,” al-Bakri said. “All of the events that have been happening around that site make us believe that Israel is trying to turn the Muslim praying side into a synagogue.”

April saw an escalation against Palestinian Muslim and Christian worship as well. According to documentation from the Jerusalem Governorate, on April 23 Israeli forces prevented hundreds of Palestinian Christians from reaching the Church of Holy Sepulcher to celebrate the “Holy Fire” ceremony on the eve of Orthodox Easter.

Minister al-Bakri said Israeli violations against some mosques in Jerusalem have occurred this Ramadan, but emphasized the main offenses against Islam have been at the al-Aqsa and Ibrahimi mosques.

“If Israel is violating these two big sites, then they can violate every site in the country,” al-Bakri said. “And we keep saying that if Israel is violating al-Aqsa, it’s violating every single Palestinian.”

Israel seeking a religious war

As the end of Ramadan nears, Israeli police have banned non-Muslims from entering al-Aqsa compound for the last ten days of Ramadan. According to Jerusalem Governorate statistics, about 3,670 Jewish settlers invaded al-Aqsa Compound during the Passover holiday.

Amid the spike in Jews praying at the site, Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid asserted Israel is committed to maintaining the status quo at al-Aqsa Compound.

“Muslims pray on the Temple Mount [what Israel calls al-Aqsa Compound], non-Muslims only visit. There is no change, there will be no change,” Lapid said during a press conference.

Yet Jordan, which has custodianship over the site, disagreed. The Jordanian Foreign Ministry warned in a statement that Israel is taking “targeted steps to change the historical and legal situation in the blessed al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif,” specifically condemning Israeli forces for raiding the area and allowing Jews to pray at al-Aqsa Compound.

Jewish extremists often argue that denying Jewish prayer at al-Aqsa Compound is an obstruction of freedom of worship, given the area is deemed the holiest site in Judaism.

“Al-Aqsa is only for Muslims,” PA Deputy Governor of Jerusalem Abdullah Siam told MintPress News, in response to accusations of religious discrimination. He suggested the current status quo has pushed Israel to take the site through force.

Al-Bakri also agreed that al-Aqsa is strictly for Muslim worship.

But Jewish extremists who spout claims of religious discrimination ignore the stark political element at play, Israeli journalist and activist Haggai Matar said. “[T]here are no equals in Israel-Palestine,” Matar wrote in +972 Magazine. “[I]t is Israel that has created a system of apartheid wherein … Jewish supremacy over Palestinians is guaranteed, maintained, and entrenched by law and by force.”

Just before the start of Ramadan, Israeli parliament member and leader of the far-right Jewish Power Party Itamar Ben-Gvir toured al-Aqsa Compound, escorted by police. This wasn’t his first incursion, and Minister al-Bakri said such provocative, politically-charged tours are how the Israeli government attempts to stabilize its fragile coalition. “Through these practices, [the government is] trying to get political acquisitions,” al-Bakri said. “The government of [Prime Minister] Naftali Bennett is weak, and in order for them to keep going, they have to encourage settlers to do more raids so as to win from that situation.”

Yet ultimately, Israel’s ongoing violations against Muslim worship, al-Bakri said, are “leading the area to a religious war between Islam and Judaism.” “We always say that our main problem is not with Judaism as a religion, but with the occupation,” al-Bakri said. “Although Israel has been using Judaism to shape its occupation.”

Ramadan violence on repeat

As they were last year, tensions in Palestine have been at a maximum high during Ramadan.

In May 2021, violence erupted into a war between Israel and Hamas, the Islamic faction governing Gaza. Israel’s 10-day assault on the besieged Gaza Strip left 256 Palestinians dead, including 66 children. Media pundits and experts have feared this Ramadan may reach last year’s deadly levels.

For Minister al-Bakri, the atmosphere in Palestine is always volatile during Ramadan because Israel encourages a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy. “Three months ago, Israel started talking in the media about a potential escalation, while the Palestinians hoped for a quiet month,” al-Bakri said, highlighting the number of Palestinians killed recently as meeting Israeli predictions. “Israel has been preparing the area for a potential problem by repeating these crisis slogans.”

Younes Arar, director of international and public relations and media for the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, suggested the large number of Palestinians flocking to Jerusalem during Ramadan is part of why the holy month is a tense time — emphasizing how the restrictions on freedom of movement add to the provocations. “Israel uses this month to humiliate Palestinians, as much as they can,” Arar said. “Especially at the doors of al-Aqsa Mosque, knowing how much this situation is sensitive for Palestinians.”

Blatant Display of Hypocrisy

2 May 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

Samia Nasir-Khoury 

Despite regularly calling for peace, the Israeli occupation’s actions speak otherwise. From the non-stop aggressions it continues to commit against the Palestinian people to the refusal to make the slightest concession, the occupation seems to understand only the language of force.

Ever since the partition plan of Palestine on November 29, 1947, and the immediate recognition of “Israel” by the United States of America, “Israel” has had the unwavering support of the USA

The sight of the Ukrainian refugees evoked very sad memories of our own eviction from Palestine, which ceased to exist in 1948.  Not only because of the eviction but because of the massacres and the razing of hundreds of villages and reducing leading cities into ghost towns, which took place at the time, so as to obliterate the history of our country, some of which were only made public many years later on by the Israeli new historians.  It was a  historical event known as “the Nakba” (Catastrophe), which turned out to be an ongoing Nakba to this day, as Israel, the occupying power,  continues to deprive the Palestinians of their right of return according to the UN GA  resolution 194  on December 11, 1948, and refuses to withdraw from the rest of the Palestinian territory occupied in 1967 according to UN Security Council resolution 242 on November 22, 1967, over and above tits daily violations of Palestinian human rights.

I am not going to dwell on the political atmosphere, and the role of the USA and NATO in provoking that war, but it had hardly started when the cry for sanctions on Russia was loud and clear.  However,  never did the international community come up with the word “sanctions” regarding “Israel”, despite its brutal measures against the Palestinians as well as its flouting of UN resolutions for the last seven decades. It is high time “Israel” realizes that it will never feel secure while it continues to kill, confiscate, and deprive the Palestinians and the prisoners of their freedom and their basic human rights.  Furthermore, it allows the settlers to terrorize the Palestinians in their towns, in their fields, vineyards, and olive groves, as well as in their holy places, all under the protection of the Israeli police force.  In fact, three renowned organizations monitoring the region, Amnesty International, B’Tselem, and Human Rights Watch came to the conclusion in their reports recently,  that “Israel” is an apartheid state.  Of course, “Israel” refuted their reports and labeled them as anti-Semitic. Ironic indeed when one of them is an Israeli organization.

It is unreasonable to forget two facts.  One pertaining to the Oslo Accords, and the other pertaining to the Arab Countries  The Oslo Accords signed between the PLO and Israel on September 13, 1993, gave us the impression at the beginning that they were going to bring about a  new dawn of hope for peace and liberation, especially after seeing the Israeli army withdraw from the Palestinian towns occupied in 1967.  However, it did not take long to expose the loopholes in these accords, especially when the basic issues like al-Quds, borders, as well as refugees, and the building of illegal settlements were deferred to the last stage of negotiations, over a period of five years. This turned out to be an open-ended period of five-times-five that stopped abruptly with the incursion of the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, to Al-Aqsa mosque which led to the Second Intifada. That gave “Israel” the excuse to end all the negotiations. The following years gave “Israel” the opportunity to create a new reality on the ground as its settlements mushroomed all over the occupied Palestinian territories.  Over and above, the issue of security for Israel was to be coordinated with the new Palestinian Authority.  This certainly seemed to be a unique situation when the occupied had to coordinate security matters with the occupiers. The absurdity of these two items alone showed that those accords were never studied thoroughly and scrutinized by the PLO before they signed them and recognized “Israel” as a state in the region, whereas Israel never committed itself to recognizing a Palestinian state as it signed those accords with the PLO.

The second fact is the stand of the Arab countries who despite their rhetoric were never able to bring about the pressure to end the occupation. However, all the Arab countries endorsed the Saudi initiative  made by Prince Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, crown prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabic during the Arab summit meeting in Beirut in 2002 in which the prince presented his initiative calling for “full Israeli withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967, in implementation of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, reaffirmed by the Madrid Conference of 1991 and the land-for-peace principle, and ‘Israel’s’ acceptance of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, in return for the establishment of normal relations in the context of a comprehensive peace with Israel.”

Had “Israel” been sincere about peace it would have jumped at the Saudi initiative, but it seems that “Israel” cannot survive in times of peace.  However, peace with the Gulf countries was offered to “Israel” on a silver platter. Those countries who signed the “Abrahamic Accords” had no war with “Israel”, nor did they share borders with “Israel”.  Once again a colonial power, the USA, during the Trump presidency, was able to drive a wedge among the Arab countries, and seduce those Gulf countries into a peace agreement with Israel claiming to have common security interests.

Ever since the partition plan of Palestine on November 29, 1947, and the immediate recognition of “Israel” by the United States of America, “Israel” has had the unwavering support of the USA. This has been a major factor in Israel’s flouting of all UN resolutions regarding Palestine without any sanctions. The most we have heard from the USA and the European countries is “concern” about the  clashes and the demolishing of Palestinian homes, and that “the settlements are not conducive to peace.” 

Unfortunately, during these times,  the vested interests of the powerful forces, and their hegemony over-rules the principle of the common good and the welfare of all people, whereby they coerce the weaker people by blackmailing them, supposedly to guarantee their survival. And of course whoever dared to defy those powers had no chance to survive.  

The brutality of the Israeli police while storming the Al-Aqsa mosque and limiting and violently blocking Palestinian Christians in particular from worshiping in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the old city of al-Quds (Jerusalem), the holiest of Christian sites is beyond imagination. “Israel” wants to turn the Palestinian struggle into a religious war whereas it is not, and it has never been so. Nonetheless, with the support of the colonial powers, they have turned the whole region into a fertile ground for religious extremism.

However desperate the situation is, we cannot afford to lose hope, and we will not lose hope because justice is on our side. Furthermore, we hope our Palestinian struggle will become an example of steadfastness, “Sumud” and a guiding force in the struggle of all oppressed people.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

Will a regional war over Al-Aqsa Mosque revive The Palestinian cause?

27 Apr 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

Robert Inlakesh 

“Israel” has, for long, not had to worry about the Arab and Islamic nations attacking it to liberate their own lands, as well as those of the Palestinians, today we are growing closer to a new equation.

At this point, a multi-front war with “Israel” will completely change the equation in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine.

Violent Israeli incursions into the al-Aqsa Mosque compound, during the Holy Month of Ramadan, threaten a renewed round of violence in the Palestinian occupied territories and perhaps beyond. Why is the regional dimension to the Palestinian question being left out of Western analyses and what difference will another ‘Arab-Israeli’ war make?

Last May, the ‘Joint Room’ of armed resistance factions in the Gaza Strip launched Seif al-Quds (Sword of Jerusalem), a military operation to defend the al-Aqsa Mosque, after it had been repeatedly desecrated and its worshippers attacked, leading to an embarrassing set back to the Israeli regime. The 11-day war, as it is now called, spelled massive death and destruction in the Gaza Strip. Roughly 270 Palestinians were killed and at least 14 Israelis (the number of soldiers killed is still unconfirmed), clearly showing the suffering on the Palestinian side to have been much greater. However, the symbolic victories won during the battle with “Israel”, not only launched from Gaza but everywhere inside occupied Palestine, left the Israeli regime begging for a ceasefire.

The battle of Seif al-Quds represents an important marker in the history of modern Palestinian armed struggle, emerging as a symbolic driver of the armed struggle much like the battle of Karameh. The battle of Karameh, which took place in 1968, when PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization] aligned forces and the Jordanian military fought the Israeli regime, was not a conventional military victory over “Israel” for the PLO, but instead proved “Israel” to be beatable. Prior to this battle, in which Jordanian and Palestinian forces still suffered heavy losses, the Fidayeen operations did not carry as much symbolic weight and provided a light at the end of the tunnel for Palestinians. The battle of Karameh however, proved that Israeli military vehicles could be destroyed and their military could be fought for over 15 hours and not achieve a decisive military victory over a dedicated Arab fighting force.

Up until May of 2021, it was generally thought that the armed factions in Gaza could not outwit their Israeli opponents and any war would produce the same results as previous battles. That being, massive death, and destruction in Gaza, combined with the besieged territory’s isolation from all other fronts. The battle of Seif al-Quds flipped this way of thinking on its head and sent a strong message regionally. There then emerged a full unified militarized force inside the Gaza Strip that could unite the Palestinian people, outwit its Israeli opposition and provide an alternative path for the Palestinian movement. 

