Israeli media: Shooting in Areeha, alleged ramming in Nablus

January 28, 2023

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

The Israeli occupation reports a shooting operation in Areeha and an alleged ramming attempt at the Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus.

The Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus,

The Israeli occupation army reported on Saturday evening a shooting attack near a restaurant at the “Almog Junction” near the city of Areeha in the occupied West Bank.

A spokesperson for the Israeli occupation army claimed that a Palestinian arrived at a restaurant near the “Almog junction”, fired bullets, and withdrew from the scene in a car without causing any injuries.

The occupation indicated that its forces began sweeping the area in search of the Palestinian who carried out the shooting.

Simultaneously, Israeli media claimed that a truck driver tried to ram Israeli occupation soldiers at the Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, without any injuries reported. The media said occupation soldiers opened gunfire at a Palestinian truck driver.

Al Mayadeen correspondent reported that the illegal Israeli settlers deployed heavily at the Za’tara checkpoint and carried out attacks on all roads in the West Bank, the worst of which was in the north of the West Bank.

According to our correspondent, the settlers burned cars and attacked Palestinian citizens who tried to confront them.

Earlier, Israeli media quoted a spokesperson for the Israeli occupation police as saying that settlers who have a gun permit should carry their weapons on them.

This comes a few hours after Israeli media reported that two Israeli settlers were seriously injured in a shooting attack in Silwan, occupied Al-Quds.

On Friday, Israeli occupation police announced that seven settlers were killed and at least 10 others were wounded in the aftermath of a shooting that took place in Nabi Yaqub, occupied Al-Quds.

Read more: 

BREAKING: Palestinian Youth Injured in Nablus Dies of His Wounds

January 11, 2023

Ahmad Abu Junaid, 21, was killed by Israeli forces in the Balata refugee camp. (Photo: via Social Media)

A Palestinian youth, identified as Ahmad Abu Junaid, died on Wednesday of wounds sustained during an Israeli army raid of the Balata refugee camp in Nablus, the Ministry of Health announced.

The Ministry said in a statement that Abu Junaid, 21, was shot in the head and was moved to the hospital where he was pronounced dead in the afternoon.

Israeli soldiers raided the Balata refugee camp on Wednesday morning to arrest activists but were faced with fierce resistance, forcing them to withdraw without arresting anyone. The soldiers opened fire at protesters, critically injuring Abu Junaid.

Abu Junaid is the fifth Palestinian to be killed by Israeli soldiers in the occupied West Bank since the start of this year.

(WAFA, PC, SOCIAL)

في ذكرى انتفاضة الحجارة: حتمية الانفجار واعتباطيّة الحل السلمي

 السبت 10 كانون الأول 2022

مصعب بشير

كان اندلاع الانتفاضة الشعبية الفلسطينية الأولى، المعروفة بانتفاضة الحجارة، أمراً طبيعياً من حيث حتمية حدوثه في سياقٍ أخذت فيه عربدة النظام الاستعماري الصهيوني بُعداً جديداً؛ فقد ثبت فشل المساعي الإسرائيلية لاحتواء سكان المناطق التي احتُلَّت في حرب حزيران/ يونيو 1967، من خلال استخدامهم كأيد عاملة رخيصة في قطاعات البناء والزراعة والصناعة الخفيفة. كان النظام الصهيوني يعي تماماً أن التكلفة المنخفضة لقوة عمل سكان الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة، ستعني تحسّناً نوعياً لسكان «المناطق»، وهو مصطلح ورثته إسرائيل من حقبة الاستعمار البريطاني الذي قسّم فلسطين إلى مناطق عسكرية خلال ثورة 1936، ولا تزال إسرائيل تستخدمه لوصف الضفة والقطاع نظراً إلى خضوعهما للحكم العسكري -خرجت غزة من التسمية بعد إعادة إسرائيل لانتشار قواتها عام 2005.


فشل استراتيجية المضطهِدين أمام صيرورة المضطهَدين
كانت إسرائيل تعوّل على أن التحسّن الاقتصادي لسكان الضفة والقطاع، إضافة إلى تخريبها المنهجي لقطاع التعليم سيحقق ما أراده ديفيد بن غوريون بأن «يموت الكبار وينسى الصغار». لكن بن غوريون ومن جاء بعده غفلوا عن أن تلك المقولة منطقية في سياق غير سياق الاستعمار والطرد، أي إنها منطقية في حالة طبيعية -لا وجود فيها لعوامل تهديد وجودية كالاستعمار الصهيوني- لا في حالة غير طبيعية كحالة دولة إسرائيل التي قامت وتقوم على التطهير العرقي والاستعلائية العنصرية والتنكيل بالشعب الأصلاني بوتائر مختلفة، وكلها ممارسات يومية ضد من تبقّى من الشعب الفلسطيني في فلسطين.

لقد أدى الارتفاع النوعي لدخل أكثر من مئة ألف أسرة فلسطينية في الضفة والقطاع إلى تحسّن ملموس في ظروف المعيشة وإنعاش لحياة الفلسطينيين هناك -وأغلبهم لاجئون داخل وطنهم- كما أدى احتكاكهم بسوق العمل الإسرائيلي الذي ينهل من أحدث التقنيات الغربية، ويشارك في إنتاج بعضها، إلى نقل معرفة وآلات حديثة امتزجت مع ما حمله الأصلانيون الفلسطينيون من معرفة مما قبل النكبة، فأخذ ذلك اتجاهاً نحو صناعة فلسطينية -على نحو جنيني؛ إذ ظهرت ورش ومعامل في قطاع غزة والضفة الغربية كانت إمّا جزءاً من شبكات قيمة تابعة لشركات رأسمالية كبرى، أو كيانات مستقلة، ففي غزة ومخيم جباليا كانت تصنع ملابس لعلامات كـ Levi’s و Lee، وأيضاً ثلاجات العرض للمحال التجارية، وفي الخليل ازدهرت على نحو أكبر صناعة الأحذية -المعروفة بها تاريخياً- إضافة إلى معامل للصناعات الغذائية في غزة ونابلس ورام الله والخليل. وقد أدى ذلك إلى بروز طبقة عاملة فلسطينية شكلت قرابة 38% من سكان الضفة والقطاع، وكان ثلثها عاملاً في الاقتصاد الإسرائيلي.

كانت إسرائيل تعوّل على أن التحسّن الاقتصادي لسكان الضفة والقطاع، إضافة إلى تخريبها المنهجي لقطاع التعليم سيحقق ما أراده ديفيد بن غوريون


لكن الفلسطينيين استمروا في الحديث عن نكبتهم شفهياً، على الرغم من أن المدارس كانت تعتمد في قطاع غزة منهاجاً مصرياً وفي الضفة الغربية آخر أردنياً، كما ظل اللاجئون يشيدون بيوتاً تراوحت بين الجيد والفخم بعد أن تحسّنت أحوالهم المادية عام 1980من القرن الماضي، لكن داخل المخيمات وحولها، فقد كانوا -ولا يزالون- متشبّثين بالمخيم ويعتبرونه مرحلة ما قبل العودة، وأن أي مكان غيره سيعني اللاعودة. تزامن ذلك كله مع جهود صهيونية مسعورة لمسح أي مظهر من مظاهر الهوية الوطنية الفلسطينية، ومنع الفلسطينيين من الاستقلال اقتصادياً عن إسرائيل -التي أرادت لهم تحسناً يُنسيهم ماضيهم، مع أن يظلوا تابعين لاقتصادها، إذ تناسب تحسّن الأحوال الاقتصادية طردياً مع تعاظم الروح الوطنية. يُضاف إلى ذلك أن إسرائيل شعرت بنشوة بعد أن هزمت منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية عسكرياً إثر اجتياح بيروت عام 1982 فصار تنمّر العسكريين الإسرائيليين على الأهالي جزءاً من الحياة اليومية.

1987 تجلّى «هرم ماسلو»…
لا مخطط من أي فصيل!

كثيراً ما تردّد الفصائل الفلسطينية، الوطنية منها والإسلامية، أنها خطّطت للانتفاضة، أو أن نضالاتها تسبّبت في تأجيج نار الكفاح في صدور أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني. لكن ذلك منافٍ للواقع تماماً مثلما تُفيد روايات من عاصر تلك الفترة، وواقع الحال اقتصادياً وسياسياً. ففي حين أشبع فيه الفلسطينيون جوعهم واكتسوا من بعد برد وسكنوا بيوتاً من بعد خيام، وفي وقت لم تكفّ فيه إسرائيل عن حرمانهم من العودة إلى ديارهم، بل ومنعتهم من أن يكونوا أنفسهم -فلسطينيين أبناء هده الأرض التي سميت عنوة إسرائيل- لا بل تمادت في غيِّها بعد أن كسرت شوكة منظمة التحرير التي رؤوا فيها ممثلهم الشرعي والوحيد، وصارت تنغّص عليهم عيشهم بعد أن صار بإمكانهم كسبه من دون الركون إليها، صارت الثورة والخروج على المحتل أمران تحدثهما به النفس طوال الوقت.

قد يبدو تناقضاً أن إسرائيل -التي من مصلحتها أن يتحسن حال الفلسطينيين اقتصادياً- راحت تغلق المعامل، وتضع أنف مخابراتها في شؤون الناس. لكن ذلك من التناقضات المتأصلة في كيان استعماري كإسرائيل، فهي تخشى استقلال التابع، وتخشى ألا تكون لها سيطرة على صياغة وعيه، فتوافرت الظروف الموجبة للانفجار.

(عبد الرحمن المزين)

تفيد نظرية عالم النفس أبراهام ماسلو بأن الإنسان يأخذ في السعي إلى تلبية حاجاته المعنوية والمادية الآجلة، بعد أن يلبي حاجاته المادية العاجلة. لذلك تفرّغ من بقي من الفلسطينيين داخل وطنهم للانبراء للاحتلال. ورُبّ سائل يسأل: أوليس أحرى بالجياع المشردين أن ينقضُّوا على من نكبهم وشرّدهم؟ والجواب: بلى، غير أن وجود فصائل مسلحة وممثل سياسي هو منظمة التحرير، ودول عربية في الخلفية وحول إسرائيل، جعل الفلسطيني داخل فلسطين ينتظر الفرج ممن هم نظرياً أقوى منه. وعندما اتضح أنه لم يبق في «الميدان إلا حميدان» كما يقول المثل الشعبي الفلسطيني، لم يتأخر حميدان عن القِراع. لذا لا يمكن فهم اندلاع الانتفاضة الشعبية الأولى في حدثٍ عنيفٍ محليٍ هنا أو هناك.

