Palestinian Teenager Martyred by Israeli Occupation Forces

24 Jul 10:02

Source: Al Mayadeen

At least 320 Palestinians were injured across the West Bank in confrontations with the Israeli occupation forces, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent.

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More than 320 Palestinians were hurt in confrontations with Israeli occupation forces

A 17-year-old Palestinian boy, Muhammad Mounir Tamimi, was martyred after he was brutally shot in his stomach by Israeli occupation forces during confrontations in the town of Nabi Salih in the West Bank on Friday afternoon.

The Israeli occupation forces raided the town of Nabi Salih. Simultaneously, Palestinians confronted the Israeli occupation, protesting against the expansion of a nearby Israeli settlement.

Meanwhile, more than 320 Palestinians were hurt in confrontations with Israeli occupation forces, including nine by live fire, in the West Bank village of Beita and the village of Osrin, Nablus district, according to the Palestinian Red Crescent.

Furthermore, medics reported Israeli violations against medical staff, including two incidents where ambulances were directly attacked by the Israeli occupation forces.

 The Israeli occupation forces said two soldiers were “lightly injured” in the confrontations.

During the last few days, Tens of Palestinian youths confronted the Israeli occupation forces, as the “night confusion” activities were resumed in the “Givat Eviatar” outpost on Jabal Sbeih in the town of Beita, south of Nablus in the northern occupied West Bank.

The Palestinian youths and Beita residents continue their “night confusion” activities to confront the settlers’ attempt to seize the lands of Jabal Sbeih and establish a new outpost on the top of the mountain.

In the meantime, a periodic report prepared by the “Hamas” media department in the West Bank detected 748 various acts of resistance against the occupation and its settlers during last June, during which Nablus witnessed 26 “night confusion” activities against the occupation forces and settlers.

Jabal Sbeih is the center of a wide range of “night confusion” activities carried out by Palestinians, extending until late at night.

For over two and a half months, Beita has been witnessing daily confrontations in the Jabal Sbeih area between the occupation soldiers and Palestinian youths.

Palestinian Activist Nizar Banat Assassinated After Raid on His Home by PA Officers

24/06/2021

Palestinian Activist Nizar Banat Assassinated After Raid on His Home by PA Officers

By Staff, Agencies

Nizar Banat, a leading Palestinian activist and critic of the Palestinian Authority [PA], has died after a raid by PA security forces on his home in Dura in the al-Khalil area early on Thursday.

In a statement, the Governor of al-Khalil Jibreen al-Bakri claimed “during the arrest his health deteriorated,” however Banat’s family said he had been subjected to a beating while being detained.

The arrest took place as the PA stepped up its security crackdown on political opponents and social media users in the occupied West Bank.

Banat was well known for his criticism of the PA leadership and had been arrested several times in the past by Palestinian Authority security forces.

The Middle East Eye cited Muhannad Karajah, from Lawyers for Justice, as saying that Banat had phoned him on Wednesday and told him that he was being subjected to threats by the PA’s intelligence service, who had demanded that he stop his criticism of the authority.

Banat has for months been posting videos on Facebook on which he lambasted PA President Mahmoud Abbas and other senior PA and Fatah officials.

Ammar, a cousin of Banat and a spokesman for the family, told MEE that about 25 officers and a member of the Preventive Security and General Intelligence, stormed the house around 3.30am in the morning after detonating its doors.

He said the officers stormed the room in which Nizar was sleeping and immediately began to attack him by spraying him with gas in his mouth and nose.

The cousin said they beat Banat severely with iron and wooden batons.

He added that Nizar had been in a fainting state, so they dragged him, stripped him of his clothes, and transported him away in military vehicles.

The death has been met with anger on the streets and criticism from human rights organizations and Palestinian factions who have called for an independent investigation.

In a statement, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine [PFLP] held the PA responsible for Banat’s death.

“The arrest and then the assassination of Nizar again raises questions on the nature of the role and function of the PA and its security services, and its violation of the democratic rights of citizens through the policy of silence, prosecution, arrest and murder,” said the PFLP

Additionally, Sami Abu Zuhri, a member of Hamas’ political bureau, said: “We consider that [PA] Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh bears the primary responsibility for the murder of activist and parliamentary candidate Nizar Banat, and we call for the killers to be prosecuted.”

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Syrians in Farfarah Village Expel US Oil Thieves Army and their SDF Militia

 ARABI SOURI  

Syrians in Farfarah village kick out US oil thieves and their Kurdish SDF proxies

Syrians in the village of Farfarah confronted and expelled a convoy of US oil thieves along with their Kurdish SDF armed terrorists from their village earlier today, Tuesday 15 June 2021.

The people of Farfarah, a small town in the northeastern Syrian province of Hasakah, blocked a convoy of 4 armored US vehicles packed with oil thieves of the US army accompanied by a vehicle carrying Kurdish SDF armed terrorists that tried to pass through their village.

A video filmed by one of the men in the village shows the brave confrontation between the unarmed residents facing heavily armed US Army and Kurdish SDF terrorists and forcing them to leave, SANA said some of the US vehicles were damaged when the villagers rained it with stones.

The video is also on  Bitchute.

In the video the people who expelled the US Army shouting at them to leave their village: ‘You stole our oil, you stole our wheat, get out, yalla (move it).. Also telling them: ‘there’s no oil in our village, get out’.

Farfarah is a tiny town of brave Syrians who stood up to the army of one of the world’s superpowers, another example from Syria how the people do not welcome oil thieves and do not welcome the US-styled democracy of hegemony, oppression, and wealth plundering.

Many similar incidents occurred in the same region most notably when a convoy of US oil thieves working for Trump last year tried to go through the town of Khirbet Ammo in February of last year, the villagers blocked the convoy, threw stones and garbage cans against the oil thieves of the US Army who in return shot dead a child in the village.

The most inclusive and diverse junta of Joseph Biden continued the same policies of the disgraced Trump in beefing up their forces illegally deployed in Syria, supporting the terrorist groups of ISIS, Nusra Front, and the separatist Kurdish SDF, and increased the stealing of Syrian wheat and oil.

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Palestinian Resistance Ready to React If ‘Israel’ Plots Against Al-Aqsa Mosque

Palestinian Resistance Ready to React If ‘Israel’ Plots Against Al-Aqsa Mosque

By Staff, Agencies

Palestinian resistance factions urged the Zionist entity to avoid any conspiracies against occupied al-Quds and the holy city’s al-Aqsa Mosque compound, saying they stand ready to react at any moment in the face of the occupying regime’s acts of aggression and crimes.

In a statement released on Monday, the Joint Room of Palestinian Resistance Factions hailed the nation’s “heroic” fight during Operation Quds Sword.

Through unity, rapport and various means of resistance, Palestinians managed to defeat the enemy and foil its sinister schemes in al-Quds meant to impose new realities on the ground by the forced displacement and arrest of the Palestinian people as well as the temporal and spatial division of the al-Aqsa Mosque, it said.

“The Zionist enemy was completely wrong in its calculations as it thought that the conditions were ripe for advancing such ill-considered plans and that it had now a golden opportunity to attack the sanctities and principles of the Palestinian nation. However, it faced a decisive and strong reaction,” the statement read.

“The resistance, which had strengthened itself over the past years to defend al-Quds and endured the siege and pressure in this way, did not remain silent and acted as the best supporter for the uprising of the residents of al-Quds and the West Bank. The inhabitants of the 1948 occupied territories and the general public also joined them and shattered the enemy’s equations. They made it clear that al-Aqsa has heroes who will defend the mosque and the al- Quds’ sanctities under any circumstances. Finally, the enemy was defeated and forced to stop its acts of aggression,” it added.

Tel Aviv launched the bombing campaign against Gaza on May 10, after Palestinian retaliated against violent raids on worshipers at the al-Aqsa Mosque and the regime’s plans to force a number of Palestinian families out of their homes at Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East al-Quds.

Apparently caught off guard by unprecedented rocket barrages from Gaza, the Tel Aviv regime announced a unilateral ceasefire on May 21, which Palestinian resistance movements accepted with Egyptian mediation.

According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, at least 260 Palestinians were martyred in the occupation’s offensive, including 66 children and 39 women, and 1948 others were wounded.

Zionists were expected to attend a right-wing parade in al-Quds’ Old City set for Thursday. However, the organizers said they had decided to cancel the so-called ‘Flag Parade’ after Zionist police announced they would not allow the rally to pass through the OId City’s Muslim Quarter, citing security concerns.

The Gaza-based Hamas resistance movement, which has already warned against the controversial march, hailed the decision as a “new defeat for ‘Israel’” that solidifies “the equation that al-Quds is a red line.”

Elsewhere in its statement, the Joint Room of Palestinian Resistance Factions commented on the cancellation of the parade, saying resistance commanders are closely monitoring the Zionist regime’s behavior in the al-Quds.

If the enemy returns to the same situation before the 11-day Gaza flare-up, the commanders will enter the ground and will never allow the Tel Aviv regime to export its domestic crises to the Palestinian people, it added.

“We appreciate the resistance and stability of the Palestinian people everywhere. This nation is able to bring destruction to the Zionist enemy’s plans to destroy the Palestine issue,” the statement read.

“We call on the Palestinian people in al-Quds, the West Bank and the 1948 occupied territories to confront the ‘Israeli’ occupiers in any way possible and prevent the implementation of the regime’s Judaization and settlement schemes in the occupied lands. We also emphasize that the resistance is ready to defend them at the appropriate time.”

‘Israeli’ Occupation Forces Violently Storm Al-Aqsa Mosque, Attack Worshipers [Live Updates]

10/5/2021

Source

‘Israeli’ Occupation Forces Violently Storm Al-Aqsa Mosque, Attack Worshipers [Live Updates]

By Staff

‘Israeli’ occupation forces have once again stormed the holy al-Aqsa Mosque in the city of occupied al-Quds on Monday morning, and attacked Palestinian worshipers with live fire.

Not having enough with the causing scores of injuries among the landowners, they Zionist regime forces also targeted those injured using rubber bullets although the suffocating worshipers started exiting the southern prayer hall inside the holy site.

Additionally, the enemy’s forces banned ambulances from moving the injured worshipers for treatment, with many reports of critical injuries caused to the worshipers in their eyes and jaws.

The attacks also caused significant damage in the Dome of The Rock Mosque.

Palestine’s Islamic Jihad movement commented on the developments as saying: The resistance is present and will not be far from the “Israeli” crime.

For its part, Hamas urged all Palestinians to pour into the streets and clash with the “Israeli” occupation.

Mufti of al-Quds Sheikh Mohammad Hossein described what is happening as a premeditated aggression by the occupation against al-Aqsa and the Palestinians.

UN Chief Antonio Guterres urged “Israel” to cease demolitions and evictions in line with the obligations of international law.

Commenting on the events, Head of Al-Aqsa Worshipers Yousef Mukhaimer considered the real disaster is the official Arab silence over what is happening in al-Aqsa.

For his part, Archbishop of Sebastia from the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Al-Quds Atallah Hanna said the “Israeli” attack on al-Aqsa is an attack on the Holy Sepulcher Church.

The “Israeli” occupation seeks to seize our sanctities and turn Muslims and Christians into minorities, Archbishop Hanna added.

As the confrontations escalate, al-Quds governor warned of an imminent “Israeli” massacre against Palestinian worshippers inside Al-Aqsa Holy Mosque.

Later reports cited the Palestinian Red Crescent as counting hundreds of injuries during the confrontations, while about 50 injuries have been transferred to al-Quds hospitals and the field hospital.

The Red Crescent committee reported then that more than 180 Palestinians were injured as the occupation forces suppressed them in the holy al-Aqsa Mosque & the Old City’s surroundings, with more than 80 injuries being transferred to the hospitals, one in critical condition and was transferred with a respirator installed.

Meanwhile, “Israeli” media reported the martyrdom of a Palestinian men in the continuous confrontations.

Soon after, Palestinians reported that youth Omar Zalloum has been injured in the head in the al-Aqsa Mosque, and stress that the medical situation is very terrible inside the holy mosque, with reports pointing to “Israeli” forces trying to expel all medical personnel from inside the place.

‘Israeli’ occupation forces attacked and beat female journalist Fatima al-Bakri while covering the confrontations taking place inside the holy al-Aqsa Mosque. They also attacked Al-Araby TV correspondent Ahmad Jaradat and photojournalist Eithar Abu Ghraybah.

Injuries were also reported among the Palestinian Red Crescent crews.

Meanwhile, a Zionist settler rammed a number of Palestinians standing off the Bab al-Asbat in the occupied al-Quds, after which at least one Palestinian was martyred.

Other ‘Israeli’ settlers attempted to take off the Moroccan Gate and storm the al-Aqsa Mosque after the Zionist occupation forces greenlight their move

.

The attacks included the use of live bullets and explosive rubber against Palestinians inside al-Aqsa Mosque after the Zionist occupiers stormed the holy site while hundreds of Palestinians are remaining inside the Mosque as part of a religious rituals that happens during the Muslims’ fasting month of Ramadan.

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انتفاضة «القدس» وحتميّة المقاومة

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 د. جمال زهران

حادث جديد منذ عدة أيام… أهدانا الله إياه.. وهو انهيار جسر في الكيان الصهيوني وسط احتفالات يهوديّة للمغتصبين والمستوطنين، راح ضحيته (60) شخصاً، وإصابة أكثر من (400) آخرين، والمؤكد أنّ غطرسة القوة لدى العدو الصهيوني لن تجعله ينتبه إلى أخطائه، وهو ما نتمناه حتى ينهار هذا الكيان من الداخل، وهو أمر محتمل إلى حد كبير، كما انهار نظام الأبارتهايد في جنوب أفريقيا ورحل الرجل الأبيض الحاكم والمغتصب، بإرادة المقاومة لشعب الجنوب، والتفتيت الداخلي. فهناك قاعدة واضحة، وهي لا عمر لمغتصب وإن طال الزمان.

كما أن شهر رمضان المعظم الذي يأتي بالخيرات دائماً، مهما كانت الكوارث العالميّة، فقد هلَّ بخيره في أرض المقدس الشريفة، باندلاع انتفاضة شعبية فلسطينية ضد العدو الصهيونيّ الذي هدف من وراء منع المصلّين الفلسطينيين من الصلاة في ساحة المسجد الأقصى، إثارة هؤلاء، ووضع العقبات أمام إتمام الانتخابات الفلسطينية في مدينة القدس، حيث أصبحت تحت السيطرة الصهيونيّة وعاصمة دولة الكيان، حسب تقديرهم وإعلاناتهم المدعومة أميركياً. وبالتالي يمكن أن يعوق ذلك إتمام الانتخابات الفلسطينية، تحت شعار أن لا انتخابات فلسطينية من دون القدس، باعتبارها رمز السيادة للدولة الفلسطينيّة وشرعيتها.

وما حدث يوم السبت 24 نيسان/ أبريل الماضي، هو انتفاضة جديدة للشعب الفلسطينيّ في القدس، حيث إنه يوم تاريخي جديد، وفصل جديد من فصول المقاومة الفلسطينيّة ضد الاستعمار والاستيطان الصهيوني. فقد قدم المقدسيون، أجسادهم بصدور الشباب العارية، والذين ولدوا بعد اتفاق أوسلو الكسيح، لمجابهة العدو الصهيونيّ العنصري، لإجباره على التراجع عن منع الفلسطينيين من الصلاة في بيت المقدس، وحدث ذلك، أن تراجع هذا العدو كالعادة مع ازدياد درجة المقاومة.

ولا يمكن نسيان الصورة التي تبنّتها وسائل الإعلام في فيديو رائع، حيث الشرطيّة الصهيونيّة، وهي تمنع فتاة فلسطينية من دخول المسجد، بالقوة، وكانت معها والدتها. فمع إصرار الفتاة على دخول المسجد، وإصرار الشرطية الصهيونية على منعها باستخدام الأيدي والضرب والسحل، إلا أن الأم رفضت تعرّض ابنتها لهذا الاعتداء، وقامت بالاشتباك مع الشرطية الصهيونية، فتم ضربها وسحلها وإلقائها في الأرض بقوة وشدّة، حتى تجمّع الكثيرون، وتجمّع أفراد الشرطة الصهيونية، وأصبحت «معركة» كبيرة، كان على إثرها، نجاح الفتاة وأمها، في دخول المسجد الأقصى، لأداء الصلاة (العشاء والتراويح).

هكذا هي المقاومة اليومية بما تحمله من مجابهات بين المقدسيين وبين الصهاينة العنصريين. وانتصرت المقاومة في معركة جديدة لدخول المسجد الأقصى في رمضان، بإجبار العدو/ الصهيوني على التراجع بالمنع، والسماح للفلسطينيين بأداء صلواتهم في المسجد الأقصى الشريف.

تلك صفحة جديدة من صفحات الجيل الجديد الشاب، الذي يتشبّع بروح المقاومة ضدّ الصهاينة الأمر الذي يعني استمرار سريان المقاومة ضدّ الوجود الصهيوني في أرض فلسطين المحتلة، وتأكيد على فشل كلّ مشروعات السلام المزعوم/ والتسويات، الكسيحة، وأن الأمل كلّ الأمل، في هذا الجيل المشبع بفكر وروح المقاومة.

وقد عبّر الكاتب/ عريب الرنتاوي، في مقاله بجريدة «الدستور» الأردنيّة يوم 25 نيسان/ أبريل الماضي، بالقول: «إن القدس هي درّة المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني، وتاج المشروع القوميّ العروبي، وعنوان وحدة المسلمين، وقبلة المسيحيين الشرفاء والأحرار في العالم كله..». وأنا اتفق معه، وتلك هي الحقيقة التي لا يجب أن تغيب عن كل المناضلين الأحرار في العالم العربي، والعالم كله.

فتحرير فلسطين من النهر إلى البحر، وتحرير كلّ التراب الفلسطيني، وفي القلب القدس بطبيعة الحال، وطرد العدو الصهيوني الغاصب، وكسر إرادة المشروع الصهيو/أميركي، التآمري، هو المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني، والمشروع القومي العروبي بلا جدال. ولا يمكن بحال من الأحوال أن تتحرّر فلسطين كاملة، عبر الاتفاقيات الكسيحة والعميلة والتآمرية على القضية والشعب، مثل كامب ديفيد.. وادي عربة – أوسلو) فضلاً عن اتفاقيات التطبيع التي تتسم بالعمالة والحقارة والفجور من بعض الأنظمة العربية العميلة لأميركا وللصهيونية. فالمقاومة هي الحلّ، بلا جدال، وهي الآلية لتحرير فلسطين وتحرير بيت المقدس، كما سبق أن حرره صلاح الدين الأيوبي (جدّي الذي افتخر به مثالاً للمقاومة والصمود).. ومن بعده الزعيم جمال عبد الناصر الذي تظلّ كلماته المقاومة هادية لكلّ مناضل عربي حقيقي، حينما قال: (لا للتفاوض لا للاعتراف لا للصلح مع الكيان الصهيوني).

وأختم بالقول إن نهاية الكيان الصهيوني قد حانت، وأراها قريبة، واستشهد بقول الكاتب الصهيوني المعروف (آرى شبيث)، في صحيفة هآرتس الصهيونية: «لقد اخترنا نقطة اللاعودة.. ولم يعد بإمكان «إسرائيل» إنهاء الاحتلال، ووقف الاستيطان، وتحقيق السلام، كما لم يعُد بالإمكان إصلاح الصهيونيّة، وإنقاذ الديمقراطيين وتقسيم الناس في هذه الدولة. ولم يبق أمامنا إلا مغادرة البلاد.. والانتقال إلى سان فرانسيسكو – برلين – باريس – فقد فشلت صهيونيتنا».

وهذا ما أشرت إليه بالتحليل العلمي في كتابي (مناهج قياس قوة الدول.. ومستقبل الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي)، الصادر في أعقاب حرب تموز 2006، عن مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية، بيروت، عام 2007. فللشعب الفلسطيني كل التحية عموماً، وللمقدسيين كل التقدير والاحترام، فلا تحرير لفلسطين والقدس من دون استمرار المقاومة، وهو حادث بإذن الله..

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*أستاذ العلوم السياسية والعلاقات الدولية، والأمين العام المساعد للتجمع العربي الإسلامي لدعم خيار المقاومة، ورئيس الجمعية العربية للعلوم السياسية.