What made the victory, led by Hamas, so important, was its ability to transform the way the Arab and Islamic nations view the Palestinian cause and the battle having signified the re-birth of the armed struggle as the principal means through which liberation is to be achieved. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had abandoned the armed struggle altogether by the end of the second Intifada, instead of pursuing fruitless dialogue with “Israel”, whilst committing itself to “security coordination”, which benefitted “Tel Aviv” solely. The Palestinian Authority (PA), as of earlier this year, officially absorbed the PLO into itself. This means that instead of the PA being an offshoot of the PLO, the roles are now reversed.

The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, was for long the consensus position of the Arab Regimes; that normalization comes only as the result of a withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967 and the formation of a Palestinian State, with “East Jerusalem” as its Capital. The Trump-era “Abraham Accords”, which saw Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco, join Jordan and Egypt in normalizing ties with “Israel” and spelled the death of the Arab Peace Initiative. The Palestinian Authority (PA) has no regional powers behind it, meaning no leverage over “Israel” that it can use to force through a so-called two-State solution. The PA does not even possess any symbolic power through mass support from the Arab and Islamic world, on top of this it continues to prevent democratic elections.

Although the Palestinian cause had for long been the central issue of the Arab and Islamic world, the wars of aggression against Iraq, Libya, Syria, and other countries in the region took much of the attention that had been placed on the Palestinian issue in the past. Now, despite the suffering throughout the region, Palestine is again at the top of the agenda, however, there is still work that must be done in order to push towards the protection of Holy sites, revolution, and eventual liberation. 

The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank is the primary hindrance to a new Intifada, this PA is slowly weakening and is displaying its inability to control many areas, the most obvious case being in Jenin camp. The Israeli occupation forces receive the bulk of their intelligence on the activities of Palestinians, deriving their control, from the PA. Right now there seems to be an ongoing battle inside the ruling Fatah Party – which runs the PA – for the very soul of the organization and there are two possible conclusions to this phase of PA rule in the West Bank; the complete collapse of the PA, or a new Fatah leadership which will pursue a more hostile stance against “Israel”. In either case, “Israel” will be put in an extremely difficult position in the West Bank.

A Regional Front Against ‘Israel’

Following the battle of Sayf al-Quds last year, the Secretary-General of Hezbollah, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, announced that he sought to form a multinational force which would transform any battle over al-Quds into a regional war with “Israel”. Later, groups from within the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), Yemen’s Ansarallah, as well as the Palestinian factions, all signed on to this mission. 

In Western media, the reporting on the repeated attacks on worshippers at the al-Aqsa Mosque compound has not only been littered with lies to protect the image of the Israeli forces but has also left out the possible regional response that such attacks could trigger. It seems that this piece of the puzzle has not yet been factored into the Western analysis, which will only go as far as looking into the possible reaction of Hamas and Islamic Jihad from Gaza. 

In a multinational ‘Quds Day’ conference, broadcast on Tuesday, we saw the emergence again of the regional axis that pledges to take on “Israel” and defeat its aggression against al-Quds. Key to this conference were leaders of resistance factions from Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, and Palestine, which all spoke of a regional coalition that will use armed struggle to liberate al-Quds. The Palestinian issue “cannot be resolved at the negotiation table,” said Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh, whilst Hezbollah’s Sayed Hassan Nasrallah announced that his patry would be on the front lines of the fight for al-Quds. The issue of Arab normalization was also a central issue addressed during the conference, indicating that the coalition of resistance Parties is seeking to send the region a message through armed struggle.

At this point, a multi-front war with “Israel” will completely change the equation in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine. If Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq become involved in a battle, alongside the Palestinians, this will completely transform the issue and force the international community to take the Palestinian struggle seriously. Most importantly, however, the Arab and Islamic leaderships – which operate outside the resistance coalition – will have to reconsider their roles in the conflict if such a war breaks out. The only missing piece in this picture is Syria, if Damascus takes advantage of the situation and launches an offensive in the Golan Heights, this will force countries regionally to re-engage with the Syrian government and will give Syria a central role in seeking a solution for Palestine, tying the fate of its occupied territory to those of the Palestinians. 

“Israel” has, for long, not had to worry about the Arab and Islamic nations attacking it to liberate their own lands, as well as those of the Palestinians, today we are growing closer to a new equation. The obstacles ahead are; who will be the accepted Palestinian representatives internationally? How to bring the region into a multi-faceted confrontation with “Israel”? And how to strive for the full initiation of a Third Intifada? If these questions can be answered, the Palestinian cause will not only be the central issue regionally, it will possess much greater power for liberating Palestine than ever before.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

Below the Limit of All-out Confrontation: “Israel” Fears The Escalation تحت سقف المواجهة الشاملة: إسرائيل تخشى التصعيد

April 19, 2022 

Below the Limit of All-out Confrontation: “Israel” Fears The Escalation

By Yehya Dbouk, Al-Akhbar Newpaper

There seems to be nothing that can prevent the escalation of the situation in the occupied territories, which appears to be heading towards an all-out confrontation with the Gaza Strip.

The next two weeks are full of Jewish religious occasions, during which the settlers practice their rituals in a way that violates the  sanctity of the Al-Aqsa Compound. This will require a response from the residents of Al-Quds and from other regions, including the 1948 occupied territories.

However, the escalation, as shown by the confrontations last Friday, does not seem inevitable at this time. The relevant parties, i.e., the “Israeli” occupation forces and the Palestinian factions, are not interested in an inclusive escalation, which is confirmed by the enemy through its positions, practical performance, and messages from “under the table” through its mediators. Similarly with the resistance factions, although they have their finger on the trigger in Gaza.

When it comes to a general scene, it’s important to note the following:

– Tel Aviv fears, based on its intelligence assessments, that the escalation in the confrontations will include the various Palestinian arenas, leading to a military confrontation with the Gaza Strip. These are premises that have always been on the “Israeli” assessment table, but they were not given priority because the “security situation is under control”, which prevents the confrontations from turning into an inclusive escalation. 

The enemy received practical assurances about the possibility of it rolling into an all-out confrontation last year, which led to a broad escalation with the Gaza Strip that lasted 11 days, during which “Israel” suffered losses. However, the confrontation inside the Green Line is the first of its kind in two decades. At the same time, the “Israelis” do not seem interested and are forbidden to change course in Al-Aqsa and the occupied territories because this time the Palestinians and the resistance factions read “Israel’s” position well and are working to take advantage of opportunities, as long as “Israel” restrains itself from engaging in a deliberate escalation. 

This leads to the establishment of new equations and the prevention of other changes related to the status quo in Al-Quds, as Tel Aviv exploits its provisions [the status quo] with the aim of expanding and strengthening its control over Al-Quds and the Al-Aqsa Compound.

Hence, “Israel” is moving between the motive to curb confrontations and escalations and enabling the Palestinians to fulfill achievements that prevent the occupation from moving forward with “manifestations of sovereignty” over the Al-Aqsa Compound.

– The scenes broadcast during the confrontations and their aftermath, inside and outside the Compound – the cruelest of them being the storming and desecration of the Al-Aqsa Mosque by the “Israeli” security forces – do not change the premises, its controls, and limits, whether for the occupier or for the Palestinians. Rather, it is emphasized in many ways. As it turned out, “Israel” activated all its tools of repression, without causing casualties among the defenders of the Al-Aqsa Compound, knowing in advance that bloodshed in the Compound would change the priorities of other arenas.

– The confrontations in Al-Quds and other occupied areas do not end the phenomenon of unilateral operations inside “Israel”, but rather increase their motivation. The confrontations and their causes are now being considered by the decision makers in Tel Aviv, as is the case with the individual operations inside the Green Line, which further complicates and confuses the position of the occupation. Against this background, “Israeli” intelligence estimates point to two weeks full of escalation factors and the possibilities of rolling toward higher levels of confrontations than what occupied Palestine witnessed last Friday, including raising the level of incentive to launch unilateral operations.

– The position of the Palestinian Authority was interesting – it issued a statement asking “Israel” not to seek a temporal and spatial division of the Al-Aqsa Compound. This statement is useless and is not compatible with the magnitude and level of attacks in the Al-Aqsa Compound. It was more appropriate for the PA, if it wanted to be an influential factor in curbing Tel Aviv’s drive and in increasing the factors that curbed it, to freeze its security function if it was unable or wanted to change its identity and function.

– What is interesting in the context of the confrontations is that a few hours after the attack on the Al-Aqsa Compound and the broadcast scenes of the destruction caused by the “Israeli” security services inside Al-Aqsa, the “Israeli” President organized an Iftar gathering with the ambassadors of Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Turkey and other politicians representing the regimes that normalized ties with Tel Aviv. This shameful scene shows the extent of their subordination. Abu Dhabi’s decision for its planes to participate in the air show that “Israel” holds every year on the occasion of its “rise” is also interesting.


تحت سقف المواجهة الشاملة: إسرائيل تخشى التصعيد

 يحيى دبوق الثلاثاء 19 نيسان 2022

المواجهات ترفع مستوى حافزية شنّ عمليات منفردة (أ ف ب )

لا يوجد ما يمنعُ تصعيدَ الأوضاع في الأراضي المحتلّة لتصل إلى مواجهة شاملة مع قطاع غزة. فالأسبوعان المقبلان مشبَعان بالمناسبات الدينية اليهودية التي يحرص المستوطنون على تفعيل طقوسها بما يمسّ الحرم القدسي، وهو ما سيستدعي ردّاً من المقدسيين ومن المناطق الأخرى، بما فيها الأراضي المحتلّة عام 1948. مع هذا، فإن التصعيد، كما تُبيِّن مواجهات يوم الجمعة الماضي، لا يبدو محتوماً، إذ إن إرادة الأطراف ذات الصلة، أيّ الاحتلال الإسرائيلي والفصائل الفلسطينية، غير معنيّة بالتصعيد الشامل، وهو ما يؤكده العدو من خلال مواقفه وأدائه العملي ورسائله من «تحت الطاولة» وعبر وسطائه، كما فصائل المقاومة وإن كانت يدها على الزناد في غزة.

وفي المشهد العام، يمكن الإشارة إلى الآتي:
– تخشى تل أبيب، على خلفية تقديراتها الاستخبارية، من أن تؤدّي المواجهات إلى دحرجة التصعيد ليشمل الساحات الفلسطينية على اختلافها، وصولاً إلى المواجهة العسكرية مع قطاع غزة. وهي مقدمات كانت موجودة دائماً على طاولة التقدير الإسرائيلية، إلّا أنها لم تكن تحظى بأولوية كون «الأوضاع الأمنية ممسوكة»، ما يحول دون تدحرج المواجهات إلى تصعيد شامل. وتلقّى العدو تأكيدات عملية بخصوص إمكانية الدحرجة في العام الماضي، وهو ما أدّى إلى تصعيد واسع مع قطاع غزة استمر 11 يوماً، دفعت خلالها إسرائيل أثماناً وخسائر، لكن أيضاً مواجهات داخل الخط الأخضر، هي الأولى من نوعها منذ عقدين. في الوقت نفسه، لا يبدو الجانب الإسرائيلي معنياً، بل ممنوع عليه، أن يرضخ ويغيّر سياساته المعتمدة في الأقصى وفي الأراضي المحتلّة، لأن الفلسطينيين وفصائل المقاومة، يقرأون هذه المرّة موقفه جيداً، ويعملون على استغلال الفرص إلى حدّها الأقصى، طالما أن يلجم نفسه عن تصعيد متعمّد من جانبه، الأمر الذي يوصل، في النتيجة، إلى ترسيخ معادلات جديدة ومنْع تغييرات أخرى مرتبطة بالوضع الراهن في القدس، إذ تستغل تل أبيب بنوده (الوضع الراهن) بهدف التوسّع وتعزيز السطوة على القدس والحرم القدسي. بين هذا الحدّ وذاك، تتحرك إسرائيل: بين الدافع لِلَجم المواجهات والتصعيد عبر منْع أسبابها، وبين تمكين الفلسطينيين من تحقيق إنجازات تمنع عن الاحتلال المضيّ قدماً في «مظاهر السيادة» على الحرم.

– المشاهد المبثوثة خلال المواجهات وفي أعقابها، في الحرم وخارجه، والأكثر قسوة من بينها هو اقتحام القوات الأمنية الإسرائيلية المسجد الأقصى وتدنيسه، لا تغيّر من المقدّمات وضوابطها وحدودها، سواء لدى المحتلّ أو لدى الفلسطينيين، بل هي في أوجه كثيرة تؤكد عليها. وكما تبيّن، فعّلت إسرائيل كل ما لديها من أدوات قمع، دون التسبّب بإسقاط قتلى في صفوف المدافعين عن الحرم، لإدراكها المسبق أن الدماء التي تسقط في الحرم من شأنها تغيير أولويات الساحات الأخرى.