الثورة السائبة تُعلِّم السرقة!

كان أبناء الشعب من عمّال وفلاحين وطلبة ومثقفين، رجالاً ونساءً من مختلف الشرائح وقود الانتفاضة، فقدّموا الشهيد والسجين والجريح، والمطارد، والمنفي. لكن لم يكن لكل هؤلاء حزبهم بالمعنى الاجتماعي الاقتصادي، إذ لم تكن معركة الوعي مربوحةً، كما أن الفصائل اليسارية التي طرحت نفسها ممثلة للكادحين كانت عقيمة تنظيمياً وفكرياً ومصابةً بنيوياً بأمراض اليمين. أمّا اليمين الذي قاده ياسر عرفات، فقد أفسد حالةَ التنظيم الشعبي -التي نسَّقت الإضرابات ونظمت التعليم والتآزر المجتمعي- بالمال الذي كان يُغدق بغير حساب من مكتب المنظمة في عمَّان على كل من هبّ ودبّ، لا سيما على الزُّعران والبلطجيّة الذين أثاروا الفوضى وعملوا على تصفية الكوادر الفتحاويّة القليلة التي عارضت التسوية السلمية من مدريد حتى أوسلو. أمّا الفصائل الإسلامية -وخاصة «حماس»- فكانت تغرّد في وادٍ من التهيؤات المخلوطة بالمراهقة النضالية وفهم بدائي سطحي للدين. لذلك كان من مصلحة منظمة التحرير ورئيس أكبر فصائلها «فتح» وزبانيته أن توقع اتفاق أوسلو الذي تنازل عن ثوابت القضية الفلسطينية مقابل «حلّ سلمي» جلب له بساطاً أحمر وأموالاً غربية. لقد كان حلاً للطبقة الطفيلية التي لا تهمها العودة والخلاص من الصهيونية، على حساب الطبقات الكادحة التي يهمّها ذلك. لذلك فإنه ما لم يكن لجماهير كادحي الشعب الفلسطيني في كل مكان، حزبها هي، فإن كل انتفاضة ستُسرق مثلما سُرقت انتفاضة الحجارة. ذلك هو الدرس المُرّ الذي يجب أن يعى كي نحتفل يوماً ما بالتحرير، لا الذكرى.

من ملف : الانتفاضة الأولى: «أراه طالعاً من حجر»

مقالات ذات صلة

Qatar World Cup Came to Clarify that Normalization with ‘Israel’ is Only Governments, Not Peoples’ Affair!

November 28, 2022

By Mohammad Youssef

The Qatar World Cup has unfolded so many events and revealed new facts the most important of which is that Palestine and the Palestinian cause still occupy a central place in the consciousness of the Arab community.

All the shameful official normalization deals with the ‘Israeli’ enemy and all the attempts by some Arab governments to normalize the relations between their people and the enemy have very clearly proved their futility. The reactions from the different standoffs said one truth that ‘Israel’ can never be accepted as a normal part of the region, and it will always be rejected by all Arab and Muslim people.

Journalists, reporters and media personnel who work in the different ‘Israeli’ media outlets have repeatedly revealed a very strong fact about how much they are detested and rejected the moment Arab people discover their ‘Israeli’ identity. The people would directly voice out their anger and refuse their presence in Qatar.

This kind of reaction would directly tell the ‘Israelis’ and the governments how much Arab people are attached to Palestine and the depth of their faith in it.

In one instance, an ‘Israeli’ reporter would start a conversation with one of the attendees at the Qatar World Cup, the moment this participant discovers he is an ‘Israeli’ he would directly cut the conversation and refuse talking to him.

In another instance, the ‘Israeli’ reporter covering the events would reveal his identity and the audiences there tell him directly there is no such thing as ‘Israel,’ we call this country Palestine.

In a third occasion, a crowd of the participants attending the World Cup would tell one of the ‘Israelis’ in the face you are not welcome here.

This thread of events and many others have made the ‘Israelis’ feel frustrated and report to their government that would in its turn report to the Qatari authorities to convey its disappointment and claims about the mistreatment of the ‘Israelis’ during the World Cup events.

Of course, neither Qatar, nor any other Arab government is capable of controlling the feeling of the people and the impulse of the Arab crowds. They represent a true and genuine reflection of their understanding to the ‘Israeli’ entity.

What is so strange actually about all of this is the shock manifested by the ‘Israelis’ themselves as if this happens as a surprise, though they should know already that all the years that passed after their agreement with both the Egyptian and Jordanian political systems did not bring them any inch closer to be accepted by both streets whether in Cairo or Amman.

‘Israel’ will never be accepted by the Arabs and Muslims and all its agreements and treaties with a government here or there will not help make it a normal part of the region.

As long as our mothers and fathers teach us that this part of the world has always been and will continue to be Palestine and not any other country or entity, and as long as the successive Palestinian generations continue to sacrifice for the full liberation of Palestine from the rivers to the sea, then the victory will definitely come.

The normalization story is behind us. To be more precise, it is under our feet in all the Arab streets. Governments take note of that!

Tel Aviv Detects High Motivation among Palestinian Youths to Attack Zionists: 30 Israelis Dead in 2022 So Far

 November 16, 2022

Martyr Mahmoud Souf

The Zionist media outlets reported that the occupation army raised alert for 72 hours in the West Bank in anticipation of more attacks just as Salfit operation.

The Palestinian young man, Mahmoud Souf, killed three Israelis and wounded three others, before being martyred in a major stabbing and car-ramming attack in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday.

The failure of the Zionist occupation forces and the armed settlers to deal with the Palestinian martyr intensified the Israeli concerns.

The Israeli military expert Ron Ben Yishai analyzed the character of the attacker, indicating that he was moved by an emotional climax.

Yishai added that the attacker seized the available opportunity to attack an Israeli guard, highlighting his audacious act of attacking more Zionists instead of escaping the scene.

Alon Bin David, a Zionist military expert, underlined the power displayed by the attacker, who moved in one of the most armed areas in the entity, adding that this operation sparks the imagination of many people.

The young Palestinian generation is displaying drastic changes that are behind the surging operations in the occupied West Bank, according to the Zionist analysts.

Former Israeli military intelligence chief Tmair Hayman said that Salfit operation comes in part of a broader phenomenon in presence of a young generation providing the infrastructure of such attacks.

The Arab affairs expert Zvi Yehezkeli reflected a pessimistic attitude towards the Palestinian attacks, adding that 30 Zionists have been claimed by such operations in 2022 so far.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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The Israeli occupation arrests the relatives of the perpetrator of the Ariel operation, the martyr Muhammad Souf

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Sayyed Nasrallah Backs Strategy of Knives: Let the Palestinian Stab the “Israeli” Occupier Fatally Then Be Killed

November 16, 2022

By Staff

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was one of the first defenders of the uprising [the Intifada] in Palestine and among those who called for revolution against the “Israeli” enemy, even with a knife.

In a speech in 2000, Sayyed Nasrallah called on the Palestinian people to fight the enemy, even with a knife, saying, “If you don’t have bullets, who among you doesn’t have a knife?”

Palestinian Kills 3 Israelis, Injures 3 Others in Heroic Operation in West Bank

 November 15, 2022

Israeli security and rescue personnel at the scene of a stabbing attack in Salfit (Tuesday, November 15, 2022).

A Palestinian killed three Israelis and wounded three others, before being martyred in a major stabbing and car-ramming attack in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday.

Israeli media, citing occupation military, said the Palestinian stabbed a security guard in the Palestinian town of Salfit, near the entrance to the so-called Ariel Industrial Park.

The Palestinian attacker then stabbed three people at and adjacent to a nearby gas station, before he fled in an apparently stolen vehicle.

Shortly afterward, the attacker crashed the vehicle into other cars on the Route 5 highway, before getting out and stabbing another person, according to Israeli medics.

Palestinian crashed the vehicle he stole into other cars in West Bank (Tuesday, Nov. 15, 2022).

He then stole another vehicle and drove it against traffic, crashing into more cars, before he got out and was shot dead by soldiers and armed civilians.

Israeli ambulance service Magen David Adom (MDA) said the occupation security guard was seriously hurt, the Times of Israeli reported, adding that security officials were probing how the Palestinian attacker “managed to flee after stabbing the guard at the first scene, and why he was not shot by another guard.”

Two Israeli men in their 40s who were stabbed at and near the gas station were killed, and another man in his 40s was seriously hurt, Israeli media reported.

Another settler in his 50s was killed after being rammed by the Palestinian attacker, and another 35-year-old was stabbed and seriously hurt, according to MDA.

Palestinian Authority Health Ministry identified the Palestinian martyr as 18-year-old Mohammad Souf, from the nearby town of Hares.

The Times of Israel quoted a defense source as saying that Souf “did not have any prior security offenses.”

Palestinian media reported that Israeli occupation troops entered Hares following the attack and searched the area for a suspect who allegedly aided Souf.

Source: Israeli and Palestinian media (translated and edited by Al-Manar English Website)

«نشوة النصر» الإسرائيلية تتبدّد: «الذئاب» تعود… من جنوب الضفة

 الإثنين 31 تشرين الأول 2022

قامت قوات الاحتلال بإغلاق جميع الطرق والمداخل المؤدية إلى مدينة الخليل (أ ف ب)

أحمد العبد

رام الله | دخلت الخليل وأريحا، على مسافة أيّام قليلة من انتخابات «الكنيست»، على خطّ الاشتباك، لتُبدِّد «نشوة النصر» الإسرائيلية في نابلس وجنين، ومعها جميع إجراءات الطوارئ الأمنية التي تتعزّز تباعاً خشيةَ تنفيذ عمليات فدائية. عمليات أقرّ وزير أمن العدو، بيني غانتس، أنه لن يكون في المستطاع «منْعها كلّها»، متحدّثاً عن «أثمان مؤلمة وصعبة… وتحدّيات كبيرة». وتُنذر عمليتا الخليل وأريحا بتداعيات سيتحدَّد حجمها في الأيام المقبلة، مع تمدُّد حالة الاشتباك من شمال الضفة إلى جنوبها، ما يضع المنطقة بأكملها – وذلك سيناريو الرعب الإسرائيلي – في حالة مقاومة لن يكون من الممكن تحجيمها


في ذروة الاستنفار الإسرائيلي في الضفة الغربية المحتلّة، جاءت عملية «كريات أربع» التي نفّذها الشهيد محمد الجعبري، لتهدِم نشوة المنظومة الأمنية والاستخباراتية للعدو، والتي يعيشها الاحتلال منذ ارتكب جرائمه الأخيرة في نابلس وجنين؛ كما جاءت لتُبدِّد جميع الإجراءات التي اتّخذتها المؤسستَان العسكرية والأمنية مع اقتراب انتخابات «الكنيست»، خشيةَ تنفيذ عمليات فدائية. وتُنذر عملية الخليل التي تحمل في طيّاتها دلالات عسكرية وجغرافية غاية في الأهميّة، بتداعيات سيتحدَّد حجمها في الأيّام المقبلة. وإلى مقتل مستوطن وإصابة آخرين، فإن تداعياتها تبدو أكثر خطورة، مع تحرُّك مدينة الخليل بعد أشهر من حالة الهدوء النسبي الذي عاشته المحافظة، والذي من شأنه – إذا قُدِّر له أن يستمرّ ويتّسع – أن يقلب الأوضاع في الضفة رأساً على عقب، ولا سيما أن العملية استُتبعت بإطلاق نار آخر تجاه جنود الاحتلال قرب بلدة بني نعيم.

