How Britain and U.S. Killed the Bahrain Revolution

Former editor and writer for major news media organizations. He has written extensively on international affairs, with articles published in several languages

Finian Cunningham

February 17, 2021

Britain and the United States worked together to kill the Bahrain revolution of 2011 and its people’s long-held aspirations for democratic governance.

Ten years ago this week, the Bahraini people launched a daring, peaceful uprising against a despised and despotic monarchial regime. During the next four weeks, the Al Khalifa regime was rocked to its shaky foundations as hundreds of thousands of Bahrainis took to the streets of the Persian Gulf island state.

What followed, however, was a crucial – if despicable – intervention by Britain and the United States which unleashed a wave of brutal repression – a repression that continues to this day. Without this British and American operation, the Bahraini regime would have fallen to a popular uprising.

At stake for London and Washington was not just the tiny island of Bahrain itself but the stability of the entire chain of Persian Gulf monarchies, principally Saudi Arabia. The Gulf sheikhdoms are essential for maintaining the geopolitical interests of the Western powers in the Middle East, for propping up the petrodollar system which is paramount to American economic sustenance, and prolonging lucrative trade for British and American weapons manufacturers.

If Bahrain were to succumb to a democratic uprising by its people demanding free and fair elections, independent rule of law, more equitable economic governance, and so on, then the Gulf monarchies would be “threatened” by example. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Oman are the other Gulf states which are ruled over by monarchs. They are all clients of Western powers, facilitating American and British military bases across the region which are vital for power projection, for example prosecuting wars and confronting designated enemies like Iran. Bahrain hosts the U.S. Navy Fifth Fleet base as well as a new British naval base that was opened in 2016. In short, Bahrain could not be allowed to attain democracy as that would have a domino effect across the entire region jeopardizing U.S. and British interests.

The democratic aspirations of the Bahraini people are poignantly apposite. The majority of the indigenous population are followers of Shia Islam with many cultural connections to ancient Iran which lies to the north across the narrow Gulf sea. The Bahraini rulers descend from a colonial settler tribe which invaded the island in the 18th century. The Khalifa tribe hailed from the Arabian Peninsula originally. Their occupation of Bahrain was one of conquest and pillage. Unlike most Bahrainis the usurpers professed to following Sunni Islam and held the native population in contempt, lording over them and imposing arbitrary, extortionate levies under pain of death. But the British Empire constructed the new rulers into a monarchy in 1820 in order to perform a sentinel duty over the island in a key waterway leading to Britain’s imperial jewel in the crown, India. The British Empire had similar protectorate arrangements with all the other Gulf Arab territories.

Down through the centuries, British colonial officers and soldiers were relied on to enforce the Khalifa regime in Bahrain. Uprisings by the people would recur periodically and would be violently suppressed by British security forces.

The pattern was repeated during the 2011 Arab Spring revolts which swept across North Africa and the Middle East. Some of these revolts were manipulated or fomented by Western powers for regime change, such as in Syria and Libya. But in Bahrain, it was a truly democratic impulse that galvanized the Shia majority to once again demand their historic rights against what was viewed as an imposter, despotic regime.

Such was the regime’s shaky hold on power that the tide of popular uprising nearly swept it aside during the four weeks following the beginning of the Bahrain uprising on February 14, 2011. This author was present during this tumultuous time which saw up to 500,000 people take to the streets – nearly half the population. Pearl Roundabout in the capital, Manama, became a de facto “Republic of Bahrain” with peaceful encampments and daily throngs defiantly telling King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa that it was “game over” for his crony regime. It was a heady time and the regime’s imminent perilous fate was palpable. Plunging the people into a bloodbath would be the escape route for the rulers and their Western sponsors.

On March 14, 2011, thousands of troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates invaded Bahrain and began a bloody repression against unarmed protesters. People were rounded up for mass-detention and torture. Young men were shot dead at point-blank range. The vicious repression that began a decade ago continues to this day – albeit ignored by Western news media. All of the Bahraini pro-democracy leaders languish in prisons without due process. Several prisoners have been executed for alleged terrorist crimes after “confessions” were beaten out of them.

Only days before the Saudi-Emirati invasion of Bahrain, on March 9, 2011, the regime was visited by senior British and American security officials. On the British side were Sir Peter Ricketts, the national security advisor to then Prime Minister David Cameron, as well as General Sir David Richards, the head of British military. In a second separate meeting, on March 11, three days before the onslaught, the Khalifa regime was visited by then U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. We don’t know the details of those discussions but media reports stated at the time that the British and Americans were “offering their support for the royal family”.

Britain and the United States worked together to kill the Bahrain revolution of 2011 and its people’s long-held aspirations for democratic governance. The repression goes on with British and American officials frequently visiting Bahrain to express support for the Khalifa regime. Former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visited the island in August 2020 and fawned over the regime for its support to Washington’s policy of normalizing ties with Israel. There is no sign of the new Biden administration taking a more critical position towards Bahrain. Indeed it was the Obama administration in which Biden was vice president that colluded with Britain in the slaughter of the Bahraini revolution back in 2011.

Thus, when Britain and the United States talk about promoting democracy and human rights in places like Hong Kong, Venezuela, Russia, or anywhere else, just remember their bankrupt credibility as proven by Bahrain. Western news media – despite their claims of freedom and independence – also deserve condemnation. Those media have steadfastly ignored the plight of Bahrainis in deference to their government’s geopolitical interests.

A follow-up commentary on the Arab Spring events 10 years ago will look at how the United States and Britain hypocritically and disingenuously moved to intervene in Libya and Syria at the very same time that these powers were suppressing the legitimate pro-democracy movement in Bahrain.

Palestinian Resistance running in the New Legislative Elections Simulates Insanity,إستراتيجية فلسطينية واقعية في مقابل انتخابات تحاكي الجنون

**Please scroll down for the Arabic original version **

Palestinian Resistance running in the New Legislative Elections Simulates Insanity

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
* Palestinian writer and Political researcher

Amro Allan

First published in Global Research

“Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results:” this quote is wrongly attributed to Einstein, but regardless of who said it, this is what best describes the Palestinian resistance participation in the new Palestinian legislative elections. The new elections are being sold as the way for reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas. However, the Palestinian division occurred in the light of the results of the 2006 legislative elections, and as a direct result of the contrast between Hamas and Fatah strategies towards the Palestinian cause. 

The strategies of the Palestinian factions have not changed since the previous elections. On the contrary, the Palestinian Authority (which in fact represents Fatah) has become entrenched further with the occupation, and the foreign actors’ stance against the Palestinian resistance has become more rigid. And it is stands to reason that a significant change in at least one of these two factors is a prerequisite to expect different outcome of any new elections 

So, away from the slogans of the reconciliation between Palestinian factions and the accompanied PR campaigns, what does each of the Palestinian factions hope to achieve from these elections?  And more importantly, what is the solution to break the siege imposed on the Palestinian resistance in Gaza?

The Palestinian Authority (PA)

In January 2020, the former U.S. administration announced the ‘deal of the century’; this deal in fact exposed the hidden intention of the successive U.S. administrations. This announcement was preceded by the Zionist Entity revealing its intention to annex the West Bank. Add to this, the ‘Jewish nation-state’  laws which the Zionist Entity passed in 2018 that may lead to transportation of the Palestinians in the 1948 territories out of their homes. After all these developments, Mahmoud Abbas declared Oslo Accords dead and the end of the security coordination with the occupation. With this, a glimmer of hope within the Palestinian factions that the PA had finally benefited from its disastrous experience over the past 30 years has emerged. It was said at the time that it was possible for Fatah to agree with the other Palestinian factions on the basis of civil resistance to the occupation. And a meeting of the Secretaries-Generals of the Palestinian factions was held in Beirut on this basis. However, soon the hope of any change in the performance of the PA evaporated. The PA continued to coordinate fully with the ‘Israelis’ forces in order to thwart any attempt to resist the occupation and continued to suppress any popular movement on the ground, no matter how peaceful it was. The PA relentlessly suppressed Even the peaceful popular demonstration of solidarity with the hunger-striking detainee Maher al-Akhras at the time. Then came the shocking statement of Hussein al-Sheikh, the PA Civil Affairs Minister, when he announced the return of the PA diplomatic relations with ‘Israel’ to how it was, including the security coordination- which in truth never ceased. 

It has become clear to most observers that the PA function has become limited to two tasks: first, collecting financial aid; and second, paving the way (knowingly or unknowingly) for the occupation to accomplish its aims of annexing what little that remains of the West Bank. 

By stifling any form of Palestinian movements, peaceful or otherwise, to resist the occupation’s changing the facts on the ground, the Pa has become de-facto complicit of the occupation. Hence, all PA talk still possessing a Palestinian national project becomes no more than empty rhetoric. Because even he who believes in the negotiations as the only path to attain Palestinian rights does not strip himself of all negotiation leverages as the PA has indeed done. The PA has become a mockery of itself. It now mimics the French government of Vichy or the South Lebanon Army; with the difference that the last two had a project, regardless of our view of their projects, whereas the PA no longer has a task to speak of. These are not labels that can be given lightly or as a matter of populism, nor it is a call for internal fighting which must be avoided at all cost, especially in the presence of the occupation. But this is a description of the current situation that must be taken into account when assessing any future Palestinian strategy.

Thus, it can be reasoned that the goal of Mahmoud Abbas and the PA from the elections is to renew their legitimacy, or more precisely to take allegiance from Hamas and the rest of the Palestinian factions, and then to return to the vortex of what they call peace process and with no horizons in sight, of course. 