هَبَّة باب العمود طريق لتصويب المسار

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter

عمرو علان

الأحد، 02 مايو 2021 07:31 م بتوقيت غرينتش

بناءً على تقدير موقف واقعي، وقراءة متكاملة للمشهد الفلسطيني بكافة أبعاده، كان قد استشرف البعض منذ بدايات مسار الانتخابات التشريعية الفلسطينية الجديدة بأن يقوم رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية محمود عباس بتأجيلها كما حصل فعلاً. ولسنا هنا بصدد العودة إلى النقاش الذي دار قبل قرار الفصائل الفلسطينية خلا حركة الجهاد الإسلامي حول خوض مغامرة انتخابية جديدة، لا سيما أننا في حضرة هبَّةٍ مقدسيةٍ عظيمة، قد أنجزت في الميدان وتُبشِّر بالمزيد إذا ما استفاقت الفصائل الفلسطينية لا سيما في الضفة والقدس من غفوتها، وتجاوزت ملهاة انتخابات مجلس تشريعي لدولة تخيُّلية؛ ما هي – في حقيقة الأمر – إلا جزءٌ صغير من كلٍ مغتصَب، يرزح تحت سلطة احتلال تتحكم بكل مفاصل حيات ذاك الفلسطيني الذي مازال صامداً على أرضه يقاوم، بما في ذلك انتخاباته وباعتراف رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية، بغض النظر عن وجاهة التبرير الذي ساقه هذا الأخير لتأجيل أو بالأصح لإلغاء الانتخابات التشريعية.

ما شهدته ساحات الأقصى وأزقة القدس العتيقة في الأيام القليلة الماضية يعيد التأكيد على معادلتين: أولاهما كون الشعب الفلسطيني في الضفة والقدس وحتى في أراضي 48 جاهزاً وحاضراً للقيام بحركة شعبية قابلة لأن تتطور وتتصاعد حتى تصل إلى العصيان المدني وانتفاضة ثالثة طال انتظارها. فبمجرد إقدام الاحتلال على المساس بالمقدّسات تراجعت الهموم الحياتية للمواطن الفلسطيني لتأخذ مرتبة ثانية بعد الهم الوطني، فهذا الصامد في أرضه الذي يرى بأُم العين تغوّل الاستيطان، سواءً في الضفة أو عبر المحاولات المستمرة لتهويد القدس، أثبت أنه يدرك طبيعة الصراع وجوهره، ويفهم أكثر من غيره مسؤولياته التي لا يتردد في القيام بها، وكان هذا شاخصاً في مدى رقعة امتداد الاحتجاجات التي شملت بالإضافة إلى القدس أراضي الضفة الغربية ومناطق 48. وقد تجلى الوعي الفلسطيني في طبيعة الهتافات التي صدرت من قبيل “سامع يا صهيوني سامع.. جاي تسكير الشوارع..”، و”مِن أم الفحم تحية.. لقدسنا الأبية..”، و”بلا سلمية بلا بطّيخ.. بدنا أحجار وصواريخ.. يا أقصى إحنا جينا.. والشرطة ما تثنينا..”. ولعل الهتاف الأكثر بلاغة كان “حط السيف قبال السيف.. إحنا رجال محمد ضيف..”، فكان لافتاً أنه لم يُهتف باسم أيٍ من السياسيين سواءً أكانوا من “حماس” أم من “فتح”، بل هُتِف باسم القادة العسكريين والشهداء.

بمجرد إقدام الاحتلال على المساس بالمقدّسات تراجعت الهموم الحياتية للمواطن الفلسطيني لتأخذ مرتبة ثانية بعد الهم الوطني، فهذا الصامد في أرضه الذي يرى بأُم العين تغوّل الاستيطان، سواءً في الضفة أو عبر المحاولات المستمرة لتهويد القدس، أثبت أنه يدرك طبيعة الصراع وجوهره


أما المعادلة الثانية التي أكدت عليها هبّة باب العمود فكانت الخشية الكبيرة لدى العدو من تفاقم الوضع في الأراضي المحتلة، وظهر ذلك جلياً في طريقة تعاطيه مع الأحداث، سواءً أكان مع صواريخ المقاومة التي انطلقت من غزة بشكل محسوب دعماً لهبّة القدس، أو في تعامل شرطة الاحتلال مع المتظاهرين المقدسيين التي على ما يبدو تفادت سقوط شهداء بين المتظاهرين خوفاً من التصعيد.

وتمكن قراءة القلق الأمريكي أيضاً من انزلاق الوضع إلى انتفاضة ثالثة في لغة التصريح غير المألوفة الصادر عن المتحدث باسم الإدارة الأمريكية نيد برايس، حيث أبدى قلق الإدارة الأمريكية من تصاعد العنف في القدس، وطالب بوقف شعارات الكراهية مع الدعوة إلى الهدوء، بالإضافة إلى مطالبة السلطات بحفظ أمن وسلامة جميع من في القدس، على عكس الموقف الأمريكي التقليدي الذي ما انفك عن تحميل الفلسطينيين مسؤولية جرائم الاحتلال مشفوعاً بعبارته الممجوجة بأن لدى “إسرائيل” حق الدفاع عن النفس. ولم تكن هذه صحوة ضمير، بل مؤشرا على إدراكه للنتائج الوخيمة على كيان الاحتلال إذا ما تطورت الاحتجاجات لتصل إلى انتفاضة ثالثة، يُحتمَل أن تعم هذه المرة كل الأراضي المحتلة في القدس والضفة وأراضي 48، ويكون ظهرها محمياً بمقاومة مسلحة قادرة في غزة يدعمها محور مقاومة صاعد بات يغير المعادلات على الأرض، ويمكنه رسم الخطوط الحمر أمام كيان الاحتلال في طريقة تعاطيه مع انتفاضة الشعب الفلسطيني، خطوط حمر وقواعد اشتباك لن يجرؤ الاحتلال على تجاوزها كما بات واضحاً في سلوكه خلال الأعوام القليلة الماضية.

هاتان المعادلتان كانتا الحاكمتين خلال السنوات الثلاث أو الأربع الأخيرة على أقل تقدير وما تزالان، ونُذكّر بهبّة كاميرات الأقصى التي خسرها الاحتلال، والعمليات الفردية وعمليات الطعن والدهس المتكررة ضد المستوطنين، وتراجع نتنياهو عن تنفيذ خطة الضم في الأول من تموز الفائت خوفاً من اشتعال الأراضي المحتلة حسب تقارير أجهزته الأمنية والعسكرية، ناهيكم عن الحذر الشديد لدى الاحتلال من الانزلاق إلى مواجهة جديدة مفتوحة مع المقاومة في غزة، وتوازن الرعب الذي يعيشه المحتل على جبهة جنوب لبنان المحرر أمام حزب الله.

وعليه يصير السؤال المطروح بإلحاح على الفصائل الفلسطينية: أما حان الوقت للبناء على معادلات القوة هذه في الميدان بشكل منظم، مما يؤدي إلى انتزاع تنازلات حقيقية من العدو من قبيل تفكيك المستوطنات في الضفة أو وقف تهويد القدس على أقل تقدير؟

أما حان الوقت للبناء على معادلات القوة هذه في الميدان بشكل منظم، مما يؤدي إلى انتزاع تنازلات حقيقية من العدو من قبيل تفكيك المستوطنات في الضفة أو وقف تهويد القدس على أقل تقدير؟


لدى الشعب الفلسطيني وفصائله اليوم فرصة جديدة واقعية تتمثل بهبّة مقدسية مباركة يمكن تطويرها وتأطيرها، ويمكن من خلالها استعادة وحدة وطنية حقيقية في الميدان بين كل من يؤمن بمقاومة الاحتلال، عوضاً عن اللهث وراء مشاريع لن تؤدي إلا إلى زيادة التشظي في الساحة الفلسطينية كما حصل عقب القرار البائس في التوجه إلى انتخابات تشريعية في ظل الاحتلال وتحت سقف “أوسلو”.

وإذا ما سلمنا بأنه قد ثبُت بالدليل الحسي انقطاع الأمل في قيام السلطة الفلسطينية ورموز التنسيق الأمني بتعديل مسلكهم، عندها يصبح على عاتق الفصائل مع الذين ما زالوا يؤمنون في “فتح” الرصاصة الأولى لا “فتح” القبيلة؛ اجتراح السبل لتفعيل العمل الميداني، لمواكبة تحركات الشارع الفلسطيني المنتفض، وعلى السلطة حينها الاختيار بين أن تكون جزءاً من الشعب الفلسطيني الثائر أو الوقوف على الحياد، وإما أن تستمر بالتنسيق الأمني مع قوات الاحتلال، وعندها لا ملامة على شعبنا إن عاملها معاملة العملاء في الانتفاضتين السابقتين.

وختاماً نُذكِّر بأن تفعيل المقاومة الشعبية الجادة والعصيان المدني كانا من أهم مخرجات اجتماع أمناء الفصائل الأخير المنعقد في أيلول الماضي، فماذا إذن هم منتظرون؟

Bahrain’s Al Khalifa Regime: MBS Retreating, And So Are We!

Bahrain’s Al Khalifa Regime: MBS Retreating, And So Are We!

By Latifa al-Husseini

The photo joining Bahrain King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa and Cleric Sayyed Abdullah al-Ghuraifi will represent nothing but a dual meeting. No signs that the session the Bahraini regime sought to exaggerate will establish any decisive solution that would exit the kingdom from the ten-year-old unending crisis.

Inspecting the aims behind Al Khalifa’s receiving of Sayyed Abdullah al-Ghuraifi isn’t an unsolved puzzle. Many similar meetings and a repeated style questions trust in the ruling regime whose record is full of abusing each and every detail and issue.

Five days earlier, on April 25, Hamad bin Isa received Sayyed al-Ghuraifi with a group of scholars and clerics in a meeting meant to congratulate on the occurrence of the holy month of Ramadan. The king was keen to appear to the people smiling in the photo disseminated by his official media. The guest, however, didn’t appear smiling at all. The meeting is the second of its kind between the two sides in five months.

In December, Sayyed al-Ghuraifi visited the Saferiya Palace after ten years of estrangement. It followed the tightened grip against the political and popular opposition, in which every demander of rights ended either behind bars or martyred.

“It is just a waste of time,” this is how senior Bahraini opposition sources described the meeting. “Those who want an actual solution to the problem and starting a dialogue with the opposition after years of oppression, detention, torture, suppression, negligence, killing, and execution, won’t be satisfied with an imagery photo that don’t reflect any seriousness,” the source added.

“Sayyed Abdullah al-Ghuraifi doesn’t shut a door in front of the regime due to his religious rank,” the senior sources analyzed, “however, the regime is awaiting opportunities to promote what it wants to show the foreign public opinion in the first place, then the local one.”

Nothing to be mentioned about the meeting. It is just that it slightly broke the ice between the opposition and the regime that didn’t offer any real initiative that solutions might be built upon. Those observing the exacerbating political and rights situations in Bahrain know very well that tightening the security fist inside the kingdom doesn’t match the claims of openness to the people’s demands and those representing them.

Would the king release around 2000 political, not criminal, detainees inside his prisons? Will the regime’s apparatuses suddenly treat them humanely and treat those whose health situations intentionally deteriorated due to the negligence of his personnel and prisons’ administrations, especially the notorious Jaw Prison? Would the regime allow the opposition figures to breathe and restore their unjustly usurped freedom? Would the national identity be restored to those whose citizenships were revoked? Will the collective and Friday prayers return to their golden days in Duraz? Will the regime revive those who are now under the soil?

Those are realistic questions to which the sources add the following: “Will the regime stop its unending violence against a big sect of its people? Will it accept that the jurisdiction established justice indeed? Will it accept that the parliament carry out its observatory role to hold the government accountable? Will it stop curtailing his power and respond to the criticism and accusations?”

 Despite the gloomy situation in Bahrain, it should be said that something is happening. This is what the Bahraini sources hint to.

According to their information, the king’s latest step goes along with the calmness in the region, especially after the recent stances voiced by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman [MBS], and his retreating rhetoric regarding Iran. Unlike what he believed before, MBS said “Iran is a neighboring country, and we want good and special relations with it. We don’t want Iran’s situation to be difficult, we want it prosperous.”

So, the Bahraini opposition’s issue is related to the Iranian-Saudi dialogue. In this context comes releasing female detainee Zakiya al-Barbouri who was detained three years ago during a fierce raid that targeted civilian houses in the town of Nuweiderat.

The Bahraini opposition examines what it happening at home very carefully. It is true that things are turning to calmness, but the lost trust in the authority’s performance and its continued elusiveness won’t let it rest until an inclusive solution to the crisis prevails, in which citizens obtain their rights.

Despite all the dominant fear, the opposition is always open to any step that seems positive. Prominent Cleric Ayatollah Sheikh Isa Qassim identified, in his advisory words, the way to exit this complicated calamity. He emphasized that “solving the crisis that threatens with complete destruction depends on the ruler’s retreating his mistake, and doing this is a grace.”

Ayatollah Qassim called on the regime to initiate an agreement with the opposition to set a new constitutional, institutional, and practical situation that preserves the rights of the citizens and admits their sovereign position in their country’s policy.

Upon this, the good will be returned with another good; and the stance made by al-Wefaq National Islamic Society’s Deputy Secretary General, Sheikh Hussein al-Daihi, is clear in this regard as he confirmed that any step forward made by the crown prince will be met with more step forwards.

It is the kingdom of “retweets”, which waits the regional events to similarly stop oppressing its people, or it is just perhaps to have some rest before resuming its actions in another situation.

Jewish Settlers Set Palestinian Vehicles on Fire near Jerusalem (VIDEO)

April 28, 2021

Jewish settlers set Palestinian cars on fire. (Photo: Video Grab)

Jewish settlers Wednesday overnight set three Palestinian-owned vehicles on fire near the village of Beit Iksa, northwest of Jerusalem, according to the Palestinian news agency WAFA.

Local sources said that a group of Jewish settlers torched the vehicles, which were parked nearby the illegal Israeli settlement of Ramot, spray-painted racist graffiti, and smashed the window shields of other vehicles parked in the area.

In March, Jewish settlers set two Palestinian vehicles on fire and scrawled hate graffiti in the village.

“Price tag” refers to an underground anti-Palestinian Israeli group that routinely attacks Palestinians in the occupied territories and inside Israel.

The Israeli government still refuses to label it as a terrorist organization and considers it only a group of vandals.

Settler violence against Palestinians and their property is routine in the West Bank and is rarely prosecuted by Israeli authorities.

Settler violence includes property and mosque arsons, stone-throwing, uprooting of crops and olive trees, attacks on vulnerable homes, among others.

There are over 700,000 Israeli settlers living in colonial settlements across occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank in violation of international law.

(WAFA, PC, Social Media)

Islamic Jihad: Al-Aqsa Mosque Is A Red Line, the Resistance Will Respond to Any Attack Reciprocally

23/4/2021

Islamic Jihad: Al-Aqsa Mosque Is A Red Line, the Resistance Will Respond to Any Attack Reciprocally

Translated by Staff

The Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement commented on the Resistance’s response to the “Israeli” attacks against the al-Aqsa Mosque and the Jerusalemites.

In its official account on Twitter, the resistance movement affirmed that the Palestinians, with their cohesion and unity, would break the enemy’s thorn and thwart its aggressive plots.

It further stressed that “the al-Aqsa Mosque is a red line, and the Jerusalemites and all the Palestinians supporting them, will not allow the settlers to desecrate al-Aqsa”.

The Islamic Jihad movement believed that the “Israeli” raids on Gaza will not deter the resistance from carrying out its duties whenever needed.

It asserted that “the Resistance will respond to any attack reciprocally, protect our people, and will not allow the enemy to bypass the rules of engagement”.

The movement also indicated that “the Resistance proves once again its cohesion and engagement with popular accomplishment and its never-ending readiness to protect it and maintain its continuation”.

Related

Dozens of Palestinians Injured After Attacks By ‘Israeli’ Police in Occupied Al-Quds

Dozens of Palestinians Injured After Attacks By ‘Israeli’ Police in Occupied Al-Quds

By Staff, Agencies

The Palestinian Red Crescent announced that at least 105 Palestinian were wounded, of which around 20 have been transferred to hospital amid the confrontations that took place with the “Israeli” occupation forces overnight in East occupied al-Quds.

The ‘Israeli’ occupation regime forces fired stun grenades and foul-smelling skunk water cannons at Palestinians trying to hold their usual Ramadan evening gatherings after iftar outside the Damascus Gate, a historic landmark on the north side of the occupied Old City of al-Quds, on Thursday.

Dozens of arrests were made following the attacks and confrontations in downtown al-Quds, where ‘Israeli’ settlers and Palestinian demonstrators squared off with security forces – and reportedly with each other – as police struggled to keep them apart.

The occupied al-Quds District Police kept a heavy presence in the city on Thursday night and into Friday morning amid the confrontations, which saw scores of ‘Israeli’ settlers streamed through the holy city, some taking part in menacing chants such as “Death to the Arabs” and “May your village burn down,” according to local news reports.

Footage circulating on social media showed a number of scenes from the confrontation, including when police unleashed stun grenades and “skunk water” cannons on the crowds. Mounted officers were also present.

Other unconfirmed footage purported to show an attack on an Arab household by a Zionist group, in which settlers are seen hurling objects at the home, while yet another clip appeared to depict a Palestinian demonstrator hitting an officer with a stone at point-blank range.

Fires were also ignited in the street by protesters, with videos showing a vehicle going up in flames and what appeared to be a public security camera destroyed and set ablaze.

The unrest comes amid a string of violence during the Muslim holiday of Ramadan, which has seen tit-for-tat attacks and reprisals between Palestinians and Zionist occupation settlers.

Related

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestinei (08 – 14 April 2021)

Source

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (08 – 14 April 2021)

 April 15, 2021

Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine

08 – 14 April 2021

  • IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank: Palestinian child lost his eye by IOF’s shooting while 4 other civilians were injured, including a journalist.
  • Three IOF shootings reported at agricultural areas
  • In 135 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 94 civilians arrested, including 6 children, 3 women and a candidate running for elections
  • Ramadan Iftar Meals Banned entry, al-Aqsa Mosque raided, and the loudspeakers for the Addhan damaged.
  • Children activity “Tamr Hendi” banned in East Jerusalem
  • 13 dunums confiscated and construction of 2540 housing units approved in 2 settlements in occupied Jerusalem
  • A house and an agricultural room demolished in Bethlehem while a house notified of stopping construction works in Hebron
  • IOF established 53 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 7 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

Summary                                                                                        

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians that are mostly conducted after midnight and in the early morning hours. IOF arrested the representative of “Jerusalem is Our Destiny” list running for Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections while Ramadan Iftar meals were banned entry into al-Aqsa Mosque, which was raided and the wires of the loudspeakers used for addhan were cut.  Moreover, 13 dunums were confiscated this week and construction of hundreds of housing units were approved in 2 settlements in East Jerusalem. Even more, IOF continued its demolition operations and delivery of cease-construction and demolition notices in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. PCHR documented 200 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

Five Palestinians, including a child and a photojournalist, were injured due to IOF excessive use of force against civilians in the West Bank: the child was injured in his eye in clashes with IOF in Hebron; as a result, he lost his eye while the fourt civilians, including the photojournalist, were all injured in suppression of a protest in al-Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem.  Also, dozens suffocated due to tear gas inhalation, and others were wounded in IOF assaults during house raids across the West Bank.

In the Gaza Strip, 3 IOF shootings were reported on agricultural lands in eastern Gaza Strip.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 135 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 94 Palestinians were arrested, including 6 children and 3 women.  In the Gaza Strip, IOF carried out a limited incursion into eastern al-Maghazi refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 6 incidents:

  • East Jerusalem: 13 dunums confiscated from Hizma village and construction of 2540 housing units approved in “Givat Hamatos” and ” Har Homa” settlements.
  • Bethlehem: an agricultural room demolished in al-Khader village, and a house demolished in ‘Osh al-Ghorab neighborhood in Beit Sahour.
  • Hebron: construction works stopped in a house upon a notice in Susya village, south of Yatta, 2 tents and an iron fence used as a sheep barn dismantled, south of Dura.