وسارع رئيس حكومة العدو، يائير لابيد، إلى تقييم الوضع الأمني في أعقاب العملية، آمراً بتعزيز القوات الأمنية في المنطقة، على أن تستمرّ حالة التأهُّب في مختلف الساحات، فيما قامت قوات الاحتلال بإغلاق جميع الطرق والمداخل المؤدية إلى مدينة الخليل، ومنعت الدخول إليها أو الخروج منها. وإلى ذلك، اقتحمت منزل الجعبري، وأخذت قياساته تمهيداً لهدمه، كما اعتقلت شقيق الشهيد. من جهته، اعترف وزير الأمن، بيني غانتس، أنه «ليس في الإمكان منْع كلّ العمليات المسلّحة»، مضيفاً: «في الإمكان دائماً حدوث عمليات. والأثمان مؤلمة وصعبة، لكن الوضع معقَّد. وهناك تحدّيات كبيرة، واسعة وطويلة، وصمدنا أمام هذه التحديات في الماضي، وسنصمد أمامها الآن». وفي الإطار نفسه، ذكرت إذاعة جيش الاحتلال أنه سيتمّ نشْر سريتَين من «حرس الحدود» في الساعات المقبلة، لتعزيز منطقة الخليل، كما يدرس الجيش تعزيزات إضافية ستصل إلى المنطقة خلال الأيام القليلة المقبلة.
يُعدّ الجعبري، منفّذ العملية، أحد عناصر حركة «حماس» في الخليل، وهو شقيق الأسير المحرّر والمبعد إلى قطاع غزة، وائل الجعبري، وقد تمكّن من تنفيذ عمليّته بعدما نجح في الوصول إلى مستوطنة «كريات أربع»، كبرى مستوطنات الضفة، حيث استهدَف مستوطنين عند مدخل أحد أحيائها ببندقية «M16»، ما أسفر عن إصابة مستوطن ونجله، فيما أصيب الآخرون خلال محاولتهم مساعدتهما، ومن بينهم أحد قادة المستوطنين، عوفر أوهانا. وذكرت مصادر عبرية أن السلاح المستخدَم في العملية تم الاستيلاء عليه مع كمية أسلحة أخرى، قبل أشهر، من إحدى قواعد جيش الاحتلال في النقب.

ستعطي الخليل حالة المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة زخماً وقوّة هائلَيْن، بفعل خصوصيّتها


وبتنفيذها هذه العملية، أثبتت المقاومة قدرتها على مفاجأة العدو بضربات قويّة، وكسْر الوهم الأمني الذي يحاول ادّعاء تجسيده على الأرض، خاصّة أنها جاءت بعد أيّام من معركة شرسة خاضتها مجموعة «عرين الأسود» في مدينة نابلس، واستشهد خلالها قائدها وديع الحوح. وبهذا، تكون العملية قد كسرت طَوْق الاحتواء والحصار المفروض على المقاومة في نابلس وجنين، وأبعدت خطر تفكيك وإنهاء «العرين» أو أيّ خليّة مسلّحة. كذلك، يمكن لعملية الخليل أن تمثّل شرارة إطلاق المارد في جنوب الضفة، وتحديداً الخليل، التي تُعدّ خزاناً بشريّاً وعسكريّاً هائلاً، إذ تتوفّر فيها الأسلحة بكثرة، وكذلك المستوطنون الذين سيتحوّلون إلى أهداف للمقاومين. كما يمكن أن تشكّل امتداداً لحالة المقاومة في شمال الضفة الغربية، كونها تُعدّ ضربة قويّة في الرأس، نظراً إلى البراعة في التنفيذ، والاحترافية في اختيار المكان والتوقيت. وتعيش منطقة شمال الضفة، وتحديداً مدينة نابلس، حالة حرب متواصلة وحصاراً إسرائيليّاً مطبِقاً، في ضوء استمرار العمل المقاوم، وعمليات إطلاق النار على الحواجز العسكرية، وفشل الاحتلال في إنهاء ظاهرة مجموعة «عرين الأسود»، التي من شأن عملية الخليل أن تخفّف الضغط عنها، إذا ما تداعت أحداثها وتطوّرت على الأرض. وستعطي الخليل حالة المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة زخماً وقوّة هائلَيْن، بفعل خصوصيّتها، التي تنبع أوّلاً من ضرب حالة الاستقرار والهدوء التي روّجها الاحتلال لمدينة الخليل كمثال للهدوء والاستقرار كونها المدينة الأكبر مساحة والأكثر تعداداً للسكان، ودخولها على خط الاشتباك الذي سيمتدّ من جنين شمالاً إلى الخليل جنوباً، سيعني – إذا ما تحقَّق – استنزاف جيش الاحتلال وقواته. وقد جاءت العملية بعد نحو أسبوعين من بيان «العرين» الذي قالت فيه إنها تنتظر «خليل الرحمن وبيت لحم لتخطّا أوّل بيان للعرين بالدم والرصاص».

ويستهدف الاستيطان مدينة الخليل منذ اليوم الأوّل لاحتلالها، وهي تُعدّ من أكثر المناطق التي يرفض الاحتلال التنازل عنها أو تسليمها، وتحديداً بلدتها القديمة المجاورة لمستوطنة «كريات أربع». وهذا يعني أن العملية ستلقي بظلالها على ما تقدَّم، بعدما أفقدت العدو الشعور بالأمان، والذي سيتنامى إذا ما قُدّر لحالة المقاومة في المحافظة أن تنمو. وجاءت عملية الخليل في توقيت حسّاس وخطير عاشه الفلسطينيون في الأيام الأخيرة، في ظلّ محاولة الاحتلال كسْر مجموعة «العرين» بعد اغتيال قائدها في نابلس، وتكثيف بثّ الأخبار حول تسليم خمسة عناصر من المجموعة أنفسهم للسلطة، في محاولة لضرب الروح المعنوية للبيئة الشعبية الحاضنة، وللجمهور، وتشويه مقاتلي «العرين». لكنّ تلك المحاولات تبدَّدت مساء الجمعة، حين خرجت مسيرة شعبية عارمة وسط نابلس لدعم المجموعة وإسنادها، شارك فيها قادة «العرين»، محمولين على الأكتاف، في مشهد بدّد رواية الاحتلال، الذي عاد، بحسب وسائل إعلام عبرية ومن خلال «الشاباك»، لبعث رسائل تهديد إلى مجموعة من قيادة «العرين»، بتصفية أفرادها في الوقت القريب. وذكر موقع عبري، في هذا الإطار، أن التهديدات وصلت إلى القائد في «العرين»، أسامة الطويل، الذي يَعتبره الاحتلال أحد عناصر «كتائب القسام»، إضافة إلى محمد طبنجة، أحد قادة «الجبهة الشعبية» في «العرين»، وحسام إسليم أحد عناصر الذراع العسكرية لـ«حماس».
ولا يمكن إغفال الأثر الذي ستتركه العملية على الساحة الداخلية الإسرائيلية، التي تشهد انتخابات مستعرة بعد أيّام قليلة؛ ففيما حاول المتطرّف إيتمار بن غفير استجلاب دعْم المستوطنين له بادّعاء تعرُّض منزله وعائلته لإطلاق نار في العملية – وهو ما نفته المصادر الأمنية لاحقاً -، إلّا أن من شأنها أن تترك أثراً على بيني غانتس ويائير لابيد اللذين يسعيان إلى الإبقاء على حظوظهما في الانتخابات من خلال الدم الفلسطيني في نابلس، لكن عملية الخليل يمكن أن تطيحهما أيضاً.

وبعد ثمانية أشهر على إطلاقها عملية «كاسر الأمواج» للقضاء على المقاومة في مدينة جنين، عقب عمليتَي رعد خازم وضياء حمارشة، تجد إسرائيل نفسها أمام تسونامي من العمل المقاوم؛ فبينما هي فشلت في القضاء على المقاومة في جنين، فإنها انتقلت إلى مدينة نابلس التي شهدت ولادة «عرين الأسود»، فيما تثبت العملية الأخيرة أن الأمواج وصلت إلى جنوب الضفة الغربية، ما يعني أن الأخيرة باتت مرشّحة لموجة عمليات واسعة في الفترة المقبلة. وتعيش دولة الاحتلال حالة استنفار عالية، إذ جاءت العملية لتثبت مرّة أخرى أنها أوهن من بيت العنكبوت، وفق سيناريو إذا ما تحقَّق فإنه سيشكّل أسوأ الكوابيس التي كانت إسرائيل تخشاها، وهو امتداد حالة المقاومة والاشتباك في عموم الضفة الغربية.

من ملف : «نشوة النصر» الإسرائيلية تتبدّد: «الذئاب» تعود من جنوب الضفة

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Palestinian resistance makes 2022 deadliest year for Israelis since 2015

Since the beginning of the year, Israeli raids in the West Bank and East Jerusalem have been responsible for killing 125 Palestinians

October 30 2022

(Photo Credit: Anadolu Agency)

ByNews Desk- 

On 30 October, the Hebrew newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported that 25 Israelis had been killed since the start of the year, the highest toll since 2015, due to the increase in Palestinian resistance operations.

According to the special coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Tor Wennesland, 2022 could also be the deadliest year for Palestinians since 2005. In the past month alone, 32 Palestinians, including six children, were killed by Israeli forces during their frequent raids in the occupied territories in the West Bank.

Since the beginning of the year, Israeli raids in the West Bank and East Jerusalem have been responsible for killing 125 Palestinians.