Hamas and the Palestinian resistance factions

Hamas and the Palestinian resistance are going through an evident crisis, because of their limited options and their failure to lift the 15-year siege imposed on the Gaza Strip. It can be argued that the origins of the blockade were Hamas’s strategic miscalculations to run in the 2006 legislative elections- which did not secure Hamas any immunity nor protected it as it had hoped. Notwithstanding this argument, the occupation remains the prime source of the blockade. The Zionist Entity is the holder of the blockade keys and no one else. This is the primary fact and must not be ignored when formulating any   strategy to dismantle the blockade.

It is not a secret that Hamas is hoping that running in the upcoming elections will lead to lifting the blockade or at the very least easing it. This presents two assumptions: either Hamas competes against Fatah to win the majority in the legislative elections or runs with Fatah on the same party list. Suppose it is the former, and Hamas wins the election. In that case, Hamas will face a repeat of the 2006 scenario if there is no change in the Palestinian faction’s policies nor any change in the key international players’ stance towards the Palestinian resistance. 

But if Hamas runs in the elections on a party list with Fatah, and it agrees to be a minority in the legislative elections, it will become an opposition party within the Oslo system. At which point, they will be obliged to play according to the Oslo rules. We observe the emergence of two parallel lines on the Palestinian scene- that can never converge. One represents the PA which has become linked to the occupation (and part of it, in reality), and which does not believe in any form of confrontation with the occupation, even a peaceful one; whilst the other believes in Resistance to restore Palestinian rights. As a result, the resistance factions will find themselves facing the same current dilemma. With the difference that this time they will have given to the opposite side new ammunition to use against them. The Palestinian resistance will be required internally and internationally to respect the elections’ results and hand over the Gaza Strip to the PA before any easing of the blockade takes place.  And because the blockade keys are with the occupation, the Palestinian resistance will have to follow the Zionist Entity’s definition of handing over control of the Gaza Strip. And that means the disarmament of the Palestinian resistance and nothing else.

The solution to break the siege on the Palestinian resistance

It must be recognized first that finding a solution to the Gaza crisis is not a simple task, because the blockade is linked first and foremost to the occupation itself and is only one of its   symptoms. Nevertheless, what deserves attention is that the Occupation Entity has allowed a lot of financial aid to the PA in Ramallah and even to the Gaza Strip, whenever the status quo nears the point of collapse in the West Bank or Gaza. This indicates that the Zionist Entity fears an explosion in either of these arenas. For instance, Netanyahu retreated from his decision to announce the West Bank’s annexation fearing the break of a third intifada based on the estimates of his security advisers and nothing else. This casts doubt on the idea that the West Bank    is not ready for a popular movement and a third intifada. It is true that starting a popular movement is not without many obstacles, first of which   is the presence of the PA intelligence services, who are now directly coordinating with the Shin Bet. Nevertheless, is it really possible that the Palestinian factions are short of the means to motivate people and move onto the street if they put their mind to it?

In addition to what has been said, if we put the blockade imposed on the Palestinian resistance in its broader context as part of the economic war imposed on all resistance forces in the region, movements and states alike, the lifting of the siege on Gaza clearly becomes a common interest for all these actors. And this calls for the Palestinian factions to try to formulate a unified strategy with all the resistance forces in the region (i.e. the Axis of Resistance) to lift the blockade. It is, of course, obvious that this requires rounds and rounds of discussion, and that any strategy to break the siege with the support of the Axis of Resistance will be a medium-term strategy, but this remains the more productive option. Engaging in uncalculated adventures such as new elections will only lead to more time-wasting, even according to the most optimistic estimates.

Conclusion

The siege imposed on the Palestinian resistance in the Gaza Strip is a vital component in the overall strategy of the Zionist Entity, and any counter plan to break the siege that does not take in account this fact is bound to fail. Therefore, steps that can change the equations on the ground and the development of a comprehensive national Palestinian strategy are paramount for dismantling the siege. Today the Palestinians have a realistic opportunity to impose withdrawal of the occupation from the 1967 territories through a   third intifada. This would undoubtedly change all the existing equations on the ground. 

What is put forward in this article are only thoughts for deliberation. The formulation of a complete future Palestinian strategy needs the participation of many minds. But what this article has tried to avoid is sugar-coating the reality, simplifying the status quo, and providing solutions that appear attractive on the outside but bear the seeds of their own failure in the inside.

* Palestinian writer and Political researcher

إستراتيجية فلسطينية واقعية في مقابل انتخابات تحاكي الجنون

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

عمرو علان

First published in Arabic in Al-Akhbar Fri 5 Feb 2021

الأخبار الجمعة 5 شباط 2021

«الجنون هو أن تكرّر الفعل نفسه أكثر من مرّة وتتوقّع نتائج مغايرة». يُنسب هذا الاقتباس خطأ إلى آينشتاين، لكن بغضّ النظر عمّن كان قائله الحقيقي، لعلّه أفضل ما يُوَصِّف حالة انتخابات المجلس التشريعي الفلسطيني المزمع إجراؤها قريباً. لقد وقع الانقسام الفلسطيني، أصلاً، على ضوء نتائج انتخابات عام 2006 التشريعية، وكنتيجة لتباين النظرة بشأن الاستراتيجيات بين حركتَي «حماس» و«فتح»، ومنذ ذلك الحين، لم يطرأ أيّ تغيير على الظروف الداخلية الفلسطينية من ناحية المواقف، ولا الرؤى تجاه المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني، ولا الموقفان الخارجيان الدولي والعربي قد تبدّلا بشيء. بل على العكس، زاد انحدار السلطة الفلسطينية وارتباطها بالاحتلال داخلياً، وزاد الموقفان الدولي والعربي نكراناً للحق الفلسطيني وصلفاً تجاه القوى الفلسطينية عموماً، فكيف إذن يمكن توقّع أن تكون نتائج الانتخابات الجديدة أفضل من سابقتها، وأن تؤدّي إلى مصالحة فلسطينية؟ فما الذي يبتغيه، إذن، كلّ طرف من هذه الانتخابات بعيداً عن الشعارات المعلنة وحملات العلاقات العامّة؟ وما هو الحل للخروج من حالتَي المراوحة والتيه الواضحتين في الوضع الفلسطيني؟

السلطة الفلسطينية

مع إعلان الإدارة الأميركية السابقة عن صفقة القرن، هذه الصفقة التي تمثل التوجه الحقيقي للإدارات الأميركية المتعاقبة، وما تلاها من إفصاح الكيان الصهيوني عن مسعاه لضمّ أراضي الضفّة الغربية، ناهيك بسَنّ قوانين يهودية الدولة التي تهدّد أصل وجود فلسطينيّي أراضي الـ48 في ديارهم، ظهر بصيص أمل ولو كان ضئيلاً عن احتمالية كون السلطة قد استفادت من تجربتها الكارثية، خلال الأعوام الثلاثين الماضية، عندما أعلن محمود عباس عدم الالتزام بمخرجات أوسلو ووقف التنسيق الأمني، وقيل حينها إنّه يمكن التوافق بين سائر القوى الفلسطينية على أرضية الحدّ الأدنى في مقاومة الاحتلال على أساس المقاومة الشعبية. وعلى وقْع ذلك، تمّ عقد اجتماع أمناء الفصائل في بيروت، لكن سرعان ما تبدّد الأمل في أي تبدّل ولو كان طفيفاً في أداء السلطة، فقد استمرت السلطة في التعاون الكامل مع قوات الاحتلال بهدف إحباط أيّ محاولة لمقاومة الاحتلال، وتابعت قمع أيّ حراك شعبي على الأرض مهما كان سلمياً، وحتى مجرّد التظاهرة الشعبية السلمية للتضامن مع الأسير المضرب عن الطعام آنذاك، ماهر الأخرس، تمّ قمعها دون هوادة. وتبع ذلك تصريح حسين الشيخ مستهزِئاً بعقول كلّ الشعب الفلسطيني بلا استثناء، عندما أعلن ما أسماه «انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني» وعودة التنسيق الأمني رسمياً (ويا دار ما دخلك شر).

لقد بات جلياً من طريقة تعاطي السلطة الفلسطينية مع الواقع الفلسطيني، أنّ وظيفتها صارت محصورة بأمرين لا ثالث لهما؛ الأول: تحصيل المخصّصات، والآخر: تمهيد الأرضية في الضفة الغربية – بعلم أو بدون علم – كي يُنجِز الاحتلال مشروعه بابتلاع ما بقي من أراضي الضفة عبر منعها لأيّ شكل من أشكال المقاومة أو الحراك من أجل التصدّي لخطوات الاحتلال التي يستمر بتنفيذها على أرض الواقع. وكلّ حديث عن مشروع وطني فلسطيني لدى السلطة ما هو إلا صرخات في البرّية، فحتى من كان يؤمن بطريق المفاوضات لتحصيل حقوقه لا يعمد إلى تجريد نفسه من كلّ ما لديه من أوراق ضغط أو تفاوض من تلقاء ذاته. وعلى هذا، صارت السلطة الفلسطينية تحاكي حكومة فيشي الفرنسية أو جيش لحد الجنوبي مع فارق أنّه كان لهذين الأخيرين مشروع، بغضّ النظر عن رأينا في مشروعيهما، بينما لا يوجد أي أفق مستقبلي أو مشروع للسلطة الفلسطينية، هذه ليست توصيفات يمكن إطلاقها بِخِفّة أو من باب الشعبوية، ولا هي دعوة إلى الاقتتال الداخلي الذي يجب اجتنابه بأيّ ثمن، ولا سيما في ظلّ وجود الاحتلال، لكن هذا توصيف لواقع حال يجب أن يؤخذ في الحسبان عند تقدير أيّ موقف.