تشير التقديرات الاستخبارية لدى العدو إلى أسبوعين حافلين بعوامل التصعيد وإمكانات التدحرج إليه


– لا تُنهي المواجهات في القدس وغيرها من المناطق المحتلّة، ظاهرة العمليات المنفردة في الداخل، بل تزيد من حافزيتها. وتنضمّ المواجهات والتسبُّب بها إلى وكالة للتخطيط والقرار في تل أبيب كما هو حال العمليات المنفردة داخل الخط الأخضر، ما يزيد موقف الاحتلال تعقيداً وإرباكاً عمَّا هو عليه. على هذه الخلفية، تشير التقديرات الاستخبارية الإسرائيلية إلى أسبوعَين حافلَين بعوامل التصعيد وإمكانات التدحرج إلى مستويات أعلى مما شهدته فلسطين المحتلة يوم الجمعة الماضي، بما يشمل رفع مستوى حافزية شنّ عمليات منفردة.

من ملف : فلسطين: المقاومة تثبّت معادلاتها

Collective Punishment Gets Complicated: “Israel” is Helpless in Face of Jenin العقاب الجماعي يتعقّد: إسرائيل «قاصرة» أمام جنين

Collective Punishment Gets Complicated: “Israel” is Helpless in Face of Jenin

 April 15, 2022

Translated by Al-Ahed News

Yahya Dbouk | Al-Akhbar Newspaper

“Israel” is facing a security challenge with components that are unprecedented in its decades-long conflict with the Arabs – a spate of Palestinian-led operations against the occupation. One of the main motivators is the same punitive measure that “Israel” employs in an effort to prevent the operations.

It’s a self-sustaining dilemma with no prospects of a solution. According to the assessment of the “Israeli” intelligence, it is likely that the attacks will continue even if Tel Aviv hopes to reduce them through a series of measures. It is impossible to enumerate the complications for “Israel”.

In addition to these complications comes the “Israeli” problem in focusing on and addressing incentives instead of motives. The first is circumstantial and changing, while the second, which is primary, and fixed, is the existence of the occupation with all its characteristics, including the deprivation of rights and identity and racist settlement policies. However, there are no guarantees that these incentives will be addressed.

Based on its approach of deterrence-by-punishment, “Israel” does not only eliminate the perpetrators of the operations even if they failed to execute them, but it also punishes everyone around them by demolishing the homes of their relatives, arresting their fathers and brothers and abusing them, robbing them of their financial resources, and changing their circumstances for the worse at every level. This collective punishment also affects the entire town or city from which the perpetrator originates, especially in the occupied territories outside the Green Line.

This is a consistent “Israeli” strategy in the face of guerrilla operations; although the recent attacks had a unique element, as they were carried out without any direction or leadership from Palestinian resistance organizations. In addition to this policy, there is the functional role played by the security services of the Palestinian Authority. The security services are tasked with achieving what the occupation is unable to, cause operational losses, and obtain intelligence information on the resistance for the enemy.

However, in the latest spate of operations, “Israel” has identified additional factors that were not previously observed, such as in the improvised stabbing and car-ramming attacks.

The recent attacks were carried out in part by Palestinians from within, that is, holders of “Israeli” identity papers, who have in common what the “Israelis” call religious fanaticism as well as identifying in one degree or another with Islamic groups carrying extremist ideology. The media emphasized the presence of Daesh to serve the occupation’s strategy.

The other operations were carried out by Palestinians who set out from the northern occupied West Bank, specifically from the Jenin area, which represents a complex challenge for “Israel”, for several reasons, the most important of which are the following:

First: Jenin is considered an area relatively outside the security control of the PA, for reasons that are difficult to enumerate, including the decline in support for the PA even within the Fatah organization, whether in the camp, the city, or the surrounding villages. This decline diminished the ability of the PA’s security services to move, control, and gather intelligence for the occupation, as well as facilitate and prepare for its tasks.

Second: The Islamic Jihad Movement is the party that attracts Palestinian youths in this area, specifically those who defected from Fatah or those who are dissatisfied the performance of the PA. This made it possible to provide means of combat in the camp and its surroundings at a level that has become alarming to the occupation, especially since the Islamic Jihad is a sizeable organization in numbers and equipment.

Third: Jenin, which is located in the north of the occupied West Bank, is very close to central “Israel”, which houses large population centers, including Gush Dan and Tel Aviv. The significance of this point is that it confirms the presence of holes in the security wall – in all its forms – in this area, which allowed the Palestinians to move to and from the 1948 territories with relative ease, for different purposes and goals, not primarily launching operations.

Based on the above, it can be said that it has become impossible for the occupation to direct its collective punishment in response to the operations executed by perpetrators from Jenin, where the Islamic Jihad protects the families of the martyrs from physical, material, as well as economic harm.

This puts a dent in the “Israeli” punitive strategy, destroys its effectiveness, and turns Jenin and its camp into a simulation model. This is the most dangerous thing for “Israel”. In addition, the structural weakness of the PA and the public rejection are forcing the enemy to operate directly in the camp, the city, and the surrounding areas, which means more friction with the Palestinians. This in turn may stimulate the execution of more operations, not to mention the possibility of “Israeli” casualties, especially since the images of storming the camp in 2002, which inflicted dozens of casualties on the occupation, are still fresh among the “Israelis”. In addition, any broad response implies the risk of dragging the Gaza Strip into a confrontation, similar to what happened in the al-Quds Sword Battle last year.

How can the occupation forces achieve their objective then? So far, “Israel” does not seem to have an alternative plan, except turning the father of martyr Raad Hazem into a first strategic goal. He has become the main concern of “Israel’s” security and military apparatus, although, from a realistic point of view, he is supposed to be a mere tactical goal.

But if reaching the martyr’s father proves impossible? What will become of “Israel’s” other goals that are driving operations, especially preventing the Jenin camp, which the occupation calls the hornets’ nest, into a mecca for the resistance fighters and an inspiring model for them?

العقاب الجماعي يتعقّد: إسرائيل «قاصرة» أمام جنين

الخميس 14 نيسان 2022

لاتكتفي إسرائيل بقتْل منفّذي العمليات، بل تعمل على معاقبة كلّ من يحيط بهم (أ ف ب )

يحيى دبوق 

تُواجه إسرائيل تحدّياً أمنياً قد تكون مركّباته غير مسبوقة في العقود الأخيرة من تاريخ الصراع مع العرب: موجة عمليات يقودها فلسطينيون ضدّ الاحتلال، فيما أحد أبرز محفّزاتها هو الإجراء العقابي نفسه الذي يسعى من خلاله العدو لمنع العمليات. معضلةٌ تغذّي نفسها بنفسها، من دون آفاق حلّ منظورة. وفقاً لتقدير الاستخبارات الإسرائيلية، المرجّح أن تتواصل الهجمات، وإن كانت تل أبيب تأمل الحدّ منها، من خلال سلسلة إجراءات، يتعذّر حصْر التعقيدات التي تمنع العدو من الذهاب بعيداً فيها. وإلى جانب تلك التعقيدات، تأتي الإشكالية الإسرائيلية المتمثّلة في التركيز، في «المعالجة»، على الحوافز بدلاً من الدوافع، والأولى ظرفية ومتغيّرة، بينما الثانية، وهي الأصل، ثابتة ولا تكاد تتبدّل، والمقصود بها أصل وجود الاحتلال، بما يعنيه من سلب للحق والهُوية، وسياساته الاستيطانية الإحلالية العنصرية. على أن مسألة التعامل مع الحوافز نفسها لا تبدو مضمونة من الجهات كافّة.

على مستوى مبدأ «الردع عبر العقاب»، لا تكتفي إسرائيل بقتْل منفّذي العمليات حتى لو لم يتمكّنوا من إتمامها، بل تعمل على معاقبة كلّ من يحيط بهم، عبر هدم منازل ذويهم، واعتقال آبائهم وإخوتهم والتنكيل بهم، وسلبهم مواردهم المالية، وتغيير ظروفهم إلى الأسوأ على كلّ صعيد. كما يطاول هذا العقاب الجماعي البلدة أو المدينة بأكملها التي ينطلق منها المنفّذ، خاصة في الأراضي المحتلّة خارج الخط الأخضر، وهو ما يمثّل استراتيجية إسرائيلية ثابتة في مواجهة العمليات الفدائية، وإن كانت الهجمات الأخيرة حملت عنصراً مغايراً، كونها نُفّذت من دون أيّ توجيه أو قيادة من تنظيمات فلسطينية مقاوِمة. ويُضاف إلى تلك السياسة، الدور الوظيفي الذي تضطلع به الأجهزة الأمنية التابعة للسلطة الفلسطينية، والموكَلة بتحقيق ما يعجز عنه الاحتلال، أو يمكن أن يتسبّب له بأثمان وخسائر عملياتية، إضافة إلى دورها في تحصيل المعلومات الاستخبارية عن المقاومين، لصالح العدو.

إلّا أنه في الموجة الأحدث من العمليات، شخّصت إسرائيل عوامل إضافية لم تكن مرصودة في السابق، كما في هجمات الطعن والدهس الارتجالية. فالهجمات الأخيرة نفّذ جزءاً منها فلسطينيون من الداخل، أي من حاملي الهوية الإسرائيلية، يجمع بينهم ما يُسمّى إسرائيلياً «التعصّب الديني»، والتماهي بقدْر أو بآخر مع جماعات إسلامية تحمل «فكراً متطرّفاً»، مع التشديد في المقاربة الإعلامية على حضور تنظيم «داعش»، بهدف خدمة استراتيجية الاحتلال في أكثر من اتجاه. أمّا الجزء الآخر، فقد نفّذه فلسطينيون انطلقوا من شمال الضفة الغربية المحتلة، وتحديداً من منطقة جنين، وهو ما يمثّل تحدّياً مركّباً بالنسبة إلى إسرائيل، لعدّة أسباب أهمّها ما يلي:
أوّلاً: تُعدّ جنين منطقة خارجة نسبياً عن السطوة الأمنية لأجهزة السلطة الفلسطينية، لأسباب يصعب حصرها، من بينها تراجع تأييد السلطة حتى داخل تنظيم «فتح»، سواءً في المخيم أو المدينة أو القرى المحيطة. ويعبّر هذا التراجع عن نفسه في فقدان القدرة على التحرّك والتحكّم والجمع الاستخباري لمصلحة الاحتلال، كما تسهيل مهامّه والتمهيد لها.
ثانياً: تُعدّ «حركة الجهاد الإسلامي» هي الجهة التي تستقطب الشبّان الفلسطينيين في هذه المنطقة، وتحديداً من المنشقّين عن «فتح»، أو من المتململين من أداء السلطة، وهو ما أتاح توفير وسائل قتالية في المخيم ومحيطه، بمستوى بات يدعو الاحتلال إلى القلق، خصوصاً أن «الجهاد» تنظيم لا يُستهان به، عدداً وعتاداً.

تُعدّ جنين منطقة خارجة نسبياً عن السطوة الأمنية لأجهزة السلطة الفلسطينية


ثالثاً: منطقة جنين، التي تقع في شمال الضفة المحتلة، قريبة جدّاً من وسط إسرائيل، حيث الوجود «المديني» للعدو، بما يشمل غوش دان وفي وسطها تل أبيب. وأهمية هذا المعطى أنه يؤكد وجود ثقوب في الجدار الأمني – على اختلاف أشكاله – في هذه المنطقة، ما أتاح للفلسطينيين الانتقال من وإلى أراضي عام 1948 بسهولة نسبية، لأغراض وأهداف مختلفة، ليس في أساسها شنّ عمليات.
بناءً على ما تَقدّم، يمكن القول إنه باتت متعذّرة على الاحتلال مباشرة عقابه الجماعي ردّاً على العمليات التي ينطلق منفّذوها من جنين، حيث تتصدّى «الجهاد» بنفسها لتأمين عائلات الشهداء من الأذى الجسدي والمادّي وكذلك الاقتصادي، وهو ما يثقب الاستراتيجية العقابية الإسرائيلية، ويهشّم فاعليتها، ويحوّل جنين ومخيّمها إلى نموذج للمحاكاة، وهنا الأخطر بالنسبة إلى إسرائيل. كما أن ضعف السلطة البنيوي، والرفض الجماهيري لها، يلزمان العدو بالعمل مباشرة في المخيم والمدينة والمناطق المحيطة بهما، الأمر الذي يعني مزيداً من الاحتكاك مع الفلسطينيين، والذي قد يحفّز بدوره على تنفيذ مزيد من العمليات، ناهيك عن التهديد المتمثّل في إمكانية سقوط خسائر بشرية إسرائيلية، ولا سيما أن صور اقتحام المخيم عام 2002، والذي كبّد الاحتلال خسائر بشرية بالعشرات، لا تزال ماثلة في الذاكرة الإسرائيلية. يُضاف إلى ما تَقدّم، أن أيّ ردّ موسّع يستبطن خطر جرّ قطاع غزة إلى المواجهة، على غرار ما جرى في معركة «سيف القدس» العام الماضي.