By comparison, only two Israeli military personnel were killed during Palestinian resistance operations, with 25 Israeli civilians injured over the past month.

Wennesland stated that “mounting hopelessness, anger, and tension have once again erupted into a deadly cycle of violence that is increasingly difficult to contain,” and that “too many people, overwhelmingly Palestinian have been killed and injured.”

He added that it is a priority to ease tensions between the Palestinians and Israeli authorities, further emphasizing that the goal must be “to empower and strengthen the Palestinian Authority (PA) and build towards a return to a political process.”

On 18 October, a report released by the UN’s Special Rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories recommended that UN member states develop “a plan to end the Israeli settler-colonial occupation and apartheid regime.”

“The realization of the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination requires the definitive dismantling of Israel’s colonial occupation and apartheid practices”, wrote Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur.

According to the report, nearly 4,500 Palestinians are currently detained, 730 of whom are held without charge and largely on the basis of secret evidence, while children as young as 12 are subjected to arbitrary arrests and detention measures – between 500 and 700 minors are detained by the Israeli government each year.

Over 600 Palestinian political prisoners suffer acute illness inside the Israeli occupations and are at risk of dying, according to a statement released by human rights lawyer Abdel Nasser Farwana on 10 September.

One such case is that of Nasser Abu Hamid, who is dying in prison from cancer and is not receiving the care he needs.

Israeli forces are largely overstretched to take on a united Palestinian resistance front within the occupied territories, according to a report released by Israel’s State Comptroller Matanyahu Englman.

The report published on 2 October highlights growing concerns about the IDF conducting operations inside the West Bank, citing missing equipment and the poor living conditions of conscripts.

Last night, four Israelis and a Palestinian were injured in a shooting operation on the evening of 29 October in the Kiryat Arba settlement of the West Bank city of Hebron, with the attack resulting in the death of one settler.

Meanwhile, a Palestinian driver rammed into the positions of Israeli soldiers in two locations in Jericho on 30 October, leaving five soldiers injured and resulting in the death of the driver who was killed on sight.

Palestinian Martyred after Injuring 5 Israeli Settlers in Car-Ramming Operation

 October 30, 2022

Israeli occupation forces have killed another Palestinian following a car-ramming operation that left five settlers injured near the city of Jericho in the occupied West Bank.

The Palestinian Information Center, quoting Israeli media, said following the Sunday attack the Israeli occupation forces fatally shot the Palestinian man who was driving the car south of Jericho.

The Palestinian news agency also cited Israeli media as identifying the driver as as 49-year-old Barkat Odeh from the town of al-Eizariya near East al-Quds.

Israeli medical said the five injured Israelis are in their 20s and suffered different injuries following the incident.

The reported attack came amid heavily intensified Israeli raids throughout the West Bank in search of alleged Palestinian gunmen responsible for a spate of deadly attacks on Israeli occupation forces by Palestinian resistance forces – which began in March.

More than 100 Palestinians have so far been killed during the Israeli regime’s brutal crackdown on West Bank’s native residents.

On Saturday, four Israelis and a Palestinian were injured in a gun attack near an Israeli checkpoint in the occupied West Bank city of al-Khalil, also known as Hebron.

The Palestinian man was reportedly martyred by the occupying forces. Local news outlets cited Tel Aviv’s army as saying that the unidentified fighter “shot live fire” at the checkpoint in al-Khalil, also home to a community of radical Israeli settlers.

“Soldiers are conducting searches in the area” for additional suspects, the occupying army said. The Palestinian Red Crescent also announced that the Palestinian victim was receiving treatment at a local hospital.

The Israeli regime occupied and annexed the West Bank, including East al-Quds, in a heavily-Western-backed war of aggression in 1967.

Ever since, it has dotted the territory with hundreds of illegal settlements that have come to house hundreds of thousands of Zionist settlers that immigrated to occupied Palestine – mostly from Europe and the US.

Source: Agencies (edited by Al-Manar English Website)

On Palestinian Sumoud and Resilience During a Time of Ongoing Repression and Resistance

October 28, 2022

Palestinians organized a rally in support of Palestinian Resistance in West Bank (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

– Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

By Benay Blend

On October 24, 2022, Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network international coordinator, Charlotte Kates, and one of the founders of the Palestinian Alternative Revolutionary Path Movement (Masar Badil), Khaled Barakat, arrived in Amsterdam to participate in the Week of Action for Return and Liberation of Palestine. No sooner had they arrived at Amsterdam Schiphol airport than immigration service, operated by Dutch military police, detained them for questioning.

After being interrogated about their political views–about Samidoun, about Masar Badil, and the week of action for liberation and return–they were denied entry and deported back to Canada where they will continue organizing and speaking out against Zionist repression of Palestinians. While saddened by this action, activists immediately spoke out, vowing to channel their anger into making the March even stronger despite efforts to quash the movement.

Calling on Palestinians to be “purveyors of consciousness not victimhood,” journalist Ramzy Baroud suggests that, while understanding that the reach of Zionist repression is important, communicating a sense of “collective victimhood” denies human agency to those who are oppressed.

When Samidoun issued a statement declaring that “our response to this attack on our organizing must be to make an even bigger, stronger, louder and more powerful stand with the Palestinian people, their resistance, and the liberation of Palestine,” they are answering Baroud’s request that Palestinians convey strength and fortitude in the face of Zionist oppression.

“The Palestinian struggle cannot be reduced to a conversation about poverty or the horrors of war,” Baroud continues, “but must be expanded to include the wider political contexts that led to the current tragedies in the first place.” Activists are doing this as well, calling attention to the history of repression against Barakat and Kates by the European state.

In their statement, Samidoun recalls the past history of repression against Barakat and Kates. In 2019, Barakat received a political ban due to his organizing among Palestinians living in Berlin, Germany at the time. After leaving Germany, Barakat and Kates, who are also a married couple, were banned from re-entry for many years. This was the cause cited as the reason for their denial of entry into the Schengen zone, though their ban did not extend to this region.

Indeed, there has been an established policy in Germany, the Netherlands and the European Union of attacking the Palestine solidarity movement. From banning Nakba commemorations to condemning organizations that are in solidarity with Palestinian liberation, these officials have a long history of repression not only in the diaspora but also of supporting the Zionist colonization of Palestine since Israel’s founding.

Significantly, Kates’ and Barakat’s most recent ban occurs as Dutch prime minister Mark Rutte was travelling to the settler colonial Zionist state for talks during a time of escalating colonial violence and repression. Rutte’s trip serves to link repression of Palestinian activism in the diaspora to increasing Israeli violence towards Palestinians in their own country.

From Charlotte Kates came a statement that voiced this link quite clearly: “The European Union always talks about human rights, but ignores them when it comes to Palestine. Palestine activists in all EU countries face repression. This deportation is therefore not just an attack on Khaled and me, but on the Palestinian movement as a whole.”

As in the diaspora, escalating Zionist violence in Palestine has fueled the rise of resistance groups, including the “Lions’ Den” and Jenin Brigades, which includes groups of people regardless of political affiliation across the West Bank. According to Hani Al-Masri, what distinguishes this movement is that it unites armed struggle with other forms of popular resistance, such as a general strike held recently in the West Bank.

In Gaza, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine organized a rally to support Palestinian resistance in the West Bank and Occupied Jerusalem. Saleh Nasser, a member of the Political Bureau of the Democratic Front in the Gaza Strip, stressed that Palestinians much chose between a variety of resistance strategies to confront the Israeli Occupation.

“What [Israel] fail[s] to understand,” writes Ramzy Baroud, “is that the growing rebellion in the West Bank is not generated by a few fighters in Nablus and a few more in Jenin, but is the outcome of a truly popular sentiment.” This unity can also be seen in solidarity around the world, most recently in the quick response to European efforts to weaken the March in Brussels.

In response to the banning of Kates and Barakat, activists at Schiphol Airport held the Palestinian flag along with signs that read “long live the Palestinian Struggle.” Others presented a statement of solidarity with Kates and Barakat to the military police who detained and interrogated the movement’s leaders.

From a wide array of Palestine solidarity groups around the world came a quick response to the injustice, showing again a commitment to unity across many different lines. For example, the US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (USACBIurged activists to stand in solidarity with Kates and Barakat by supporting and/or organizing their own protests in conjunction with the March.

Al-Awda—The Palestine Right to Return Coalition called on supporters to defend the right to organize for the right of return for Palestinian people, and accentuated that “our response to this attack on our organizing must be to make an even bigger, stronger, louder and more powerful stand with the Palestinian people, their resistance, and the liberation of Palestine.”

“For the Palestinian narrative to be truly relevant,” Baroud writes, “Palestinians must assume the role of the Gramscian intellectual, as purveyors of consciousness, and abandon the role of the victim intellectual altogether.” Given rising resistance in Palestine and growing solidarity around the world, his words are bearing fruit.

Reports back from the March also paint a clear picture of carrying on with strength and dignity despite the ban. Despite efforts to the contrary—the Israeli ambassador in Brussels demanded the cancellation of the March—all attempts to quash the spirit of participants have failed.

The week began with standing room only for the first events which focused on the struggle of Palestinian prisoners. These workshops followed a 1,000-strong demonstration and march to the prison in Lannemezan, France, where Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, the Lebanese struggler for Palestine, has been jailed for the past 39 years.

As the movement becomes stronger, there will be more efforts to silence Palestinian voices. “Let us be clear,” stated the organizers of the March,

“all of these show just why it is so urgent that our demonstration on Saturday 29 October be very loud, clear and massive, demanding accountability from European colonialism and imperialist powers for their ongoing crimes against the Palestinian people. Join us on Saturday, 29 October at Lumumba Square in Brussels at 2 pm, to march to the European Parliament in the March for Return and Liberation.”

Explaining why “Israel is Afraid of the Lions’ Den,” Baroud concludes that that Palestinians are “simply fed up with the Israeli occupation and with their collaborating leadership.” They are ready to put “it all on the line,” because, he predicts, the coming months are going to be critical for all Palestinians.

All the more reason for organizers of the March to call for “a clear demonstration that the Palestinian people will accept nothing less than return and liberation, from the river to the sea, and will hold Europe accountable for the colonial crimes and ongoing imperialist exploitation.”

Joining the March or organizing local activities for return and liberation, they conclude, is a step towards making this possible.

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Syria: Palestinian unity, basis of power against occupation

19 Oct 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

The Syrian presidency issued a statement following the meeting between President Bashar Al-Assad and the Palestinian factions today.

Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad hosting Palestinian delegation

The Syrian presidency announced that President Bashar Al-Assad received a delegation of leaders and representatives of the Palestinian forces and factions, and they discussed the outcomes of the reconciliation dialogues.