وإذا ما ألقينا نظرة فاحصة، نجد أنّ السلطة فعلياً باتت تمثّل مشروع الفلسطيني المهزوم. لذلك، نجد محمود عباس يقول إنّه سيفاوض ويستمر بالمفاوضات والاستجداء عساه يُحصِّل شيئاً من الحقوق الفلسطينية، ويُعلّل ذلك بكون الفلسطيني جرّب الطرق الأخرى ولم يحصل على مراده لأنّ الظروف الدولية والإقليمية والداخلية في غير مصلحته، بحسب فهمه غير الدقيق ولا الواقعي. لكن يغيب عن هذا التصوّر أنّه حتى خيار الاستسلام غير متاح للفلسطيني الموجود في الضفة وأراضي الـ48، فالكيان الصهيوني لم يَعُد يخفي مشروعه في هضم أراضي الضفة وترحيل سكانها عاجلاً أم آجلاً، وربما يكون مردّ التشويش في هذا التصوّر تجاهل أصل المشروع الصهيوني الذي هو مشروع إحلالي يقوم على اقتلاع السكان الأصليين للأرض وإحلال المستوطنين مكانهم، وقد ساعد في ظهور هذا التصوّر بروز بعض الأطروحات المشوِّهة لحقيقة الصراع من قبيل نظريات الفصل العنصري (الأبارتايد)، أو أنّ القضية الفلسطينية هي قضية كرامة أو مساواة. لكنّ المفارقة، هنا، أنّ خيار الاستسلام ربما يكون متاحاً لأهالي غزّة إذا ارتضوا العيش بذلّة تحت سيطرة الصهيوني، وليس لباقي سكّان المناطق الأخرى في أرض فلسطين. نكتفي بهذا القدر كي لا نستطرد عن أصل النقاش الحالي أكثر.

بناءً على هذا العرض، يمكن الخلوص إلى كون هدف محمود عباس والسلطة عموماً من إجراء الانتخابات هو تجديد شرعيتها، أو أخذ البيعة من حركة «حماس» وباقي الفصائل، بتأييد خطّها السياسي إن صحّ وصفه بالخط سياسي، ومن ثم لتعود إلى دوّامة ما يسمونه مفاوضات سلام وبلا أيّ أفق طبعاً، بينما تواصل تأدية دورها الوظيفي في تأمين الحماية لقوات الاحتلال والمستوطنين، ريثما يُجْهِز الكيان الصهيوني على باقي أراضي الضفة وعلى الوجود السكاني لأهالي الضفة وأراضي الـ48.

«حماس» وفصائل المقاومة

تمرّ «حماس» بأزمة خيارات واضحة وحقيقية، بسبب إخفاقها في فكّ الحصار عن قطاع غزة، هذا الحصار الذي تشارك فيه السلطة ذاتها وبعض الدول العربية المتواطئة، والذي بات يشكّل عبئاً على أهالي القطاع ويتسبّب في عجز الحكم في غزة عن تأمين الكثير من الحاجيات الأولية للغزّيين، ناهيكم بتعطيل حركة الدخول والخروج من وإلى القطاع، ما حوَّل قطاع غزة إلى سجن مفتوح بكل معنى الكلمة. ويمكن المحاجّة بأنّ منشأ الحصار كان بسبب تقدير «حماس» الاستراتيجي الخاطئ الذي خاضت بموجبه الانتخابات التشريعية في عام 2006، التي لم تؤمّن للحركة أي حصانة ولا هي حمت ظهرها كما كان مرجواً، لكن بعيداً عن كلّ هذا النقاش يبقى الاحتلال هو مصدر الحصار الأول والأخير، ومفتاح فكّه ليس مع أحد سواه، لا مع السلطة ولا مع تلك الدول العربية المتواطئة، وهذا أمر أساسي لا يصحّ تجاهله عند صياغة أي استراتيجية لفكّ الحصار.

بناءً على ما سلف، يمكن استنتاج أنّ «حماس» تأمل من دخول الانتخابات فكّ الحصار أو تخفيفه على أقلّ تقدير، وهذا بالتالي يطرح فرضيّتين: إما دخول «حماس» الانتخابات على أساس المغالبة، وإمّا خوضها على أساس المشاركة بصيغة قائمة مشتركة مع «فتح» أو بصيغة أخرى يُتّفَق عليها.

فإذا كانت الانتخابات مغالبة، واستطاعت «حماس» الفوز بالأكثرية، عندها نكون أمام تكرار سيناريو عام 2006 بحذافيره، طالما لا تغيير في المواقف الداخلية للأطراف ولا تبديل للمواقف الدولية كما ذكرنا. وأما إذا كانت الانتخابات بالمشاركة وارتضت «حماس» أن تكون أقلية، أو إذا ما فشلت في تحقيق الأغلبية بالمغالبة ففي الحالتين ستتحوّل إلى معارضة ضمن منظومة أوسلو، وعندها ستكون ملزمة باللعب وفق قواعدِه، وفي ظلّ وجود خطّين متوازيين على الساحة الفلسطينية لا يتقاطعان، أحدهما بات مرتبطاً بالاحتلال عضوياً وبالطبيعة لا يؤمِن بأيّ شكل من أشكال مجابهة الاحتلال حتى ولو كانت سلمية، والآخر يؤمِن بالمقاومة كسبيل لاستعادة الحقوق.

فستجد «حماس» وسائر فصائل المقاومة نفسها أمام ذات المعضلة الحالية، لكن هذه المرة ستكون قد منحت للطرف المقابل ذخيرة جديدة للاستقواء عليها، فهي ستكون مطالبة داخلياً ودولياً باحترام نتائج الانتخابات وتسليم قطاع غزة قبل أيّ تخفيف للحصار. وهنا لن ينفع التذاكي فالحصار مفتاحه مع الاحتلال والآخرون هم مجرد تفصيل كما جادلنا، وتسليم القطاع لدى الكيان الصهيوني يعني تسليم كلّ فصائل المقاومة لسلاحها الموجود فوق الأرض وتحت الأرض ولا شيء دون ذلك.

لكن يردُّ البعض بأنّ دخول الانتخابات يمكن أن يمنح «حماس» وسائر فصائل المقاومة وضعاً في الداخل الفلسطيني يماثل وضع حزب الله في لبنان، وهنا يمكن قول الآتي: من الصعب مقارنة وضع قطاع غزة وحال فصائله بالحالة اللبنانية، لا من ناحية وجود سوريا على الحدود اللبنانية التي لا تشارك في حصار لبنان، والتي فوق ذلك تشكّل خطّ إمداد لحزب الله منها وعبرها، ولا من ناحية قوة حزب الله الذي بلغ مرحلة من القدرة التسليحية يستطيع معها تبديل معادلات إقليمية. ومع هذا، يجب الانتباه إلى أنّ من يطْبِق الحصار على غزّة هو الكيان الصهيوني بشكل مباشر، بينما يعدّ الأميركي الوحيد الذي لديه قدرة على ممارسة أشكال من الحصار على لبنان. وكان الأميركي يتَّبِع في الفترات الماضية استراتيجية المساكنة في لبنان لحسابات معقّدة ومخاوف لديه لا مجال لذكرها هنا، بينما تخلّى اليوم عن فكرة المساكنة، وهذا ما يفسر الضغط الاقتصادي الذي يمرّ به لبنان بالأساس، بالإضافة إلى عوامل داخلية لبنانية أخرى مساعِدة. وخلاصة القول أنّ جميع قوى المقاومة في الإقليم تتعرّض، اليوم، لحصار مالي واقتصادي تتفاوت فعاليته وآثاره تبَعاً لظروف كلّ فصيل وجغرافياً موقع تواجده.

الخروج من حالة المراوحة

استعرضنا في ما سبق كيف أنّ دخول «حماس» الانتخابات لن يفضي إلى حلٍّ لحصار غزة، بل يرجّح أن يؤدّي إلى نتائج عكسية تعود بالضرر على المقاومة الفلسطينية. هذا ولم نفصل في المخاطر على المشروع الوطني الفلسطيني وثوابته وأهدافه لضيق المساحة. وقبل الخوض في الحلول، يجب الاعتراف بداية بأنّ إيجاد حلّ لأزمة غزة ليس بالأمر الهيّن كون الحصار مرتبطاً أولاً وأخيراً بالاحتلال ذاته وما هو إلّا أحد أعراضه، وهو ضريبة تدفعها قوى المقاومة إلى جانب ضرائب أخرى كثيرة يتحمّلها كلّ من يسعى إلى التحرير كما جادلنا. لكن يجب أيضاً الإشارة إلى أمر آخر جدير بالانتباه، وهو سماح كيان الاحتلال لقدر من المساعدات المالية بالوصول إلى سلطة رام الله، وحتى قطاع غزّة، كلّما أوشك الوضع على الانهيار، سواءً في الضفة أو قطاع غزة. وهذا يشير بوضوح إلى أنّ ما يخشاه العدو هو حصول انفجار في أيٍّ من هاتين الساحتين، ويبدو أنّ العدو بات مدركاً لمكامن ضعفه واختلال موازين القوى لغير مصلحته أكثر من إدراك بعض الفلسطينيين لهذه الوقائع، فنجد بنيامين نتنياهو يتراجع عن قراره الذي استثمر فيه كثيراً بإعلان ضمّ أراضي الضفة الغربية تحسّباً لانفجار الانتفاضة في أراضي الـ67، بناءً على تقديرات أجهزته الأمنية ولا شيء سوى ذلك، وهذا يدحض الفكرة القائلة بكون الضفة مترهّلة وغير حاضرة للتحرّك شعبياً. صحيح أنّ الحراك الشعبي دونه صعاب عديدة، أوّلها وجود جيش من مخبري أجهزة السلطة الذين باتوا يأتمرون بأمر الشاباك مباشرة، لكن هل يُعقل أن تعدم الفصائل الوسيلة في تحريك الشارع؟

وفي المقابل، فليس مردّ التذمّر الشعبي ضيق الحال المعيشي فقط، لكنّ حالتَي السكون والمراوحة اللتين يعيشهما الوضع الفلسطيني هما سببان لا يمكن تجاهلهما، حيث كون هذا الوضع يوحي بانسداد الأفق على الصعيد الوطني، وفي هذه الحالة تطفو المصاعب المعيشية على السطح لتأخذ موقع الصدارة على القضايا الوطنية الأخرى. وهذه ليست دعوة للهروب إلى الأمام كما ربما سيحاجج البعض، فأيّ حراك شعبي في الضفة هذه المرة ستكون حظوظه في فرض الانسحاب على كيان الاحتلال من أراضي الـ67 مرتفعة للغاية، بناءً على استقراء التوازنات الدولية والإقليمية وحالة التراجع التي يعيشها الكيان الصهيوني. ولا تغرّنكم حالة انهيار بعض الأعراب أمام هذا الكيان، فهؤلاء مصيرهم مرتبط بهذه المنظومة الاستعمارية وليس بمقدورهم تعديل موازين القوى بشكل حقيقي، ويصحّ فيهم القول الشعبي: «عصفور يسند زرزور».