كيف يمكن للاحتلال تحقيق مطلبه إذاً؟ لا يبدو أن لدى إسرائيل، إلى الآن، خطّة بديلة، باستثناء تحويل والد الشهيد رعد حازم، إلى هدف استراتيجي أوّل، يكاد يصبح الشغل الشاغل لأجهزة العدو الأمنية والعسكرية، على رغم أنه، من ناحية واقعية، يُفترض أن يكون مجرّد هدف تكتيكي. لكن، إذا كان من المتعذّر الوصول إلى والد الشهيد، فكيف بأهداف إسرائيل الأخرى المتعلّقة بحوافز العمليات، وعلى رأسها تحوُّل مخيّم جنين الذي يسمّيه الاحتلال «عشّ الدبابير»، إلى قِبلة للمقاومين ونموذج مُلهم لهم؟

من ملف : إسرائيل «قاصرة» أمام جنين

Weathering the Global Storm: Why Neutrality is Not an Option for Palestinians

March 17th, 2022

The Russia-Ukraine war is placing the Palestinians before one of their greatest foreign policy challenges since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

By Ramzy Baroud

Source

Anew global geopolitical game is in formation, and the Middle East, as is often the case, will be directly impacted by it in terms of possible new alliances and resulting power paradigms. While it is too early to fully appreciate the impact of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war on the region, it is obvious that some countries are placed in relatively comfortable positions in terms of leveraging their strong economies, strategic location and political influence. Others, especially non-state actors, like the Palestinians, are in an unenviable position.

Despite repeated calls on the Palestinian Authority by the US Biden Administration and some EU countries to condemn Russia following its military intervention in Ukraine on February 24, the PA has refrained from doing so. Analyst Hani al-Masri was quoted in Axios as saying that the Palestinian leadership understands that condemning Russia “means that the Palestinians would lose a major ally and supporter of their political positions.” Indeed, joining the anti-Russia western chorus would further isolate an already isolated Palestine, desperate for allies who are capable of balancing out the pro-Israel agenda at US-controlled international institutions, like the UN Security Council.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dismantling of its Eastern Bloc in the late 1980s, Russia was allowed to play a role, however minor, in the US political agenda in Palestine and Israel. It participated, as a co-sponsor, in the Madrid peace talks in 1991, and in the 1993 Oslo accords. Since then a Russian representative took part in every major agreement related to the ‘peace process,’ to the extent that Russia was one of the main parties in the so-called Middle East Quartet which, in 2016, purportedly attempted to negotiate a political breakthrough between the Israeli government and the Palestinian leadership.

Despite the permanent presence of Russia at the Palestine-Israel political table, Moscow has played a subordinate position. It was Washington that largely determined the momentum, time, place and even the outcomes of the ‘peace talks.’ Considering Washington’s strong support for Tel Aviv, Palestinians remained occupied and oppressed, while Israel’s colonial settlement enterprises grew exponentially in terms of size, population and economic power.

Palestinians, however, continued to see Moscow as an ally. Within the largely defunct Quartet – which, aside from Russia, includes the US, the European Union and the United Nations – Russia is the only party that, from a Palestinian viewpoint, was trustworthy. However, considering the US near complete hegemony on international decision-making, through its UN vetoes, massive funding of the Israeli military and relentless pressure on the Palestinians, Russia’s role proved ultimately immaterial, if not symbolic.

There were exceptions to this rule. In recent years, Russia has attempted to challenge its traditional role in the peace process as a supporting political actor, by offering to mediate, not just between Israel and the PA, but also between Palestinian political groups, Hamas and Fatah. Using the political space that presented itself following the Trump Administration’s cutting of funds to the PA in February 2019, Moscow drew even closer to the Palestinian leadership.

A more independent Russian position in Palestine and Israel has been taking shape for years. In February 2017, for example, Russia hosted a national dialogue conference between Palestinian rivals. Though the Moscow conference did not lead to anything substantive, it allowed Russia to challenge its old position in Palestine, and the US’ proclaimed role as an ‘honest peace broker.’

Wary of Russia’s infringement on its political territory in the Middle East, US President Joe Biden was quick to restore his government’s funding of the PA in April 2021. The American President, however, did not reverse some of the major US concessions to Israel made by the Trump Administration, including the recognition of Jerusalem, contrary to international law, as Israel’s capital. Moreover, under Israeli pressure, the US is yet to restore its Consulate in East Jerusalem, which was shut down by Trump in 2019. The Consulate served the role of Washington’s diplomatic mission in Palestine.

Washington’s significance to Palestinians, at present, is confined to financial support. Concurrently, the US continues to serve the role of Israel’s main benefactor financially, militarily, politically and diplomatically.

While Palestinian groups, whether Islamists or socialists, have repeatedly called on the PA to liberate itself from its near-total dependency on Washington, the Palestinian leadership refused. For the PA, defying the US in the current geopolitical order is a form of political suicide.

But the Middle East has been rapidly changing. The US political divestment from the region in recent years has allowed other political actors, like China and Russia, to slowly immerse themselves as political, military and economic alternatives and partners.

Russia Palestinians
Putin, left, poses with Palestinian children in traditional clothes during a welcoming ceremony in Bethlehem, in 2012. Nasser Shiyoukhi | AP

The Russian and Chinese influence can now be felt across the Middle East. However, their impact on the balances of power in the Palestine-Israel issue, in particular, remains largely minimal. Despite its strategic ‘pivot to Asia’ in 2012, Washington remained entrenched behind Israel, because American support for Israel is no longer a matter of foreign policy priorities, but an internal American issue involving both parties, powerful pro-Israel lobby and pressure groups, and a massive rightwing, Christian constituency across the US.

Palestinians – people, leadership and political parties – have little trust or faith in Washington. In fact, much of the political discord among Palestinians is directly linked to this very issue. Alas, walking away from the US camp requires a strong political will that the PA does not possess.

Since the rise of the US as the world’s only superpower over three decades ago, the Palestinian leadership reoriented itself entirely to be part of the ‘new world order’. The Palestinian people, however, gained little from their leadership’s strategic choice. To the contrary, since then the Palestinian cause suffered numerous losses – factionalism and disunity at home, and a confused regional and international political outlook, thus the hemorrhaging of Palestine’s historic allies, including many African, Asian and South American countries.

The Russia-Ukraine war, however, is placing the Palestinians before one of their greatest foreign policy challenges since the collapse of the Soviet Union. For Palestinians, neutrality is not an option since the latter is a privilege that can only be obtained by those who can navigate global polarization using their own political leverage. The Palestinian leadership, thanks to its selfish choices and lack of a collective strategy, has no such leverage.

Common sense dictates that Palestinians must develop a unified front to cope with the massive changes underway in the world, changes that will eventually yield a whole new geopolitical reality.

The Palestinians cannot afford to stand aside and pretend that they will magically be able to weather the storm.

Arafat was Killed by ‘Someone Close to Him’, Former Qatari PM Claims (VIDEO)

February 22, 2022

A painting dedicated to late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

Former Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani claimed in a recent interview with Kuwait’s Al-Qabas that Palestinian iconic leader Yasser Arafat was killed by someone close to him.

Al Thani was asked whether he believed in claims that Arafat had been murdered. “They are not claims,” he said, “This is the truth”. He added that Arafat was “definitely” killed by “someone close to him”.

Al Thani, who served as Qatar’s Foreign Minister and later as Prime Minister, said that several months before his death, Arafat took part in a meeting in Doha, which included a number of Palestinian Authority and Israeli officials. The meeting, hosted by Al Thani himself, was aimed at helping Arafat leave as he was placed under an Israeli siege in his Ramallah, West Bank, headquarters.

However, according to Al Thani, soon after the meeting, both parties notified Qatar that talks were not necessary anymore. A few months later, the news of Arafat’s illness was communicated.

Yasser Arafat, who was the Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and subsequently the President of the Palestinian Authority (PA), died unexpectedly in November 2004, at the age of 75. The cause of death remains unknown, despite various claims that he was poisoned by Israel. 

(Palestine Chronicle Staff)

The Next Step in Palestine’s Anti-Apartheid Struggle is the Most Difficult

February 23, 2022

Israel’s Apartheid Wall. (Photo: Dickelbers, via Wikimedia Commons)

By Ramzy Baroud

When Nelson Mandela was freed from his Robben Island prison on February 11, 1991, my family, friends and neighbors followed the event with keen interest as they gathered in the living room of my old home in the Nuseirat Refugee Camp in the Gaza Strip. 

This emotional event took place years before Mandela uttered his famous quote “our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians”.  For us Palestinians, Mandela did not need to reaffirm the South African people’s solidarity with Palestine by using these words or any other combination of words. We already knew. Emotions ran high on that day; tears were shed; supplications were made to Allah that Palestine, too, would be free soon. “Inshallah,” God willing, everyone in the room murmured with unprecedented optimism. 

Though three decades have passed without that coveted freedom, something is finally changing as far as the Palestine liberation movement is concerned. A whole generation of Palestinian activists, who either grew up or were even born after Mandela’s release, was influenced by that significant moment: Mandela’s release and the start of the official dismantling of the racist, apartheid regime of South Africa. 

Even the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 between Israel and some in the Palestinian leadership of the PLO – which served as a major disruption of the grassroots, people-oriented liberation movement in Palestine – did not completely end what eventually became a decided anti-Israeli apartheid struggle in Palestine. Oslo, the so-called ‘peace process’ – and the disastrous ‘security coordination’ between the Palestinian leadership, exemplified in the Palestinian Authority (PA), and Israel – resulted in derailed Palestinian energies, wasted time, deepened existing factional divides, and confused Palestinian supporters everywhere. However, it did not – though it tried – occupy every political space available for Palestinian expression and mobilization. 

With time and, in fact, soon after its formation in 1994, Palestinians began realizing that the PA was not a platform for liberation, but a hindrance to it. A new generation of Palestinians is now attempting to articulate, or refashion, a new discourse for liberation that is based on inclusiveness, grassroots, community-based activism that is backed by a growing global solidarity movement. 

The May events of last year – the mass protests throughout occupied Palestine and the subsequent Israeli war on Gaza – highlighted the role of Palestine’s youth who, through elaborate coordination, incessant campaigning and utilizing of social media platforms, managed to present the Palestinian struggle in a new light – bereft of the archaic language of the PA and its aging leaders. It also surpassed, in its collective thinking, the stifling and self-defeating emphasis on factions and self-serving ideologies. 

And the world responded in kind. Despite a powerful Israeli propaganda machine, expensive hasbara campaigns and near-total support for Israel by the western government and mainstream media alike, sympathy for Palestinians has reached an all-time high. For example, a major public opinion poll published by Gallup on May 28, 2021, revealed that “… the percentages of Americans viewing (Palestine) favorably and saying they sympathize more with the Palestinians than the Israelis in the conflict inched up to all-time highs this year.”

Moreover, major international human rights organizations, including Israelis, began to finally recognize what their Palestinian colleagues have argued for decades: 

“The Israeli regime implements laws, practices and state violence designed to cement the supremacy of one group – Jews – over another – Palestinians,” said B’tselem in January 2021.

“Laws, policies and statements by leading Israeli officials make plain that the objective of maintaining Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power and land has long guided government policy,” said Human Rights Watch in April 2021.

“This system of apartheid has been built and maintained over decades by successive Israeli governments across all territories they have controlled, regardless of the political party in power at the time,” said Amnesty International on February 1, 2022.

Now that the human rights and legal foundation of recognizing Israeli apartheid is finally falling into place, it is a matter of time before a critical mass of popular support for Palestine’s own anti-apartheid movement follows, pushing politicians everywhere, but especially in the West, to pressure Israel into ending its system of racial discrimination. 

However, this is where the South Africa and Palestine models begin to differ. Though western colonialism has plagued South Africa as early as the 17th century, apartheid in that country only became official in 1948, the very year that Israel was established on the ruins of historic Palestine. 