“Al-Assad considers the unity of the Palestinian ranks as the basis of the Palestinians’ strength in confronting the [Israeli] occupation and restoring rights, and that all attempts to eliminate the Palestinian cause in the Arab region and Palestine have not and will not succeed,” the Syrian presidency stated. 
 
“What is happening now in all the Palestinian territories proves that the new generations are still clinging to the resistance,” and that “despite the war that Syria is witnessing, the country has not changed its stances supporting the resistance in any way,” Al-Assad stressed during his meeting with the Palestinian delegation.

“The Palestinian delegation members assured President Al-Assad that Syria is an essential pillar, the bonding element of the resistance, the resistance’s popular base throughout history, and it is the fortress that is resorted to in times of distress.”

Palestinian factions from Syria: Resistance only way to restore rights

The Palestinian forces and factions affirmed on Wednesday after meeting with Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad in Damascus that resistance is the only way to restore rights.

In a statement following the meeting, the factions affirmed that Al-Assad stressed that the unity of the Palestinian ranks is the guarantee for restoring the rights of the Palestinian people.

The statement said the Syrian President reiterated Syria’s support for the Palestinian people in the face of Israeli aggression and stressed that resistance is the only way to liberate the land.

Hamas: Turning the page of the past moving forward in strengthening relations with Syria

On his part, the deputy leader of the Hamas movement in Gaza, Khalil Al-Hayya, said the meeting with Al-Assad was warm, adding that the Syrian President expressed his determination to provide all support from Syria to the Palestinian people and their Resistance.

Al-Hayya indicated that Hamas is restoring its relationship with Syria with the unanimity of the movement’s leadership and the conviction of the correctness of this path.

The top Hamas official added that “we are ending any individual action that was not approved by the Hamas leadership, and we agreed with President Al-Assad to turn the page.”

It is noteworthy that the recent visit comes after non-public negotiations between Hamas and the Syrian leadership, mediated by Lebanese Hezbollah, which discussed the disagreements that led the movement to leave Damascus in 2012.

On September 15, Hamas announced in a statement that it would restore its relations with Syria, which “has been supporting the Palestinian people and the Palestinian resistance factions for decades.”

Read more: Hamas stands with Syria in the face of Israeli aggression

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Tomorrow starts today: Al Mayadeen marks 10 years with a new identity

10 October 2022 

Al-Mayadeen launches in its second decade with a new look in image, color and ink

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Ghassan Ben Jeddou 

Established under the presidency of late leader Hugo Chavez, teleSUR celebrates its 17th anniversary, at which Al Mayadeen CEO sent a letter of congratulations.

Al Mayadeen Media Network Ghassan Ben Jeddou, standing next to the President of teleSUR, Patricia Villegas.

On the occasion of the 17th anniversary of the launching of the Global South media outlet teleSURAl Mayadeen Media Network CEO, Mr. Ghassan Ben Jeddou, sent a heartening letter to the Venezuela-based television network, praising the steadfastness of the outlet’s vision and work against imperialist media.

TeleSUR was founded in 2005 – funded primarily by the Venezuelan government, as well as other neighboring countries in the region. It was launched under the presidency of revolutionary leader Hugo Chávez, who passed away in 2013. 

TeleSUR, like many alternative media outlets, challenges misleading neoliberal narratives that continue to demonize the struggles of the peoples of the Global South, push forward imperialist and exploitative narratives, and circulate war-mongering propaganda.

In his letter to the media outlet, Mr. Ghassan Ben Jeddou wrote: 

“The establishment of teleSUR was a strategic media event. It is not only an informative channel, in spite of its significant media role and success in Latin America and the world, but it was also indeed a bright and visionary decision from the internationalist leader, Hugo Chávez.

Today, on the anniversary of its establishment, we cannot but recall with much appreciation the channel’s journalistic professionalism, political commitment, strategic decisions, and humanitarian example. 

We extend our warm greetings to all the brave, creative, and resilient media workers in this steadfast outlet. Despite the numerous pressures that have been exerted against teleSUR, it is, however, still devoted to its values, and a reference for all the free peoples of the world. 

This is a tribute to the teleSUR administration on its success in cementing its position as one of the most important media outlets Worldwide.”

Moreover, Mr. Ben Jeddou extended his warm greetings to the President of teleSUR, Mrs. Patricia Villegas, remarking that “Patricia is not only a great president of a great channel, but she is also a media icon in the Global South and international community. 

With Patricia and teleSUR, we have established an influential, high-end, candid, professional, intellectual media partnership… We, at Al Mayadeen Media Network, will proceed in this cooperative partnership in full depth, strength, and a long-term vision.”

“The Al Mayadeen family yields heartful felicitations to all their friends and colleagues on the 17th anniversary of the establishment of teleSUR.

From the bottom of my heart, I extend to my colleagues at teleSUR, and to the dear captain of the ship Patricia, the most sincere congratulations. I do so with the conviction that this leading channel, whose headquarters are rooted in beautiful Caracas – the capital of victorious Venezuela over conspiracies, sanctions, blockades, and slander under the presidency of the unfaltering Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, resembles steadfast Venezuela, its great people, its vigorous leadership, and its iconic President.

Thus, teleSUR is destined to succeed, innovate, shine, and triumph.”

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IOF storm Al-Aqsa, prevent worshipers from entering compound

Sep 26 2022 08:20

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

At the beginning of the celebrations of Jewish holidays, Israeli settlers storm Al-Aqsa Mosque under the heavy protection of occupation forces.

Israeli settlers storm Al-Aqsa Mosque under the heavy protection of occupation forces

The Israeli occupation forces (IOF) stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque to secure the settlers’ incursions, and prevented men under the age of 40 from entering the compound to perform the Fajr (dawn) prayer, Al Mayadeen‘s correspondent reported Monday.

On Thursday, Israeli right-wing extremist Knesset member Itamar Ben Gvir stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque amid restrictions on the entry of worshipers, and toured the mosque’s courtyards, starting from the Mughrabi Gate, guarded by the occupation forces.

Ben Gvir is one of the most notorious Israeli politicians, as he is infamous for constantly carrying out provocative tours in Al-Aqsa mosque and rallying illegal Israeli settlers that call for the death of Arabs and Palestinians alike while chanting racist slogans and slurs against Muslims and Arabs.

Before Ben Gvir stormed Al-Aqsa, the occupation police tightened their presence at the gates of Al-Aqsa and prevented entry to it, especially from the Qattanin Gate.

At the door of the Council Gate (Bab Al-Majlis), the IOF detained the worshipers and prevented them from entering it.

This comes on the eve of Jewish holidays, amid calls to organize mass incursions by settlers into Al-Aqsa during the holiday’s three-week period that began on Sunday.

On the other hand, Palestinian institutions called for intensifying the presence of Palestinians in Al-Aqsa Mosque during this period.

Hamas: Amping up resistance in West Bank foiled enemy’s schemes

In the same context, the Hamas movement called Sunday for the amping up the acts of resistance to thwart the Israeli plans against the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The movement’s spokesperson, Hazem Qassem, said in a press statement that ramping up the acts of resistance in the occupied West Bank and the ’48 occupied Palestinian territories is enough to thwart Israeli plans against Al-Aqsa Mosque.

He added that the gatherings and stationing in Al-Aqsa Mosque will fail the occupation’s plans, stressing that the extremist incursions under the protection of the Israeli occupation forces must be met with more of these gatherings and stationing.

He continued to say that the Palestinian people will protect Al-Aqsa Mosque with every means possible, while stressing that the “key to the victory of the Palestinian people” is stationing at the Mosque, adding that “with their unity and resistance, the occupation plans in Al-Aqsa will be thwarted.”

It is noteworthy that celebrations of the “Hebrew New Year” are scheduled to start Monday, followed by the “Yom Kippur” celebrations on October 5.

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In the West Bank, Resistance Rises as the PA Crumbles

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°

The Palestinian resistance factions of the West Bank are no longer fractured and in disarray, and the results speak for themselves

The Israeli army’s recent incursions into the cities and refugee camps of the northern occupied-West Bank are not going as smoothly as before.

The occupation army’s incursions into the city of Jenin and Jenin refugee camp in early September required the mobilization of large forces, including special units and armored vehicles – in scale, unprecedented since 2014.

On the night of 6 September, a force of about 100 vehicles carried out a raid in Jenin, supported by air with drones, and on land, by hundreds of soldiers from Israel’s elite military units.

Their task? To demolish the house of Ra’ad Hazem, who carried out the Dizengoff attack in Tel Aviv on 7 April, 2022. More than anything, this excessive military build-up over a single home demolition illustrates that the Israeli military can no longer operate in the West Bank as they did before the May 2021 ‘Sayf Al Quds’ conflagration – and its subsequent developments.

After the 6 September operation – which resulted in the death of three Israelis and wounded 14 – the occupation army launched Operation ‘Break the Waves’ in response to the rapid expansion of Palestinian resistance factions and fervor in the West Bank.

The re-emergence of resistance in the West Bank

Break the Waves’ objective, according to then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, was to “attack without borders in order to stop the [resistance] operations” – four of which were carried out in cities in occupied territories – and to destroy the infrastructure of the resistance factions in Jenin and Nablus.

Five months after the Tel Aviv attack, the situation in the West Bank remains tense and is heading toward further escalation. In the interim, three new resistance battalions have been announced in Nablus, Tulkarm and Tubas.

Between 2007 and 2021, the resistance factions, particularly Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), remained stuck in a vicious cycle. The enemy’s surgical strikes were hindering their proactive initiatives, and until 2020, their activities were limited to the formation of fighting cells that were able to carry out one or two attacks before being incapacitated.

Since Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, Palestinian Authority (PA) security services have fully collaborated with the occupation authorities to pursue these resistance factions, for fear of having the Gaza model repeated in the West Bank.

The genesis lies in Jenin

The rejuvenation of resistance in the occupied West Bank can be attributed to the martyr Jamil al-Amouri. A prominent figure in the Jenin camp, Amouri was considered the most “wanted” by the occupation state for carrying out several shooting attacks against Israeli positions around Jenin, during the 2021 battle of Sayf al-Quds.

He effectively contributed to the formation of active military cells inside the camp, which later went on to form the nucleus of the Jenin Brigade.

In early June 2021, Amouri was assassinated, along with Lieutenant Adham Yasser Tawfiq Alawi from Nablus, and Captain Tayseer Mahmoud Othman Eissa from Jenin. The deaths of a PIJ commander along with two officers from the PA’s Military Intelligence effectively broke the ice between the PIJ on the one hand, and the Fatah movement and members of the security services in Jenin and Nablus, on the other.