بالإضافة إلى ما تَقدَّم، إذا ما وضعنا الحصار المفروض على قوى المقاومة الفلسطينية في إطاره الأوسع كجزء من الحرب المفروضة على كلّ قوى المقاومة في الإقليم أحزاباً ودولاً، كما نوّهنا في الفقرة السابقة، يصير فكّ الحصار عن غزة مصلحة مشتركة لكلّ هذه الأطراف مجتمعة، ويستدعي العمل من جهة الفصائل الإسلامية والوطنية الفلسطينية على محاولة صياغة استراتيجية موحّدة مع كلّ قوى المقاومة في الإقليم. ندرك كون هذا الأمر يلزمه جولات وجولات من التباحث، وكون أيّ استراتيجية لفكّ الحصار بالتوافق مع القوى الداعمة ستكون من طبيعة الاستراتيجيات المتوسّطة المدى، لكن هذا يظلّ أجدى من الدخول في مغامرات غير محسوبة العواقب كالانتخابات، التي لن تؤدي إلّا إلى المزيد من إضاعة الوقت بحسب أكثر التقديرات تفاؤلاً.

خاتمة

حصار قوى المقاومة في غزة ليس بالأمر الثانوي ضمن استراتيجية العدو، لهذا لا يُتوقع أن تفلح الخطوات الملتوية ولا الهروب من حقيقة الأمر في فكّه، ويلزم لذلك خطوات من شأنها تبديل المعادلات على الأرض، ومشروع وطني متكامل. واليوم، أمام الشعب الفلسطيني فرصة واقعية لفرض الانسحاب على الكيان الصهيوني من أراضي الـ67 عبر انتفاضة ثالثة، وهذا من شأنه بلا شك تبديل كل التوازنات القائمة، وما تمّ طرحه في هذا المقال هو عبارة عن أفكار للنقاش والتداول كون الأمر يحتاج إلى العديد من العقول للخروج باستراتيجية مجدية. يقول المثل الإنكليزي: «يُغَلِّف الموت بالسُّكَّر»، كناية عن عدم مواجهة الأمور على حقيقتها، وهذا ما حاول هذا المقال تفاديه بدلاً من تبسيط الوضع القائم وتقديم حلول ظاهرها سهل وباطنها فشل، وتبقى هذه هي ضريبة التحرير والمقاومة التي لا مناص من دفعها.

* كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

⁨إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان

 عربي 21، الخميس 31 كانون الأول\ديسمبر 2020

نشر د. أحمد يوسف مؤخرا مقالا بعنوان “لأخي خالد مشعل، حماس وجدلية الإصلاح والتغيير”، وجاء المقال على صيغة نصيحة لحركة “حماس” ولرئيس مكتبها السياسي السابق السيد خالد مشعل بهدف تقويم المسار وسد الثغرات وتقوية الحركة حسب تصور د. أحمد. 

لكن جل ما عدَّه د. أحمد نصائح إصلاحية كانت في الحقيقة تساعد على زيادة اعوجاج المسار – إن كان مسار الحركة شابه اعوجاج – وتفتح الباب على مصراعيه للتنازلات في الثوابت عوضا عن سد الثغرات، وفيها مما يهدم قوة الحركة الحقيقية إذا ما استصاغتها قيادة الحركة.

ويبدو أن ما ورد في المقال المذكور يتجاوز كونه حالة فردية إلى كونه يمثل وجهة نظر شريحة معينة من أبناء حركة المقاومة الإسلامية “حماس”. 

ولا يدّعي كاتب هذه السطور أنه أحد أبناء هذه الحركة، لكن منطلقا من الحرص على كل فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، التي تعد حماس عمودها الفقري، والتي باتت تشكل يد الشعب الفلسطيني الطولى وسنده الصلب، هو ما اقتضى هذا الرد.

حماس” والمعترك السياسي

يقول د. أحمد إنه كان من أوائل من دعوا إلى دخول معترك السياسة والحُكْم، ويتحسر على تأخر حركة حماس في اتخاذ هذه الخطوة، لكنه في الوقت نفسه يختلف مع السيد خالد مشعل على كون خوض حماس لانتخابات 2006 ودخولها معترك السلطة والحُكْم قد حمى ظهر المقاومة كما كان مرجوا، وهو محق في هذا التقييم، فكيف إذن لا تؤخذ هذه التجربة ونتائجها بالحسبان عند الدعوة إلى الغوص أكثر في دهاليز السياسة والحُكْم؟ 

وهنا يجدر التذكير بكون أول من عد انتخابات 2006 غير شرعية كانت أمريكا ومن لف لفها من دعاة الديمقراطية، رغم شهادة الجميع بنزاهة تلك الانتخابات بما في ذلك حركة فتح ذاتها. أليس في هذا عبرة لمن يَعدّ أن تلك الدول التي يرجى مخاطبتها في السياسة كخصم سياسي لن تعترف بحركات المقاومة كندّ سياسي حتى تتخلى عن الثوابت؟ ناهيك عن تخليها عن المقاومة المسلحة كمنهج وطريق للتحرير؟

وفي الواقع – ومع تقديرنا لكلام السيد خالد مشعل – فإن دخول حركة حماس انتخابات 2006 كان خطأ في التقدير، فهو أولا: لم يؤمّن للمقاومة وحركة حماس عموما أي حصانة، وثانيا: كان بمعنى أو بآخر اعترافا ضمنيا بأوسلو رغم تصريحات حماس بعكس ذلك، ورغم عدم رغبة حماس بالاعتراف بمسار أوسلو، فالسياسة ممارسة، لا مجرد مواقف تفقد قيمتها إذا ما اقترنت بالفعل، وعلى المرء أن يعترف بأن رفض مخرجات أوسلو ومن ثم دخول انتخابات للمشاركة في سلطة هي أحد مخرجات أوسلو فيه من التناقض ما لا يمكن تجاهله.

ومن ثم يذكر د. أحمد فيما ذَكَر لدعم وجهة نظره خذلان بعض الحركات الإسلامية والعروبية التي كانت حماس تعول عليها بما نراه من انبطاح واتفاقيات تطبيع مخزية. 

حسنا، أليس أحد أهداف هذه الاتفاقيات بث الوهن في عَضُد حركات المقاومة والضغط عليها نفسيا؟ وإيهامها بأنه لم يعد لها سند ولا نصيرعلها ترضخ للمسارات السياسية طريقا عوضا عن طريق المقاومة والكفاح المسلح؟ 

نعم يألم الجميع لما نراه من هرولة للارتماء في أحضان العدو، لكن هذا لا يغير شيئا على الأرض وفي الميدان، فلقد طورت حماس في ظل السنوات العجاف التي مرت من قدراتها التسليحية أضعافا، وحفرت عشرات الكيلومترات من الأنفاق، وتحولت المقاومة إلى جيش يحسب له ألف حساب، ولكم في المناورات المشتركة الأخيرة “الركن الشديد” مثالا، وإن هذا الطريق هو الذي يحبط أهداف العدو من إسقاط بعض الأنظمة والحركات في براثن التطبيع، وأما الغرق أكثر في بحور السلطة فلن يكون مصيره أفضل مما وصلت إليه السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية، التي لم تصمد على قرار وقف التنسيق الأمني الشكلي سوى أسابيع، حتى خرج علينا حسين الشيخ ليعلن انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني وعودة الحال لما كان عليه بعد استلامه ورقة من مجرد ضابط مخابرات صهيوني، وبالمناسبة كان شح الأموال وضيق الحال الاقتصادي من أهم دوافع السلطة لإعلان عودة التنسيق الأمني والخروج علينا بتصريح حسين الشيخ المخزي بكل المعايير، وهذه نفس الظروف التي أشار إليها د. أحمد في مطلع مقاله، ولعله بهذا يقرأ في كتاب الرئيس محمود عباس.

النظام الداخلي لحماس وحديث الهدنة

ويمضي د. أحمد في مقاله بعد ذلك لتعداد بعض النقاط التي يرى فيها خللا، ومن بينها على سبيل المثال: دعوته إلى تطوير النظام الداخلي لحركة حماس، ولعملية اختيار القيادات فيها، وهذا أمر مشروع ومحمود بالتأكيد، لكن مع مراعات منهج التطوير السليم، وإدراك كون حركة حماس حركة مقاومة وتحرير لا دولة، فصحيح أنه يجب بث الدماء الجديدة في صفوف القيادات والاستفادة من طاقات أبناء حركة حماس المخضرمين، لكن من الصحيح أيضا أن معيار اختيار القيادات الأساسي في حركات التحرير يبقى سِجِل تلك القيادات الجهادي والنضالي، وهذا نهج كل حركات المقاومة والتحرير عبر التاريخ، فلا تقاد حركات المقاومة (بالتكنوقراط) والاختصاصيين، ويُذكِّر هذا بما كانت تتداوله بعض قيادات فتح عن أبو عمار – رحمة الله عليه – بعد إنشاء السلطة، وبعد تصديقهم لأكذوبة أنه بات لنا دولة، فكانوا يتهامسون بأن أبا عمار ليس رجل المرحلة، حيث مقتضيات إدارة الدولة تختلف عن متطلبات إدارة حركة نضال وطني، والكل يعرف بقية القصة، وما آلت إليه حركة فتح بعد إقصاء كل من كان له تاريخ نضالي من صفوفها لصالح (التكنوقراط) على شاكلة سلام فياض وغيره.