Settler-attacks:
 PCHR fieldworkers reported settlers’ riots in the eastern outskirts of ‘Ein Yabud village, east of Ramallah.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF declared complete closure of the West Bank and all of the Gaza Strip crossings for “Independence Day.”  According to the IOF’s announcement, the closure started at 19:00 on Tuesday, 13 April 2021, and last until 00:00 on Friday, 15 April 2021. IOF said exceptions would be made for “humanitarian, medical and special cases”.

This comes in a time when the Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity

  • At approximately 10:30 on Friday, 09 April 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Deir al-Balah city, in the center of the Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian shepherds; no causalities were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00 on Friday, 09 April 2021, a group of Palestinian young men gathered in al-Zawiyia Gate area in the center of Hebron, and threw stones at the military checkpoint (56), which is established on the closed al-Shuhada Street. IOF chased Palestinian young men, fired sound bombs, and teargas canisters at them. As a result, many stone-throwers suffocated due to teargas inhalation. IOF continued to chase the young men into Abu al-Humus road, which leads to al-Shiekh neighborhood’s entrance, and indiscriminately fired rubber bullets at them and at shops. As a result, ‘Izz al-Deen Nedal al-Batsh (13) was shot with a rubber bullet in his right eye while he was in his father’s grocery shop and was taken to Hebron Governmental Hospital. Al-Batsh was then referred to St John Jerusalem Eye Hospital, where he underwent a surgery to remove his eye completely due to a laceration. Clashes between IOF and Palestinian young men continued until 17:30; no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF suppressed a peaceful protest organized by dozens of Palestinian young men and international and Israeli activists in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood against the displacement of 19 Palestinian families from the neighborhood, north of occupied East Jerusalem, in favor of settlers. The protestors gathered near the neighborhood entrance, raised banners against the ethnic cleansing and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation, settlement and ethnic cleansing decisions issued in favor of Israeli settlers. Afterwards, Israeli police arrived at the area and surrounded it. They then attacked the protestors and forcibly tried to disperse them. Meanwhile, hand to-hand fighting occurred between the protestors and IOF, who fired rubber bullets at the protestors. As a result, Mahmoud ‘Eliyan, a photojournalist at Al-Quds Newspaper, was shot with a rubber bullet in his right leg, in addition to 3 other protestors. In addition, IOF beat the Israeli Knesset Member, Ofer Kseif, pushed him to the ground and tore his clothes in addition to arresting three Israeli activists, who protested against the demolition and displacement decisions. The Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) stated that its crews treated on the spot nine injuries in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood; 5 were beaten and 4 were shot with rubber bullets.

The Israeli Knesset Member, Ofer Kseif, stated to Israeli media that the Israeli police do not allow people to protest, and despite telling them that he is a Knesset Member, they beat them and broke his glasses. As a result, he sustained wounds and bruises in his left eye. Kseif pointed out that Israeli police only provides protection for settlers, who attack and seize Palestinians’ houses in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood.

  • At approximately 20:30 on Saturday, 10 April 2021, a large number of IOF accompanied with a Skunk carrying vehicle moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, after an Israeli bus, which accidentally entered the village, was set on fire. IOF closed the village, established checkpoints at its entrances and then pulled the bus out of the village. Meanwhile, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones at IOF, who attacked the stone-throwers and fired teargas canisters at them. IOF also raided and searched several houses, where they arrested 3 civilians, including 2 children. The arrestees were identified as Hasan Yaser Darwish (14), Ahmed ‘Issam Darwish (20) and his brother Majed (16).
  • At approximately 22:30 on Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of al-Qarara village, and fired flare bombs in the sky. No causalities were reported.
  • At approximately 00:00 on Tuesday, 13 April 2021, a large number of IOF backed by military vehicles moved into Aqabat Jaber camp, southwest of Jericho, and established a checkpoint at the camp’s entrance. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at the IOF and their vehicles. IOF immediately fired sound bombs and teargas canisters heavily at the young men. As a result, dozens of them suffocated due to teargas inhalation.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 13 April 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of al-Qarara village; no causalities were reported.
  1. Incursions and arrests

Thursday, 08 April 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Beit Furik village, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched Ma’rouf Khatatba’s house, in Bir al-Shid area. Meanwhile, IOF moved into al-Qubbah neighborhood. They raided and searched Mohammed Nasrallah al-Shambar’s house, confiscated 25,000 NIS, and handed them a warrant of the confiscated money.
  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Karisa village, east of Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched Rizq Musallam al-Rajoub’s (55) house, and took him to an unknown destination. It should be noted that al-Rajoub is a leader in Hamas Movement, and he was arrested several times.
  • At approximately 01:15, IOF moved into al-Masaken al-Sha’biya neighborhood, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ibrahim Alaa al-Dein Bushaqar (20).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Anas Isma’el Mousa’s (22) house, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Azzun village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Rajeh Ghazi Shubeita (19) and Mohammed Zuhair Abed (17), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:40, IOF moved into Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Adham Omar Abu ‘Arqoub’s (23) house, and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Kafr Malik village, northeast of Ramallah. They raided and searched Khaled Ahmed Ba’irat’s (42) house, and arrested them.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Wadi Abu al-Samen area, south of Hebron. They deployed in the area, closed the road leading to houses belonging to Abu Sbaih family, raided and searched several houses, and demolished walls around the houses. IOF claimed that they found military equipment, arrested (6) civilians, including a father and his 3 sons, before they withdrew at approximately 11:00. The arrestees are: Jehad Khalil Abu Sbaih (44), Hamza Khalil Abu Sbaih (49), Dawoud Mohammed Abu Sbaih (50), and his sons; Wael (20), Basel (19), and Na’el (24).
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF arrested Ashraf Abdul Jabbar al-Hasanat (47), from al-Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, when he was near the main entrance to the camp. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 08:30, IOF stormed Sons of Jerusalem Sport Club, at al-Sa’diya neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. IOF hanged a decision signed by the Israeli Minister of Internal Security to ban an event for children titled “Tamr Hindi”, which was to supposed to be held at the Club’s stadium in the afternoon. IOF claimed that the abovementioned event is funded by the PA and left a summons for the Club’s Manager, Samira Riyad al-Jo’ba, to refer to Mascovia police center, and arrested the member of the Administrative Board, Subhi Syam.

The project coordinator at the club, Murad al-Ashhab, said to PCHR’s field worker that on Wednesday, IOF raided the club and started asking questions about “Tamr Hindi” event for children, after seeing the  advertising leaflets that were distributed to the children in al-Sa’diya neighborhood. On Thursday, IOF raided the club again and hanged a decision, signed by the Israeli Minister of Internal Security banning the event, and notified the employees of that. In addition, IOF left a summons for the Club’s Manager, Samira Riyad al-Jo’ba, to refer to Mascovia police center, and arrested the member of the Administrative Board, Subhi Syam after raiding his house. They were interrogated for 3 hours about the event celebrating the reopening of the club after its closure due to the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown, and then they were released after warning them of holding any event in the upcoming days under the pretext of being sponsored by the PA. Al-Ashhab added that at approximately 13:30, IOF stormed the club again to make sure that no events were held inside the club, and ordered all the employees and children, who were playing football, to leave.

Al-Ashhab said that the event was an entertaining day for children, and the employees were preparing various games for them.

  • At approximately 13:00, IOF arrested Ahmed Yehya Ayyad (28), from Abu Dis village, southeast of the occupied East Jerusalem, while crossing a temporary checkpoint established near “Ma’ale Adumim” settlement, east of the occupied city. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF stopped a car in al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem, and arrested Ahmed Dawoud al-Hidra (17) and Mahmoud Khalil al-Hidra (17), from the abovementioned neighborhood. They were taken to one of the police centers, interrogated for several hours and then were released.
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF stationed at a temporary military checkpoint established near “Psagot” settlement, east of al-Bireh, north of Ramallah governorate, arrested Abdul Rahman Jamil Matariyya (17), from al-Bireh.
  • IOF carried out (9) incursions in Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin; Sebastia, Salem, Deir al-Hatab, Azmut, Kafr Qallil, and Rujeib villages in Nablus governorate; Bani Na’im and al-Majd villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 09 April 2021:

  • At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Abu Freiha area in Beit Sahur, east of Bethlehem governorate. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ra’ed Ibrahim ‘Abayat (42), and handed Abdullah Mohammed Abu ‘Abayat (26) a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF moved into Hizma, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Jareh Farouk Salah al-Dein (48) and Ibrrahim Ali Salah al-Dein (30), and arrested them.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Jamma’in village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched a house belonging to the prisoner Nafiz Nayef Haj Husein (42), in the eastern side of the village, arrested his wife, Elham ‘Aaref Haj Husein (40), and confiscated her husband’s monthly salary, (4,000 NIS). Elham was taken to “Ariel” settlement, near Salfit, interrogated about the salary for 3 hours, and released next day morning. IOF informed her not to receive any salary for her husband.
  • At approximately 02:45, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed Ghassan Mansour (19), and Ahmed Eyad al-Sa’di (19).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Iraq Burin village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Osama Mohammed Qa’dan (25) and Amro Jubran Qadous (21).
  • At approximately 10:20, IOF moved into al- Nassariya village, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Amro Husny Jabara (30).
  • IOF carried out an incursion in Beita, southeast of Nablus. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 10 April 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Dura and Sa’ir villages, in Hebron. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Isma’el Hussein al-‘Awawda (33), and Isma’el Fawzi al-Tarwa (40).
  • IOF carried out (3) incursions in Hebron, Beit Ummar, and Surif villages, in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 11 April 2021:

  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Harmala village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (4) civilians; Fadi Adel Attallah (22), Hamza Awad Attallah (24), Ibrahim Wajeeh al-Sabbah (23), and Bassam Ibrahim al-Zeir (38).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Mahmoud Ahmed Abu al-Rab (19), Mohammed Tayseer Thyab (20), and Mohammed Najeh Kmeil (20).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF backed by several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They deployed in several neighborhood in the city, raided and searched three houses and arrested (3) civilians. The arrestees are Mustafa Kamel Shawar, Anas Ameer Rasras (51), and Omar Abdul Qader al-Qawasmah (52).
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF backed by several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Mohammed Waheed Abu Maria’s (29) house and arrested him. Meanwhile, IOF handed Hatem Ahmed Rasheed Abu Maria (31) a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Hindaza village in Bethlehem. They blew up the door, raided and searched Hasan Mohammed Wardian’s (62) house, one of the candidates on the Hamas-affiliated list “Jerusalem is Our Destiny”, after 5 days of his arrest.
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF moved into Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mujahed Sa’ed al-Shunni (22) and Yousef Monthir Alian (22), and arrested them.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF backed by five military bulldozers moved 50-100 meters into the east of al-Maghazi in the central Gaza Strip to the west of the border fence. They leveled and combed lands, and deployed inside the border fence after several hours.
  • At approximately 23:30, IOF severely beaten and arrested Adam Qara’in (18), from Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, when he was at Ras al-Amud neighborhood. Qara’in sustained wounds and bruises, and he was taken to one of the detention centers in the city before he was referred to Hadassah Medical Center to receive treatment.
  • IOF carried out (6) incursions in Arraba and Mirka villages, southwest of Jenin; Dura, Idhna, Deir Sammit and Samu villages, in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 12 April 2021:

  • At approximately 00:00, IOF stationed at al-Container military checkpoint arrested Hammad Ahmed Abu Maria (28), from Beit Ummar, north of Hebron, while passing through the checkpoint. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 01:40, IOF moved into Deir Jarir village, northeast of Ramallah. They raided and searched 2 houses and arrested Mahmoud Naser Ma’ali (24), and Abdul ‘Alim Olwi (52). Later, IOF released Olwi.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed Sameer Abu Obaida (23), and his brother, Ramiz (19).
  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Urif village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ahmed Fo’ad Sabbah (24).
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Burqin, west of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Yazan Atef Obaidy (26).
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan village, west of Salfit. They raided and searched Yehya Mohammed Mir’ai’s (24) house, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Teqoa, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (10) civilians. The arrestees are: Mohammed Mahmoud al-‘Amour (22), Mohanad Nimir al-‘Amour (23), Mohammed Rebhi al-‘Amour (22), Sufian Awdat Allah al-‘Amour (26), Mohammed Ibrahim al-‘Amour (25), Anas Adel al-‘Amour (25), Oday Izzat al-‘Amour (20), Mohammed Ali al-’Amour (22), Shady Nayef al-‘Amour (23), and Bara’ Ta’ed al-‘Amour (22).
  • Around the same time, IOF backed by several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron, and stationed in ‘Asida area. IOF raided and searched Hammad Ahmed Abu Maria’s (36) house, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Arraba, southwest of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mona Hussain Qa’dan (48).
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Yasid village, north of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Shams Ghaleb Mashaqi (31), a Masters Student and novelist.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Ahmed Khwais (49), Mohammed al-Sayyad (49), and Tawfiq Abu Sbeitan (50).
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF backed by several military vehicles moved into al-Balu’ neighborhood, in al-Bireh, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Najeh Abdullah Dar ‘Assi’s (47) house, detained his family in one room and arrested him. It should be noted that ‘Assi is a candidate on the “Jerusalem is Our Destination” electoral list and its representative in the West Bank in the 2021 Legislative Council elections scheduled on 22 May 2021.

Alia Abdul Samad, Najeh ‘Assi’s wife, said to PCHR’s field worker that:

IOF backed by four military vehicles stationed near our building, where we live in the second floor. We heard knocks on our door, so my husband went to open the door.  We were surprised with 17 Israeli soldiers shouting and then held my husband and handcuffed him.  The soldiers spread in the house and held me and my children; Mohammed (10), Abdullah (14), and Sadil (18), in the living room. They ordered my husband to give them his cell phone  and confiscated it. I tried to give my husband a jacket and shoes to wear due to the cold weather, but the soldiers refused, threatened me at gunpoint and one of them ordered me not to move and stay with my childrenBefore they withdrew, IOF arrested Najeh and took him in one of the military vehicles stationed in front of our house.  The lawyer informed us then that Najeh was taken to “Ofer” detention center in Beitunia village, west of Ramallah.”

  • IOF carried out (9) incursions in Nablus, Tulkarm, Shufa, and Far’un villages in Tulkarm goverorate; Bani Na’im and Surif, in Hebron; Ramallah, Deir Abu Masha’al, and Shuqba, near Ramallah. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 13 April 2021:

  • At approximately 00:00, IOF moved into Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mukhtar ’Amer Qara’een’s (19) house, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Nawwaf Ayman Abu al-Hawa’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • In the evening, IOF tightened its restrictions on the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, established checkpoints and increased the number of its forces, especially at the gates of the Aqsa Mosque on the first day of Ramadan. Few minutes before Iftar, IOF banned distribution of hundreds of Iftar meals on the people fasting in al-Ghazaly yard, near al-Asbat gate (Gate of the Tribes), one of al-Aqsa Mosque’s gates, and confiscated them. And before the Isha Prayer, IOF stormed al-Aqsa Mosque, and raided the minarets there after breaking the doors. They cut all the loudspeaker cables in the Mosque to mute the Addhan, the Taraweeh and Isha prayers so it cannot be heard in al-Buraq yard, west of the Mosque. IOF claimed that they were disturbing the settlers’ Talmudic prayers and rituals.
  • IOF carried out (10) incursions in Nablus, Beit Furik, and al-Badhan in Nablus governorate; Mirka, southeast of Jenin; al-Jalamah village, north of Jenin; Jaba’, Silat al-Dhahr, and Fandaqumiya, south of Jenin; al-‘Aroub refugee camp and Bani Na’im, in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 14 April 2021:

  • At approximately 00:30, IOF chased, attacked and arrested (6) civilians near Bab al-‘Amoud neighborhood, in the occupied East Jerusalem, claiming that they were throwing stones at three Israeli busses carrying settlers. Eyewitnesses said that IOF vacated the terraces of Bab al-Amud by force, beat up the people there and chased them.  They arrested (6) civilians and took them to al-Bareed police center on Salah al-Dein street in the city. The arrestees were Mo’taz Mahmoud al-Hajj, Qusai Ashour, Ahmed al-Rashq, Ali Hamdan, Mohammed Isma’el and Nabil Shreiteh.
  • At approximately 06:00, Ahmed Marwan Abu Jom’a (20) surrendered himself to the Israeli Intelligence Services in al-Maskobiya police center, in West Jerusalem, after IOF raided his house, on Monday, to arrest him, but nobody was home.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF arrested Jawad Eisa Jaradat (24), from Sa’ir, north of Hebron, after stopping him at a temporary military checkpoint established at the northern entrance of the village.
  • At approximately 18:45, IOF arrested Mahmoud Shawish (26), when he was in al-Aqsa Mosque’s yards, in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City.
  • At approximately 19:10, IOF arrested Mohanad al-Bashiti (24), while present at Bab Hutta area, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s gates, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • On Thursday morning, 08 April 2021, IOF handed citizens from Hizma village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, decisions to confiscate 13 dunums from their lands in the village to build a new street.
  • Shokri Radaydah, Mayor of Hizma, said that the decision issued by the IOF include 13 dunums from the village lands extending from the village entrance in the western side to the northern side in order to build a new high Radaydah added that in addition to the 13 dunums, the 150 dunums located behind the street will be affected as well as IOF will control the access of the owners into their lands by establishing 3 gates as declared by the IOF.  Radaydah said that if IOF decided to continue building the road in the future, hundreds of other dunums will be confiscated.
  • In the same morning, the Israeli Municipality in Jerusalem approved the construction of 2000 housing units in “Givat HaMatos” settlement established on the lands of Beit Safafa village and 540 housing units in “Har Homa” settlement established on Abu Ghneim Mountain, south of Jerusalem.

Ha’aretz said that the final approval on the construction of the housing units in Har Homa settlement, south of Jerusalem, just needs the approval of the Ministry of Interior’s District committee. However, Ha’aretz added that construction of more than 2,000 additional housing units is slated to begin in “Givat Hamatos” settlement near Har Homa, south of Jerusalem.  The construction in the two settlements would cut off the Palestinian neighborhood of Beit Safafa from the West Bank and would block any possible division of Jerusalem between Israel and the Palestinians as part of a solution to the conflict.

  • At approximately 18:00 on Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF demolished an agricultural room belonging to Salah al-Deen Ahmed Salah in al-Bireh and al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem for the second time under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

Salah al-Deen Salah said that an Israeli military force stormed his land and demolished the room in addition to confiscating its contents.  Salah added that the room is built of steel and wood and this kind of rooms does not need a license as it is used for storage and agricultural purposes.  Salah said that this is the second time IOF demolish the room as it was demolished last January.

  • At approximately 11:00 on Monday, 12 April 2021, IOF backed by 2 military vehicles and accompanied with a vehicle belonging to the Israeli Civil Administration moved into Susya village, south of Yatta, south of Hebron. The soldiers deployed between the houses while the Civil Administration officer handed Khalil Hussein Mohammed Shreih a notice to stop construction works in his under-construction house of 200 sqms under the pretext of unlicensed construction in Area C.
  • Around the same time, IOF backed by military vehicles and accompanied with an Israeli Civil Administration vehicle and a bulldozer moved into Khelet Taha area, south of Dura, southwest of Hebron. The soldiers deployed in the area and the Civil Administration officers started dismantling 2 tents of shed cloth and steel pillars set on 10 sqms in addition to an iron fence used as a sheep barn belonging to ‘Eid Soliman Saray’ah (40) from Yatta, south of Hebron.  It should be noted that the Israeli authorities declared Um Hothwah area as a state property declared in 1981.  In the last few months, the settlers built a settlement road connecting that area with “Negohot” settlement.
  • In the same morning, IOF demolished a house belonging to Shaker Nayef Ja’abees in Marj al-Ghozlan area in ‘Osh al-Ghorab neighborhood in Beit Sahour, east of Bethlehem, under the pretext of its location near the main street.

Hussein Breijiyieh, Director of the Annexation and Settlement Resistance Commission, said that IOF demolished a 80-sqm house in Marj al-Ghozlan area in Beit Sahour belonging to Shaker Ja’abees from Jerusalem after giving him 96 hours to demolish it and vacate the contents.  It should be noted that Shaker Ja’abees self-demolished his house in Jabal Mukaber neighborhood in 2013 pursuant to the Israeli Municipality’s decision under the pretext of unlicensed construction, and he moved to live in his parents’ house with his wife and 5 children.