While South African resistance to colonialism and apartheid has gone through numerous and overwhelming challenges, there was an element of unity that made it nearly impossible for the apartheid regime to conquer all political forces in that country, even after the banning, in 1960, of the African National Congress (ANC) and the subsequent imprisonment of Mandela in 1962. While South Africans continued to rally behind the ANC, another front of popular resistance, the United Democratic Front, emerged, in the early 1980s to fulfill several important roles, amongst them the building of international solidarity around the country’s anti-apartheid struggle. 

The blood of 176 protesters at the Soweto township and thousands more was the fuel that made freedom, the dismantling of apartheid and the freedom of Mandela and his comrades possible. 

For Palestinians, however, the reality is quite different. While Palestinians are embarking on a new stage of their anti-apartheid struggle, it must be said that the PA, which has openly collaborated with Israel, cannot possibly be a vehicle for liberation. Palestinians, especially the youth, who have not been corrupted by the decades-long system of nepotism and favoritism enshrined by the PA, must know this well. 

Rationally, Palestinians cannot stage a sustained anti-apartheid campaign when the PA is allowed to serve the role of being Palestine’s representative, while still benefiting from the perks and financial rewards associated with the Israeli occupation. 

Meanwhile, it is also not possible for Palestinians to mount a popular movement in complete independence from the PA, Palestine’s largest employer, whose US-trained security forces keep watch on every street corner that falls within the PA-administered areas in the West Bank. 

As they move forward, Palestinians must truly study the South African experience, not merely in terms of historical parallels and symbolism, but to deeply probe its successes, shortcomings and fault lines. Most importantly, Palestinians must also reflect on the unavoidable truth – that those who have normalized and profited from the Israeli occupation and apartheid cannot possibly be the ones who will bring freedom and justice to Palestine.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

مراهنةٌ صهيونيةٌ خاسرةٌ على المركزي الفلسطيني


الاربعاء 23 شباط 2022

المصدر: الميادين نت

عمرو علان 

جاء اجتماع المركزي ليُرتِّب مرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس، وليُسهِّل وصول رموز التعاون مع الاحتلال – على شاكلة ماجد فرج وحسين الشيخ – إلى قمَّة الهرم في سلطة أوسلو بعد غيابه.

في البدء، كان القرار الفلسطيني المستقل. حُكي آنذاك: يحصل هذا الأمر حتى لا يقدّم النظام الرسمي العربي تنازلاتٍ للكيان الصهيوني من دون اعتبارٍ لأصحاب الحق الأصيل، فصار بعد ذلك شعار النظام الرسمي العربي: نقبل بما يقبل به الفلسطينيون. 

يَخشَى الكيان الصهيوني على استقرار سلطة أوسلو بعد غياب عباس

ومن دون الدخول في نقاشٍ حول وجاهة نظر من قال بفكرة القرار الفلسطيني المستقل، قامت بعد ذلك منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، “الممثل الشرعي والوحيد” للشعب الفلسطيني، بالتوقيع على أوسلو، معترفةً بالكيان الغاصب، ومتنازلةً عن 87% من الأراضي العربية الفلسطينية المحتلة، وتاركةً في مهب الريح مصير ذاك الجزء من الشعب الفلسطيني الذي هُجِّر من دياره في العام 1948، وهي تنازلاتٌ ما كان ليجرؤ النظام الرسمي العربي على تقديمها، لتتوالى بعد ذلك حفلات الاعتراف العربية الرسمية بالكيان الغاصب، ولسان حالهم يقول: لن نكون ملكيين أكثر من الملك.

وفي خضمّ هذا كلّه، كانت مساعي الهيمنة على قرار منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية مستمرةً من قبل حركة “فتح”، وكانت تُحقِّق تقدماً، لتُختزَل منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية في فصيلٍ فلسطينيٍ واحدٍ بدلاً من أن تكون ممثلاً للكلِّ الفلسطيني.

وفي إثر دخول منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية مرحلة أوسلو – المقيتة الذكر – أُنشئت سلطة الحكم الذاتي المسماة السلطة الفلسطينية، ليدخل الوضع الفلسطيني مرحلة أخرى من الانحدار، حتى وصلنا إلى أن يتآمر على أبو عمار، زعيم حركة “فتح” ومؤسّسها، بعضٌ من بطانته، كي يغتاله الإسرائيلي بالسمّ، في جريمة اغتيالٍ تجاهلتها السلطة، مبرّئةً بذلك الإسرائيلي منها.

بعدها، تولى محمود عباس رئاسة السلطة الفلسطينية، ليبدأ باختزال كلٍّ من منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية وحركة “فتح” ذاتها بسلطة أوسلو. وقد نجح في ذلك نجاحاً تحسده عليه كل الأنظمة العربية! فقد أجهز على ما كان قد بقي من منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية، وحوَّله فعلياً إلى مجرد اسمٍ ليس له كيانٌ حقيقيٌ في أرض الواقع، يستحضره كختمٍ متى احتاج إليه.

ليس هذا فحسب، فقد نجح عباس في الانحدار بسلطة أوسلو إلى دركٍ تفوَّق فيه على فصائل السلام وروابط القرى مجتمعين، فما معنى أن يصير التخابر مع العدو من أجل حراسة المستوطنات في الضفة، وتأمين المغتصَبات في فلسطين 48، والسهر على أمن قُطعان المستوطنين فيهما وراحتهم، واجباً “مقدَّساً” عند محمود عباس وسلطة أوسلو؟

واليوم، جاء اجتماع المجلس المركزي الفلسطيني الأخير الذي عُقِد في 6 شباط/فبراير 2022، ليشكّل سقطةً جديدةً في مسار هذا التدهور المستمر، فطامة الشعب الفلسطيني لا تنحصر في إصرار عباس على عقد اجتماع المركزي فحسب، رغم مقاطعة الأغلبية الفلسطينية له، إذ قاطعه كلٌ من حركتي “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين”، إضافةً إلى عدم رضا أجنحةٍ من حركة “فتح” ذاتها، بل كانت الطامة الكبرى في المغزى من عقد هذا الاجتماع، وفي مخرجاته التي كانت معروفةً مسبقاً.

يَخشَى الكيان الصهيوني على استقرار سلطة أوسلو بعد غياب عباس، بسبب التجاذبات الحادة في أوساط حركة “فتح”، ولا سيّما بعد فقدان السلطة وفريق التنسيق الأمني فيها الكثير من شعبيتهما عقب معركة “سيف القدس”، وبسبب تغول السلطة في التعاون مع الاحتلال ضد المقاومين الفلسطينيين ومصالح الشعب الفلسطيني، ففي استمرار التنسيق الأمني مع الكيان الصهيوني مصلحةٌ عليا للاحتلال وحفظٌ لأمن المستوطنات والمستوطنين.

وقد جاء اجتماع المركزي ليُرتِّب مرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس، وليُسهِّل وصول رموز التعاون مع الاحتلال – على شاكلة ماجد فرج وحسين الشيخ – إلى قمَّة الهرم في سلطة أوسلو بعد غيابه. حصل كل هذا برضا الاحتلال ومباركته، إذ عُيَّن حسين الشيخ، الأكثر التزاماً بنهج التنسيق الأمني، في منصب أمين سر اللجنة التنفيذية، ما يمهد الطريق أمامه لرئاسة سلطة أوسلو مستقبلاً. وهكذا، وصلنا إلى اختزال سلطة أوسلو أيضاً بفريق التنسيق الأمني، وتم ترتيب القيادة لمرحلة ما بعد محمود عباس برضا الاحتلال ومباركته!

لكن ما غاب عن حسابات الصهاينة في رهانهم على مجموعة التنسيق الأمني هو وجود شعبٍ فلسطينيٍ حيّ ضاق ذرعاً بسلطةٍ باتت نسخةً مكررةً من جيش “لحد” بصورةٍ مفضوحةٍ. ولا أدلّ على وصول الشارع الفلسطيني إلى هذه الحالة إلا عمليات إطلاق النار التي قام بها مؤخراً مقاومون من كتائب شهداء الأقصى التابعة لحركة “فتح” ذاتها، ناهيك بفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية المتمسكة بخيار المقاومة في الأساس.

وكان البيان المشترك الَّذي صدر عقب اجتماع المجلس المركزي عن حركتي “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين”، والذي رفض الاعتراف بشرعية انعقاد المجلس المركزي وقراراته، ودعا إلى تشكيل قيادة موحدة للمقاومة الشعبية، مؤشراً على شكل المرحلة القادمة.

وغاب كذلك عن حسابات الصهاينة تبدُل أحوال الإقليم، واختلال موازين القوى فيه لمصلحة حركات المقاومة العربية والإسلامية في عدة ساحاتٍ، وتراجع السطوة الأميركية في الإقليم والعالم عموماً، ما يشكِّل رافعةً لحركات المقاومة في الداخل الفلسطيني، ويجعل الرهان الإسرائيلي على استمرار سلطة أوسلو بما وصلت إليه رهاناً خاسراً.

إن الآراء المذكورة في هذه المقالة لا تعبّر بالضرورة عن رأي الميادين وإنما تعبّر عن رأي صاحبها حصراً

Following Israel’s Assassination of Three Palestinians, Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades Call on PA to Cancel Oslo Accords

February 11, 2022

A faction of Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades holds a press conference in Nablus. (Photo: via ActiveStills)

The Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades announced in a press conference that it is mobilizing its fighters in response to the assassination of three of its members in the occupied West Bank city of Nablus, the Middle East Monitor reported.

“The guns of glory will be pointed towards the usurping occupation and its collaborators,” Al-Aqsa Martyrs said, calling on the Palestinian Authority to cancel the Oslo Accords, as it’s “the reason for what is happening” and it dragged Palestinians into this situation.

“How does the [Israeli] occupation enter the city of Jabal Al-Nar (Nablus) in broad daylight and assassinate our leaders?” the statement said.

Following the press conference, Israeli media outlets reported that a Palestinian gunman fired several shots from a car near the village of Al-Yamoun, near Jenin, towards a nearby illegal settlement.

No casualties were reported; however, the Israeli Special Forces have combed the area in search of who was responsible.

(MEMO PC, Social Media)

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Confronting the enemy can only happen with unity: Palestinian factions

FEBRUARY 10, 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Al Mayadeen Net 

A joint statement by Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine addressed the convening of the Palestinian Central Council that the three factions boycotted.

Joint statement: We call on the authority to immediately retract its unilateral approach.

Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) issued a joint statement about addressing the convening of the Palestinian Central Council that the three factions boycotted.

The three factions said in their statement that they were surprised faced by challenges with the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) leadership’s insistence on taking “unilateral steps that deepen the division,” stressing that “to confront the enemy” and his settlement project and break the shackles of Palestinian prisoners can only happen with unity and agreement on a national program.

The factions pointed out that the PA insisted on holding the session without reaching “a consensus, lacking everyone’s presence, and without a clear agenda,” and called on the PA to immediately reverse this “unilateral approach that dominates the institution and the national decision.”

Two days ago, the Central Council elected Rawhi Fattouh as Chairman of the Palestinian National Council, Ali Faisal and Musa Hadid as Vice Chairman of the Council, and Fahmi Zaarir as Secretary.

Three days ago, during the opening session of the Central Council for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called for “expanding the domain of peaceful popular resistance.”

ِAbbas stated that before the Israeli occupation authority undermined the “two-state solution, options remain open,” noting that “the unilateral implementation of agreements cannot continue.”

PA’s chief stressed that what he called “contacts with the Israeli side are not to substitute a political solution based on international legitimacy,” adding that “the Oslo Agreement was temporary, and we did not make any concessions that affect our principles.”

On Sunday afternoon, a meeting of the Palestinian Central Council was held in the city of Ramallah, amid a boycott from a number of Palestinian factions, most notably Hamas and PIJ, the PFLF, and the Palestinian National Initiative.

Sayyed Nasrallah: Any Israeli Attack on Hezbollah Precision-guided Missiles Will Lead to All-out War

 February 9, 2022

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah stressed that the Resistance Party deals seriously with the Israeli intimidation, wondering whether the Zionist enemy can implement its threats.

In an interview with Al-Alam News Network, Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the umber of Hezbollah fighters is unprecedented in the history of the resistance movements, emphasizing that any Israeli military attack on Lebanon will lead to an all-out war.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Zionist threats to attack Hezbollah precision-guided missiles cannot be implemented, adding that the Resistance rocketry power is distributed over numerous locations.