ثم يقول د. أحمد إنه قد آن الأوان لعقد هدنة أو استراحة محارب، وليته وضح لنا مفهوم الهدنة التي يقترحها، ألم تعقد حماس عدة اتفاقيات تهدئة؟ لكن دائما كان العدو من يخرقها ولا ينفّذ ما التزم به، فالهدنة المقبولة من وجهة نظر العدو هي تلك التي تسلم المقاومة بمقتضاها سلاحها أو تتوقف عن الإعداد من زيادة السلاح كما ونوعا وحفر الأنفاق وغير ذلك، فهل هذا هو الثمن الذي يُقترَح على حركات المقاومة وحماس دفعه؟

المقاومة السلمية

 وفي نقطة أخرى متصلة يدعو د. أحمد إلى تبنّي منهج مقاوم يردع العدو ويكشف جرائمه، ملمحا إلى المقاومة السلمية، ويتعجب المرء من هكذا كلام وكأن المقاومة السلمية تردع عدوا أو تكبح مغتصبا، نعم المقاومة السلمية تعد أحد أشكال المقاومة لكن لا يجوز بحال تبنيها كمنهج وأساس للمقاومة، فالكفاح المسلح وحده من يردع العدو، ولو كانت مقاومة الشموع تردع محتلا لفلحت مقاومة من اتخذها نهجا من قبْل، فأي نصيحة هذه التي تؤدي إلى تسليم رقاب المقاومين للصهيوني كي يذبحهم على مذبح تجربة المجرب؟ وأما فضح جرائم الاحتلال، فليكن د. أحمد متأكدا بأن أولئك الذين يرغب بفضح العدو أمامهم هم ذاتهم شركاء حتى أخمص قدميهم في جرائم هذا العدو، ولا يلزمهم شرح ولا توضيح.

حزب سياسي للإسلاميين!


أما الطامة فكانت في قول د. أحمد “لقد آن الأوان لإنشاء حزب سياسي يتحدث باسم الإسلاميين في فلسطين، ويمثل رأس جسر لهم، بعيداً عن اتهامات التطرف والإرهاب”، عذرا لكن أيما تشويش في الأفكار هذا؟ هل يرضى د. أحمد وصول الحال بحماس بأن تشجب وتدين العمل المقاوم ليرضى عنها هؤلاء الذين يريد شرح جرائم الاحتلال لهم؟ ونربأ بالدكتور أحمد عن ذلك، وأيضا هل وصف حركة حماس وسائر حركات المقاومة بالإرهاب والتشدد لأنهم فعلا كذلك أم لكونهم متمسكين بحقهم وحق كل الشعب الفلسطيني في المقاومة والتحرير؟ 

وعليه ليس مفهوما ما المقصود من هذه النصيحة، وما هي طبيعة تلك الحركات الإسلامية “غير المتشددة”، ولعل مرد التشويش في الأفكار عند د. أحمد هو الإيمان بطريق السلطة والحُكْم، وإعلاء السياسة كأولوية على القوة والمقاومة اللتين تعدان مصدري صناعة السياسة ومرتكزاتها الأساسية، وبدونهما يصير العمل السياسي مجرد استجداء وحبر على ورق.

ويدعو د. أحمد إلى ضرورة إعطاء أولوية الإنفاق للمحتاجين، ولتوجيه دعم الدول العربية والإسلامية لوكالة الأونروا، مجددا القصد غير واضح تماما من هذه النصيحة ومن استخدام كلمة “أولوية” في هذا المقام،بالطبع يقع على عاتق حركة حماس مسؤولية اتجاه المحتاجين من شعبنا، كونها أحد الفصيلين الأكبرين في الساحة الفلسطينية، وكونها ارتضت تسلم السلطة في قطاع غزة، فإن كان القصد هو إيلاء هذه المسؤولية المزيد من الاهتمام عبر سد أبواب الهدر التي باتت وبصراحة كثيرة في نشاطات فروع حركة حماس في خارج فلسطين، عبر كثرة المؤتمرات الخطابية التي لا تقدم ولا تؤخر كثيرا، والتي تتسم في الكثير من الأحيان بالبذخ غير المقبول نهائيا، وصارت مصدر استرزاق للبعض وللزبائنية، وحيث صار جزء لا يستهان به من كوادر حركة حماس في الخارج عبء على كاهل الحركة بدلا من أن يكونوا رافدا لها.

فإذا كان المقصود هو سد هذا الباب وتحويل جزء من هذا الهدر لدعم المحتاجين من شعبنا فلا غبار على ذلك، وأما إن كان المقصود تحويل حركة حماس لجمعية خيرية، وتقزيم القضية الفلسطينية لتصبح قضية محتاجين ففي هذا انحراف كبير، فمسؤولية حركة حماس الأساسية مع باقي حركات المقاومة العمل على تحرير الأرض، والتحرير له أولوياته المعروفة، وهذا ما يحل مشكلة المحتاجين من أصلها التي ما هي إلا أحد أعراض الاحتلال وضياع الأرض، وإلا سيظل شعبنا محتاجا ومحروما إلى ما شاء الله، ومع الفوارق في الفداحة وقدر المعاناة، يظل حال الشعب الفلسطيني كحال غيره من شعوب المنطقة التي اتخذت من المقاومة والصمود طريقا، فها هي الجمهورية الإسلامية في إيران ترزح تحت حصار خانق منذ قرابة الأربعين عاما، ولبنان يتحمل من الحصار والضغوط الأمريكيين بسبب تمسك حزب الله بالثوابت الدينية والوطنية وحقوق لبنان في أرضه وثرواته من غاز وغيره، وتتعرض سوريا لحرب كونية ضروس منذ عشر سنوات بسبب مواقفها الوطنية والقومية الداعمة للمقاومات في لبنان وفلسطين على حد سواء، واليوم جاؤوها بقانون قيصر الظالم ليستكمل الحصار الاقتصادي على شعبها الصامد، فهذا هو حال شعبنا وهذه هي ضريبة التحرير، وإلا فلنرتضي أن تصير حركة حماس تنتظر الفتات من تحويلات مالية “إسرائيلية” كما السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية العتيدة.

خاتمة


الحديث يطول فيما ورد في المقال من نقاط “ونصائح”، لكن ملخص القول إن د. أحمد دعا في غير موضع من مقاله إلى استخلاص العبر والدروس من تجارب الماضي، لكن الظاهر أن د. أحمد لم يستخلص العبر من المثال الشاخص أمامنا ممثلا في مسار منظمة التحرير وما وصلت إليه، ناهيكم عن مسارات المتخاذلين الآخرين من حركات ونظام عربي متهالك، فإذا كان هذا هو المنهج فلا لوم على الذين سقطوا سقوطا مدويا في عامنا هذا الذي يصح وصفه بعام الخيانات.

*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

إصلاح “حماس”، عمرو علان يساجل أحمد يوسف

عمرو علان - Amro 🇵🇸 (@amrobilal77) | Twitter
*كاتب فلسطيني وباحث سياسي

عمرو علان

 عربي 21، الخميس 31 كانون الأول\ديسمبر 2020

نشر د. أحمد يوسف مؤخرا مقالا بعنوان “لأخي خالد مشعل، حماس وجدلية الإصلاح والتغيير”، وجاء المقال على صيغة نصيحة لحركة “حماس” ولرئيس مكتبها السياسي السابق السيد خالد مشعل بهدف تقويم المسار وسد الثغرات وتقوية الحركة حسب تصور د. أحمد. 

لكن جل ما عدَّه د. أحمد نصائح إصلاحية كانت في الحقيقة تساعد على زيادة اعوجاج المسار – إن كان مسار الحركة شابه اعوجاج – وتفتح الباب على مصراعيه للتنازلات في الثوابت عوضا عن سد الثغرات، وفيها مما يهدم قوة الحركة الحقيقية إذا ما استصاغتها قيادة الحركة.

ويبدو أن ما ورد في المقال المذكور يتجاوز كونه حالة فردية إلى كونه يمثل وجهة نظر شريحة معينة من أبناء حركة المقاومة الإسلامية “حماس”. 

ولا يدّعي كاتب هذه السطور أنه أحد أبناء هذه الحركة، لكن منطلقا من الحرص على كل فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية، التي تعد حماس عمودها الفقري، والتي باتت تشكل يد الشعب الفلسطيني الطولى وسنده الصلب، هو ما اقتضى هذا الرد.