This also led to a subtle change in the popular resistance factions’ perception of the PA security services, who for years have been accused of being agents of the occupation.

As political researcher Muhammad Dargham told The Cradle: “The martyrdom of Amouri with two officers from the security services removed the veil from the eyes of many supporters of the [Palestinian] Authority and the Fatah who woke up after thirteen years and found themselves guards of security coordination with Israel.”

PIJ and Fatah: setting aside differences

According to Dargham, the killing of Amouri, Alawi, and Eissa created harmony – at least in the Jenin camp – between the Al-Quds Brigades and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades – the respective armed wings of the PIJ and Fatah.

Three months after Amouri’s murder, five Palestinian prisoners belonging to the PIJ movement, along with the leader of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, Zakaria Al-Zubaidi, managed to escape from Gilboa Prison, the most fortified of all Israeli prisons. Two of the six, Ayham Kamamji and Monadel Nafeat, managed to reach Jenin refugee camp.

By 19 September, 2021, all escapees were re-captured. However the date is also notable for the establishment of the Jenin Brigade – the first semi-organized resistance formation in the West Bank in 17 years. Importantly, while the Brigade was founded by PIJ operatives, it also consists of members of the armed wings of political rivals Hamas and Fatah.

Resistance spreads like wild fire

For many years, Israel ruled out the success of any semi-organized resistance action in the West Bank cities and refugee camps. This is due to the occupation’s adoption of a “maximum integration” policy that linked all aspects of the daily lives of Palestinians in the West Bank to Israel.

The occupation also adopted its “mowing the lawn” policy, which sought to target all resistances cells by arresting or killing its members.

These strategies were designed to send the message that any attempt to resist is doomed to failure, and the fate of those who undertake it will be life imprisonment or assassination.

However, what transpired in September 2021 was different from all Israeli estimates. The Jenin Brigade maintained its military continuity, and the attempts to storm the Jenin refugee camp became much more costly for the Israelis.

Previously, any Israeli force that invaded the camp was met with stone-throwing and firecrackers. But over the course of a year and three months, the alliance of Al-Quds Brigades and Al-Aqsa Brigades raised the bar considerably, and stands as testament to the benefits of a united armed front for the resistance.

This was noticeable about a year after the launch of the Jenin Brigade. On 24 May, 2022, clashes erupted in the area of the Prophet Joseph’s tomb, near Balata and Askar refugee camps, east of Nablus. Israeli settlers used to enter this area without any confrontation except for stone throwing.

On that day, though, the confrontations developed into an armed clash that seemed organized and with purpose. A few days later, Al-Quds Brigades issued a statement announcing the launch of the Nablus Brigade.

One month earlier, three resistance fighters from the Al-Quds Brigades were killed in a clash with the Israeli army. One of the three, Saif Abu Libdeh, from the Ain Shams camp in Tulkarem, had worked for months to establish the infrastructure for a group that would be announced six weeks after his death, under the name Tulkarem Brigade. This was followed by the formation of another battalion – the Tubas Brigade in June.

The occupation state: feeling the heat

According to the Israeli army’s Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi, the occupation forces have foiled “hundreds of operations” since the beginning of the Operation Break the Wave, and carried out more than 1,500 precautionary arrests.

Indeed, the first half of this year witnessed more than 3,700 Palestinian attacks in the West Bank, during which 21 settlers were killed and 316 wounded, including 2,692 attacks with stones, 577 with Molotov cocktails, 542 with burning tires, 33 with explosive devices, 30 with fireworks, 25 with paint bottles, 14 shootings, 1 case of hit and run, 4 cases of stabbing (with 7 foiled).

However, these numbers maybe underrepresented. For instance, in one week alone (28 August to 3 September 2022), 12 soldiers and settlers were injured, and about 90 points of confrontation were observed, including one stabbing attack, 22 shooting attacks, and 15 throwing explosive devices and Molotov cocktails.

Point of no return

There is consensus among the Israeli security establishment, think-tanks, and military analysts that the situation on the ground in the West Bank has reached a point of no return. The question that worries Israel is: Is it possible to eliminate the new resistance developments – or at least keep them confined to the northern West Bank and prevent their expansion to southern cities such as Hebron and Bethlehem, or central cities such as Jerusalem and Ramallah?

This Israeli concern is justified considering that the beginning of September bore serious consequences for the Israelis. On 4 September, three Palestinians from Jenin (a father and his two sons) shot at a bus carrying Kfir unit recruits in the Jordan Valley, injuring more than seven Israeli soldiers.

Until now, the results of the investigations have not been announced, but it seems that the attack was carefully planned in terms of timing, and choice of location, where there were fewer surveillance cameras at work.

A few days later, the Israeli army aborted an attempt by a Palestinian youth from Nablus from carrying out an operation in central Tel Aviv. The police suggested that the young man “infiltrated through a hole in the wall in the Tulkarem area,” where the army deployed three infantry battalions to thwart further attempts.

There is yet another event that suggests the resistance action in the West Bank is growing. At dawn, on Thursday 8 September, members of the Jenin Brigade detonated a locally manufactured explosive device targeting a military jeep during a raid of one of the neighboring camps.

It turned out that the device was controlled remotely, which represented a major technical development for the resistance factions, whose infrastructure was destroyed at the end of the Second Intifada.

Israelis are fanning the flames

The Israeli Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv believes that the PIJ has succeeded in transforming the northern West Bank into a hotbed of resistance, as well as in smuggling weapons and money to Palestinian cities and camps.

These concerns coincide with expressed doubts over the efficacy of Israel’s “mowing the lawn” policy, which has fueled the “vicious cycle of blood,” according to Amos Harel, a military analyst writing for Haaretz newspaper.

In an article he wrote earlier this month, Harel asked whether the Israeli army is quelling the West Bank’s flames, or actually fanning them.

Avi Iskharov, an analyst in Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, opined that Israel is facing a “new situation” that is not similar to the two previous intifadas of 1987 and 2000, pointing out that “there are pockets of Palestinian gunmen in Nablus and Jenin (in the northern West Bank), who clash almost every night with the army and shoot at Israeli targets.”

Sources close to the resistance brigades in the West Bank told The Cradle that “Israel’s concerns are exaggerated for use in the upcoming election campaign.”

“What we are seeing today is the result of years of [resistance] efforts. As the train has set off, returning to the starting point means acceptance of our mass killing, and this is out of the question,” says one Palestinian source.

Israel: The PA is not collaborating enough

The Israelis have sought to place the blame for their inability to eliminate the resistance brigades and to abort operations in the occupied territories squarely on the PA in Ramallah, who they feel are failing to fulfill their obligations.

Israel’s Kan channel quoted an Israeli official as saying that “the Palestinian security services should increase their activity in the cities of the West Bank to prevent further escalation.”

As for the Palestinians, the corruption-ridden PA is too weak to play a pivotal role in curbing the resistance which enjoys broad Palestinian popular support. Any further association made between the PA with the Israeli security campaigns will make it lose what is left of its flagging legitimacy.

The Hebrew Walla website quoted Minister of Civil Affairs Hussein al-Sheikh, the PA’s channel of communication with the Israelis, as saying: “It is Israel that has weakened the [Palestinian] Authority through daily incursions into the Palestinian areas.”

“The authority cannot accept a reality in which the army storms the occupied territories every night, then we are asked to work during the day against the militants,” added Sheikh.

A dawn of a new era in the West Bank

Meanwhile, the US has been keen to help prop up the PA and help it “restore stability,” by taking measures such as “increasing the number of work permits for Palestinians” in the occupied territories, “pumping economic aid to the Authority from various sources,” and facilitating the movement of Palestinians.

US Assistant Secretary of State for Middle Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf, who recently visited Israel and met with senior security officials, warned that “the situation in the West Bank is worse than it appears and the future of the entire PA is under threat.”

In the early hours of 20 September, PA security forces in Nablus arrested Musab Shtayyeh, a Hamas commander wanted by Israel. Later that day, clashes broke out between the PA and hundreds of Palestinians who hit the streets in protest.

Resistance factions are demanding Shtayyeh’s immediate release and are threatening to bar the PA from Nablus until this is done.

In a video addressing the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian resistance in Jenin cautioned: “we do not want to fight with you, but stay away from us. If you deal in kidnapping, we will also deal in kidnapping.”

The Authority’s unelected President Mahmoud Abbas is in a bind: he fears mutiny from within for collaborating with Israeli security, and fears punishment from Israel for not doing so.

By not adopting a conclusive direction, on a daily basis Abbas drains the PA of further legitimacy and authority, as demonstrated in Nablus today.

In terms of the prospects for Palestinian national liberation, this at least will be a welcome development, as the decline or demise of the western and Israeli-backed PA will open a wide door to revitalized armed resistance in the occupied West Bank.

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كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (3/4)

 الإثنين 17 أيلول 2022

عبد الرحمن نصار 

يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل”.

إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف (طوباس) يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة

في الحلقة الثالثة، نستعرض تجربة آخر كتيبة معلنة حتى الآن: “طوباس”، واضعين في الإطار “العملية النوعية” الأخيرة في الأغوار الشمالية، مع قراءة سريعة لعمليات إطلاق النار في رام الله، فيما نتحرى وراء إعلان كتيبة في الخليل التي نستشرف واقع العمل فيها، لنكون بذلك قد كشفنا جزءاً كبيراً من المساحة الفعلية لـ”بقعة الزيت” التي تمددت في الضفة في عام واحد فقط، من دون أن تغفل العيون عن محافظات ومدن أخرى.

لا تزال طوباس، الواقعة شمال شرقي الضفة المحتلة، بمحاذاة نهر الأردن، تجهد لتجد لنفسها متسعاً بين كتائب المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة، وخصوصاً أن السلطة الفلسطينية استطاعت خلال الشهر الماضي ومطلع هذا الشهر أن تشنّ حملات اعتقال وتنكيل بحقّ عدد من الكوادر الفعالين، وخصوصاً في “الجهاد الإسلامي”. وكانت كتيبة هذه المدينة قد خرجت إلى النور منتصف تموز/يوليو الماضي، عندما صدر البيان الأول الذي أعلن التصدي لاجتياح إسرائيلي.

الفعل الأبرز لـ”كتيبة طوباس” كان رمزياً أكثر منه في التأثير العسكري، لكنه شكّل بادرة مهمة، حين أعلنت الكتيبة فجر الأحد 24 تموز/يوليو 2022 أنها أطلقت النار على حاجز “تياسير” في المحافظة “نصرة لنابلس” خلال حصار حي الياسمينة في البلدة القديمة فيها (محاولة اغتيال الشهيد إبراهيم النابلسي). 