Regarding the air defense systems of the Resistance, Sayyed Nasrallah clarified that Hezbollah has been developing military units tasked to face the Zionist drones, rejecting to disclose Hezbollah capabilities in facing the Israeli warplanes.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that Hezbollah will unveil several military surprises during the upcoming war with the Zionist enemy, adding that the Resistance does not want to engage in a war but that it is not afraid of it.

Hezbollah leader underscored the national affiliation of the Lebanese Resistance, adding that Hezbollah has the right to question the affiliation of certain political parties in Lebanon.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the failure of the military choice against Hezbollah, turned the enemies into the economic war in order to blame the Resistance for its consequences.

Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah takes its decisions independently, adding that the Iranians do not interfere in the Lebanese domestic affairs, including the parliamentary elections.

Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted the major influence of the Gulf countries and the United States of America on the Lebanese affairs, adding that the US treasury completely controls the Lebanese banking sector.

Refuting the claims of the anti-resistance political parties in Lebanon as baseless, Sayyed Nasrallah underscored the US military influence on the Lebanese army.

Sayyed Nasrallah cited several US attempts to start a direct dialogue with Hezbollah, telling the Americans that they work as spies in favor of the Zionist entity.

Hezbollah does not interfere in the issue of the maritime border demarcation because it does not recognize the existence of ‘Israel’, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who noted that the Lebanese state is concerned with identifying the borders.

Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated Hezbollah stance which rejects any kind of normalizing ties between Lebanon and the Zionist entity, stressing that Hezbollah support to the Yemeni people against the KSA-UAE war is not an intervention in the Saudi-Emirati affairs.

Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the decision of the former prime minister Saad Hariri to withdraw from the parliamentary elections is unfortunate and will affect the Lebanese politics, adding that Al-Mustaqbal absence will not by necessity reinforce extremism in the Sunni sect.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that Hezbollah participation in the parliamentary elections is aimed at protecting the resistance, adding that some political parties will run the elections on the basis of antagonizing the resistance.

Hezbollah Secretary General noted that the two-state solution in Palestine is rejected by the Israelis and the Americans, adding that the Zionist enemy wants merely the security coordination with the Palestinian Authority.

Since Al-Quds Sword battle, the occupied West Bank has been witnessing a rising resistance movement, according to his eminence who added  considering that this troubles the Israelis.

Sayyed Nasrallah emphasized that the Palestinian people are committed to the resistance path despite the normalization deals, adding that the people is Saudi, Bahrain and Emirates reject the normalization deals.

Sayyed Nasrallah also highlighted the Algerian stance pertaining the Palestinian cause, underscoring its rejection of granting ‘Israel’ the observer status in the African Union.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the United Arab Emirates involved itself in the war on Yemen, adding that the Yemeni response was decided by Ansarullah Movement solely.

Hezbollah leader pointed out that the global war on Syria has ended without achieving its targets, citing the continuation of the US plunder of the Syrian resources in the North and East.

Sayyed Nasrallah also highlighted the attempt to re-activate ISIL terrorist group in Syria and Iraq, underscoring caution in face of this scheme.

Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah has imposed on the Israelis a formula that includes responding to any Zionist attack on the Resistance posts in Syria.

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Bahraini people is still holding protests despite the regime’s policy of arrest and persecution.

Sayyed Nasrallah said that recalling the memories of Imam Khomeini arrival in Tehran and the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 inspire happiness, adding that Imam Khomeini’s character played a vital role in the victory.

Sayyed Nasrallah noted that, during the Shah term, 60,000 US advisors used to rule the various administrative, military and economic domains in Iran.

Sayyed Nasrallah further stressed that Iran itself, not its allies, will respond forcefully to any Israeli attack.

Sayyed Nasrallah confirmed that Iran is a strong nation that preserves its own sovereignty, adding the US threats to attack it are a mere verbal intimidation.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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The rise of Jenin’s armed resistance

How the camp’s resistance fighters became a thorn in Israel and the Palestinian Authority’s side

4 February 2022

Shatha Hammad

A grim silence hangs over the Jenin refugee camp.

In recent months, growing tensions have left its inhabitants ever more unnerved as they keep constant watch for passers-by, fearing that at any moment, the camp will be raided by the Israeli army or the Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces.

The unease gripping the camp stems from the joint search campaign by Israel and the PA for 25 to 30 young men who are accused of engaging in acts of resistance against Israeli soldiers. 

These include shootings at checkpoints near Jenin in the occupied West Bank, engaging in armed conflict with the army during its raids on the city and the notable emergence of an armed presence in the camp, especially since the 2021 May uprising.

‘We will overcome’: Jenin’s rebellious history as told by its elders
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The wanted men do not go out during the day and move about at night only when necessary. 

They do not dare leave the camp, which has served as their safe haven ever since the search began, and many of them fear assassination or incarceration with heavy sentences.

Others fear abuse in PA-run prisons, with reports of torture in these institutions continuing to appear. 

Middle East Eye spoke to three of the Jenin camp’s wanted men, all members of al-Quds Brigades (Saraya al-Quds), the military wing of the Islamic Jihad movement. 

The three men wanted to meet at night and refused to show their faces or reveal their names, so MEE has given them pseudonyms.

Salman, a Jenin native in his early 20s and one of the most wanted men, says he has not left the camp since an Israeli special forces unit raided his workplace on the outskirts of the city in search of him last year.

He received a call from the Shin Bet, Israel’s internal intelligence service, six months ago, threatening him with arrest and instructing him to turn himself in.

“The Shin Bet knows that I won’t turn myself in and will not surrender,” he says. “I also won’t give them the chance to arrest me, which is why I’ve limited myself to the camp, and haven’t left it ever since.”

Armed men like Salman have fortified themselves inside the camp as a crackdown by the PA and Israel to hunt them down grows. Frustration with the PA is boiling over, with locals accusing the authority of using excessive and abusive force to bring the camp under its grip. 

Masked armed men 

The Jenin camp, which lies at the heart of the city located in the northern region of the West Bank, is half a square kilometre in size and home to 13,000 refugees. 

The camp was established to house those expelled from their villages in 1948 by Zionist militia during the Nakba, or catastrophe, the war that paved the way for Israel’s creation and forcibly displaced more than 750,000 native Palestinians. 

The camp is no stranger to violence, with a long history of confrontations with Israel that peaked in 2002 during the second Intifada, when a 10-day military campaign by Israel laid waste to it. 

Direct confrontations have been kept to a minimum since, but the violence in May last year prompted by Israeli raids on al-Aqsa Mosque and attempts to expel Palestinian families from occupied East Jerusalem, seemed to breathe new life into armed resistance in Jenin.

Gunmen belonging to military wings of Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad pose for a group photo at a square in the Jenin camp in 18 August 2021. (Afp)
Gunmen belonging to the military wings of Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad pose for a group photo at a square in the Jenin camp in 18 August 2021 (AFP)

On more than one occasion, masked armed man dressed in black, belonging to different factions including Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad were seen parading in the camp streets whenever tensions flared up.  

Their presence was particularly noticeable after six Palestinian prisoners, all hailing from Jenin, escaped from the maximum-security Israeli prison of Gilboa in September, including well-known resistance figure Zakaria Zubeidi.

Before they were eventually recaptured, during the week that the six men were on the run, tensions were high in Jenin. Many feared that the return of the escapees to the camp could prompt Israel into military action and lead to open clashes. 

Palestinian prison break reveals a path to freedom
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The camp’s armed fighters were quick to show their willingness to help the escaped prisoners. Some carried out shootings at nearby Israeli checkpoints. Others held open military rallies vowing revenge if anything were to happen to the six men.

“We as resistance fighters were ready to die protecting the six prisoners and to provide them with safe refuge… but circumstances led them elsewhere,” Salman told MEE. 

Since then, things have not been the same in Jenin. Israeli incitement against the camp has gone up, Salman says, which he believes is a sign of plans to target it again.  

“Israel started to repeat its description of the camp as a wasp’s nest, while the PA described the resistance in the camp as chaos and anarchy, nothing more than outlaws. This entire discourse aims to hunt down the fighters in the camp and kill them,” he said.

Fighters like Salman see themselves as an extension of the fighters who defended the camp during the 2002 battle. To them, Israeli raids on the camp, which have gone up considerably in the past year, cross a red line and must be responded to. 

In June, a firefight between the army and local gunmen left three people dead, including Jamil al-Amuri, a member of al-Quds Brigades, and two PA officers. Another violent raid occurred in August, which led to fierce clashes and left four Palesitnians killed by the army. 

Crackdown on arms 

At the entrance to the Jenin refugee camp, flags of different Palestinian groups are placed atop the figure of a key symbolising the right of return. Posters of martyrs and prisoners are plastered all over, and at the very centre of the camp is a towering board adorned with the photographs of those killed in recent Israeli raids.

On our way to meet the three fighters, the posters can be spotted deep into the camp’s far flung alleys, while slogans of the resistance and murals decorate most of the walls. It was then that the fighters emerged carrying their M16 assault rifles, ready for any unexpected confrontation. 

‘Many houses in the camp welcome us and invite us to come sleep in their homes’

– Basel, Palestinian gunman

Basel and Tamer (not their real names) are in their 20s, and have been on Israel’s wanted list the longest.

They have been on a list of 12 wanted men for 10 months, they said. The list included al-Amuri, killed by the Israeli army in June. 

They are always on the move, never staying in the same house twice. Now, more than ever, their movements require a greater degree of stealth, they said.

‘Many houses in the camp welcome us and invite us to come sleep in their homes’ Basel told MEE. “But we fear for their safety and do not want to put them in jeopardy.”

– Basel, Palestinian gunman

In late December, the Israeli armed forces chief of staff Aviv Kochavi said in an interview with Channel 12 that Israel was on the cusp of launching a major operation in Jenin three months earlier, before they called the PA into action. 

The three men MEE spoke with did not wanted to show their faces or reveal their names. (Shatha Hammda/MEE)
The three men MEE spoke with did not want to show their faces or reveal their names (MEE/Shatha Hammad)

Kochavi said Israel “encouraged the PA security forces through regular security coordination, and [the PA forces] were the ones to go into Jenin, confiscate arms, and arrest many activists.”

The PA security forces have indeed implemented a security crackdown in the last three months, which has included the arrest of a number of camp residents and the harassment of others with threats and summons. All this has added to the already simmering anger of the camp residents and the Jenin governorate towards the PA.

But fighters like Basel are still on the run, which makes him believe that a big Israeli raid is drawing near, considering that the PA has failed to gain full control of the camp up until now. 

Tamer, who sat beside Basel cradling his weapon, insists their fight is not against the PA.

‘The PA wants us to engage fighters to fire at them, but… the compass of our weapons remains ever pointed towards the occupation, and at no one else’

– Tamer, Palestinian gunman 

Pressure on men like Tamer is growing to hand over their weapons, but he says there is little faith that their lives would not be put in danger or they would be subjected to torture if they were to cooperate with the PA security forces.

The weapons the fighters carry, mostly lightweight assault rifles, were acquired through their own personal funds, the two men told MEE. Another reason that makes the idea of laying down arms seem like an impossibility to them. 

“I worked very hard for an entire year and a half to be able to purchase my weapon,” Basel said. “These weapons are for the defence of the camp, and they will not fall from our hands.”

‘Israel is using the PA’

The PA has insisted the security campaign in Jenin does not target resistance fighters who engage with Israel, but rather aims to stamp out “thugs” who operate outside the law. 

Akram Rajoub, the governor of Jenin, said in November that the PA’s recent security effort aims to “impose the rule of law” and is concerned with what he calls “fugitives”. 

“The security apparatus has already started addressing the recent issue of arms, and we are going to root it out,” Rajoub told local radio. 

“Those who incite will be arrested before those who fired the shots. We will not let the dignity of our security personnel be degraded by these thugs, and we will hunt them down and arrest them… what is happening in Jenin is illegal, and an affront to our security personnel.”

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Rajoub’s comments were rejected by Palestinian factions in the camp, who saw them as an attempt to demonise resistance. Groups say they are ready to work with the PA to stamp out any signs of lawlessness in the camp, but opposing the resistance is “a red line”. 

“Israel is using the PA to suppress the resistance in Jenin, and it is aimed to cause internal strife and bloodshed, and is also aimed at delegitimising the PA in the eyes of its people, a fact which the PA leadership ought to pay attention to,” Bassam al-Sadi, a leading Islamic Jihad figure in Jenin, told MEE. 

Even factions within Fatah, the PA’s de facto ruling party, oppose the authority’s security approach.

Shami al-Shami, former member of Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) and a senior Fatah figure in Jenin, says Israel’s increasing violence is what fuels nationalist sentiment and further encourages young people to escalate resistance activities.