حماس” والمعترك السياسي

يقول د. أحمد إنه كان من أوائل من دعوا إلى دخول معترك السياسة والحُكْم، ويتحسر على تأخر حركة حماس في اتخاذ هذه الخطوة، لكنه في الوقت نفسه يختلف مع السيد خالد مشعل على كون خوض حماس لانتخابات 2006 ودخولها معترك السلطة والحُكْم قد حمى ظهر المقاومة كما كان مرجوا، وهو محق في هذا التقييم، فكيف إذن لا تؤخذ هذه التجربة ونتائجها بالحسبان عند الدعوة إلى الغوص أكثر في دهاليز السياسة والحُكْم؟ 

وهنا يجدر التذكير بكون أول من عد انتخابات 2006 غير شرعية كانت أمريكا ومن لف لفها من دعاة الديمقراطية، رغم شهادة الجميع بنزاهة تلك الانتخابات بما في ذلك حركة فتح ذاتها. أليس في هذا عبرة لمن يَعدّ أن تلك الدول التي يرجى مخاطبتها في السياسة كخصم سياسي لن تعترف بحركات المقاومة كندّ سياسي حتى تتخلى عن الثوابت؟ ناهيك عن تخليها عن المقاومة المسلحة كمنهج وطريق للتحرير؟

وفي الواقع – ومع تقديرنا لكلام السيد خالد مشعل – فإن دخول حركة حماس انتخابات 2006 كان خطأ في التقدير، فهو أولا: لم يؤمّن للمقاومة وحركة حماس عموما أي حصانة، وثانيا: كان بمعنى أو بآخر اعترافا ضمنيا بأوسلو رغم تصريحات حماس بعكس ذلك، ورغم عدم رغبة حماس بالاعتراف بمسار أوسلو، فالسياسة ممارسة، لا مجرد مواقف تفقد قيمتها إذا ما اقترنت بالفعل، وعلى المرء أن يعترف بأن رفض مخرجات أوسلو ومن ثم دخول انتخابات للمشاركة في سلطة هي أحد مخرجات أوسلو فيه من التناقض ما لا يمكن تجاهله.

ومن ثم يذكر د. أحمد فيما ذَكَر لدعم وجهة نظره خذلان بعض الحركات الإسلامية والعروبية التي كانت حماس تعول عليها بما نراه من انبطاح واتفاقيات تطبيع مخزية. 

حسنا، أليس أحد أهداف هذه الاتفاقيات بث الوهن في عَضُد حركات المقاومة والضغط عليها نفسيا؟ وإيهامها بأنه لم يعد لها سند ولا نصيرعلها ترضخ للمسارات السياسية طريقا عوضا عن طريق المقاومة والكفاح المسلح؟ 

نعم يألم الجميع لما نراه من هرولة للارتماء في أحضان العدو، لكن هذا لا يغير شيئا على الأرض وفي الميدان، فلقد طورت حماس في ظل السنوات العجاف التي مرت من قدراتها التسليحية أضعافا، وحفرت عشرات الكيلومترات من الأنفاق، وتحولت المقاومة إلى جيش يحسب له ألف حساب، ولكم في المناورات المشتركة الأخيرة “الركن الشديد” مثالا، وإن هذا الطريق هو الذي يحبط أهداف العدو من إسقاط بعض الأنظمة والحركات في براثن التطبيع، وأما الغرق أكثر في بحور السلطة فلن يكون مصيره أفضل مما وصلت إليه السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية، التي لم تصمد على قرار وقف التنسيق الأمني الشكلي سوى أسابيع، حتى خرج علينا حسين الشيخ ليعلن انتصار الشعب الفلسطيني وعودة الحال لما كان عليه بعد استلامه ورقة من مجرد ضابط مخابرات صهيوني، وبالمناسبة كان شح الأموال وضيق الحال الاقتصادي من أهم دوافع السلطة لإعلان عودة التنسيق الأمني والخروج علينا بتصريح حسين الشيخ المخزي بكل المعايير، وهذه نفس الظروف التي أشار إليها د. أحمد في مطلع مقاله، ولعله بهذا يقرأ في كتاب الرئيس محمود عباس.

النظام الداخلي لحماس وحديث الهدنة

ويمضي د. أحمد في مقاله بعد ذلك لتعداد بعض النقاط التي يرى فيها خللا، ومن بينها على سبيل المثال: دعوته إلى تطوير النظام الداخلي لحركة حماس، ولعملية اختيار القيادات فيها، وهذا أمر مشروع ومحمود بالتأكيد، لكن مع مراعات منهج التطوير السليم، وإدراك كون حركة حماس حركة مقاومة وتحرير لا دولة، فصحيح أنه يجب بث الدماء الجديدة في صفوف القيادات والاستفادة من طاقات أبناء حركة حماس المخضرمين، لكن من الصحيح أيضا أن معيار اختيار القيادات الأساسي في حركات التحرير يبقى سِجِل تلك القيادات الجهادي والنضالي، وهذا نهج كل حركات المقاومة والتحرير عبر التاريخ، فلا تقاد حركات المقاومة (بالتكنوقراط) والاختصاصيين، ويُذكِّر هذا بما كانت تتداوله بعض قيادات فتح عن أبو عمار – رحمة الله عليه – بعد إنشاء السلطة، وبعد تصديقهم لأكذوبة أنه بات لنا دولة، فكانوا يتهامسون بأن أبا عمار ليس رجل المرحلة، حيث مقتضيات إدارة الدولة تختلف عن متطلبات إدارة حركة نضال وطني، والكل يعرف بقية القصة، وما آلت إليه حركة فتح بعد إقصاء كل من كان له تاريخ نضالي من صفوفها لصالح (التكنوقراط) على شاكلة سلام فياض وغيره.

ثم يقول د. أحمد إنه قد آن الأوان لعقد هدنة أو استراحة محارب، وليته وضح لنا مفهوم الهدنة التي يقترحها، ألم تعقد حماس عدة اتفاقيات تهدئة؟ لكن دائما كان العدو من يخرقها ولا ينفّذ ما التزم به، فالهدنة المقبولة من وجهة نظر العدو هي تلك التي تسلم المقاومة بمقتضاها سلاحها أو تتوقف عن الإعداد من زيادة السلاح كما ونوعا وحفر الأنفاق وغير ذلك، فهل هذا هو الثمن الذي يُقترَح على حركات المقاومة وحماس دفعه؟

المقاومة السلمية

 وفي نقطة أخرى متصلة يدعو د. أحمد إلى تبنّي منهج مقاوم يردع العدو ويكشف جرائمه، ملمحا إلى المقاومة السلمية، ويتعجب المرء من هكذا كلام وكأن المقاومة السلمية تردع عدوا أو تكبح مغتصبا، نعم المقاومة السلمية تعد أحد أشكال المقاومة لكن لا يجوز بحال تبنيها كمنهج وأساس للمقاومة، فالكفاح المسلح وحده من يردع العدو، ولو كانت مقاومة الشموع تردع محتلا لفلحت مقاومة من اتخذها نهجا من قبْل، فأي نصيحة هذه التي تؤدي إلى تسليم رقاب المقاومين للصهيوني كي يذبحهم على مذبح تجربة المجرب؟ وأما فضح جرائم الاحتلال، فليكن د. أحمد متأكدا بأن أولئك الذين يرغب بفضح العدو أمامهم هم ذاتهم شركاء حتى أخمص قدميهم في جرائم هذا العدو، ولا يلزمهم شرح ولا توضيح.

حزب سياسي للإسلاميين!

خاتمة


أما الطامة فكانت في قول د. أحمد “لقد آن الأوان لإنشاء حزب سياسي يتحدث باسم الإسلاميين في فلسطين، ويمثل رأس جسر لهم، بعيداً عن اتهامات التطرف والإرهاب”، عذرا لكن أيما تشويش في الأفكار هذا؟ هل يرضى د. أحمد وصول الحال بحماس بأن تشجب وتدين العمل المقاوم ليرضى عنها هؤلاء الذين يريد شرح جرائم الاحتلال لهم؟ ونربأ بالدكتور أحمد عن ذلك، وأيضا هل وصف حركة حماس وسائر حركات المقاومة بالإرهاب والتشدد لأنهم فعلا كذلك أم لكونهم متمسكين بحقهم وحق كل الشعب الفلسطيني في المقاومة والتحرير؟ 

وعليه ليس مفهوما ما المقصود من هذه النصيحة، وما هي طبيعة تلك الحركات الإسلامية “غير المتشددة”، ولعل مرد التشويش في الأفكار عند د. أحمد هو الإيمان بطريق السلطة والحُكْم، وإعلاء السياسة كأولوية على القوة والمقاومة اللتين تعدان مصدري صناعة السياسة ومرتكزاتها الأساسية، وبدونهما يصير العمل السياسي مجرد استجداء وحبر على ورق.

ويدعو د. أحمد إلى ضرورة إعطاء أولوية الإنفاق للمحتاجين، ولتوجيه دعم الدول العربية والإسلامية لوكالة الأونروا، مجددا القصد غير واضح تماما من هذه النصيحة ومن استخدام كلمة “أولوية” في هذا المقام،بالطبع يقع على عاتق حركة حماس مسؤولية اتجاه المحتاجين من شعبنا، كونها أحد الفصيلين الأكبرين في الساحة الفلسطينية، وكونها ارتضت تسلم السلطة في قطاع غزة، فإن كان القصد هو إيلاء هذه المسؤولية المزيد من الاهتمام عبر سد أبواب الهدر التي باتت وبصراحة كثيرة في نشاطات فروع حركة حماس في خارج فلسطين، عبر كثرة المؤتمرات الخطابية التي لا تقدم ولا تؤخر كثيرا، والتي تتسم في الكثير من الأحيان بالبذخ غير المقبول نهائيا، وصارت مصدر استرزاق للبعض وللزبائنية، وحيث صار جزء لا يستهان به من كوادر حركة حماس في الخارج عبء على كاهل الحركة بدلا من أن يكونوا رافدا لها.