Settler attacks on Palestinian civilians and their property

  • At approximately 13:00 on Friday, 10 April 2021, a group of settlers from “Ofra” settlement, east of Ramallah, attacked the eastern outskirts of ‘Ein Yabrud village, east of Ramallah. The settlers rioted the area while the villagers attempted to confront them and threw stones at them.  Immediately, the settlers opened fire and fled away; no injuries were reported.

Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF declared complete closure of the West Bank and all of the Gaza Strip crossings for “Independence Day.”  According to the IOF’s announcement, the closure started at 19:00 on Tuesday, 13 April 2021, and last until 00:00 on Friday, 15 April 2021. IOF said exceptions would be made for “humanitarian, medical and special cases”.

This comes in a time when the Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West bank:

In addition to 108 permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals 53 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 7 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • On Thursday, 08 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Eizariya village, east of the city.
  • On Saturday, 10 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Biddu and Anata villages, and near Jab’ village’s intersection, northeast of the city.
  • On Monday, 12 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Anata village, northeast of the city.
  • On Tuesday, 13 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Eizariya village, east of the city.
  • On Wednesday, 14 April 2021, IOF closed Kalandia checkpoint, under the pretext of finding a suspicious object, and reopened it later.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 08 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint near Dar Salah village’s bridge, east of the city.
  • On Friday, 09 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village and near al-Nashash intersection, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 10 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village and under Al-Khader village’s bridge, south of the city.
  • On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Beit Fajjar village and at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, east of the city.
  • On Tuesday, 13 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village and in ‘Aqbet Hasna area, west of the city.
  • On Wednesday, 14 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint in ‘Aqbet Hasna area, west of the city.

Ramallah:

  • On Thursday, 08 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Turmus Ayya and Nabi Salih villages.
  • On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the northern entrance to Al-Bireh city.
  • On Monday, 12 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Beit_Ur_al-Fauqa and Turmus Ayya villages, and at the intersection of Taybeh village.

Jericho:

  • On Thursday, 08 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection of Al-Jiftlik village, north of the city.
  • On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the northern entrance to the city.
  • On Monday, 12 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Jericho and at the entrance to Ein ad-Duyuk village.

Nablus:

  • On Friday, 09 April 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection of “Shafi Shimron” settlement, west of the city.
  • On Tuesday, 13 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the intersection of “Shafi Shimron” settlement, west of the city, and at the intersection of “Yitzhar” settlement, east of the city.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 08 April 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Beit Ummar and Beit Awwa  villages and at the southern and northern entrances to Halhul city.
  • On Friday, 09 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to as-Samu and Al-Majd villages.
  • On Saturday, 10 April 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrance to as-Samu village, at the western entrance to Hebron, at the northern entrance to Yatta city, and at the entrance to Fawwar refugee camp.
  • On Monday, 12 April 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Hebron and at the entrance to Al-Arroub refugee camp.
  • On Wednesday, 14 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Surif, Ash-Shuyukh and Beit Kahil villages.

Salfit:

  • On Sunday, 11 April 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Salfit, Kafr ad-Dik and Qarawat Bani Hassan villages.

Palestinian MP Khalida Jarrar Sentenced to 2 Years in Prison

February 19, 2020

Palestinian prisoner Khalida Jarrar. (Photo: via Social Media)

By Khalida Jarrar

UPDATE: On March 1, 2021, Palestinian MP Khalida Jarrar was formally sentenced by the Ofer Military Court to two years in prison and issued a fine of $1,200. She was arrested from her home in Ramallah in October 2019. She was accused of “assuming a position” in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The latter is the second-largest party in the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).

Introduction

Khalida Jarrar is a Palestinian feminist, a lawyer, educator and an elected parliamentarian. Over the years, she came to symbolize Palestinian popular resistance in the occupied West Bank, enraging the Israeli occupation authorities that arrested her repeatedly.

Despite her failing health, as she is suffering from multiple ischemic infarctions and hypercholesterolemia, the 57-year-old feminist leader was thrown in jail, and placed in solitary confinement on many occasions.

After her release from prison in February 2019, she was rearrested in October, and is currently held under a precarious Israeli law known as ‘administrative detention’. This law is inconsistent with international law and the most basic requirements of fair trial in democratic countries, as prisoners are incarcerated for prolonged periods, without charge or due process.

Between her release and re-arrest, Jarrar contributed a Foreword to my latest book, These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons. Expectedly, her articulated message was that of the strength of character, determination, courage, and hope.

Below are excerpts of Jarrar’s Foreword, where she urges people around the world to “carry and communicate” the stories of Palestinian prisoners so that “someday, the walls of every prison may come tumbling down, ushering in the age of Palestinian freedom.”

The Age of Palestinian Freedom Will Come

Prison is not just a place made of high walls, barbed wire and small, suffocating cells with heavy iron doors. It is not just a place that is defined by the clanking sound of metal;  indeed, the screeching or slamming of metal is the most common sound you will hear in prisons, whenever heavy doors are shut, when heavy beds or cupboards are moved, when handcuffs are locked in position or loosened. Even the bosta — the notorious vehicles that transport prisoners from one prison facility to another — are metal beasts, their interior, their exterior, even their doors and built-in shackles.

No, prison is more than all of this. It is also stories of real people, daily suffering and struggles against the prison guards and administration. Prison is a moral position that must be made daily, and can never be put behind you.

Prison is comrades — sisters and brothers who, with time, grow closer to you than your own family. It is common agony, pain, sadness and, despite everything, also joy at times.

In prison, we challenge the abusive prison guard together, with the same will and determination to break him so that he does not break us. This struggle is unending and is manifested in every possible form, from the simple act of refusing our meals, to confining ourselves to our rooms, to the most physically and physiologically strenuous of all efforts -, the open hunger strike. These are but some of the tools which Palestinian prisoners use to fight for, and earn, their very basic rights, and to preserve some of their dignity.

Prison is the art of exploring possibilities; it is a school that trains you to solve daily challenges using the simplest and most creative means, whether it be food preparation, mending old clothes or finding common ground so that we may all endure and survive together.

In prison, we must become aware of time, because if we do not, it will stand still. So, we do everything we can to fight the routine, to take every opportunity to celebrate and to commemorate every important occasion in our lives, personal or collective.

I am honored to be part of this book, sharing my own story and writing this preface.

In this book, you will delve into the lives of men and women, read intimate stories that they have chosen to share with you, stories that may surprise you, anger you and even shock you. But they are crucial stories that must be told, read and retold.

The stories in this book are not written to shock you, but rather to illustrate even a small part of the daily reality endured by thousands of men and women, who are still confined within high walls, barbed wire and metal doors. When you read this book, you will have a frame of reference that will enable you to imagine, now and always, what life in an Israeli prison is like.

And every story, whether included in this book or not, is not a fleeting experience that only concerns the person who has lived it, but an event that shakes to the very core the prisoner, her comrades, her family, and her entire community. Each story represents a creative interpretation of a life lived, despite all the hardship, by a person whose heart beats with the love of her homeland and the longing for her precious freedom.

Each individual narrative is also a defining moment, a conflict between the will of the prison guard and all that he represents, and the will of the prisoners and what they represent as a collective, capable, when united, of overcoming incredible odds.

In actuality, these are not just prison stories. For Palestinians, the prison is a microcosm of the much larger struggle of a people who refuse to be enslaved on their own land, and who are determined to regain their freedom, with the same will and vigor carried by all triumphant, once-colonized nations.

The suffering and the human rights violations experienced by Palestinian prisoners, which run contrary to international and humanitarian law, are only one side of the prison story. The other side can only be truly understood and conveyed by those who have lived these harrowing experiences.

This book will allow you to live part of that experience by briefly touching the inspiring human trajectory of Palestinian men and women who have subsisted through defining moments, with all of their painful details and challenges.

Here, you can imagine what it feels like to lose a loving mother while being confined to a small cell, how to deal with a broken leg, to be left without family visitation for years at a time, to be denied your right to education and to cope with the death of a comrade.

While you will learn of the numerous acts of physical torture, psychological torment, and prolonged isolation, you will also discover the power of the human will, when men and women decide to fight back, to reclaim their natural rights and to embrace their humanity.

indeed, these are the stories of men and women who have collectively decided never to break, no matter how great the pressure and the pain.

I would like to conclude by saluting every female and every male prisoner who is eagerly awaiting the moment of their freedom and the freedom of their people. I salute those whose stories are written in this book and I thank them for allowing us a window into an intimate, painful chapter of their lives.

As for those whose stories were not conveyed here, simply because there are thousands upon thousands of personal narratives left untold, you are always in our hearts and minds.

Dear reader, please play your part, by listening to and conveying the stories of Palestinians, whether of those who are captive in Israeli prisons or those suffocating under Israeli occupation. Carry and communicate their message to the world so that, someday, the walls of every prison may come tumbling down, ushering in the age of Palestinian freedom.

How Britain and U.S. Killed the Bahrain Revolution

Former editor and writer for major news media organizations. He has written extensively on international affairs, with articles published in several languages

Finian Cunningham

February 17, 2021

Britain and the United States worked together to kill the Bahrain revolution of 2011 and its people’s long-held aspirations for democratic governance.

Ten years ago this week, the Bahraini people launched a daring, peaceful uprising against a despised and despotic monarchial regime. During the next four weeks, the Al Khalifa regime was rocked to its shaky foundations as hundreds of thousands of Bahrainis took to the streets of the Persian Gulf island state.

What followed, however, was a crucial – if despicable – intervention by Britain and the United States which unleashed a wave of brutal repression – a repression that continues to this day. Without this British and American operation, the Bahraini regime would have fallen to a popular uprising.

At stake for London and Washington was not just the tiny island of Bahrain itself but the stability of the entire chain of Persian Gulf monarchies, principally Saudi Arabia. The Gulf sheikhdoms are essential for maintaining the geopolitical interests of the Western powers in the Middle East, for propping up the petrodollar system which is paramount to American economic sustenance, and prolonging lucrative trade for British and American weapons manufacturers.

If Bahrain were to succumb to a democratic uprising by its people demanding free and fair elections, independent rule of law, more equitable economic governance, and so on, then the Gulf monarchies would be “threatened” by example. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Oman are the other Gulf states which are ruled over by monarchs. They are all clients of Western powers, facilitating American and British military bases across the region which are vital for power projection, for example prosecuting wars and confronting designated enemies like Iran. Bahrain hosts the U.S. Navy Fifth Fleet base as well as a new British naval base that was opened in 2016. In short, Bahrain could not be allowed to attain democracy as that would have a domino effect across the entire region jeopardizing U.S. and British interests.

The democratic aspirations of the Bahraini people are poignantly apposite. The majority of the indigenous population are followers of Shia Islam with many cultural connections to ancient Iran which lies to the north across the narrow Gulf sea. The Bahraini rulers descend from a colonial settler tribe which invaded the island in the 18th century. The Khalifa tribe hailed from the Arabian Peninsula originally. Their occupation of Bahrain was one of conquest and pillage. Unlike most Bahrainis the usurpers professed to following Sunni Islam and held the native population in contempt, lording over them and imposing arbitrary, extortionate levies under pain of death. But the British Empire constructed the new rulers into a monarchy in 1820 in order to perform a sentinel duty over the island in a key waterway leading to Britain’s imperial jewel in the crown, India. The British Empire had similar protectorate arrangements with all the other Gulf Arab territories.

Down through the centuries, British colonial officers and soldiers were relied on to enforce the Khalifa regime in Bahrain. Uprisings by the people would recur periodically and would be violently suppressed by British security forces.

The pattern was repeated during the 2011 Arab Spring revolts which swept across North Africa and the Middle East. Some of these revolts were manipulated or fomented by Western powers for regime change, such as in Syria and Libya. But in Bahrain, it was a truly democratic impulse that galvanized the Shia majority to once again demand their historic rights against what was viewed as an imposter, despotic regime.

Such was the regime’s shaky hold on power that the tide of popular uprising nearly swept it aside during the four weeks following the beginning of the Bahrain uprising on February 14, 2011. This author was present during this tumultuous time which saw up to 500,000 people take to the streets – nearly half the population. Pearl Roundabout in the capital, Manama, became a de facto “Republic of Bahrain” with peaceful encampments and daily throngs defiantly telling King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa that it was “game over” for his crony regime. It was a heady time and the regime’s imminent perilous fate was palpable. Plunging the people into a bloodbath would be the escape route for the rulers and their Western sponsors.

On March 14, 2011, thousands of troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates invaded Bahrain and began a bloody repression against unarmed protesters. People were rounded up for mass-detention and torture. Young men were shot dead at point-blank range. The vicious repression that began a decade ago continues to this day – albeit ignored by Western news media. All of the Bahraini pro-democracy leaders languish in prisons without due process. Several prisoners have been executed for alleged terrorist crimes after “confessions” were beaten out of them.

Only days before the Saudi-Emirati invasion of Bahrain, on March 9, 2011, the regime was visited by senior British and American security officials. On the British side were Sir Peter Ricketts, the national security advisor to then Prime Minister David Cameron, as well as General Sir David Richards, the head of British military. In a second separate meeting, on March 11, three days before the onslaught, the Khalifa regime was visited by then U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. We don’t know the details of those discussions but media reports stated at the time that the British and Americans were “offering their support for the royal family”.

Britain and the United States worked together to kill the Bahrain revolution of 2011 and its people’s long-held aspirations for democratic governance. The repression goes on with British and American officials frequently visiting Bahrain to express support for the Khalifa regime. Former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visited the island in August 2020 and fawned over the regime for its support to Washington’s policy of normalizing ties with Israel. There is no sign of the new Biden administration taking a more critical position towards Bahrain. Indeed it was the Obama administration in which Biden was vice president that colluded with Britain in the slaughter of the Bahraini revolution back in 2011.

Thus, when Britain and the United States talk about promoting democracy and human rights in places like Hong Kong, Venezuela, Russia, or anywhere else, just remember their bankrupt credibility as proven by Bahrain. Western news media – despite their claims of freedom and independence – also deserve condemnation. Those media have steadfastly ignored the plight of Bahrainis in deference to their government’s geopolitical interests.

A follow-up commentary on the Arab Spring events 10 years ago will look at how the United States and Britain hypocritically and disingenuously moved to intervene in Libya and Syria at the very same time that these powers were suppressing the legitimate pro-democracy movement in Bahrain.

Palestinian Resistance running in the New Legislative Elections Simulates Insanity,إستراتيجية فلسطينية واقعية في مقابل انتخابات تحاكي الجنون

**Please scroll down for the Arabic original version **

Palestinian Resistance running in the New Legislative Elections Simulates Insanity

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
* Palestinian writer and Political researcher

Amro Allan

First published in Global Research

“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results:” this quote is wrongly attributed to Einstein, but regardless of who said it, this is what best describes the Palestinian resistance participation in the new Palestinian legislative elections. The new elections are being sold as the way for reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas. However, the Palestinian division occurred in the light of the results of the 2006 legislative elections, and as a direct result of the contrast between Hamas and Fatah strategies towards the Palestinian cause. 

The strategies of the Palestinian factions have not changed since the previous elections. On the contrary, the Palestinian Authority (which in fact represents Fatah) has become entrenched further with the occupation, and the foreign actors’ stance against the Palestinian resistance has become more rigid. And it is stands to reason that a significant change in at least one of these two factors is a prerequisite to expect different outcome of any new elections 

So, away from the slogans of the reconciliation between Palestinian factions and the accompanied PR campaigns, what does each of the Palestinian factions hope to achieve from these elections?  And more importantly, what is the solution to break the siege imposed on the Palestinian resistance in Gaza?

The Palestinian Authority (PA)

In January 2020, the former U.S. administration announced the ‘deal of the century’; this deal in fact exposed the hidden intention of the successive U.S. administrations. This announcement was preceded by the Zionist Entity revealing its intention to annex the West Bank. Add to this, the ‘Jewish nation-state’  laws which the Zionist Entity passed in 2018 that may lead to transportation of the Palestinians in the 1948 territories out of their homes. After all these developments, Mahmoud Abbas declared Oslo Accords dead and the end of the security coordination with the occupation. With this, a glimmer of hope within the Palestinian factions that the PA had finally benefited from its disastrous experience over the past 30 years has emerged. It was said at the time that it was possible for Fatah to agree with the other Palestinian factions on the basis of civil resistance to the occupation. And a meeting of the Secretaries-Generals of the Palestinian factions was held in Beirut on this basis. However, soon the hope of any change in the performance of the PA evaporated. The PA continued to coordinate fully with the ‘Israelis’ forces in order to thwart any attempt to resist the occupation and continued to suppress any popular movement on the ground, no matter how peaceful it was. The PA relentlessly suppressed Even the peaceful popular demonstration of solidarity with the hunger-striking detainee Maher al-Akhras at the time. Then came the shocking statement of Hussein al-Sheikh, the PA Civil Affairs Minister, when he announced the return of the PA diplomatic relations with ‘Israel’ to how it was, including the security coordination- which in truth never ceased. 

It has become clear to most observers that the PA function has become limited to two tasks: first, collecting financial aid; and second, paving the way (knowingly or unknowingly) for the occupation to accomplish its aims of annexing what little that remains of the West Bank. 

By stifling any form of Palestinian movements, peaceful or otherwise, to resist the occupation’s changing the facts on the ground, the Pa has become de-facto complicit of the occupation. Hence, all PA talk still possessing a Palestinian national project becomes no more than empty rhetoric. Because even he who believes in the negotiations as the only path to attain Palestinian rights does not strip himself of all negotiation leverages as the PA has indeed done. The PA has become a mockery of itself. It now mimics the French government of Vichy or the South Lebanon Army; with the difference that the last two had a project, regardless of our view of their projects, whereas the PA no longer has a task to speak of. These are not labels that can be given lightly or as a matter of populism, nor it is a call for internal fighting which must be avoided at all cost, especially in the presence of the occupation. But this is a description of the current situation that must be taken into account when assessing any future Palestinian strategy.

Thus, it can be reasoned that the goal of Mahmoud Abbas and the PA from the elections is to renew their legitimacy, or more precisely to take allegiance from Hamas and the rest of the Palestinian factions, and then to return to the vortex of what they call peace process and with no horizons in sight, of course. 

Hamas and the Palestinian resistance factions

Hamas and the Palestinian resistance are going through an evident crisis, because of their limited options and their failure to lift the 15-year siege imposed on the Gaza Strip. It can be argued that the origins of the blockade were Hamas’s strategic miscalculations to run in the 2006 legislative elections- which did not secure Hamas any immunity nor protected it as it had hoped. Notwithstanding this argument, the occupation remains the prime source of the blockade. The Zionist Entity is the holder of the blockade keys and no one else. This is the primary fact and must not be ignored when formulating any   strategy to dismantle the blockade.

It is not a secret that Hamas is hoping that running in the upcoming elections will lead to lifting the blockade or at the very least easing it. This presents two assumptions: either Hamas competes against Fatah to win the majority in the legislative elections or runs with Fatah on the same party list. Suppose it is the former, and Hamas wins the election. In that case, Hamas will face a repeat of the 2006 scenario if there is no change in the Palestinian faction’s policies nor any change in the key international players’ stance towards the Palestinian resistance. 

But if Hamas runs in the elections on a party list with Fatah, and it agrees to be a minority in the legislative elections, it will become an opposition party within the Oslo system. At which point, they will be obliged to play according to the Oslo rules. We observe the emergence of two parallel lines on the Palestinian scene- that can never converge. One represents the PA which has become linked to the occupation (and part of it, in reality), and which does not believe in any form of confrontation with the occupation, even a peaceful one; whilst the other believes in Resistance to restore Palestinian rights. As a result, the resistance factions will find themselves facing the same current dilemma. With the difference that this time they will have given to the opposite side new ammunition to use against them. The Palestinian resistance will be required internally and internationally to respect the elections’ results and hand over the Gaza Strip to the PA before any easing of the blockade takes place.  And because the blockade keys are with the occupation, the Palestinian resistance will have to follow the Zionist Entity’s definition of handing over control of the Gaza Strip. And that means the disarmament of the Palestinian resistance and nothing else.