Al-Shami expects the pent-up tensions between the Palestinian Authority and the camp will remain so long as the PA’s heavy-handed approach remains the same. 

“We do not call for fighting the PA or attacking it, but we do call on the PA to curb its actions towards the people of the camp, and to correct its mistakes,” al-Shami said. 

Security reshuffle 

Anger against the Palestinian Authority spiked in November, after a widely-attended funeral for Hamas leader Wasfi Qabaha, who died due to coronavirus complications, drew the ire of Ramallah.
 
A reshuffle in the ranks of the security forces seemed to lead to a crackdown on those attending the funeral, especially those who came armed. 

“The Palestinian intelligence has made a list of 20 wanted camp residents, two of them minors,” Salman said. “All of them are also wanted by the Israeli army… this was a pivotal moment in the hunt for the resistance, and has led to the escalation of tensions between the camp and the PA.”

One of those arrested during the campaign was Muhammad Azmi Husseiniyyeh. 

His brother Eyad Husseiniyyeh, standing by his vegetable stall in the Jenin produce market where he worked, told MEE that Muhammad was arrested for allegedly receiving a call from Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh. 

Haniyeh phoned Muhammad in October to offer his condolences following the death of his nephew Amjad Husseiniyyeh during the August raid. 

Posters of Palestinian martyrs and prisoners are plastered all over in Jenin refugee camp. (Afp)
Posters of Palestinian martyrs and prisoners are plastered all over in Jenin refugee camp (AFP)

Muhammad, 33, was transferred from the security forces headquarters in Jenin to Juneid Prison in Nablus, and then to the intelligence headquarters in Ramallah, where he was subjected to intensive interrogation for 40 days. 

Muhammad was put in stress positions and hung in chains for 25 days during his interrogations, Eyad said. 

“All accusations against Muhammad relate to resisting the occupation’s army, in addition to receiving a call from Ismail Haniyeh… and Muhammad did not confess to any of these accusations.” 

The Husseiniyyeh family has received several promises that Muhammad would be returned to Jenin and presented before the court, Eyad told MEE, but none of these promises have come to pass, which is what led him to start a hunger strike on 10 December.

‘Unprecedented assault’

On 7 January, things took a turn for the worse in Jenin. Three young men from the camp, including 18 year-old Muhammad Zubeidi, son of Gilboa escapee Zakaria Zubeidi, were assaulted by PA security officers. 

video documenting the incident went viral, and tensions rose yet again. Heavy shooting at the PA security forces headquarters followed, as well as the Jenin Muqata’a, which represents the sovereign seat of the PA in the area.

Muhammad’s uncle, Jibreel Zubeidi, told MEE that this was the third time in two months that the PA had harassed his nephew.

“If he were to make a traffic violation, then he should be punished like anyone else with a fine, not with beatings and abuse,” Jibreel said.  

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The PA accused Muhammad of possessing drugs, a charge the family rejected as slander, as no evidence was presented. 

Since the 2019 arrest of Zakaria Zubeidi, who was once commander of the military wing of Fatah’s al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, Muhammad has assumed primary responsibility for his family.

“Muhammad is responsible for his mother, his siblings, and everything else at home,” his uncle Jibreel said.

“He’s also responsible for taking his family back and forth to his father’s court dates… He’s had so many responsibilities that he hasn’t been able to live out his childhood.”

The high school student also suffers from bullet wounds he sustained during clashes with the Israeli army near the Jalameh military checkpoint eight months ago. Some shrapnel from the bullets remains lodged in his head. 

“We are worried for Zakaria’s children, and always feel that they have a target on their backs. We’ve tried everything to protect them… but what the PA has done is unprecedented by attacking Muhammad,” Jibreel told MEE.

When Muhammad told PA officers who they were assaulting, they would only beat him more, the family said, suggesting that the PA were deliberately targeting him to send a message to the camp’s residents. 

‘What the PA has done is unprecedented by attacking Muhammad’

– Jibreel Zubeidi, uncle of Palestinian assaulted by PA 

Palestine’s Independent Commission for Human Rights (ICHR) called on the interior ministry and the police force to conduct an investigation into the incident and to review the way in which arrests are made in order to protect the rights of prisoners and enforce the rule of law. 

statement put out by the ICHR on 8 December said that “some security forces personnel repeatedly engaged in violations throughout the arrest, which requires a full review of the procedures for enforcing accountability for violators.”

The incident and the subsequent shooting marked a turning point in the camp, which seemed to have grown ever more fed up with the PA’s heavy-handed approach. 

“The video clips have riled up Jenin refugee camp and all of Palestine, and the reaction we’ve seen is not because Muhammad is Zakaria’s son,” Jibreel said, “but because it is a violent attack with beatings and electric shock carried out arbitrarily against young men.” 

Palestine in the face of Palestinicide

15 Jan 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

Susana Khalil

Today, some Arab tyrannies, in order to perpetuate themselves in power, seek to submit to this colonial-imperial force, putting the Arab-Persian world at risk.

Palestine in the face of “Palestinicide”

Zionism is a European colonial movement. The English historian Keith Whitelam conceptualizes it as the continuation of Colonial Europe. In 1948, Zionism succeeded in imposing a colonial regime in Palestine called “Israel”. It is classic colonialism, but it differs from historical colonialism in that it does not come from a people, but from a movement that aromatically falsifies history and disguises itself as a people, i.e. the “Jewish people”. Jews, Muslims, and Christians are not peoples, they are religions, and it is sad to have to explain this, at this point in human history and to a supposedly enlightened, educated, and secular world.

The West supposedly has to its credit a worthy history of fighting for secular values, which cost them blood. Secularism is today part of its identity and culture and is a sentiment, but it is inept and structurally ignorant to believe and feel that Jews are a people. To address this issue is to be discriminated against, even by pro-Palestinians. Beyond being a rotten Western taboo, it has its reckless consequences due to sophisticated totalitarian censorship, clear Western obscurantism.

The ideologues of Zionism foresaw that in their colonial enterprise, the day the native achieves his independence, they, as colonizers who do not come from a people but from a movement that seeks to become a people, do not have a point of return as happened in classical colonialism, that they as Jews would return to their respective original homelands. That is why Zionist colonialism has as its nature the very end of that native people in order to settle and ensure the foundations of a “nation-state” called “Israel”. This principle not only remains in force but also advances. Today, some Arab tyrannies, in order to perpetuate themselves in power, seek to submit to this colonial-imperial force, putting the Arab-Persian world at risk.

The colonial and expansionist regime of “Israel” withdrew from the Sinai territories in Egypt, conditioning and subjugating the Egyptian dictatorship. There is a false withdrawal from the Palestinian territories, conditioning and subjugating a caste of Palestinian traitors of the so-called Palestinian Authority. They maintain a military invasion in the Golan Heights in Syria. They unilaterally withdrew from South Lebanon, without conditioning and subjugating the Lebanese government or any Lebanese caste, and this exception is because they were overthrown by the Lebanese armed resistance of Hezbollah. The international Zionist lobby is the mastermind of the barbaric US imperial military invasion of Iraq, for the alleged establishment of democracy, and for the alleged weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. There will be no justice in the Arab-Persian world, except through the abolition of “Israel’s” colonial expansionist anachronism.

The worst thing about the Oslo Accords is not Zionist colonialism that managed to infiltrate through the Palestinian Authority, but the “memoricide” exercised by that Palestinian Authority, erasing the essence or the raison d’être of what the cause of liberation of the native Palestinian people against the Israeli colonial yoke is. And this “memoricide” takes place when the armed struggle is abandoned, so people are encouraged to follow the “peaceful” approach of struggle, which already existed, that is to say, the cultural, legal, academic, political, financial, economic, media, intellectual, humanitarian, religious, artistic, culinary, and historical struggle, which already existed and must exist; it is vital and magical. But the point is that on the stage, in the peaceful universe, the raison d’être of the Palestinian Cause is censored, evaded. In fact, almost nobody talks about the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization, anymore.

I do not remember the author of the phrase: “If you want peace, prepare for justice.” The Palestinian people are facing the most powerful fascist movement of our historical time. Zionism is neoliberal and non-neoliberal imperialism itself.

Armed struggle is not easy and neither is it a guarantee for the liberation of historic Palestine. The peaceful struggle is not easy; it focuses on human rights, and in many cases, it does not address the essence of the Palestinian Cause. Both fronts are important, all fronts of struggle are important.

From the peaceful stage, as a native Palestinian from the Diaspora, the daughter of peasant survivors of Al-Nakba, I fight against the colonial yoke of Israel, I fight for the National Liberation of my Palestinian people against a colonial force.

From the peaceful scenario, does the colonial regime of “Israel” have the right to exist? From the noblest of my soul, I say no. The so-called Israeli population would become Palestinian. Just to raise this is outrageous. I do understand and comprehend the reaction of not understanding; comprehending and accepting the right of native people to decide for themselves. I understand the atheists of freedom and justice.

Some might defend the existence of that colonial, imperial regime and anachronism and believe they have the right to do so, but what is not morally acceptable and constitutes an outrage to human dignity is censoring defending the others’ right to voice their rejection in the universe of debate. That is contrary to the free-thinking world.

There are those who lovingly state, I support “Israel”, and to those I say, support it in your country. why don’t you give it your homeland? There must be a debate, and this is part of the human condition.

I believe that we Palestinians must reposition ourselves, renaissance the root of our cause, be reiterative, not fall into distractions, and not submit to the reality of a contour or conjuncture. This implies intellectual courage and deep human fortitude in the face of so much censorship, fear, demonization, and threat. We must make our intellectual peaceful revolution. We must kick the table and be a rebellion of lucid intellectual light. Therein lies not only the beauty of the Palestinian Cause, but the beauty of being Palestinian.

… More than an intellectual challenge, it is to liberate intellectual fear, for Zionism itself is an intellectual, academic, media, legal, historical, moral, aesthetic, religious, archeological, sociological and philosophical fraud.

The Palestinian Liberation Cause is a direct cause for the protection of the Arab, Persian, and Kurdish world from Israeli expansionist colonialism. As I heard, it was said in the neighborhood of El Guarataro, in Venezuela, the liberation of Palestine is the liberation of the world.

Let us free ourselves from the self-censorship that sets the trap for us. We must be strategic, intelligent, and subtle. We will not receive any subsidy, if we do so, we will be rejected, demonized.

They operate an extermination plan against the Palestinian people; they not only colonized the homeland, but also its history, its cuisine, and its most popular artistic expression. And it is logical to say that, for example, they colonized the falafel and the embroidery. That is proof and sample that it is colonialism that does not come from a people, it needs to disguise itself as a people and take it from the native people. They are extermination modalities; they must expel Palestine from history.

It is all about being honest, the world, yes, the world is at risk in the face of Zionism. The Palestinians have an appointment with history and it is to liberate today, in the 21st century, their people from the anachronistic and expansionist colonial regime of “Israel”. Likewise, the Palestinians have a debt with humanity itself and it is to extirpate Zionism, the most powerful fascism of our time, for this we need everybody in, which is the struggle of our time.

Let me be riddled and demonized with the filthy and bastard accusation of the Zionist supremacy of anti-Semitism. Anyway, as Ernesto Guevara used to say, “How can my life matter if what is in danger is humanity.”

Yes, the liberation of Palestine is the liberation of the world, that is to say, taking steps against imperial, colonial atrophy and barbarism synchronized by Zionism.

The gloomy thing is that if we let the Palestinian people disappear, they will sadly exist in the echo of humanity as the cursed people, that by not liberating its noble cause, humanity remains in darkness. In this case, the outcome would be a cursed Palestinian, a traitor Arab.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

Violence erupts in Jenin after PA troops arrest the son of Gilboa prison escapee

January 08 2022

ByNews Desk

FILE – In this Dec. 30, 2004 file photo, Zakaria Zubeidi, then leader in the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade in the West Bank, is carried by supporters during a presidential elections campaign rally in support of Mahmoud Abbas, in the West Bank town of Jenin. For nearly two decades, Zubeidi has been an object of fascination for Israelis and Palestinians alike, who have seen his progression from a child actor to a swaggering militant, to the scarred face of a West Bank theater promoting “cultural resistance” to Israeli occupation. In his latest act, he has emerged as one of Israel’s most wanted fugitives after tunneling out of a high-security prison on Monday, Sept. 6, 2021, with five other Palestinian militants. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, File)

Angry residents reportedly opened fire on the PA headquarters in Jenin as discontent against Fatah leaders continues to grow

In the pre-dawn hours of 8 January, Palestinian Authority (PA) forces forcibly arrested the son of Zakaria Zubeidi, one of the six Palestinian detainees who escaped from the maximum security Gilboa prison last year.