فإذا كان المقصود هو سد هذا الباب وتحويل جزء من هذا الهدر لدعم المحتاجين من شعبنا فلا غبار على ذلك، وأما إن كان المقصود تحويل حركة حماس لجمعية خيرية، وتقزيم القضية الفلسطينية لتصبح قضية محتاجين ففي هذا انحراف كبير، فمسؤولية حركة حماس الأساسية مع باقي حركات المقاومة العمل على تحرير الأرض، والتحرير له أولوياته المعروفة، وهذا ما يحل مشكلة المحتاجين من أصلها التي ما هي إلا أحد أعراض الاحتلال وضياع الأرض، وإلا سيظل شعبنا محتاجا ومحروما إلى ما شاء الله، ومع الفوارق في الفداحة وقدر المعاناة، يظل حال الشعب الفلسطيني كحال غيره من شعوب المنطقة التي اتخذت من المقاومة والصمود طريقا، فها هي الجمهورية الإسلامية في إيران ترزح تحت حصار خانق منذ قرابة الأربعين عاما، ولبنان يتحمل من الحصار والضغوط الأمريكيين بسبب تمسك حزب الله بالثوابت الدينية والوطنية وحقوق لبنان في أرضه وثرواته من غاز وغيره، وتتعرض سوريا لحرب كونية ضروس منذ عشر سنوات بسبب مواقفها الوطنية والقومية الداعمة للمقاومات في لبنان وفلسطين على حد سواء، واليوم جاؤوها بقانون قيصر الظالم ليستكمل الحصار الاقتصادي على شعبها الصامد، فهذا هو حال شعبنا وهذه هي ضريبة التحرير، وإلا فلنرتضي أن تصير حركة حماس تنتظر الفتات من تحويلات مالية “إسرائيلية” كما السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية العتيدة.


الحديث يطول فيما ورد في المقال من نقاط “ونصائح”، لكن ملخص القول إن د. أحمد دعا في غير موضع من مقاله إلى استخلاص العبر والدروس من تجارب الماضي، لكن الظاهر أن د. أحمد لم يستخلص العبر من المثال الشاخص أمامنا ممثلا في مسار منظمة التحرير وما وصلت إليه، ناهيكم عن مسارات المتخاذلين الآخرين من حركات ونظام عربي متهالك، فإذا كان هذا هو المنهج فلا لوم على الذين سقطوا سقوطا مدويا في عامنا هذا الذي يصح وصفه بعام الخيانات.

Dr Tim Anderson: dismantling apartheid in occupied Palestine

Palestinian Teen Martyred After Heroic Operation against ‘Israeli’ Soldiers

Palestinian Teen Martyred After Heroic Operation against ‘Israeli’ Soldiers

By Staff, Agencies

A Palestinian teenager was martyred after the ‘Israeli’ occupation soldiers shot him dead as he carried out a heroic operation against the occupation soldiers in the Old City of occupied al-Quds on Monday night.

According to the ‘Israeli’ occupation police, the teen, identified by local media as 17-year-old Mahmoud Omar Kameel, approached a Zionist police post near the Lion’s Gate entrance to the Old City and shot at them.

“The police and border guard fighters working in the Old City chased him on foot, while he was shooting at them,” the ‘Israeli’ police said in a statement.

Witnesses said the occupation forces shot Kameel multiple times after chasing him and surrounding him in the area.

Immediately following the shooting, the Zionist forces closed the gates leading to the Old City and barred access to the Al Aqsa Mosque compound.

Kameel belonged to the village of Qabatiyeh near the occupied West Bank city of Jenin.

The Zionist entity captured East al-Quds during the 1967 war and later annexed the territory.

Related News

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestine (03 – 09 December 2020)

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  • IOF shot and killed Palestinian, northeast of Ramallah
  • 19 Palestinian civilians wounded, including 6 childern, in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem
  • 3 shootings reported at agricultural lands, and 3 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip
  • In 93 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 77 civilians arrested, including 7 children and a woman
  • IOF demolished and confiscated 10 barracks in Ramallah and Jericho and distributed 9 cease-construction notices in Hebron
  • 9,000 settlement units constructed on the land of Jerusalem International Airport in occupied East Jerusalem
  • Settler-attacks: an attempt to burn a church in occupied East Jerusalem and 90 trees cut and uprooted in Salfit
  • IOF established 61 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints

 Download Report (PDF)

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, in a new crime of excessive use of lethal force, IOF killed a Palestinian during the suppression of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. PCHR notes the recurrence of similar crimes, as PCHR’s staff documented the killing of 22 Palestinian civilians, including 6 children and a woman, by IOF since the beginning of 2020 in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Also, PCHR’s fieldworkers monitored and documented IOF targeting of children during the suppression of protests and during incursions into the West Bank cities in recent weeks.

Furthermore, IOF demolitions of Palestinian homes and properties continued as part of Israel’s de facto annexation and under various pretexts in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

This week, PCHR documented 180 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information contained in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

IOF killed a Palestinian child and wounded 19 other civilians, including 6 children, in excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem. On 04 December 2020, ‘Ali Ayman Naser Abu ‘Alia (14) was killed and 4 other civilians were wounded during the suppressing of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to  al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. IOF killed the child without any justification and without the presence of any threat to the soldiers’ lives.

Also, 2 civilians were wounded during IOF incursion into Nablus; 7 civilians wounded, including 2 children- one sustained wounds in his eye, in occupied East Jerusalem; 2 civilians wounded in Jericho; and 4 others wounded in Dheisheh camp in Bethlehem.

In the Gaza Strip, 3  IOF shootings were reported at agricultural lands, and 3 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 93 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them.7During this week’s incursions, 77 Palestinians were arrested, including 7 children and a woman. It should be noted that the woman was arrested twice.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted a limited incursion into northern Gaza Strip.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented 8 incidents, including:

  • Ramallah: 2 barracks demolished in Deir Dibwan village and another barrack confiscated in eastern al-Mughayyir village;
  • Tubas: 2 excavators confiscated in northern Jordan valleys;
  • Occupied East Jerusalem: 9,000 settlement units constructed on the land of Jerusalem International Airport (Qalandia);
  • Bethlehem: 180 olive trees uprooted in al-Khader village;
  • Jericho: 7 barracks confiscated;
  • Hebron: houses and barns served 9 cease-construction notices.

Settler-attacks: PCHR fieldworkers reported and documented 4 settler-violence incidents: 80 olive trees cut in Yasuf village; 10 olive and fig trees uprooted in western Haris village in Salfit; and a settler attempted to burn the Gethsemane Church in the Mount of Olives area in occupied East Jerusalem.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity
  • At approximately 00:00 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF moved into Nablus, north of the West Bank, and stationed in the city’s eastern side. The IOF secured the entry of dozens of buses carrying settlers towards the Joseph’s tomb to perform prayers. Meanwhile, Palestinian young men gathered, set fire to tires and threw stones at IOF, who responded with rubber bullets and teargas canisters. As a result, 2 young men sustained rubber bullet wounds and received treatment at Rafidia Hospital. The wounded were: an 18-year-old male who was shot with a rubber bullet in his face, causing fractures in his teeth and mouth; and a 19-year-old male who was shot with a rubber bullet in his right foot. Also, many civilians suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.
  • At approximately 08:00, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • In new crime of excessive use of lethal force, Israeli occupation forces (IOF) killed on Friday, 04 December 2020, a Palestinian child and wounded 4 other civilians during the suppression of a peaceful protest in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. The child died few hours after sustaining a live bullet in his abdomen without any justification or posing threat to the soldiers’ lives. According to investigations conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), at approximately 11:00 on Friday, a peaceful protest took off in the center of al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah, at the call of the villagers, towards lands under the threat of confiscation and in protest to the establishment of new settlement outposts in Ras al-Teen area near the eastern entrance to the village. The protestors raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation, settlers and annexation wall. When the protestors arrived at the area, they found a large number of Israeli soldiers awaiting them. Following the Friday prayer, the protestors chanted slogans again the Israeli occupation and settlers. IOF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, 4 civilians sustained rubber bullets wounds in their lower extremities and received treatment on the spot. At approximately 13:30, as the clashes were ongoing, Israeli soldiers shot at ‘Ali Ayman Naser Abu ‘Aliya (14), wounding him with a live bullet in his abdomen below the lung on the right side of his body. Abu ‘Aliya was immediately taken via a Palestinian Red Crescent Socitey (PRCS) ambulance to the Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah, where he underwent a surgery. At approximately 18:00 on the same day, medical sources pronounced him dead. The medical report showed that the bullet penetrated the liver and ruptured it.
  • At approximately 12:20, IOF suppressed a protest organized by dozens of Palestinian civilians in protest at lands confiscations in favor of settlement projects. IOF chased the protestors gathered in the area and clashed with them. During which, IOF fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at the protestors. As a result, many protestors sustained bruises.
  • At approximately 14:45, IOF stationed at Beit Hanoun (Erez) Crossing, northern Beit Hanoun, opened fire sporadically at adjacent border areas. Farmers were panicked due to the heavy shooting; no injuries or damage were reported.
  • At approximately15:45, IOF stationed north of al-Sifa area, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, opened sporadic fire at the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, causing fear among Palestinian civilians, who approached the fence, and forcing them to flee; no casualties or material damage were reported.
  • At approximately 16:00, a number of Palestinian young men gathered in Bab al-Zawiyia area in the center of Hebron and threw stones at a military checkpoint established at the northern entrance to Hebron, so-called Checkpoint (56). IOF chased the Palestinian men in the village’s market and threw sound bombs and teargas canisters at the stone-throwers. As a result, many young men suffocated dye to teargas inhalation. IOF re-positioned behind the cement cubes placed in front of the checkpoint while the young men continued to throw stones at them. Meanwhile, a photojournalist working at Wafa News Agency, Mashhour Hasan al-Wahwah (37), was in the area to cover the clashes, but an Israeli soldier threatened him, prevented him from covering the clashes and denied his access to the area. Few hours later, IOF chased the young men again and al-Wahwah followed them. During which, an Israeli soldier approached al-Wahwah, shouted at him and cursed him. When al-Wahwah tried to talk with the soldier, the latter kicked him twice in his legs and ordered him to leave. Al-Wahwah tried to talk with the officer, who was on duty, but in vain. The clashes continued until 18:00; and no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 23:00, Israeli gunboats stationed off al- al-Sudaniya Shore, northwest of Jabalia camp, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 4 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  •  At approximately 08:30 on Saturday, 05 December 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire in their direction, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 16:10 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF stationed along the Gaza-Israel border fence, east of Khan Yunis, fired live bullets towards agricultural lands east of Khuzaʽa; no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 20:30 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, closed the village’s main street and established checkpoints near al-Arba’een mosque in the center of the village and at the entrances to nearby neighborhoods. During which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who chased the protestors and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at them. As a result, Omar Ahmed Khalil Mahmoud (16) was shot with a rubber bullet below his left eye while present in front of his house. He was then taken to Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in West Jerusalem for treatment. It should be noted that Isawiya village has been the target of recurrent IOF incursions in the past year, where IOF carries out arrest campaigns against civilians under the pretext of being wanted persons, fire live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at Palestinian civilians and their houses and properties.