The solution to break the siege on the Palestinian resistance

It must be recognized first that finding a solution to the Gaza crisis is not a simple task, because the blockade is linked first and foremost to the occupation itself and is only one of its   symptoms. Nevertheless, what deserves attention is that the Occupation Entity has allowed a lot of financial aid to the PA in Ramallah and even to the Gaza Strip, whenever the status quo nears the point of collapse in the West Bank or Gaza. This indicates that the Zionist Entity fears an explosion in either of these arenas. For instance, Netanyahu retreated from his decision to announce the West Bank’s annexation fearing the break of a third intifada based on the estimates of his security advisers and nothing else. This casts doubt on the idea that the West Bank    is not ready for a popular movement and a third intifada. It is true that starting a popular movement is not without many obstacles, first of which   is the presence of the PA intelligence services, who are now directly coordinating with the Shin Bet. Nevertheless, is it really possible that the Palestinian factions are short of the means to motivate people and move onto the street if they put their mind to it?

In addition to what has been said, if we put the blockade imposed on the Palestinian resistance in its broader context as part of the economic war imposed on all resistance forces in the region, movements and states alike, the lifting of the siege on Gaza clearly becomes a common interest for all these actors. And this calls for the Palestinian factions to try to formulate a unified strategy with all the resistance forces in the region (i.e. the Axis of Resistance) to lift the blockade. It is, of course, obvious that this requires rounds and rounds of discussion, and that any strategy to break the siege with the support of the Axis of Resistance will be a medium-term strategy, but this remains the more productive option. Engaging in uncalculated adventures such as new elections will only lead to more time-wasting, even according to the most optimistic estimates.

Conclusion

The siege imposed on the Palestinian resistance in the Gaza Strip is a vital component in the overall strategy of the Zionist Entity, and any counter plan to break the siege that does not take in account this fact is bound to fail. Therefore, steps that can change the equations on the ground and the development of a comprehensive national Palestinian strategy are paramount for dismantling the siege. Today the Palestinians have a realistic opportunity to impose withdrawal of the occupation from the 1967 territories through a   third intifada. This would undoubtedly change all the existing equations on the ground. 

What is put forward in this article are only thoughts for deliberation. The formulation of a complete future Palestinian strategy needs the participation of many minds. But what this article has tried to avoid is sugar-coating the reality, simplifying the status quo, and providing solutions that appear attractive on the outside but bear the seeds of their own failure in the inside.

* Palestinian writer and Political researcher

إستراتيجية فلسطينية واقعية في مقابل انتخابات تحاكي الجنون

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

عمرو علان

First published in Arabic in Al-Akhbar Fri 5 Feb 2021

الأخبار الجمعة 5 شباط 2021

«الجنون هو أن تكرّر الفعل نفسه أكثر من مرّة وتتوقّع نتائج مغايرة». يُنسب هذا الاقتباس خطأ إلى آينشتاين، لكن بغضّ النظر عمّن كان قائله الحقيقي، لعلّه أفضل ما يُوَصِّف حالة انتخابات المجلس التشريعي الفلسطيني المزمع إجراؤها قريباً. لقد وقع الانقسام الفلسطيني، أصلاً، على ضوء نتائج انتخابات عام 2006 التشريعية، وكنتيجة لتباين النظرة بشأن الاستراتيجيات بين حركتَي «حماس» و«فتح»، ومنذ ذلك الحين، لم يطرأ أيّ تغيير على الظروف الداخلية الفلسطينية من ناحية المواقف، ولا الرؤى تجاه المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني، ولا الموقفان الخارجيان الدولي والعربي قد تبدّلا بشيء. بل على العكس، زاد انحدار السلطة الفلسطينية وارتباطها بالاحتلال داخلياً، وزاد الموقفان الدولي والعربي نكراناً للحق الفلسطيني وصلفاً تجاه القوى الفلسطينية عموماً، فكيف إذن يمكن توقّع أن تكون نتائج الانتخابات الجديدة أفضل من سابقتها، وأن تؤدّي إلى مصالحة فلسطينية؟ فما الذي يبتغيه، إذن، كلّ طرف من هذه الانتخابات بعيداً عن الشعارات المعلنة وحملات العلاقات العامّة؟ وما هو الحل للخروج من حالتَي المراوحة والتيه الواضحتين في الوضع الفلسطيني؟

السلطة الفلسطينية

مع إعلان الإدارة الأميركية السابقة عن صفقة القرن، هذه الصفقة التي تمثل التوجه الحقيقي للإدارات الأميركية المتعاقبة، وما تلاها من إفصاح الكيان الصهيوني عن مسعاه لضمّ أراضي الضفّة الغربية، ناهيك بسَنّ قوانين يهودية الدولة التي تهدّد أصل وجود فلسطينيّي أراضي الـ48 في ديارهم، ظهر بصيص أمل ولو كان ضئيلاً عن احتمالية كون السلطة قد استفادت من تجربتها الكارثية، خلال الأعوام الثلاثين الماضية، عندما أعلن محمود عباس عدم الالتزام بمخرجات أوسلو ووقف التنسيق الأمني، وقيل حينها إنّه يمكن التوافق بين سائر القوى الفلسطينية على أرضية الحدّ الأدنى في مقاومة الاحتلال على أساس المقاومة الشعبية. وعلى وقْع ذلك، تمّ عقد اجتماع أمناء الفصائل في بيروت، لكن سرعان ما تبدّد الأمل في أي تبدّل ولو كان طفيفاً في أداء السلطة، فقد استمرت السلطة في التعاون الكامل مع قوات الاحتلال بهدف إحباط أيّ محاولة لمقاومة الاحتلال، وتابعت قمع أيّ حراك شعبي على الأرض مهما كان سلمياً، وحتى مجرّد التظاهرة الشعبية السلمية للتضامن مع الأسير المضرب عن الطعام آنذاك، ماهر الأخرس، تمّ قمعها دون هوادة. وتبع ذلك تصريح حسين الشيخ مستهزِئاً بعقول كلّ الشعب الفلسطيني بلا استثناء، عندما أعلن ما أسماه «انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني» وعودة التنسيق الأمني رسمياً (ويا دار ما دخلك شر).

لقد بات جلياً من طريقة تعاطي السلطة الفلسطينية مع الواقع الفلسطيني، أنّ وظيفتها صارت محصورة بأمرين لا ثالث لهما؛ الأول: تحصيل المخصّصات، والآخر: تمهيد الأرضية في الضفة الغربية – بعلم أو بدون علم – كي يُنجِز الاحتلال مشروعه بابتلاع ما بقي من أراضي الضفة عبر منعها لأيّ شكل من أشكال المقاومة أو الحراك من أجل التصدّي لخطوات الاحتلال التي يستمر بتنفيذها على أرض الواقع. وكلّ حديث عن مشروع وطني فلسطيني لدى السلطة ما هو إلا صرخات في البرّية، فحتى من كان يؤمن بطريق المفاوضات لتحصيل حقوقه لا يعمد إلى تجريد نفسه من كلّ ما لديه من أوراق ضغط أو تفاوض من تلقاء ذاته. وعلى هذا، صارت السلطة الفلسطينية تحاكي حكومة فيشي الفرنسية أو جيش لحد الجنوبي مع فارق أنّه كان لهذين الأخيرين مشروع، بغضّ النظر عن رأينا في مشروعيهما، بينما لا يوجد أي أفق مستقبلي أو مشروع للسلطة الفلسطينية، هذه ليست توصيفات يمكن إطلاقها بِخِفّة أو من باب الشعبوية، ولا هي دعوة إلى الاقتتال الداخلي الذي يجب اجتنابه بأيّ ثمن، ولا سيما في ظلّ وجود الاحتلال، لكن هذا توصيف لواقع حال يجب أن يؤخذ في الحسبان عند تقدير أيّ موقف.

وإذا ما ألقينا نظرة فاحصة، نجد أنّ السلطة فعلياً باتت تمثّل مشروع الفلسطيني المهزوم. لذلك، نجد محمود عباس يقول إنّه سيفاوض ويستمر بالمفاوضات والاستجداء عساه يُحصِّل شيئاً من الحقوق الفلسطينية، ويُعلّل ذلك بكون الفلسطيني جرّب الطرق الأخرى ولم يحصل على مراده لأنّ الظروف الدولية والإقليمية والداخلية في غير مصلحته، بحسب فهمه غير الدقيق ولا الواقعي. لكن يغيب عن هذا التصوّر أنّه حتى خيار الاستسلام غير متاح للفلسطيني الموجود في الضفة وأراضي الـ48، فالكيان الصهيوني لم يَعُد يخفي مشروعه في هضم أراضي الضفة وترحيل سكانها عاجلاً أم آجلاً، وربما يكون مردّ التشويش في هذا التصوّر تجاهل أصل المشروع الصهيوني الذي هو مشروع إحلالي يقوم على اقتلاع السكان الأصليين للأرض وإحلال المستوطنين مكانهم، وقد ساعد في ظهور هذا التصوّر بروز بعض الأطروحات المشوِّهة لحقيقة الصراع من قبيل نظريات الفصل العنصري (الأبارتايد)، أو أنّ القضية الفلسطينية هي قضية كرامة أو مساواة. لكنّ المفارقة، هنا، أنّ خيار الاستسلام ربما يكون متاحاً لأهالي غزّة إذا ارتضوا العيش بذلّة تحت سيطرة الصهيوني، وليس لباقي سكّان المناطق الأخرى في أرض فلسطين. نكتفي بهذا القدر كي لا نستطرد عن أصل النقاش الحالي أكثر.

بناءً على هذا العرض، يمكن الخلوص إلى كون هدف محمود عباس والسلطة عموماً من إجراء الانتخابات هو تجديد شرعيتها، أو أخذ البيعة من حركة «حماس» وباقي الفصائل، بتأييد خطّها السياسي إن صحّ وصفه بالخط سياسي، ومن ثم لتعود إلى دوّامة ما يسمونه مفاوضات سلام وبلا أيّ أفق طبعاً، بينما تواصل تأدية دورها الوظيفي في تأمين الحماية لقوات الاحتلال والمستوطنين، ريثما يُجْهِز الكيان الصهيوني على باقي أراضي الضفة وعلى الوجود السكاني لأهالي الضفة وأراضي الـ48.

«حماس» وفصائل المقاومة

تمرّ «حماس» بأزمة خيارات واضحة وحقيقية، بسبب إخفاقها في فكّ الحصار عن قطاع غزة، هذا الحصار الذي تشارك فيه السلطة ذاتها وبعض الدول العربية المتواطئة، والذي بات يشكّل عبئاً على أهالي القطاع ويتسبّب في عجز الحكم في غزة عن تأمين الكثير من الحاجيات الأولية للغزّيين، ناهيكم بتعطيل حركة الدخول والخروج من وإلى القطاع، ما حوَّل قطاع غزة إلى سجن مفتوح بكل معنى الكلمة. ويمكن المحاجّة بأنّ منشأ الحصار كان بسبب تقدير «حماس» الاستراتيجي الخاطئ الذي خاضت بموجبه الانتخابات التشريعية في عام 2006، التي لم تؤمّن للحركة أي حصانة ولا هي حمت ظهرها كما كان مرجواً، لكن بعيداً عن كلّ هذا النقاش يبقى الاحتلال هو مصدر الحصار الأول والأخير، ومفتاح فكّه ليس مع أحد سواه، لا مع السلطة ولا مع تلك الدول العربية المتواطئة، وهذا أمر أساسي لا يصحّ تجاهله عند صياغة أي استراتيجية لفكّ الحصار.

بناءً على ما سلف، يمكن استنتاج أنّ «حماس» تأمل من دخول الانتخابات فكّ الحصار أو تخفيفه على أقلّ تقدير، وهذا بالتالي يطرح فرضيّتين: إما دخول «حماس» الانتخابات على أساس المغالبة، وإمّا خوضها على أساس المشاركة بصيغة قائمة مشتركة مع «فتح» أو بصيغة أخرى يُتّفَق عليها.

فإذا كانت الانتخابات مغالبة، واستطاعت «حماس» الفوز بالأكثرية، عندها نكون أمام تكرار سيناريو عام 2006 بحذافيره، طالما لا تغيير في المواقف الداخلية للأطراف ولا تبديل للمواقف الدولية كما ذكرنا. وأما إذا كانت الانتخابات بالمشاركة وارتضت «حماس» أن تكون أقلية، أو إذا ما فشلت في تحقيق الأغلبية بالمغالبة ففي الحالتين ستتحوّل إلى معارضة ضمن منظومة أوسلو، وعندها ستكون ملزمة باللعب وفق قواعدِه، وفي ظلّ وجود خطّين متوازيين على الساحة الفلسطينية لا يتقاطعان، أحدهما بات مرتبطاً بالاحتلال عضوياً وبالطبيعة لا يؤمِن بأيّ شكل من أشكال مجابهة الاحتلال حتى ولو كانت سلمية، والآخر يؤمِن بالمقاومة كسبيل لاستعادة الحقوق.

فستجد «حماس» وسائر فصائل المقاومة نفسها أمام ذات المعضلة الحالية، لكن هذه المرة ستكون قد منحت للطرف المقابل ذخيرة جديدة للاستقواء عليها، فهي ستكون مطالبة داخلياً ودولياً باحترام نتائج الانتخابات وتسليم قطاع غزة قبل أيّ تخفيف للحصار. وهنا لن ينفع التذاكي فالحصار مفتاحه مع الاحتلال والآخرون هم مجرد تفصيل كما جادلنا، وتسليم القطاع لدى الكيان الصهيوني يعني تسليم كلّ فصائل المقاومة لسلاحها الموجود فوق الأرض وتحت الأرض ولا شيء دون ذلك.

لكن يردُّ البعض بأنّ دخول الانتخابات يمكن أن يمنح «حماس» وسائر فصائل المقاومة وضعاً في الداخل الفلسطيني يماثل وضع حزب الله في لبنان، وهنا يمكن قول الآتي: من الصعب مقارنة وضع قطاع غزة وحال فصائله بالحالة اللبنانية، لا من ناحية وجود سوريا على الحدود اللبنانية التي لا تشارك في حصار لبنان، والتي فوق ذلك تشكّل خطّ إمداد لحزب الله منها وعبرها، ولا من ناحية قوة حزب الله الذي بلغ مرحلة من القدرة التسليحية يستطيع معها تبديل معادلات إقليمية. ومع هذا، يجب الانتباه إلى أنّ من يطْبِق الحصار على غزّة هو الكيان الصهيوني بشكل مباشر، بينما يعدّ الأميركي الوحيد الذي لديه قدرة على ممارسة أشكال من الحصار على لبنان. وكان الأميركي يتَّبِع في الفترات الماضية استراتيجية المساكنة في لبنان لحسابات معقّدة ومخاوف لديه لا مجال لذكرها هنا، بينما تخلّى اليوم عن فكرة المساكنة، وهذا ما يفسر الضغط الاقتصادي الذي يمرّ به لبنان بالأساس، بالإضافة إلى عوامل داخلية لبنانية أخرى مساعِدة. وخلاصة القول أنّ جميع قوى المقاومة في الإقليم تتعرّض، اليوم، لحصار مالي واقتصادي تتفاوت فعاليته وآثاره تبَعاً لظروف كلّ فصيل وجغرافياً موقع تواجده.

الخروج من حالة المراوحة

استعرضنا في ما سبق كيف أنّ دخول «حماس» الانتخابات لن يفضي إلى حلٍّ لحصار غزة، بل يرجّح أن يؤدّي إلى نتائج عكسية تعود بالضرر على المقاومة الفلسطينية. هذا ولم نفصل في المخاطر على المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني وثوابته وأهدافه لضيق المساحة. وقبل الخوض في الحلول، يجب الاعتراف بداية بأنّ إيجاد حلّ لأزمة غزة ليس بالأمر الهيّن كون الحصار مرتبطاً أولاً وأخيراً بالاحتلال ذاته وما هو إلّا أحد أعراضه، وهو ضريبة تدفعها قوى المقاومة إلى جانب ضرائب أخرى كثيرة يتحمّلها كلّ من يسعى إلى التحرير كما جادلنا. لكن يجب أيضاً الإشارة إلى أمر آخر جدير بالانتباه، وهو سماح كيان الاحتلال لقدر من المساعدات المالية بالوصول إلى سلطة رام الله، وحتى قطاع غزّة، كلّما أوشك الوضع على الانهيار، سواءً في الضفة أو قطاع غزة. وهذا يشير بوضوح إلى أنّ ما يخشاه العدو هو حصول انفجار في أيٍّ من هاتين الساحتين، ويبدو أنّ العدو بات مدركاً لمكامن ضعفه واختلال موازين القوى لغير مصلحته أكثر من إدراك بعض الفلسطينيين لهذه الوقائع، فنجد بنيامين نتنياهو يتراجع عن قراره الذي استثمر فيه كثيراً بإعلان ضمّ أراضي الضفة الغربية تحسّباً لانفجار الانتفاضة في أراضي الـ67، بناءً على تقديرات أجهزته الأمنية ولا شيء سوى ذلك، وهذا يدحض الفكرة القائلة بكون الضفة مترهّلة وغير حاضرة للتحرّك شعبياً. صحيح أنّ الحراك الشعبي دونه صعاب عديدة، أوّلها وجود جيش من مخبري أجهزة السلطة الذين باتوا يأتمرون بأمر الشاباك مباشرة، لكن هل يُعقل أن تعدم الفصائل الوسيلة في تحريك الشارع؟

وفي المقابل، فليس مردّ التذمّر الشعبي ضيق الحال المعيشي فقط، لكنّ حالتَي السكون والمراوحة اللتين يعيشهما الوضع الفلسطيني هما سببان لا يمكن تجاهلهما، حيث كون هذا الوضع يوحي بانسداد الأفق على الصعيد الوطني، وفي هذه الحالة تطفو المصاعب المعيشية على السطح لتأخذ موقع الصدارة على القضايا الوطنية الأخرى. وهذه ليست دعوة للهروب إلى الأمام كما ربما سيحاجج البعض، فأيّ حراك شعبي في الضفة هذه المرة ستكون حظوظه في فرض الانسحاب على كيان الاحتلال من أراضي الـ67 مرتفعة للغاية، بناءً على استقراء التوازنات الدولية والإقليمية وحالة التراجع التي يعيشها الكيان الصهيوني. ولا تغرّنكم حالة انهيار بعض الأعراب أمام هذا الكيان، فهؤلاء مصيرهم مرتبط بهذه المنظومة الاستعمارية وليس بمقدورهم تعديل موازين القوى بشكل حقيقي، ويصحّ فيهم القول الشعبي: «عصفور يسند زرزور».

بالإضافة إلى ما تَقدَّم، إذا ما وضعنا الحصار المفروض على قوى المقاومة الفلسطينية في إطاره الأوسع كجزء من الحرب المفروضة على كلّ قوى المقاومة في الإقليم أحزاباً ودولاً، كما نوّهنا في الفقرة السابقة، يصير فكّ الحصار عن غزة مصلحة مشتركة لكلّ هذه الأطراف مجتمعة، ويستدعي العمل من جهة الفصائل الإسلامية والوطنية الفلسطينية على محاولة صياغة استراتيجية موحّدة مع كلّ قوى المقاومة في الإقليم. ندرك كون هذا الأمر يلزمه جولات وجولات من التباحث، وكون أيّ استراتيجية لفكّ الحصار بالتوافق مع القوى الداعمة ستكون من طبيعة الاستراتيجيات المتوسّطة المدى، لكن هذا يظلّ أجدى من الدخول في مغامرات غير محسوبة العواقب كالانتخابات، التي لن تؤدي إلّا إلى المزيد من إضاعة الوقت بحسب أكثر التقديرات تفاؤلاً.

خاتمة

حصار قوى المقاومة في غزة ليس بالأمر الثانوي ضمن استراتيجية العدو، لهذا لا يُتوقع أن تفلح الخطوات الملتوية ولا الهروب من حقيقة الأمر في فكّه، ويلزم لذلك خطوات من شأنها تبديل المعادلات على الأرض، ومشروع وطني متكامل. واليوم، أمام الشعب الفلسطيني فرصة واقعية لفرض الانسحاب على الكيان الصهيوني من أراضي الـ67 عبر انتفاضة ثالثة، وهذا من شأنه بلا شك تبديل كل التوازنات القائمة، وما تمّ طرحه في هذا المقال هو عبارة عن أفكار للنقاش والتداول كون الأمر يحتاج إلى العديد من العقول للخروج باستراتيجية مجدية. يقول المثل الإنكليزي: «يُغَلِّف الموت بالسُّكَّر»، كناية عن عدم مواجهة الأمور على حقيقتها، وهذا ما حاول هذا المقال تفاديه بدلاً من تبسيط الوضع القائم وتقديم حلول ظاهرها سهل وباطنها فشل، وتبقى هذه هي ضريبة التحرير والمقاومة التي لا مناص من دفعها.

* كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

⁨إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان

 عربي 21، الخميس 31 كانون الأول\ديسمبر 2020

نشر د. أحمد يوسف مؤخرا مقالا بعنوان “لأخي خالد مشعل، حماس وجدلية الإصلاح والتغيير”، وجاء المقال على صيغة نصيحة لحركة “حماس” ولرئيس مكتبها السياسي السابق السيد خالد مشعل بهدف تقويم المسار وسد الثغرات وتقوية الحركة حسب تصور د. أحمد. 

لكن جل ما عدَّه د. أحمد نصائح إصلاحية كانت في الحقيقة تساعد على زيادة اعوجاج المسار – إن كان مسار الحركة شابه اعوجاج – وتفتح الباب على مصراعيه للتنازلات في الثوابت عوضا عن سد الثغرات، وفيها مما يهدم قوة الحركة الحقيقية إذا ما استصاغتها قيادة الحركة.

ويبدو أن ما ورد في المقال المذكور يتجاوز كونه حالة فردية إلى كونه يمثل وجهة نظر شريحة معينة من أبناء حركة المقاومة الإسلامية “حماس”. 

ولا يدّعي كاتب هذه السطور أنه أحد أبناء هذه الحركة، لكن منطلقا من الحرص على كل فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، التي تعد حماس عمودها الفقري، والتي باتت تشكل يد الشعب الفلسطيني الطولى وسنده الصلب، هو ما اقتضى هذا الرد.

حماس” والمعترك السياسي

يقول د. أحمد إنه كان من أوائل من دعوا إلى دخول معترك السياسة والحُكْم، ويتحسر على تأخر حركة حماس في اتخاذ هذه الخطوة، لكنه في الوقت نفسه يختلف مع السيد خالد مشعل على كون خوض حماس لانتخابات 2006 ودخولها معترك السلطة والحُكْم قد حمى ظهر المقاومة كما كان مرجوا، وهو محق في هذا التقييم، فكيف إذن لا تؤخذ هذه التجربة ونتائجها بالحسبان عند الدعوة إلى الغوص أكثر في دهاليز السياسة والحُكْم؟ 

وهنا يجدر التذكير بكون أول من عد انتخابات 2006 غير شرعية كانت أمريكا ومن لف لفها من دعاة الديمقراطية، رغم شهادة الجميع بنزاهة تلك الانتخابات بما في ذلك حركة فتح ذاتها. أليس في هذا عبرة لمن يَعدّ أن تلك الدول التي يرجى مخاطبتها في السياسة كخصم سياسي لن تعترف بحركات المقاومة كندّ سياسي حتى تتخلى عن الثوابت؟ ناهيك عن تخليها عن المقاومة المسلحة كمنهج وطريق للتحرير؟

وفي الواقع – ومع تقديرنا لكلام السيد خالد مشعل – فإن دخول حركة حماس انتخابات 2006 كان خطأ في التقدير، فهو أولا: لم يؤمّن للمقاومة وحركة حماس عموما أي حصانة، وثانيا: كان بمعنى أو بآخر اعترافا ضمنيا بأوسلو رغم تصريحات حماس بعكس ذلك، ورغم عدم رغبة حماس بالاعتراف بمسار أوسلو، فالسياسة ممارسة، لا مجرد مواقف تفقد قيمتها إذا ما اقترنت بالفعل، وعلى المرء أن يعترف بأن رفض مخرجات أوسلو ومن ثم دخول انتخابات للمشاركة في سلطة هي أحد مخرجات أوسلو فيه من التناقض ما لا يمكن تجاهله.

ومن ثم يذكر د. أحمد فيما ذَكَر لدعم وجهة نظره خذلان بعض الحركات الإسلامية والعروبية التي كانت حماس تعول عليها بما نراه من انبطاح واتفاقيات تطبيع مخزية. 

حسنا، أليس أحد أهداف هذه الاتفاقيات بث الوهن في عَضُد حركات المقاومة والضغط عليها نفسيا؟ وإيهامها بأنه لم يعد لها سند ولا نصيرعلها ترضخ للمسارات السياسية طريقا عوضا عن طريق المقاومة والكفاح المسلح؟ 

نعم يألم الجميع لما نراه من هرولة للارتماء في أحضان العدو، لكن هذا لا يغير شيئا على الأرض وفي الميدان، فلقد طورت حماس في ظل السنوات العجاف التي مرت من قدراتها التسليحية أضعافا، وحفرت عشرات الكيلومترات من الأنفاق، وتحولت المقاومة إلى جيش يحسب له ألف حساب، ولكم في المناورات المشتركة الأخيرة “الركن الشديد” مثالا، وإن هذا الطريق هو الذي يحبط أهداف العدو من إسقاط بعض الأنظمة والحركات في براثن التطبيع، وأما الغرق أكثر في بحور السلطة فلن يكون مصيره أفضل مما وصلت إليه السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية، التي لم تصمد على قرار وقف التنسيق الأمني الشكلي سوى أسابيع، حتى خرج علينا حسين الشيخ ليعلن انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني وعودة الحال لما كان عليه بعد استلامه ورقة من مجرد ضابط مخابرات صهيوني، وبالمناسبة كان شح الأموال وضيق الحال الاقتصادي من أهم دوافع السلطة لإعلان عودة التنسيق الأمني والخروج علينا بتصريح حسين الشيخ المخزي بكل المعايير، وهذه نفس الظروف التي أشار إليها د. أحمد في مطلع مقاله، ولعله بهذا يقرأ في كتاب الرئيس محمود عباس.

النظام الداخلي لحماس وحديث الهدنة

ويمضي د. أحمد في مقاله بعد ذلك لتعداد بعض النقاط التي يرى فيها خللا، ومن بينها على سبيل المثال: دعوته إلى تطوير النظام الداخلي لحركة حماس، ولعملية اختيار القيادات فيها، وهذا أمر مشروع ومحمود بالتأكيد، لكن مع مراعات منهج التطوير السليم، وإدراك كون حركة حماس حركة مقاومة وتحرير لا دولة، فصحيح أنه يجب بث الدماء الجديدة في صفوف القيادات والاستفادة من طاقات أبناء حركة حماس المخضرمين، لكن من الصحيح أيضا أن معيار اختيار القيادات الأساسي في حركات التحرير يبقى سِجِل تلك القيادات الجهادي والنضالي، وهذا نهج كل حركات المقاومة والتحرير عبر التاريخ، فلا تقاد حركات المقاومة (بالتكنوقراط) والاختصاصيين، ويُذكِّر هذا بما كانت تتداوله بعض قيادات فتح عن أبو عمار – رحمة الله عليه – بعد إنشاء السلطة، وبعد تصديقهم لأكذوبة أنه بات لنا دولة، فكانوا يتهامسون بأن أبا عمار ليس رجل المرحلة، حيث مقتضيات إدارة الدولة تختلف عن متطلبات إدارة حركة نضال وطني، والكل يعرف بقية القصة، وما آلت إليه حركة فتح بعد إقصاء كل من كان له تاريخ نضالي من صفوفها لصالح (التكنوقراط) على شاكلة سلام فياض وغيره.

ثم يقول د. أحمد إنه قد آن الأوان لعقد هدنة أو استراحة محارب، وليته وضح لنا مفهوم الهدنة التي يقترحها، ألم تعقد حماس عدة اتفاقيات تهدئة؟ لكن دائما كان العدو من يخرقها ولا ينفّذ ما التزم به، فالهدنة المقبولة من وجهة نظر العدو هي تلك التي تسلم المقاومة بمقتضاها سلاحها أو تتوقف عن الإعداد من زيادة السلاح كما ونوعا وحفر الأنفاق وغير ذلك، فهل هذا هو الثمن الذي يُقترَح على حركات المقاومة وحماس دفعه؟

المقاومة السلمية

 وفي نقطة أخرى متصلة يدعو د. أحمد إلى تبنّي منهج مقاوم يردع العدو ويكشف جرائمه، ملمحا إلى المقاومة السلمية، ويتعجب المرء من هكذا كلام وكأن المقاومة السلمية تردع عدوا أو تكبح مغتصبا، نعم المقاومة السلمية تعد أحد أشكال المقاومة لكن لا يجوز بحال تبنيها كمنهج وأساس للمقاومة، فالكفاح المسلح وحده من يردع العدو، ولو كانت مقاومة الشموع تردع محتلا لفلحت مقاومة من اتخذها نهجا من قبْل، فأي نصيحة هذه التي تؤدي إلى تسليم رقاب المقاومين للصهيوني كي يذبحهم على مذبح تجربة المجرب؟ وأما فضح جرائم الاحتلال، فليكن د. أحمد متأكدا بأن أولئك الذين يرغب بفضح العدو أمامهم هم ذاتهم شركاء حتى أخمص قدميهم في جرائم هذا العدو، ولا يلزمهم شرح ولا توضيح.

حزب سياسي للإسلاميين!


أما الطامة فكانت في قول د. أحمد “لقد آن الأوان لإنشاء حزب سياسي يتحدث باسم الإسلاميين في فلسطين، ويمثل رأس جسر لهم، بعيداً عن اتهامات التطرف والإرهاب”، عذرا لكن أيما تشويش في الأفكار هذا؟ هل يرضى د. أحمد وصول الحال بحماس بأن تشجب وتدين العمل المقاوم ليرضى عنها هؤلاء الذين يريد شرح جرائم الاحتلال لهم؟ ونربأ بالدكتور أحمد عن ذلك، وأيضا هل وصف حركة حماس وسائر حركات المقاومة بالإرهاب والتشدد لأنهم فعلا كذلك أم لكونهم متمسكين بحقهم وحق كل الشعب الفلسطيني في المقاومة والتحرير؟ 

وعليه ليس مفهوما ما المقصود من هذه النصيحة، وما هي طبيعة تلك الحركات الإسلامية “غير المتشددة”، ولعل مرد التشويش في الأفكار عند د. أحمد هو الإيمان بطريق السلطة والحُكْم، وإعلاء السياسة كأولوية على القوة والمقاومة اللتين تعدان مصدري صناعة السياسة ومرتكزاتها الأساسية، وبدونهما يصير العمل السياسي مجرد استجداء وحبر على ورق.

ويدعو د. أحمد إلى ضرورة إعطاء أولوية الإنفاق للمحتاجين، ولتوجيه دعم الدول العربية والإسلامية لوكالة الأونروا، مجددا القصد غير واضح تماما من هذه النصيحة ومن استخدام كلمة “أولوية” في هذا المقام،بالطبع يقع على عاتق حركة حماس مسؤولية اتجاه المحتاجين من شعبنا، كونها أحد الفصيلين الأكبرين في الساحة الفلسطينية، وكونها ارتضت تسلم السلطة في قطاع غزة، فإن كان القصد هو إيلاء هذه المسؤولية المزيد من الاهتمام عبر سد أبواب الهدر التي باتت وبصراحة كثيرة في نشاطات فروع حركة حماس في خارج فلسطين، عبر كثرة المؤتمرات الخطابية التي لا تقدم ولا تؤخر كثيرا، والتي تتسم في الكثير من الأحيان بالبذخ غير المقبول نهائيا، وصارت مصدر استرزاق للبعض وللزبائنية، وحيث صار جزء لا يستهان به من كوادر حركة حماس في الخارج عبء على كاهل الحركة بدلا من أن يكونوا رافدا لها.

فإذا كان المقصود هو سد هذا الباب وتحويل جزء من هذا الهدر لدعم المحتاجين من شعبنا فلا غبار على ذلك، وأما إن كان المقصود تحويل حركة حماس لجمعية خيرية، وتقزيم القضية الفلسطينية لتصبح قضية محتاجين ففي هذا انحراف كبير، فمسؤولية حركة حماس الأساسية مع باقي حركات المقاومة العمل على تحرير الأرض، والتحرير له أولوياته المعروفة، وهذا ما يحل مشكلة المحتاجين من أصلها التي ما هي إلا أحد أعراض الاحتلال وضياع الأرض، وإلا سيظل شعبنا محتاجا ومحروما إلى ما شاء الله، ومع الفوارق في الفداحة وقدر المعاناة، يظل حال الشعب الفلسطيني كحال غيره من شعوب المنطقة التي اتخذت من المقاومة والصمود طريقا، فها هي الجمهورية الإسلامية في إيران ترزح تحت حصار خانق منذ قرابة الأربعين عاما، ولبنان يتحمل من الحصار والضغوط الأمريكيين بسبب تمسك حزب الله بالثوابت الدينية والوطنية وحقوق لبنان في أرضه وثرواته من غاز وغيره، وتتعرض سوريا لحرب كونية ضروس منذ عشر سنوات بسبب مواقفها الوطنية والقومية الداعمة للمقاومات في لبنان وفلسطين على حد سواء، واليوم جاؤوها بقانون قيصر الظالم ليستكمل الحصار الاقتصادي على شعبها الصامد، فهذا هو حال شعبنا وهذه هي ضريبة التحرير، وإلا فلنرتضي أن تصير حركة حماس تنتظر الفتات من تحويلات مالية “إسرائيلية” كما السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية العتيدة.

خاتمة


الحديث يطول فيما ورد في المقال من نقاط “ونصائح”، لكن ملخص القول إن د. أحمد دعا في غير موضع من مقاله إلى استخلاص العبر والدروس من تجارب الماضي، لكن الظاهر أن د. أحمد لم يستخلص العبر من المثال الشاخص أمامنا ممثلا في مسار منظمة التحرير وما وصلت إليه، ناهيكم عن مسارات المتخاذلين الآخرين من حركات ونظام عربي متهالك، فإذا كان هذا هو المنهج فلا لوم على الذين سقطوا سقوطا مدويا في عامنا هذا الذي يصح وصفه بعام الخيانات.

*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

عمرو علان

 عربي 21، الخميس 31 كانون الأول\ديسمبر 2020

نشر د. أحمد يوسف مؤخرا مقالا بعنوان “لأخي خالد مشعل، حماس وجدلية الإصلاح والتغيير”، وجاء المقال على صيغة نصيحة لحركة “حماس” ولرئيس مكتبها السياسي السابق السيد خالد مشعل بهدف تقويم المسار وسد الثغرات وتقوية الحركة حسب تصور د. أحمد. 

لكن جل ما عدَّه د. أحمد نصائح إصلاحية كانت في الحقيقة تساعد على زيادة اعوجاج المسار – إن كان مسار الحركة شابه اعوجاج – وتفتح الباب على مصراعيه للتنازلات في الثوابت عوضا عن سد الثغرات، وفيها مما يهدم قوة الحركة الحقيقية إذا ما استصاغتها قيادة الحركة.

ويبدو أن ما ورد في المقال المذكور يتجاوز كونه حالة فردية إلى كونه يمثل وجهة نظر شريحة معينة من أبناء حركة المقاومة الإسلامية “حماس”. 

ولا يدّعي كاتب هذه السطور أنه أحد أبناء هذه الحركة، لكن منطلقا من الحرص على كل فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، التي تعد حماس عمودها الفقري، والتي باتت تشكل يد الشعب الفلسطيني الطولى وسنده الصلب، هو ما اقتضى هذا الرد.

حماس” والمعترك السياسي

يقول د. أحمد إنه كان من أوائل من دعوا إلى دخول معترك السياسة والحُكْم، ويتحسر على تأخر حركة حماس في اتخاذ هذه الخطوة، لكنه في الوقت نفسه يختلف مع السيد خالد مشعل على كون خوض حماس لانتخابات 2006 ودخولها معترك السلطة والحُكْم قد حمى ظهر المقاومة كما كان مرجوا، وهو محق في هذا التقييم، فكيف إذن لا تؤخذ هذه التجربة ونتائجها بالحسبان عند الدعوة إلى الغوص أكثر في دهاليز السياسة والحُكْم؟ 

وهنا يجدر التذكير بكون أول من عد انتخابات 2006 غير شرعية كانت أمريكا ومن لف لفها من دعاة الديمقراطية، رغم شهادة الجميع بنزاهة تلك الانتخابات بما في ذلك حركة فتح ذاتها. أليس في هذا عبرة لمن يَعدّ أن تلك الدول التي يرجى مخاطبتها في السياسة كخصم سياسي لن تعترف بحركات المقاومة كندّ سياسي حتى تتخلى عن الثوابت؟ ناهيك عن تخليها عن المقاومة المسلحة كمنهج وطريق للتحرير؟

وفي الواقع – ومع تقديرنا لكلام السيد خالد مشعل – فإن دخول حركة حماس انتخابات 2006 كان خطأ في التقدير، فهو أولا: لم يؤمّن للمقاومة وحركة حماس عموما أي حصانة، وثانيا: كان بمعنى أو بآخر اعترافا ضمنيا بأوسلو رغم تصريحات حماس بعكس ذلك، ورغم عدم رغبة حماس بالاعتراف بمسار أوسلو، فالسياسة ممارسة، لا مجرد مواقف تفقد قيمتها إذا ما اقترنت بالفعل، وعلى المرء أن يعترف بأن رفض مخرجات أوسلو ومن ثم دخول انتخابات للمشاركة في سلطة هي أحد مخرجات أوسلو فيه من التناقض ما لا يمكن تجاهله.

ومن ثم يذكر د. أحمد فيما ذَكَر لدعم وجهة نظره خذلان بعض الحركات الإسلامية والعروبية التي كانت حماس تعول عليها بما نراه من انبطاح واتفاقيات تطبيع مخزية. 

حسنا، أليس أحد أهداف هذه الاتفاقيات بث الوهن في عَضُد حركات المقاومة والضغط عليها نفسيا؟ وإيهامها بأنه لم يعد لها سند ولا نصيرعلها ترضخ للمسارات السياسية طريقا عوضا عن طريق المقاومة والكفاح المسلح؟ 

نعم يألم الجميع لما نراه من هرولة للارتماء في أحضان العدو، لكن هذا لا يغير شيئا على الأرض وفي الميدان، فلقد طورت حماس في ظل السنوات العجاف التي مرت من قدراتها التسليحية أضعافا، وحفرت عشرات الكيلومترات من الأنفاق، وتحولت المقاومة إلى جيش يحسب له ألف حساب، ولكم في المناورات المشتركة الأخيرة “الركن الشديد” مثالا، وإن هذا الطريق هو الذي يحبط أهداف العدو من إسقاط بعض الأنظمة والحركات في براثن التطبيع، وأما الغرق أكثر في بحور السلطة فلن يكون مصيره أفضل مما وصلت إليه السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية، التي لم تصمد على قرار وقف التنسيق الأمني الشكلي سوى أسابيع، حتى خرج علينا حسين الشيخ ليعلن انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني وعودة الحال لما كان عليه بعد استلامه ورقة من مجرد ضابط مخابرات صهيوني، وبالمناسبة كان شح الأموال وضيق الحال الاقتصادي من أهم دوافع السلطة لإعلان عودة التنسيق الأمني والخروج علينا بتصريح حسين الشيخ المخزي بكل المعايير، وهذه نفس الظروف التي أشار إليها د. أحمد في مطلع مقاله، ولعله بهذا يقرأ في كتاب الرئيس محمود عباس.