According to the PA, he was arrested along with two other men “for illegal weapon ownership.”

Videos shared on social media show PA troops roughing up the young Zubeidi before arresting him.

In response to the arbitrary actions by PA troops, dozens of local residents took to the streets of Jenin in the occupied West Bank to demand the release of the detainees.

According to Israeli media, some even opened fire on the local headquarters of the PA. However, no casualties have been reported.

According to local reports, Zubeidi was released a number of hours later, and appeared to have a bandaged head and hand.

On 6 September of last year, his father, Zakaria Zubeidi, along with five Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) prisoners escaped from the maximum security Gilboa prison by digging a tunnel underneath their bathroom sink, reportedly using a spoon.

But while they were all eventually detained just days later, their daring escape proved to be a major embarrassment for the Israeli occupation forces.

Not long after Zubeidi was rearrested, he had to be rushed to a hospital to fight for his life after being tortured by occupation authorities.

On 12 September, Zubeidi’s brother took to social media to report that following his capture, Zakaria had been “subjected to the most extreme forms of torture,” adding that the Israelis “beat him, electrocuted him, and broke his leg.”

According to an exclusive report by The Cradle, as the former commander of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Zubeidi had a long history of armed resistance.

Despite being given amnesty at the close of the second intifada in 2002 after Operation Defensive Wall was concluded and was then forced to undergo a “rehabilitation process,” Zubeidi was re-arrested in 2019 for shooting at illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

As Israel Plots Endgame in Occupied Golan, Bennett Must Remember Lessons of the Past

January 5, 2022

Israeli Government approves a plan to double the number of illegal Jewish settlers in the Golan Heights. (Photo: via Prime Minister of Israel Twitter page)

By Ramzy Baroud

With Syria still embroiled in its own war, Israel has been actively rewriting the rule book regarding its conduct in this Arab country. Gone are the days of a potential return of the illegally occupied Golan Heights to Syrian sovereignty in exchange for peace, per the language of yesteryears. Now, Israel is set to double its illegal Jewish settler population in the Golan, while Israeli bombs continue to drop with a much higher frequency on various Syrian targets.

Indeed, a one-sided war is underway, casually reported as if a routine, everyday event. In the last decade, many ‘mysterious’ attacks on Syria were attributed to Israel. The latter neither confirmed nor denied. With the blanket support given to Israel by the Donald Trump administration, which recognized Israel’s illegal annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights of 1981, Israeli reluctance to take credit for the frequent and increasingly destructive and bloody air raids has dissipated.

Briefly, some in the Israeli government were concerned by the possible repercussions of the advent of Joe Biden to the White House in January 2021. They worried that the new president might reverse some of the pro-Israel decisions enacted by his predecessor, including the recognition of the “Sovereignty over the Golan Heights,” due to the “strategic and security importance to the State of Israel”. Biden, a long-time supporter of Israel himself, did no such thing.

The initial concern about a shift in US policy turned into euphoria and, eventually, an opportunity, especially as Israel’s new Prime Minister, Naftali Bennett, is eager to break the Right’s historic dominance over the Jewish settlement movement in occupied Palestinian and Arab lands.

“This is our moment. This is the moment of the Golan Heights,” Bennett declared triumphantly at an Israeli government cabinet meeting held specially to officiate plans regarding the further colonization of the Golan on December 26.

The following statement by Bennett speaks volumes about the context of the Israeli decision, and its future intentions: “After long and static years in terms of the scope of settlement, our goal today is to double settlement in the Golan Heights.” The reference to ‘static years’ is an outright rejection of the occasional freezing of settlement construction that mostly took place during the so-called ‘peace process.’ Bennett – who, in June 2021, was embraced by Washington and its western allies as the political antithesis to the obstinate Benjamin Netanyahu – has effectively ended any possibility of a peaceful resolution to Israel’s illegal occupation of the Golan.

Aside from predictable and clichéd responses by Syria and the Arab League, Israel’s massive push to double its settlement activities in the Golan is going largely unnoticed. Not only Israel’s right-wing media, but the likes of Haaretz are also welcoming the government’s investment – estimated at nearly $320 million. The title of David Rosenberg’s article in Haaretz tells the whole story: “Picturesque but Poor, Israel’s Golan Needs a Government Boost to Thrive.” The article decries government ‘neglect’ of the Golan, speaks of employment opportunities and merely challenges Bennett’s government on whether it will “stay the course”. The fact that the occupation of the Golan, like that of Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza, is illegal under international law is absent from Israeli media coverage.

Namely, Israel’s main focus currently is to normalize its occupation of Arab land entirely. But if that mission has failed over the course of 54 years, can it succeed now?

For Israel, the illegal settlement enterprise, whether in the Syrian Golan or in occupied Palestine, is synonymous. It is inspired by deep-rooted ideological and religious beliefs, compelled by economic opportunities and political interests and assuaged by the lack of any meaningful international response.

In the case of the Golan, Israel’s intention was, from the onset, to expand on its agricultural space, as the capture of the fertile Syrian territory almost immediately attracted settlers, who set the stage for massive agricultural settlements. Although the home of merely 25,000 Jewish settlers, the Golan became a major source of Israeli apples, pears and wine grape production. Local tourism in the scenic Golan, dotted with numerous wineries, thrived, especially following the Israeli annexation of the territory in 1981.

The plight of the steadfast Golan Arab Druze population of nearly 23,000 is as irrelevant in the eyes of Israel as that of the millions of occupied Palestinians, whether under siege in Gaza or living under a perpetual occupation or apartheid in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The Golan population is equally isolated and oppressed but, like the Palestinians, continues to resist despite the heavy price of their resistance. Their hardship, however, is likely to increase with the expected doubling of the Jewish settler population.

Israel is, of course, aware that popular uprisings will eventually be mounted in response to its latest colonial endeavors, but various factors must be giving Bennett the confidence to continue with his plans. A major source of reassurance is that it could take Syria years to achieve any degree of political stabilization before mounting any source of challenge to the Israeli occupation. Another is that the Palestinian leadership is in no mood for confrontation, especially that it is, once again, on good terms with Washington, which has resumed its funding of the PA soon after Biden’s inauguration.

Moreover, in Israel, the anti-settlement movement has long subsided, crystallized mostly into smaller political parties that are hardly critical in the formation or toppling of government coalitions.

More importantly, Washington has no interest to initiate any kind of diplomatic efforts to lay the ground for future talks involving Israel, the Palestinians and certainly not Syria. Any such attempt now, or even in coming years would represent a political gamble for Biden’s embattled administration.

Israel understands this absolutely and plans to take advantage of this opportunity, arguably unprecedented since the Madrid talks over thirty years ago. Yet, while Bennett is urging Israelis in their quest for settlement expansion with such battle cries as “this is our moment’, he must not underestimate that the occupied Palestinians and Syrians are also aware that their ‘moment’, too, is drawing near. In fact, all popular Palestinian uprisings of the past were initiated at times when Israel assumed that it had the upper hand, and that people’s resistance has been forever pacified.

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website iswww.ramzybaroud.net

Calls for Prompt International Intervention to Stop ‘Israeli’ Settlers Terrorism against Palestinian Villagers

Dec 18 2021

By Staff, Agencies

The Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs called upon the international community to intervene immediately, and to pressure the ‘Israeli’ occupation regime into stopping “acts of terrorism” committed by extremist settlers against Palestinian villagers and their communities.

The ministry, in a statement, urged UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to promptly activate the international protection system for Palestinian civilians under the ‘Israeli’ occupation.

It said it is gravely concerned about the rise in systematic attacks by ‘Israeli’ settlers on Palestinians, especially in the northern West Bank villages of Qaryout and Burqa as well as in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of occupied East al-Quds, which have left dozens of people injured.

The ministry held the regime of extremist Zionist Prime Minister Naftali Bennett fully and directly responsible for settler violence and terror, and warned against the dangerous repercussions of their acts on the status of the region.

Additionally, the Palestinian Authority’s presidency called on the international community to swiftly put an end to ‘Israeli’ settlers’ terrorism against the defenseless Palestinians.

It stressed that the ‘Israeli’ occupation authorities are encouraging and protecting settler violence, which is soaring on a daily basis.

The PA said stability will not prevail as long as Palestinians do not enjoy calm, adding the current situation will keep the Middle East region in a cycle of violence.

Dozens of extremist ‘Israeli’ settlers raided Qaryout village southeast of Nablus early Friday, injuring several Palestinians and causing material damage.

Ghassan Daghlas, who monitors ‘Israeli’ settlement activities in the northern West Bank, said the settlers broke into many homes in the town, and assaulted local families.

Scores of Palestinians were injured in the process, who were moved to several hospitals in Nablus.

The Tel Aviv regime occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967. It later had to withdraw from Gaza.

More than 600,000 Zionist settlers occupy more than 230 settlements built since the 1967 occupation of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank. All the settlements are illegal under international law. The United Nations Security Council has condemned the settlement activities in several resolutions.

UNGA’s Latest Resolution Illustrates the International Community’s Complicity With Israel’s Colonial Expansion

December 2, 2021

Ramona Wadi is an independent researcher, freelance journalist, book reviewer and blogger. Her writing covers a range of themes in relation to Palestine, Chile and Latin America.

By Ramona Wadi

Source

Israel’s impunity has been crafted by the UN, in a parallel manner to how the UN facilitated Palestine’s territorial loss, Ramona Wadi writes.

Yet another non-binding UN General Assembly has passed, granting Palestinians permanent sovereignty over their natural resources, even as Israel has absolute dominion over their territory. The draft resolution, titled “Permanent sovereignty of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan over their natural resources,” is a perfect example of how the UN glosses over Israel’s colonial violence by refusing to take action, preferring to enact non-binding resolutions which do nothing to protect the Palestinian people’s political rights and their territory.

The resolution demands Israel ceases its exploitation and theft of Palestinian land, while noting all other Israeli violations on Palestinian territory, such as the Apartheid Wall, settlement expansion, destruction of Palestinian infrastructure, as well as the impact of Israel weapons in Gaza. With the passing of such a detailed resolution, it would stand to reason that the UN takes measures against Israel’s colonial violence, rather than call upon Israel to halt its damage. The latter is a futile request, and the UN knows Israel will not abide by the non-binding resolution, in which case it is pertinent to ask why the international institution keeps score of each violation only to mete out some symbolic recognition of Palestinian rights which has so far failed to translate into political value for the Palestinian people.

Palestine’s Permanent Observer to the UN Riyad Mansour described the resolution as confirming the international community supporting full rights for Palestinians. Similarly the Palestinian Authority’s Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki declared that the resolution affirmed Palestinian people’s rights over their territory and called upon the UN to implement international resolutions. Which is where Palestine, as usual, will hit a dead end. The UN’s complicity in Israel’s colonial expansion is the primary reason why non-binding resolutions have taken the place of political resolution for Palestinians.

Does the UN need reminding of how it failed Palestinians since the passing of the 1947 Partition Plan? Or of how its defence of Israel’s security narrative directly ties in to the Palestinian people’s experience of loss, to the point that non-binding resolutions are necessary to remind the world that Palestinians have political rights? Only the periodic reminders mean nothing if the UN refuses to face Israel’s war crimes and international law violations.

Unfortunately, the PA has long supported this disastrous status quo, in which the gap between non-binding resolutions and Israel’s expansion is becoming irreconcilable.

EU diplomats recently visited occupied East Jerusalem, in a visit organised by the Israeli non-governmental organization Ir Amin. The NGO explained the consequences of Israel’s settlement expansion, including forced displacement and the rupture between Palestinian villages and Jerusalem, which is Israel’s next aim.

Yet, at an international level, Israel’s violations are considered separately, with barely ever a connection between one violation and its precedents. If the UN was truly against human rights violations, it would put its research to good use, as well as consistently draw attention to the fact that the earlier colonization process is ongoing.

The PA is also guilty of the same process, preferring to focus on each violation separately rather than take into account how Israel’s actions are collectively contributing to Palestine’s territorial loss.

While shedding light on the cumulative effect of Israel’s violations, the recent UNGA non-binding draft resolution holds no sway over international chastisement of Israel, let alone enforcing punitive measures. Israel’s impunity has been crafted by the UN, in a parallel manner to how the UN facilitated Palestine’s territorial loss. The resolution is no cause to celebrate; rather it is an affirmation of how the international community’s complicity resulted in these belated affirmations that do nothing to reinstate the Palestinian people’s political rights.

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