لكن المحافظة تعاني مشكلات من أكثر من ناحية، أولها أن سكانها لا يتجاوزون 70 ألفاً موزعين على مناطق شاسعة وبنايات قصيرة، فيما تشكل الأغوار الشمالية ما نسبته 70% من مساحة المحافظة، وهي مناطق منخفضة ومكشوفة، ويتحكَّم فيها عدد من الحواجز الثابتة والطيّارة التي تنغّص حياة السكان، وخصوصاً المزارعين.

المشكلة الكبرى أن معظم أراضي طوباس تُصنف ضمن فئة “ج” في اتفاق أوسلو، بمعنى أن السلطة الفلسطينية هي المسؤولة عن تقديم الخدمات الطبية والتعليمية للسكان، فيما تسيطر “إسرائيل” على الجوانب الأمنية والإدارية والقانونية. 

ولأن الأغوار الشمالية هي سلة غذاء الضفة من الخضراوات والفاكهة، وهي من أغنى مناطق الضفة بالمياه، فقد وقعت في طليعة الاستهداف الاستيطاني الإسرائيلي. لذلك، تتمحور سياسة الاحتلال حول عزل طوباس عن باقي محافظات الضفة بزيادة المواقع العسكرية فيها، إذ تحوي المحافظة 7 قواعد عسكرية تتربع على مساحة تزيد على 14 ألف دونم.

كتيبة طوباس

ما هو ممكن لطوباس

مع ذلك، إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة، وخصوصاً في جنين ونابلس وطولكرم، في وقت لم يعد الاستقطاب يقوم على الطرق التقليدية القديمة، بل من الممكن أن تسهم أنشودة أو حكاية شهيد أو مقطع مصور أو خطبة مؤثرة تنتقل عبر مواقع التواصل في صناعة القرار لدى أي شخص للانخراط في المقاومة.

وفي المدينة، عاصمة المحافظة، ثمة حضور متوازٍ للحركات الثلاث الكبرى: “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”فتح”، مع أفضلية محدودة للأولى أهّلتها للفوز في الانتخابات التشريعية عام 2006. الأهم أنَّ تأثير السلطة والأجهزة الأمنية السلبي في السكان محدود، إذ يحافظون على نقائهم القروي بعيداً من حالة التغريب المدني المادي التي تعيشها المدن الكبيرة.

في النتيجة، يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما إمكانية المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل” بسبب التلاحم العشائري بين قاطنيها وأقربائهم في الجانب الأردني، وهذا ما يفسر كثرة الأخبار الإسرائيلية عن حالات إدخال السلاح من الأغوار بصورة أسبوعية تقريباً.

اقرأ أيضاً: كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (1/4)

عملية الأغوار في الميزان

جاءت عملية الأحد 4 أيلول/سبتمبر 2022 التي وُصفت بالنوعية لجهة طبيعة المنفذين وطريقة التنفيذ والمكان، رغم بعض الإخفاقات الميدانية، لتزيد من حضور الأغوار الشمالية في مساحة المواجهة. وقد شرعت وسائل الإعلام العبرية في تقديم معطيات حول الحادثة لتبرير الإخفاقات، وخصوصاً أن الحافلة المستهدفة كانت تحمل جنوداً من لواء “كفير” الذين قيل إنهم التحقوا بالخدمة قبل نحو أسبوعين فقط. زِد على ذلك أنَّ الحافلة لم تكن مصفّحة، وقد تجاوزها المنفذون الثلاثة مستقلين مركبة “تندر”، ثم توقفوا إلى جانب الطريق، وأطلقوا عليها 25 رصاصة حتى توقفت نتيجة إصابة السائق، قبل أن يحاولوا إحراقها بزجاجات حارقة.

تعقيباً على ذلك، رأى “معهد دراسات الأمن القومي” التابع لجامعة “تل أبيب” أن العملية “لم تكن مفاجئة حتى إن تضمنت تكتيكات غير عادية”، واضعاً إياها “علامةً أخرى” في ساحة المقاومة الآخذة بالاتساع. أما ما أراد المعهد التركيز عليه، فهو أن عملية الأغوار جزء من اتجاه ظهر في آذار/مارس الماضي، وبدأ بعمليات في المدن المحتلة عام 1948، “انطلاقاً من جنين التي استطاعت الجهاد الإسلامي أن تحولها إلى أهم بؤرة مقاومة في الضفة”، ثم “أقامت شبكات تعاون مع حماس وعناصر من فتح، وهي تقود جهوداً منهجية لتجنيد الشباب. وقد مولت مجموعات لا تتبع لها تنظيمياً”، أي إمكانية عمل خلايا ظل.

النقطة اللافتة هي إقرار المعهد بأنَّه لا يمكن تفسير ظاهرة تنامي المقاومة من منطلق الصعوبات الاقتصادية، بل يجب الإقرار بأن هناك وعياً متزايداً بضرورة النضال ضد الاحتلال “جراء الفراغ الذي تركته السلطة… ثمن المقاومة ليس باهظاً، فالأبطال الفلسطينيون يولدون كل يوم، والشعور بالقدرة والدافعية للنضال المسلح يستقر في الوعي الجمعي لجيل الشباب، وهذا بحد ذاته سبب كافٍ لتوسع دائرة المواجهة في الضفة”.

ماذا عن رام الله؟

تتتابع على نحو شبه يومي، وأحياناً أسبوعي، الأنباء عن عمليات إطلاق نار في رام الله تستهدف حافلات للمستوطنين وحواجز لـ”الجيش” الإسرائيلي ومداخل مستوطنات، ما دفع كثيرين إلى تقديرِ إعلانِ كتيبةٍ في رام الله والبيرة، وهو الحدث الذي لم يقع بعد.

لكن توالي العمل وحوادث إطلاق النار، وخصوصاً قرب بلدة سلواد شرقي رام الله، أو انطلاقاً منها، يثير علامات استفهام عن كتيبة فعلية يرجح أنها تؤجل إعلان نفسها لأسباب لها علاقة بالسلطة التي ترى أن مثل هذا الواقع في عاصمتها السياسية سيكون ضاغطاً عليها بشدة.

وبينما تمتلك “حماس” قواعد عمل قوية في عدد من قرى رام الله قياساً بـ”الجهاد الإسلامي” التي لم تصرح أو تلمح إلى أي تفاصيل في هذا الشأن بعد، فإن الحضور الأقوى يبقى لمجموعات من “كتائب الأقصى” (فتح) أو عناصر من السلطة قد يتخذون هذا المنحى.

 وكانت أشهر عمليتين وقعتا في رام الله خلال السنوات القليلة الماضية هما “جفعات آساف” (أسفرت عن مقتل 3 جنود إسرائيليين وجرح 2 آخرين) و”عوفرا” (أسفرت عن إصابة 11 مستوطناً أحدهم كانت حالته خطرة)، اللتين نُفذتا (كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2018) بطريقة الكر والفر قرب بلدتي سلواد ويبرود شمال شرقي رام الله والبيرة.

خاتمة: هل يستفيق “الأسد النائم”؟

لا بدّ من عودة إلى بدء، أي الخليل، التي أطلقت شرارة “هبة القدس” (2015-2018) قبل أن تنطفئ، والسبب الأساسي أن المحافظة الملأى بالسلاح كان سلاحها مضبوطاً إلى حد ما بأمر كبار العشائر، وفي أيدي وازنين فيها، لكن سيل السلاح الذي سمحت كل من السلطة و”إسرائيل” بدخوله إلى المحافظة ووصوله إلى أيدٍ غير حريصة خلق فوضى وفلتاناً خلط أولويات سكانها، ولا يزال قائماً حتى اليوم، إضافة إلى مصالح شبكة التجار المعقدة، الأمر الذي نال دراسات وافية حوله، ولا يزال يستحق المتابعة على حدة.

لكن الجمعة 17 حزيران/يونيو 2022 شهد حدثاً لافتاً؛ ففي هذا اليوم الذي استشهد فيه 3 مقاومين من “كتيبة جنين”  هم: يوسف صلاح (23 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد سعد)، وبراء لحلوح (24 عاماً)، وليث أبو سرور (24 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد علاء)، صدر بيان باسم “كتيبة الخليل” أعلن تنفيذ عمليتين استهدفت الأولى مرصداً أمنياً قرب مستوطنة “كريات أربع”، والأخرى حاجز “أبو الريش” جنوباً، ثم اختفت وأخبارها.

مهما كانت الحقيقة وراء ما جرى، فإنه وجّه الأعين مجدداً إلى أقصى جنوبي الضفة، حيث المحافظة التي وصفها الرئيس الفلسطيني الراحل، ياسر عرفات، بأنها “الأسد النائم”، وخصوصاً أن الخليل من أكبر المدن في الضفة، إذ تبلغ مساحتها 997 كلم2، ويقدّر عدد سكانها بأكثر من 800 ألف نسمة، فيما تتغلغل عشرات المستوطنات الإسرائيلية داخلها وتطوّقها كتل أخرى، كما أنها تحمل مركزاً دينياً مهماً هو الحرم الإبراهيمي الذي يمثل شرارة اشتعال، لكنها مطفأة منذ عقدين على الأقل. وربما ما جرى قبل فترة من إشادة فصائل المقاومة بإحراق برج عسكري في الخليل يشي بالتعطش إلى مثل هذا الاشتعال.

بينما تشتهر الخليل بصناعاتها التاريخية وأسواقها القوية، تحكمها تكتلات عشائرية تؤثر كثيراً في اتخاذ القرار. ويتوزع انتماء السكان فيها بين “فتح” أولاً، و”حماس” ثانياً، ثم باقي الفصائل، فيما لا يوجد حضور شعبي لافت لـ”الجهاد الإسلامي”، إذ تتشكل بنية الحركة في المدينة من بعض النخب والشخصيات ذات الكاريزما الاجتماعية أو العلمية العالية، لكن “الجهاد” تمتلك حضوراً جيداً في القرى هناك قياساً بالمدينة، مع أنه ليس حضوراً فعالاً كما شماليّ الضفة، والمشكلة التي تواجه الحركة أن غالبية الفتحاويين في الخليل هم ممن يتبنون خيارات السلطة حالياً.