النظام الداخلي لحماس وحديث الهدنة

ويمضي د. أحمد في مقاله بعد ذلك لتعداد بعض النقاط التي يرى فيها خللا، ومن بينها على سبيل المثال: دعوته إلى تطوير النظام الداخلي لحركة حماس، ولعملية اختيار القيادات فيها، وهذا أمر مشروع ومحمود بالتأكيد، لكن مع مراعات منهج التطوير السليم، وإدراك كون حركة حماس حركة مقاومة وتحرير لا دولة، فصحيح أنه يجب بث الدماء الجديدة في صفوف القيادات والاستفادة من طاقات أبناء حركة حماس المخضرمين، لكن من الصحيح أيضا أن معيار اختيار القيادات الأساسي في حركات التحرير يبقى سِجِل تلك القيادات الجهادي والنضالي، وهذا نهج كل حركات المقاومة والتحرير عبر التاريخ، فلا تقاد حركات المقاومة (بالتكنوقراط) والاختصاصيين، ويُذكِّر هذا بما كانت تتداوله بعض قيادات فتح عن أبو عمار – رحمة الله عليه – بعد إنشاء السلطة، وبعد تصديقهم لأكذوبة أنه بات لنا دولة، فكانوا يتهامسون بأن أبا عمار ليس رجل المرحلة، حيث مقتضيات إدارة الدولة تختلف عن متطلبات إدارة حركة نضال وطني، والكل يعرف بقية القصة، وما آلت إليه حركة فتح بعد إقصاء كل من كان له تاريخ نضالي من صفوفها لصالح (التكنوقراط) على شاكلة سلام فياض وغيره.

ثم يقول د. أحمد إنه قد آن الأوان لعقد هدنة أو استراحة محارب، وليته وضح لنا مفهوم الهدنة التي يقترحها، ألم تعقد حماس عدة اتفاقيات تهدئة؟ لكن دائما كان العدو من يخرقها ولا ينفّذ ما التزم به، فالهدنة المقبولة من وجهة نظر العدو هي تلك التي تسلم المقاومة بمقتضاها سلاحها أو تتوقف عن الإعداد من زيادة السلاح كما ونوعا وحفر الأنفاق وغير ذلك، فهل هذا هو الثمن الذي يُقترَح على حركات المقاومة وحماس دفعه؟

المقاومة السلمية

 وفي نقطة أخرى متصلة يدعو د. أحمد إلى تبنّي منهج مقاوم يردع العدو ويكشف جرائمه، ملمحا إلى المقاومة السلمية، ويتعجب المرء من هكذا كلام وكأن المقاومة السلمية تردع عدوا أو تكبح مغتصبا، نعم المقاومة السلمية تعد أحد أشكال المقاومة لكن لا يجوز بحال تبنيها كمنهج وأساس للمقاومة، فالكفاح المسلح وحده من يردع العدو، ولو كانت مقاومة الشموع تردع محتلا لفلحت مقاومة من اتخذها نهجا من قبْل، فأي نصيحة هذه التي تؤدي إلى تسليم رقاب المقاومين للصهيوني كي يذبحهم على مذبح تجربة المجرب؟ وأما فضح جرائم الاحتلال، فليكن د. أحمد متأكدا بأن أولئك الذين يرغب بفضح العدو أمامهم هم ذاتهم شركاء حتى أخمص قدميهم في جرائم هذا العدو، ولا يلزمهم شرح ولا توضيح.

حزب سياسي للإسلاميين!

خاتمة


أما الطامة فكانت في قول د. أحمد “لقد آن الأوان لإنشاء حزب سياسي يتحدث باسم الإسلاميين في فلسطين، ويمثل رأس جسر لهم، بعيداً عن اتهامات التطرف والإرهاب”، عذرا لكن أيما تشويش في الأفكار هذا؟ هل يرضى د. أحمد وصول الحال بحماس بأن تشجب وتدين العمل المقاوم ليرضى عنها هؤلاء الذين يريد شرح جرائم الاحتلال لهم؟ ونربأ بالدكتور أحمد عن ذلك، وأيضا هل وصف حركة حماس وسائر حركات المقاومة بالإرهاب والتشدد لأنهم فعلا كذلك أم لكونهم متمسكين بحقهم وحق كل الشعب الفلسطيني في المقاومة والتحرير؟ 

وعليه ليس مفهوما ما المقصود من هذه النصيحة، وما هي طبيعة تلك الحركات الإسلامية “غير المتشددة”، ولعل مرد التشويش في الأفكار عند د. أحمد هو الإيمان بطريق السلطة والحُكْم، وإعلاء السياسة كأولوية على القوة والمقاومة اللتين تعدان مصدري صناعة السياسة ومرتكزاتها الأساسية، وبدونهما يصير العمل السياسي مجرد استجداء وحبر على ورق.

ويدعو د. أحمد إلى ضرورة إعطاء أولوية الإنفاق للمحتاجين، ولتوجيه دعم الدول العربية والإسلامية لوكالة الأونروا، مجددا القصد غير واضح تماما من هذه النصيحة ومن استخدام كلمة “أولوية” في هذا المقام،بالطبع يقع على عاتق حركة حماس مسؤولية اتجاه المحتاجين من شعبنا، كونها أحد الفصيلين الأكبرين في الساحة الفلسطينية، وكونها ارتضت تسلم السلطة في قطاع غزة، فإن كان القصد هو إيلاء هذه المسؤولية المزيد من الاهتمام عبر سد أبواب الهدر التي باتت وبصراحة كثيرة في نشاطات فروع حركة حماس في خارج فلسطين، عبر كثرة المؤتمرات الخطابية التي لا تقدم ولا تؤخر كثيرا، والتي تتسم في الكثير من الأحيان بالبذخ غير المقبول نهائيا، وصارت مصدر استرزاق للبعض وللزبائنية، وحيث صار جزء لا يستهان به من كوادر حركة حماس في الخارج عبء على كاهل الحركة بدلا من أن يكونوا رافدا لها.

فإذا كان المقصود هو سد هذا الباب وتحويل جزء من هذا الهدر لدعم المحتاجين من شعبنا فلا غبار على ذلك، وأما إن كان المقصود تحويل حركة حماس لجمعية خيرية، وتقزيم القضية الفلسطينية لتصبح قضية محتاجين ففي هذا انحراف كبير، فمسؤولية حركة حماس الأساسية مع باقي حركات المقاومة العمل على تحرير الأرض، والتحرير له أولوياته المعروفة، وهذا ما يحل مشكلة المحتاجين من أصلها التي ما هي إلا أحد أعراض الاحتلال وضياع الأرض، وإلا سيظل شعبنا محتاجا ومحروما إلى ما شاء الله، ومع الفوارق في الفداحة وقدر المعاناة، يظل حال الشعب الفلسطيني كحال غيره من شعوب المنطقة التي اتخذت من المقاومة والصمود طريقا، فها هي الجمهورية الإسلامية في إيران ترزح تحت حصار خانق منذ قرابة الأربعين عاما، ولبنان يتحمل من الحصار والضغوط الأمريكيين بسبب تمسك حزب الله بالثوابت الدينية والوطنية وحقوق لبنان في أرضه وثرواته من غاز وغيره، وتتعرض سوريا لحرب كونية ضروس منذ عشر سنوات بسبب مواقفها الوطنية والقومية الداعمة للمقاومات في لبنان وفلسطين على حد سواء، واليوم جاؤوها بقانون قيصر الظالم ليستكمل الحصار الاقتصادي على شعبها الصامد، فهذا هو حال شعبنا وهذه هي ضريبة التحرير، وإلا فلنرتضي أن تصير حركة حماس تنتظر الفتات من تحويلات مالية “إسرائيلية” كما السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية العتيدة.


الحديث يطول فيما ورد في المقال من نقاط “ونصائح”، لكن ملخص القول إن د. أحمد دعا في غير موضع من مقاله إلى استخلاص العبر والدروس من تجارب الماضي، لكن الظاهر أن د. أحمد لم يستخلص العبر من المثال الشاخص أمامنا ممثلا في مسار منظمة التحرير وما وصلت إليه، ناهيكم عن مسارات المتخاذلين الآخرين من حركات ونظام عربي متهالك، فإذا كان هذا هو المنهج فلا لوم على الذين سقطوا سقوطا مدويا في عامنا هذا الذي يصح وصفه بعام الخيانات.

Dr Tim Anderson: dismantling apartheid in occupied Palestine

Palestinian Teen Martyred After Heroic Operation against ‘Israeli’ Soldiers

Palestinian Teen Martyred After Heroic Operation against ‘Israeli’ Soldiers

By Staff, Agencies

A Palestinian teenager was martyred after the ‘Israeli’ occupation soldiers shot him dead as he carried out a heroic operation against the occupation soldiers in the Old City of occupied al-Quds on Monday night.

According to the ‘Israeli’ occupation police, the teen, identified by local media as 17-year-old Mahmoud Omar Kameel, approached a Zionist police post near the Lion’s Gate entrance to the Old City and shot at them.

“The police and border guard fighters working in the Old City chased him on foot, while he was shooting at them,” the ‘Israeli’ police said in a statement.

Witnesses said the occupation forces shot Kameel multiple times after chasing him and surrounding him in the area.

Immediately following the shooting, the Zionist forces closed the gates leading to the Old City and barred access to the Al Aqsa Mosque compound.

Kameel belonged to the village of Qabatiyeh near the occupied West Bank city of Jenin.

The Zionist entity captured East al-Quds during the 1967 war and later annexed the territory.

Related News

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine (03 – 09 December 2020)

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  • IOF shot and killed Palestinian, northeast of Ramallah
  • 19 Palestinian civilians wounded, including 6 childern, in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem
  • 3 shootings reported at agricultural lands, and 3 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip
  • In 93 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 77 civilians arrested, including 7 children and a woman
  • IOF demolished and confiscated 10 barracks in Ramallah and Jericho and distributed 9 cease-construction notices in Hebron
  • 9,000 settlement units constructed on the land of Jerusalem International Airport in occupied East Jerusalem
  • Settler-attacks: an attempt to burn a church in occupied East Jerusalem and 90 trees cut and uprooted in Salfit
  • IOF established 61 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

 Download Report (PDF)

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, in a new crime of excessive use of lethal force, IOF killed a Palestinian during the suppression of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. PCHR notes the recurrence of similar crimes, as PCHR’s staff documented the killing of 22 Palestinian civilians, including 6 children and a woman, by IOF since the beginning of 2020 in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Also, PCHR’s fieldworkers monitored and documented IOF targeting of children during the suppression of protests and during incursions into the West Bank cities in recent weeks.

Furthermore, IOF demolitions of Palestinian homes and properties continued as part of Israel’s de facto annexation and under various pretexts in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

This week, PCHR documented 180 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information contained in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

IOF killed a Palestinian child and wounded 19 other civilians, including 6 children, in excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem. On 04 December 2020, ‘Ali Ayman Naser Abu ‘Alia (14) was killed and 4 other civilians were wounded during the suppressing of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to  al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. IOF killed the child without any justification and without the presence of any threat to the soldiers’ lives.

Also, 2 civilians were wounded during IOF incursion into Nablus; 7 civilians wounded, including 2 children- one sustained wounds in his eye, in occupied East Jerusalem; 2 civilians wounded in Jericho; and 4 others wounded in Dheisheh camp in Bethlehem.

In the Gaza Strip, 3  IOF shootings were reported at agricultural lands, and 3 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 93 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them.7During this week’s incursions, 77 Palestinians were arrested, including 7 children and a woman. It should be noted that the woman was arrested twice.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted a limited incursion into northern Gaza Strip.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 8 incidents, including:

  • Ramallah: 2 barracks demolished in Deir Dibwan village and another barrack confiscated in eastern al-Mughayyir village;
  • Tubas: 2 excavators confiscated in northern Jordan valleys;
  • Occupied East Jerusalem: 9,000 settlement units constructed on the land of Jerusalem International Airport (Qalandia);
  • Bethlehem: 180 olive trees uprooted in al-Khader village;
  • Jericho: 7 barracks confiscated;
  • Hebron: houses and barns served 9 cease-construction notices.

Settler-attacks: PCHR fieldworkers reported and documented 4 settler-violence incidents: 80 olive trees cut in Yasuf village; 10 olive and fig trees uprooted in western Haris village in Salfit; and a settler attempted to burn the Gethsemane Church in the Mount of Olives area in occupied East Jerusalem.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity
  • At approximately 00:00 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF moved into Nablus, north of the West Bank, and stationed in the city’s eastern side. The IOF secured the entry of dozens of buses carrying settlers towards the Joseph’s tomb to perform prayers. Meanwhile, Palestinian young men gathered, set fire to tires and threw stones at IOF, who responded with rubber bullets and teargas canisters. As a result, 2 young men sustained rubber bullet wounds and received treatment at Rafidia Hospital. The wounded were: an 18-year-old male who was shot with a rubber bullet in his face, causing fractures in his teeth and mouth; and a 19-year-old male who was shot with a rubber bullet in his right foot. Also, many civilians suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • In new crime of excessive use of lethal force, Israeli occupation forces (IOF) killed on Friday, 04 December 2020, a Palestinian child and wounded 4 other civilians during the suppression of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. The child died few hours after sustaining a live bullet in his abdomen without any justification or posing threat to the soldiers’ lives. According to investigations conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), at approximately 11:00 on Friday, a peaceful protest took off in the center of al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah, at the call of the villagers, towards lands under the threat of confiscation and in protest to the establishment of new settlement outposts in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to the village. The protestors raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation, settlers and annexation wall. When the protestors arrived at the area, they found a large number of Israeli soldiers awaiting them. Following the Friday prayer, the protestors chanted slogans again the Israeli occupation and settlers. IOF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, 4 civilians sustained rubber bullets wounds in their lower extremities and received treatment on the spot. At approximately 13:30, as the clashes were ongoing, Israeli soldiers shot at ‘Ali Ayman Naser Abu ‘Aliya (14), wounding him with a live bullet in his abdomen below the lung on the right side of his body. Abu ‘Aliya was immediately taken via a Palestinian Red Crescent Socitey (PRCS) ambulance to the Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah, where he underwent a surgery. At approximately 18:00 on the same day, medical sources pronounced him dead. The medical report showed that the bullet penetrated the liver and ruptured it.
  • At approximately 12:20, IOF suppressed a protest organized by dozens of Palestinian civilians in protest at lands confiscations in favor of settlement projects. IOF chased the protestors gathered in the area and clashed with them. During which, IOF fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at the protestors. As a result, many protestors sustained bruises.
  • At approximately 14:45, IOF stationed at Beit Hanoun (Erez) Crossing, northern Beit Hanoun, opened fire sporadically at adjacent border areas. Farmers were panicked due to the heavy shooting; no injuries or damage were reported.
  • At approximately15:45, IOF stationed north of al-Sifa area, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, opened sporadic fire at the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, causing fear among Palestinian civilians, who approached the fence, and forcing them to flee; no casualties or material damage were reported.
  • At approximately 16:00, a number of Palestinian young men gathered in Bab al-Zawiyia area in the center of Hebron and threw stones at a military checkpoint established at the northern entrance to Hebron, so-called Checkpoint (56). IOF chased the Palestinian men in the village’s market and threw sound bombs and teargas canisters at the stone-throwers. As a result, many young men suffocated dye to teargas inhalation. IOF re-positioned behind the cement cubes placed in front of the checkpoint while the young men continued to throw stones at them. Meanwhile, a photojournalist working at Wafa News Agency, Mashhour Hasan al-Wahwah (37), was in the area to cover the clashes, but an Israeli soldier threatened him, prevented him from covering the clashes and denied his access to the area. Few hours later, IOF chased the young men again and al-Wahwah followed them. During which, an Israeli soldier approached al-Wahwah, shouted at him and cursed him. When al-Wahwah tried to talk with the soldier, the latter kicked him twice in his legs and ordered him to leave. Al-Wahwah tried to talk with the officer, who was on duty, but in vain. The clashes continued until 18:00; and no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 23:00, Israeli gunboats stationed off al- al-Sudaniya Shore, northwest of Jabalia camp, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 4 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  •  At approximately 08:30 on Saturday, 05 December 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire in their direction, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 16:10 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF stationed along the Gaza-Israel border fence, east of Khan Yunis, fired live bullets towards agricultural lands east of Khuzaʽa; no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 20:30 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, closed the village’s main street and established checkpoints near al-Arba’een mosque in the center of the village and at the entrances to nearby neighborhoods. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who chased the protestors and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at them. As a result, Omar Ahmed Khalil Mahmoud (16) was shot with a rubber bullet below his left eye while present in front of his house. He was then taken to Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in West Jerusalem for treatment. It should be noted that Isawiya village has been the target of recurrent IOF incursions in the past year, where IOF carries out arrest campaigns against civilians under the pretext of being wanted persons, fire live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at Palestinian civilians and their houses and properties.

The wounded child Omar Mahmoud

  • At approximately 05:00 on Monday, 07 December 2020, a large Israeli force accompanied with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces moved into Dheisheh refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, where they raided and searched dozens of houses after blowing up their doors and causing fear among the inhabitants. During which, Palestinian young men gathered and threw empty bottles and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who chased them on the village streets and fired heavy live bullets and sound bombs at them. As a result, 3 young men sustained gunshot wounds in their legs and received treatment at Beit Jala Hospital. Also, IOF arrested 4 civilians: Shehab Hasan Mezher (47), Mohammed Nedal Abu ‘Akar (27), and the siblings Mohammed (27) and Na’iem Abu ‘Akar (26).
  • At approximately 08:00, a large Israeli force accompanied with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces moved into Kalandia refugee camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Khaled ‘Abed al-Raouf Hamad’s house and arrested his sons Mo’ath (26) and Mohammed (28), taking them to an unknown destination. In the meantime, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF and their vehicles. IOF chased the protestors on the village streets and fired heavy live bullets and teargas canisters at them. As a result, 5 civilians, including a child, were shot with live bullets and taken to the Palestine Medical Complex for treatment. The wounded were identified:
  1. ‘Ali Hasan ‘Abed al-Qader (16), who was shot with a live bullet in the chect;
  2. ‘Ali Khaled ‘Abed al-Raouf Hamad (24), who was shot with a live bullet in the abdomen;
  3. Mohammed Ibrahim Saleh ‘Ali, who was shot with a live bullet in the thigh;
  4. Ahmed ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Roum, who was shot with a live bullet in his foot; and
  5. Mohammed Ibrahim Khalil Nser, who was shot with a live bullet in the foot.
  • At approximately 14:45, IOF stationed at Kalandia military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem, opened fire at Mohammed Mazen Abu Laban (24), wounding him with live bullets. IOF claimed that Abu Laban attempted to carry out a stabbing-attack. Abu Laban was taken to Hadassah Hospital, where his health condition was classified as serious. According to a video recording, Abu Laban attempted to pass the checkpoint through the vehicles lane, which is forbidden to pedestrians, IOF warned him and then shot him. In the same context, Israeli media stated that the young man, who was wounded at the military checkpoint did not carry a weapon or a knife and IOF opened fire at him because he did not obey their orders. It should be noted that Abu Laban, Shabab al-Amari’s Football Club reserve goalkeeper, was heading to a match VS Jabel Mukaber team, which took place at Faisal al-Husseini Stadium in al-Ram village, north of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 03:30 on Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF moved into Aqabat Jaber camp, southwest of Jericho. IOF were deployed in the camp, during which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF. Violent Clashes erupted between the protestors and IOF, who immediately fired teargas canisters, sound bombs and rubber bullets at the protestors. As a result, 2 civilians sustained sound bombs shrapnel wounds; the first was an 18-year-old male, who sustained shrapnel wounds in his abdomen while the second was a 24-year-old male, who sustained shrapnel wounds in his foot. Both of them received treatment on the spot. In the meantime, IOF raided and searched houses, from which they arrested Mohammed Akram al-Moqaiti (26), and the two siblings Yehia (20) and Yousef (18) Naseem al-Moqaiti.
  1. II. Incursions and arrests:

Thursday, 03 December 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-al-Mashrou’ area in al-Eizariya, east of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed al-Kalouni’s house and arrested his sons Samer (23) and Ibrahim (20).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into al-Jadawil area in Beit Jala. They raided and searched Mohammed Naser Abu Sheikha’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into al-Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Oday Issam Abu Nassar (22) and Laith Kareem al-Atrash (18) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into al-Funduq area, east of Qalqilya, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ali Maher Taim (30).
  • At approximately 16:30, IOF stationed at al-Hamra military checkpoint in central valleys, north of the West Bank, arrested the two siblings Sanad (24) and Ali Sharif Ahmed Ali (26), from Jaba’ village, south of Jenin, taking them to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Yatta, Beit Ummar, and Beit ‘Amra villages in Hebron governorate; Qarawat Bani Zeid, northwest of Ramallah governorate; and Birzeit, north of Ramallah governorate. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 04 December 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Wadea’ Dawoud Alian’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Burqa village, northwest of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sa’eed Mohammed Hajja (38), and Abdul Halim Emad Daghlas (19).
  • At approximately 11:00, a group of Mista’arvim (Israeli Special Unit dressed like Palestinians) sneaked into southern Nablus. They used a white Mercedes bus, stationed on al-Ta’awon street, and surrounded a building belonging to al-Alfi family. Meanwhile, several military vehicles moved into the area coming from al-Tur mount, south of the city, to provide protection for the special unit. Before their withdrawal, IOF arrested Mo’ayad Nimir al-Alfi (47), claiming that he had been wanted for years ago, taking him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF arrested Mahmoud al-Jondi (28), after getting out from al-Aqsa Mosque through Bab Huta, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, taking him to a police station in the city.
  • At approximately 01:15, IOF moved into New Nablus, south of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They surrounded and stormed s house belonging to Emad Mohammed al-Shami (50), a Lieutenant in the Preventive Security Service, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 18:30, IOF arrested Fathi Yassine Abu Srour (31), while present in Caritas area, north of Bethlehem, taking him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF arrested Belal Ju’aiwi (24), while riding his bicycle near Rachel’s Tomb, north of Bethlehem. IOF took him to an unknown destination.

Saturday, 05 December 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Bab Huta neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Omar Mousa Ajlouni’s house and took his two sons Sufian (22) and Saif (19), to a police station in the city.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Ahmed Hamed al-Natsha’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 20:00, Israeli Intelligence Services arrested Mohammed Hamza Obaid (14), from al-Issawiya village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem, after investigating with him for several hours in al-Bareed police station in the city. Obaid’s arrest was extended for the next day.

At approximately 12:00, IOF arrested Hanadi Mohammed al-Halawani (42), while attempting to enter the Aqsa Mosque through Bab al-Asbat Minaret, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. IOF took her to al-Maskoubiya police station. Al-Halawani said that, in the morning, IOF summonsed her for investigation. At approximately 12:00, IOF arrested her near Bab al-Asbat, and investigated with her about the writing on her coat: wearing a coat written on it “Bab al-Rahma is Ours” and “al-Aqsa is a Belief”. When Handi denied the charge, the investigators attempted to pressurize her to sign a decision that ban her entry to the Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem’s Old City again, but she refused and preferred to be arrested and referred to the court rather than banning her from entering the abovementioned places. The Israeli Intelligence Services released her after threatened her to be arrested. It should be noted that IOF arrested the teacher, al-Halawani, after storming her house several times, and she was investigated several times and banned from entering the Aqsa Mosque for up to 14-months.

  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Beit Kahel, Yatta, Tarqumiyah, and Imreish, in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.
  • Sunday, 06 December 2020:
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Omar Khalil Abu al-Hawa’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sami Naji Nazzal (24).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Zeita, north of Tulkarm, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Rabah Abdul Fattah Libdi (30), who is a former prisoner.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Eyad Ali Irsheed’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, south of Nablus, arrested Mohammed Nasr al-Dein Allan (36), who is a lawyer from Einabus village, southeast of Nablus.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Khaldoun Taha Dari’s (23) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into al-Wad neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Ra’fat Sameeh Najeeb’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into al-Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Shadi Issa Ma’ali’s (40) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Ma’ali was arrested several times and served 12 years in the Israeli prisons on charge of belonging to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and participating resisting the Israeli occupation.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya and Beita, southeast of Nablus; Sa’ir and al-‘Aroub refugee camp in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 07 December 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed in Bab al-Zawiya. They opened the main door, raided and searched Irsheed Printing House that belongs to Jehad Hussain Irsheed, destroyed its contents, and confiscated some of Jehad’s children’s pictures, Oday and Dania, who were killed in the Israeli offensive of 2015.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Sheikh neighborhood in the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched Mahmoud Hamdi Shabana’s (44) house and confiscated his laptop. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Azzun, east of Qalqilya, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abdul Razzaq Emad Swaidan (17).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Nahalin, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Theib Abdul Hamid Najajera’s (58) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Najajera is a governmental teacher who served several years in the Israeli prisons.
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF moved into Kafr Thulth, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Adel Sameeh Shawahna (22) and Murad Ammar Shawahna (19).
  • At approximately 05:10, IOF moved into Kafr Ni’ma, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Riyad Ahmed Abdo’s (35) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF moved into al-Rashayida village, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Sa’eed Suliman Owda Fawarqa’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into Ras Khmis neighborhood in Shu’afat refugee camp, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Ahmed Mohammed Ali’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF arrested Hanadi Mohammed al-Halawani (42), while present near Bab Huta, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s gates. IOF took her to a police station in the Old City and interrogated her for several hours before she was released on a condition that she will be banned from entering the Aqsa Mosque for a week, and she will later return to receive a new 6-month ban.
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into al-Bustan neighborhood in Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mohammed Waleed al-Rajabi’s (14) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 23:30, IOF moved into Bab Huta, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Omar Mousa al-‘Ajlouni’s (51) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Beita, southeast of Nablus; Zububa, west of Jenin; Dura, Beit ‘Amra and al-Samu, in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.
  • Tuesday, 08 December 2020:
  • At approximately 00:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Marwan Obaid’s house and arrested his sons; Omar (24) and Mohammed (20).
  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Kahil, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Mahmoud Ra’ed Asafra’s (21) house and arrested him.

At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Za’tara village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Khaled Ibrahim Tafesh’s (55) house, who was a member in the dissolved Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), and handed his son, Mos’ab (28), a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services. It should be noted that Tafesh is a former prisoner who was arrested several times and spent 8-years in the Israeli prisons in separate periods; part of which was under the administrative arrest.

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Dahiya neighborhood, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Nidal Atef Abu Rmaila (49).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Harmala village, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Abdullah Awad Abayat (28), Isma’el Khalil al-Zeir (43), and Hamza Taleb Abu Dayya (20).
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron and stationed in al-Dahar, Safa, and Asida neighborhoods. They raided and searched three housesand arrested (3) civilians including two children; Majdi Mershed Za’aqiq (16), Ibrahim Rami Za’aqiq (16), and Obaida Ghazi ‘Aadi (29). IOF blew up the door of Ghazi’s house, while Ghazi’s wife was behind the door attempting to open it. As a result, Qamar Ahmed ‘Aadi (55) sustained several bruises.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into al-Judeida village, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sameh Hussam Abu Mariam (20).

At approximately 07:00, IOF established a temporary military checkpoint in the entrance of Susya village, north of Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They stopped the vehicles and checked the ID cards of the passengers. Meanwhile, IOF stopped a vehicle carrying the teachers of Susya Elementary School and arrested two of them: Amjad Badr Shraiteh (41) and Isma’il Ali Nawaj’a (44). Nisreen Nawaj’a, principal of Susya Elementary School, said to PCHR’s fieldworker that: “After arresting the two teachers, we decided to sit-in the checkpoint and refused to leave without Nawaj’a and Shraiteh, as we were suffering from various harassments for two weeks while passing through the abovementioned checkpoint. Sometimes, the teachers had to take dirt roads to reach the school; as they were not allowed to pass through that checkpoint under the pretext of security purposes, even though, the students joined in the sit-in until the IOF released the two teachers after an hour”.

  • At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Qalandiya refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Sami Mutair’s (32) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services on the next day.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF arrested Mo’ath Abu Arafa (32), while he was on duty in the occupied East Jerusalem. Abu Arafa was taken to one of the investigation centers in the city and interrogated for several hours about giving religious lessons at the Aqsa Mosque. IOF released him on condition that banning his entry to the Aqsa Mosque for a week and return for investigation after that period.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF arrested Firas Khairy Katana (22), from al-Nazla al-Gharbiya, north of Tulkarm, while present near the border fence adjacent to Zeita village, north of Tulkarm. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out incursions in Nablus. no arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 09 December 2020:

  • At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan, west of Salfit. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Laith Adnan Rayyan (25).
  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Deir al-Hatab village, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Salman Ahmed Emran (39).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Bal’a village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (7) former prisoners and released them later. The arrestees were: Mohammed Emad Barabra, Talal Abu Yassine, Ja’far Ayman Shahrour, Tha’er Rida Mer’i, Naser Khalil Abu Dayya, Atiya Wael Mahmoud, and Essam Ghazi Jitawi.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into al-Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and neighborhoods and arrested (4) civilians: Kamel Jalal Nakhla (25), Maher Ayyoub Dalaisha (45), Ya’qoub Mostafa Hussain (27), and Fadi Nayef Alian (40). IOF released Nakhla and Dalaisha on the same day evening.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Taqoa village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mahmoud Abu Mfarreh’s house and took his sons Ahmed (18) and Mohammed (17), to unknown destinations.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF reinforced with six military vehicles stationed in Abu Safiya Gate, northeast of Jabalya, north of the Gaza Strip, moved 100 meters to the north of the border fence with Israel. They levelled and combed lands that were previously levelled amidst sporadic shooting. At approximately 10:00, IOF withdrew, and no casualties were reported.
  • Also during the day, IOF conducted 8 incursions into Palestinian territory without any arrests reported: Jaba’, southern Jenin; Sebastia, northwestern Nablus; Shufa, Anabta, Deir al-Ghusun, Zeita and Far’un in Tulkarm.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 09:00 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, an Israeli force backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with a Civil Administration vehicle and a bulldozer stormed the eastern area of Deir Dibwan village, east of Ramallah. IOF bulldozer demolished 2 barracks built of steel pillars and tin plates on an area of 120 sqm, 2 tents, a tent used for storing animal feed built on an area of 40 sqm, a barn built on area of 200 sqm. All of these facilities were used for grazing sheep and owned by Atef Awawdah Shalabi, from Deir Dibwan village. IOF also dismantled 6 steel feeding and watering equipment and confiscated them. The demolition was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C).
  • At approximately 10:50 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF stormed Atouf area, east of Tammun village, southeast of Tubas in northern valleys, north of the West Bank. IOF confiscated 2 diggers owned by Aman Rabah Gharib Bani Ouda and Diya’a Bani Ouda, from the abovementioned village. IOF confiscated the 2 diggers while both Ayman and Diya’a were paving an agricultural road in for the village’s council. Confiscation was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C).
  • On the same Sunday, the Organization and Construction Department at the Israeli Municipality in occupied Jerusalem announced approved construction of 9 thousand settlement units in “Atrout” settlement established on Qalandiya and Beit Hanina village’ lands, north of occupied East Jerusalem. According to the Israeli Civil Administration Commission, thousands of new settlement units will be constructed over 600 dunums in-lieu of Jerusalem’s abandoned international airport. IOF seized these lands in the 1970s. It should be noted that the Israeli settlement expansion plan in Atrout was laid out years ago, but it was frozen more than once due to international political pressures rejecting Israeli settlements in lands occupied in 1967. Jerusalem’s international airport was located on Qalandiya lands, north of occupied Jerusalem and it was the oldest airport in Palestine as it was constructed in 1920 during the British mandate of Palestine on an area of 650 dunums. Until the Israeli occupation in 1967, the airport was used for tourism and commercial purposes from and to Jerusalem before the outbreak of the Second Intifa in 2000.
  • On Monday morning, 07 December 2020, IOF uprooted hundreds of olive trees and grape vines after they leveled lands in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. Al-Khader Village’s Municipality said to PCHR’s fieldworker that IOF uprooted more than 30 olive seedlings after they leveled a land owned Yaseen Khader Essa, in Wadi al-Shami area. IOF also leveled a 6-dunums land in al-Absiya area in the abovementioned village owned by Rezeq Mohammed Husein Salah. Leveling the land led to uprooting 100 olive trees and 50 grapes seedlings. It should be noted that IOF lately committed many violations against Palestinian farmers in al-Khader village, including leveling and seizing lands, uprooting trees and preventing landowners from approaching them. These Israeli practices are in favor of settlement expansion activities.
  • At approximately 06:00 on Tuesday, 12 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle and truck mounted crane stormed al-Qaboun area, east of Al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. The area has been inhabited by a Bedouin community for 20 years. Israeli authorities brought workers from private companies and dismantled  and confiscated a barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 90 sq.m; it is owned  by Hasan Sueliman Abu al-Kabash, and used for grazing sheep. The demolition was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C) according to Oslo Accords.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle, a truck mounted crane, and a bulldozer stormed al-Auja village, north of Jericho. IOF deployed in the area and surrounded it and brought workers from a private company; they dismantled and confiscated 7 under-construction barracks built of steel pillars and bricks (uninhabited). One of these barracks was used to  store barley and wheat crops for feeding sheep and livestock. The bulldozer also confiscated crops. The demolition and confiscation were under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C). The demolition details were as follows:
Affected personfacility
Mohammed Yaseen Mousa RashaidahUnder-construction barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 70 sqm.
Zawada Suleiman Saleem Abu Khraish Under-construction barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 70 sqm.
Farea Yaseen RshaidahUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Khalaf Fares RashaidahUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Sulieman Dawoud Tarif al-ZayedA barrack built of bricks and steel used to store on an area of 200 sqm
Hani Ata Dawoud al-ZayedUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Ata Daoud Tarif al-ZayedUnder-construction barrack built of bricks and steel on an area of 80 sqm
  • At the same time, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle and a truck mounted crane stormed Khirbat al-Simia, west of as-Samu village, south of Hebron. The soldiers deployed in the area while the Civil Administration officers dismantled a barrack built of bricks on an area of 100 sqm, used for grazing sheep and it is owned by Riyad Abdul Karim Ghayad al-Salamin. Before IOF withdrew from the area, the Civil and Administration officer handed al-Salamin a paper of the confiscated items. Israeli authorities also handed al-Salamin a notice called “stop destruction of archeological sites” on 11 December 2020.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Wednesday, 09 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle stormed Khirbat al-Jawaya, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The Civil Administration officer fixed a number of notices a notice to stop construction works at residents and livestock barns under the pretext of illegal construction and gave them until 30 December 2020, to submit the required legal document before the Committee at the Civil Administration. The notices were as follows:
Affected personfacilityAreaConstruction yearDescription of constructionFundingFamily membersChildrenNotice No.Financial costConstruction
Ahmed Hammad Mohammed Nawaja’aWater well160sqm2005A holeorganization6331141
Ahmed Hammad Mohammed Nawaja’ahouse310sqm2018Under constructionpersonal643114380cement
Ra’ef Kahlid Mohammed Nawaj’a3 houses200sqm2020Under constructionpersonal4231140cement
Essa Mohammed Husein Shawahintent50sqm2020Construction completepersonal11931142Tent
Mousa Hasan Husein Shawahinbarn60sqm2019Construction completedpersonal6431144 Cement
Moamed Ahmed Mahmoud ShawhinA house40sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231146200,00cement
Adham Ahmed Mahmoud ShahinA house100sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231148120,000cement
Mohammed Ali Mohammed HuseinA house100sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231148120,000bricks
Ayed Eyada ShawahinLivestock barrack60sqm2018Construction completepersonal84206751bricks

Khirbat al-Jawaya is located in eastern Yatta, south of Hebron and inhabited with 300 persons, who work in agriculture and the construction sector. This area is located in Area (C) according to the Oslo Accords. At the southern and eastern outskirts of the Khirbah, we find the Bypass Raod (60) and “Ma’on” settlement a mere one kilometer away. IOF’s settlement expansion activities on Palestinians’ lands, resident of Khirbat al-Jawaya are unable to conduct any construction in the area.

Israeli Settlers’ Attacks

  • At approximately 11:30 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, a group of Israeli settlers from Taffuh settlement established at lands of Yasouf village, east of Salfit, uprooted 42 olive trees in al-Karm eastern area, southeast of Yasouf village, using electric equipment. The land is owned by brothers Shaher and Ali Mohammed Theeb Yaseen.

Ali Theeb Yaseen said to PCHR’s fieldworker that his eldest son headed to al-Karm eastern area, east of the city to check on the olive trees planted a month ago. He found the fence cut off and olive trees uprooted as settlers uprooted 42 olive trees from his land and 13 olive trees from his Brother’s land.

  • At approximately 14:20 on Friday, 04 December 2020, an Israeli settler stormed the Church of all Nations or Basilica of the Agony located at Mount of Olives, east of occupied East Jerusalem, and attempted to set fire into it before the church’s guards and the area residents interfered. They extinguished the fire and caught the settler and handed him to the Israeli police.

According to the church’s guard, Fadi al-Moghrabi, a settler poured diesel and attempted to set fire into some seats in the church. However, some civilians intervened and prevented him. Al-Moghrabi emphasized that fire caused damage to some seats and the floor.

The Israeli police also announced that they detained an Israeli (49), who lives in Jerusalem and attempted to set fire to the Basilica of the Agony in occupied East Jerusalem by pouring a flammable liquid inside it, causing damage.

According to the spokesperson of the Fire Department, 4 crews arrived at the place; luckily, the fire did not spread throughout the church, but it was full of smoke. It should be noted that the Church of all Nations or Basilica of the Agony is located at the Mount of Olive in Jerusalem near “Gethsemane” Garden and it was built above the rock where Christians believe that Jesus prayed before his arrest and crucifixion. It is noteworthy that the church was built between 1919 and 1924 and funded by several countries. The church is distinguished by its facade as it is backed by a row of pillars and a mosaic painting on its top that symbolically portrays Jesus as the link between God and mankind.

  • On Saturday morning, 05 December 2020,  a group of Israeli settlers from “ Rahalim settlement” established on Yasouf village lands, east of Salfit, cut off 38 olive trees in al-Mahawer area, southeast of Yasouf area using an electric saw. The land is owned by Rajeh and Reda Mahmoud Atiyani.

Rajeh Atiyani said to PCHR’s fieldworker: “When I headed to my land at 08:30 on Saturday morning to spray pesticides, I found  that 38 olive trees were cut off from my land and 16 others were cut off  from my brother’s land as settlers used an electric saw to cut the trees. Rajeh emphasized that his land was attacked several times before.

  • At approximately 08:30 on Monday, 07 December 2020, a group of Israeli settlers from “Revava” settlement established at lands of Haris village, north of Salfit, uprooted 10 olive trees at Khelat Abu al-Ola area, west of Haris village. The land is owned by heirs of Ya’qoub Ouda Hasan Sultan.

III. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West bank:

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals 61 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 4 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against

Individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • At approximately 14:40 on Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF closed Qalandiya military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem after they opened fire a Palestinian civilian at the checkpoint and later reopened it.
  • On the same day, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrances to ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020 IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, and under al-Khader village’s bridge, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, and near al-Nashash intersection, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the western entrance to Husan village, near al-Nashash intersection, near Deir Salah village’s bridge, and at Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.

Jericho:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho. IOF continued establishing checkpoint until Sunday, 06 December 2020, as soldiers searched civilians’ vehicles and checked their ID cards.
  • On Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrane to Beit Jala, Jannata, Jab’a villages, near Deir Salah village’s bridge, east of Bethlehem.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the entrance to Marah Rabah village, at Aqabat Hasna area, leading to villages, west of Bethlehem.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and the entrances to Nahalin and Wadi Rehal villages.

Nablus:

  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection to Al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya village, branching from Ramallah – Nablus Street, southeast of Nablus.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at entrance to Asira ash-Shamaliya village, north of Nablus.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrance to Beita village, al-Marba’a area near the entrance to Tal village, and at Nablus – Jenin main road, northwest of Nablus.

Jenin:

  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Silat ad-Dhahr village, southwest of Jenin.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established2 checkpoints at the entrance to Jalamah village, and at the intersection of Arraba village.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to: Al Aroub refugee camp, Sa’ir village’s northern entrance, and Halhoul southern entrance.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Ash-Shuyukh village, and Beit Ummar village.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to:  Beit Awwa, Bani Na’im, and Surif villages.
  • On Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Fawwar refugee camp, Ash-Shuyukh, Beit Ummar and Beit Awwa villages.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at: Fawwar refugee camp, Ash-Shuyukh, Beit Ummar, and Beit Awwa villages.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at Hebron’s southern entrance, and Halhoul’s southern entrance.
  • On Wednesday, 09 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at Halhoul’s northern entrance, Hebron’s southern entrance, Al Aroub refugee camp, and Susya village.

Qalqilya:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints between Jayyous and Azzun villages, and at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On 04 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at under the bridge of Azzun village, at the entrance to Jit village, and the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Izbat at-Tabib village, east of Qalqilya.

Salfit:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection to Kifl Haris village, west of Salfit.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at northern entrance to Salfit.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit.
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