مع أنّ الخليل تعطي الأفضلية لـ”حماس” في الاستحقاقات الانتخابية، فإن تلك الأفضلية تنعكس في النقابات واستطلاعات الرأي فقط في أحسن الحالات، ولا تعطيها أي هوامش للعمل التنظيمي، إذ تحاصر الأجهزة الأمنية أنصار الراية الخضراء، فيما يشارك الاحتلال في القضاء على أي ظاهرة، مثل العمل الخيري والجماهيري وحملات المساجد. في النتيجة، لم تمتلك “حماس” و”الجهاد” أي غطاء فتحاوي لتتمددا عبره، وخصوصاً أن إجراءات السلطة والاحتلال ضربت أساسات العمل وفكرة بعثه من جديد.

وإلى جانب تلك الضربات الأمنية القوية، وسياسة “الباب الدوار” التي تعتمدها السلطة والاحتلال في اعتقال الكوادر ومنعهم من الراحة، تركت كثرة التجارب السيئة وعياً سلبياً لدى الشباب الذين يمتلكون إرادة الفعل، مفادها بأن نهاية كل محاولة الاعتقالُ عامين إدارياً إذا اشتبه الاحتلال في فعل مقاوم، أو بمحكومية كبيرة إذا ثبت. رغم ما سبق، إذا قُدّر للخليل أن تعود إلى دورها التاريخي والفعال، كما في الانتفاضة الثانية، شرط أن يكون ذلك في الوقت المناسب، فإن هذا سيقلب الموازين بصورة كبيرة في الضفة، وهو أمر رهن السؤال المفتوح.

اقرأ أيضاً: 

IOF Attack Palestinians in Occupied Nablus, Injure 37

September 10, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

At least 37 Palestinian protesters have been injured when “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF] troops attacked the town of Beita and the village of Beit Dajan in the occupied West Bank province of Nablus.

The Palestinian Red Crescent on Friday confirmed the occupation forces injured the Palestinians participating in the weekly peaceful protests against the apartheid regime.

The IOF fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs, live ammunition and tear gas canisters to disperse the Palestinians.

“Israeli” troops have recently stepped up deadly violence and suppression against the Palestinians taking part in peaceful protests.

The Tel Aviv regime faces growing resistance over its land-grab policy and demolition drive as anti-settlement sentiments run high in the occupied territories

In late August, IOF troops attacked protesters in several towns and villages near Qalqilia and Nablus. They also fired tear gas at anti-settlement protesters.

Between 600,000 and 750,000 “Israelis” occupy over 250 illegal settlements that have been built across the West Bank since the 1967 occupation. The settlements are all illegal under international law. The UN Security Council has in several resolutions condemned the Tel Aviv regime’s illegal settlement projects in the occupied Palestinian lands.

Israeli Soldiers Kill Young Palestinian

September 3, 2022

Fadi Mohammad Ghattas was killed by Israeli soldiers near Hebron. (Photo: via Social Media)

A young Palestinian man was killed on Friday by Israeli occupation soldiers at the Beit Einoun junction, near Hebron (Al-Khalil), the official Palestinian news agency WAFA reported.

Eyewitnesses told WAFA that Israeli soldiers opened fire on the young man, identified as 19-year-old Fadi Mohammad Ghattas and seriously injured him.

According to eyewitnesses and local sources, Ghattas was left bleeding on the ground for a few minutes until he succumbed to his wounds.

Shortly following the shooting incident, clashes erupted between Israeli forces and Palestinian protesters at the junction, during which the soldiers fired teargas canisters at the protesters.

(WAFA, PC, SOCIAL)

Why Resistance Matters: Palestinians are Challenging Israel’s Unilateralism, Dominance

August 3, 2022

Palestinians take part in a rally in Gaza. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

By Ramzy Baroud

Until recently, Israeli politics did not matter to Palestinians. Though the Palestinian people maintained their political agency under the most demoralizing conditions, their collective action rarely influenced outcomes in Israel, partly due to the massive discrepancy of power between the two sides.

Now that Israelis are embarking on their fifth election in less than four years, it is important to raise the question: “How do Palestine and the Palestinians factor in Israeli politics?”

Israeli politicians and media, even those who are decrying the failure of the ‘peace process’, agree that peace with the Palestinians is no longer a factor, and that Israeli politics almost entirely revolves around Israel’s own socio-economic, political and strategic priorities.

This, however, is not exactly true.

While it is appropriate to argue that none of Israel’s mainstream politicians are engaged in dialogue about Palestinian rights, a just peace or co-existence, Palestine remains a major factor in the election campaigning of most of Israel’s political parties. Instead of advocating peace, these camps advocate sinister ideas, ranging from the expansion of illegal Jewish settlements to the rebuilding of the ‘Third Temple’ – thus the destruction of Al-Aqsa Mosque. The former is represented by ex Israeli Prime Ministers Benjamin Netanyahu and Naftali Bennett, and the latter in more extremist characters like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich.

Hence, Palestine has always factored in Israeli politics in such a vulgar way. Even before the establishment of the state of Israel on the ruins of historic Palestine in 1948, the Zionist movement understood that a ‘Jewish state’ can only exist and maintain its Jewish majority through force, and only when Palestine and the Palestinian people cease to exist.

“Zionism is a colonizing adventure and, therefore, it stands or falls on the question of armed forces”, Zionist ideologue Ze’ev Jabotinsky wrote nearly 100 years ago. This philosophy of violence continues to permeate Zionist thought to this day. “You can’t make an omelet without breaking eggs. You have to dirty your hands,” said Israeli historian, Benny Morris in a 2004 interview, in reference to the Nakba and the subsequent dispossession of the Palestinian people.

Until the war of 1967, Palestinian and Arab states mattered, to some extent, to Israel. Palestinian and Arab resistance cemented Palestinian political agency for decades. However, the devastating outcome of the war, which, once again, demonstrated the centrality of violence to Israel’s existence, relegated Palestinians and almost entirely sidelined the Arabs.

Since then, Palestinians mattered to Israel based almost exclusively on Israeli priorities. For example, Israeli leaders flexed their muscles before their triumphant constituencies by attacking Palestinian training camps in Jordan, Lebanon and elsewhere. Palestinians also factored in as Israel’s new cheap labor force. In some ironic but also tragic way, it was the Palestinians who built Israel following the humiliating defeat of the Naksa, or the Setback.

The early stages of the ‘peace process’, especially during the Madrid talks in 1991, gave the false impression that the Palestinian agency is finally translating to tangible outcomes; this hope quickly evaporated as illegal Jewish settlements continued to expand, and Palestinians continued to lose their land and lives at an unprecedented rate.

The ultimate example of Israel’s complete disregard for Palestinians was the so-called ‘disengagement plan’ carried out in Gaza by late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in 2005. The Israeli government believed that Palestinians were inconsequential to the point that the Palestinian leadership was excluded from any phase of the Israeli scheme. The approximately 8,500 illegal Jewish settlers of Gaza were merely resettled in other illegally occupied Palestinian land and the Israeli army simply redeployed from Gaza’s heavily populated areas to impose a hermetic blockade on the impoverished Strip.

The Gaza siege apparatus remains in effect to this day. The same applies to every Israeli action in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem.

Due to their understanding of Zionism and experience with Israeli behavior, generation after generation of Palestinians rightly believed that the outcome of Israeli politics can never be favorable to Palestinian rights and political aspirations. The last few years, however, began altering this belief. Though Israeli politics have not changed – in fact, pivoted further to the right – Palestinians, wittingly or otherwise, became direct players in Israeli politics.

Israeli politics has historically been predicated on the need for further colonialism, strengthening the Jewish identity of the state at the expense of Palestinians, and constant quest for war. Recent events suggest that these factors are no longer controlled by Israel alone.

The popular resistance in occupied East Jerusalem and the growing rapport between it and various other forms of resistance throughout Palestine are reversing Israel’s previous success in segmenting Palestinian communities, thus dividing the Palestinian struggle among different factions, regions and priorities. The fact that Israel is forced to seriously consider Gaza’s response to its annual provocation in Jerusalem, known as the ‘Flag March’, perfectly illustrates this.

As demonstrated time and again, the growing resistance throughout Palestine is also denying Israeli politicians the chance to wage war for votes and political status within Israel. For example, Netanyahu’s desperate war in May 2021 did not save his government, which collapsed shortly after. Bennett, a year later, hoped that his ‘Flag March’ would provoke a Palestinian response in Gaza that would buy his crumbling coalition more time. The strategic decision by Palestinian groups not to respond to Israel’s provocations thwarted Bennett’s plans. His government, too, collapsed shortly after.

Still, a week following the dismantling of Israel’s latest coalition, groups in Gaza released a video of a captured Israeli who was presumed dead, sending a message to Israel that the resistance in the Strip still has more cards at its disposal. The video raised much attention in Israel, compelling the new Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid to assert that Israel has “a sacred obligation to bring home” its captives.

All these new elements have a direct impact on Israeli politics, policies and calculations, even if the Israelis continue to deny the obvious impact of Palestinians, their resistance and political strategies.

The reason why Israel refuses to acknowledge Palestinian political agency is that, in doing so, Tel Aviv would have no other alternative but to engage Palestinians as partners in a political process that could guarantee justice, equality and peaceful co-existence. Until this just peace is realized, Palestinians will continue to resist. The sooner Israel acknowledges this inescapable reality, the better.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Palestinians confront IOF in Nablus, brigade commander wounded

June 30 2022

Source: Agencies + Al Mayadeen English

By Al Mayadeen English 

The Palestinians confront the occupation forces and settlers who stormed the shrine of Youssef, east of Nablus.

Palestinians confront the IOF in Nablus as the settlers storm Youssef’s shrine

Confrontationserupted at dawn after dozens of settlers stormed Youssef’s Tomb, east of Nablus, and 17 Palestinians were wounded after the IOF targeted them with both live and rubber bullets.

Ahmed Jibril, director of the emergency and first aid center of the Red Crescent in Nablus, said that one civilian was wounded by live bullets and taken to the hospital, while 16 others were wounded by rubber bullets.

Jibril added that 40 other civilians suffocated as a result of the tear gas, four of whom were taken to Rafidia Hospital for treatment, while two families were evacuated from their homes due to the thick gas. The director also reported five cases of burns, and two falls that were dealt with on-site.

Hundreds of settlers stormed Youssef’s shrine Thursday amid tight protection by the occupation forces. Israeli media said that at least three settlers were shot by resistance fighters who responded to the storming of the shrine.

Israeli Walla! news website quoted the IOF spokesman as saying that the commander of the “Shomron” brigade (in the northern West Bank), Col. Roi Zweig, was wounded during the latest confrontations.

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