The wounded child Omar Mahmoud

  • At approximately 05:00 on Monday, 07 December 2020, a large Israeli force accompanied with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces moved into Dheisheh refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, where they raided and searched dozens of houses after blowing up their doors and causing fear among the inhabitants. During which, Palestinian young men gathered and threw empty bottles and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who chased them on the village streets and fired heavy live bullets and sound bombs at them. As a result, 3 young men sustained gunshot wounds in their legs and received treatment at Beit Jala Hospital. Also, IOF arrested 4 civilians: Shehab Hasan Mezher (47), Mohammed Nedal Abu ‘Akar (27), and the siblings Mohammed (27) and Na’iem Abu ‘Akar (26).
  • At approximately 08:00, a large Israeli force accompanied with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces moved into Kalandia refugee camp, north of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Khaled ‘Abed al-Raouf Hamad’s house and arrested his sons Mo’ath (26) and Mohammed (28), taking them to an unknown destination. In the meantime, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF and their vehicles. IOF chased the protestors on the village streets and fired heavy live bullets and teargas canisters at them. As a result, 5 civilians, including a child, were shot with live bullets and taken to the Palestine Medical Complex for treatment. The wounded were identified:
  1. ‘Ali Hasan ‘Abed al-Qader (16), who was shot with a live bullet in the chect;
  2. ‘Ali Khaled ‘Abed al-Raouf Hamad (24), who was shot with a live bullet in the abdomen;
  3. Mohammed Ibrahim Saleh ‘Ali, who was shot with a live bullet in the thigh;
  4. Ahmed ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Roum, who was shot with a live bullet in his foot; and
  5. Mohammed Ibrahim Khalil Nser, who was shot with a live bullet in the foot.
  • At approximately 14:45, IOF stationed at Kalandia military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem, opened fire at Mohammed Mazen Abu Laban (24), wounding him with live bullets. IOF claimed that Abu Laban attempted to carry out a stabbing-attack. Abu Laban was taken to Hadassah Hospital, where his health condition was classified as serious. According to a video recording, Abu Laban attempted to pass the checkpoint through the vehicles lane, which is forbidden to pedestrians, IOF warned him and then shot him. In the same context, Israeli media stated that the young man, who was wounded at the military checkpoint did not carry a weapon or a knife and IOF opened fire at him because he did not obey their orders. It should be noted that Abu Laban, Shabab al-Amari’s Football Club reserve goalkeeper, was heading to a match VS Jabel Mukaber team, which took place at Faisal al-Husseini Stadium in al-Ram village, north of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 03:30 on Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF moved into Aqabat Jaber camp, southwest of Jericho. IOF were deployed in the camp, during which, a number of Palestinian young men gathered and threw stones and empty bottles at IOF. Violent Clashes erupted between the protestors and IOF, who immediately fired teargas canisters, sound bombs and rubber bullets at the protestors. As a result, 2 civilians sustained sound bombs shrapnel wounds; the first was an 18-year-old male, who sustained shrapnel wounds in his abdomen while the second was a 24-year-old male, who sustained shrapnel wounds in his foot. Both of them received treatment on the spot. In the meantime, IOF raided and searched houses, from which they arrested Mohammed Akram al-Moqaiti (26), and the two siblings Yehia (20) and Yousef (18) Naseem al-Moqaiti.
  1. II. Incursions and arrests:

Thursday, 03 December 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-al-Mashrou’ area in al-Eizariya, east of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed al-Kalouni’s house and arrested his sons Samer (23) and Ibrahim (20).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into al-Jadawil area in Beit Jala. They raided and searched Mohammed Naser Abu Sheikha’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into al-Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Oday Issam Abu Nassar (22) and Laith Kareem al-Atrash (18) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 05:30, IOF moved into al-Funduq area, east of Qalqilya, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ali Maher Taim (30).
  • At approximately 16:30, IOF stationed at al-Hamra military checkpoint in central valleys, north of the West Bank, arrested the two siblings Sanad (24) and Ali Sharif Ahmed Ali (26), from Jaba’ village, south of Jenin, taking them to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Yatta, Beit Ummar, and Beit ‘Amra villages in Hebron governorate; Qarawat Bani Zeid, northwest of Ramallah governorate; and Birzeit, north of Ramallah governorate. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 04 December 2020:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Wadea’ Dawoud Alian’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Burqa village, northwest of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sa’eed Mohammed Hajja (38), and Abdul Halim Emad Daghlas (19).
  • At approximately 11:00, a group of Mista’arvim (Israeli Special Unit dressed like Palestinians) sneaked into southern Nablus. They used a white Mercedes bus, stationed on al-Ta’awon street, and surrounded a building belonging to al-Alfi family. Meanwhile, several military vehicles moved into the area coming from al-Tur mount, south of the city, to provide protection for the special unit. Before their withdrawal, IOF arrested Mo’ayad Nimir al-Alfi (47), claiming that he had been wanted for years ago, taking him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF arrested Mahmoud al-Jondi (28), after getting out from al-Aqsa Mosque through Bab Huta, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, taking him to a police station in the city.
  • At approximately 01:15, IOF moved into New Nablus, south of Nablus, north of the West Bank. They surrounded and stormed s house belonging to Emad Mohammed al-Shami (50), a Lieutenant in the Preventive Security Service, and arrested him.
  • At approximately 18:30, IOF arrested Fathi Yassine Abu Srour (31), while present in Caritas area, north of Bethlehem, taking him to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF arrested Belal Ju’aiwi (24), while riding his bicycle near Rachel’s Tomb, north of Bethlehem. IOF took him to an unknown destination.

Saturday, 05 December 2020:

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Bab Huta neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Omar Mousa Ajlouni’s house and took his two sons Sufian (22) and Saif (19), to a police station in the city.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched Ahmed Hamed al-Natsha’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 20:00, Israeli Intelligence Services arrested Mohammed Hamza Obaid (14), from al-Issawiya village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem, after investigating with him for several hours in al-Bareed police station in the city. Obaid’s arrest was extended for the next day.

At approximately 12:00, IOF arrested Hanadi Mohammed al-Halawani (42), while attempting to enter the Aqsa Mosque through Bab al-Asbat Minaret, in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. IOF took her to al-Maskoubiya police station. Al-Halawani said that, in the morning, IOF summonsed her for investigation. At approximately 12:00, IOF arrested her near Bab al-Asbat, and investigated with her about the writing on her coat: wearing a coat written on it “Bab al-Rahma is Ours” and “al-Aqsa is a Belief”. When Handi denied the charge, the investigators attempted to pressurize her to sign a decision that ban her entry to the Aqsa Mosque and Jerusalem’s Old City again, but she refused and preferred to be arrested and referred to the court rather than banning her from entering the abovementioned places. The Israeli Intelligence Services released her after threatened her to be arrested. It should be noted that IOF arrested the teacher, al-Halawani, after storming her house several times, and she was investigated several times and banned from entering the Aqsa Mosque for up to 14-months.

  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Beit Kahel, Yatta, Tarqumiyah, and Imreish, in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.
  • Sunday, 06 December 2020:
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Omar Khalil Abu al-Hawa’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sami Naji Nazzal (24).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Zeita, north of Tulkarm, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Rabah Abdul Fattah Libdi (30), who is a former prisoner.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They raided and searched Eyad Ali Irsheed’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, south of Nablus, arrested Mohammed Nasr al-Dein Allan (36), who is a lawyer from Einabus village, southeast of Nablus.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Khaldoun Taha Dari’s (23) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into al-Wad neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Ra’fat Sameeh Najeeb’s (38) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into al-Dheisha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Shadi Issa Ma’ali’s (40) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Ma’ali was arrested several times and served 12 years in the Israeli prisons on charge of belonging to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and participating resisting the Israeli occupation.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya and Beita, southeast of Nablus; Sa’ir and al-‘Aroub refugee camp in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 07 December 2020:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed in Bab al-Zawiya. They opened the main door, raided and searched Irsheed Printing House that belongs to Jehad Hussain Irsheed, destroyed its contents, and confiscated some of Jehad’s children’s pictures, Oday and Dania, who were killed in the Israeli offensive of 2015.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Sheikh neighborhood in the southern area of Hebron. They raided and searched Mahmoud Hamdi Shabana’s (44) house and confiscated his laptop. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Azzun, east of Qalqilya, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Abdul Razzaq Emad Swaidan (17).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Nahalin, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Theib Abdul Hamid Najajera’s (58) house and arrested him. It should be noted that Najajera is a governmental teacher who served several years in the Israeli prisons.
  • At approximately 04:30, IOF moved into Kafr Thulth, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Adel Sameeh Shawahna (22) and Murad Ammar Shawahna (19).
  • At approximately 05:10, IOF moved into Kafr Ni’ma, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Riyad Ahmed Abdo’s (35) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF moved into al-Rashayida village, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Sa’eed Suliman Owda Fawarqa’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF moved into Ras Khmis neighborhood in Shu’afat refugee camp, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Ahmed Mohammed Ali’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:30, IOF arrested Hanadi Mohammed al-Halawani (42), while present near Bab Huta, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s gates. IOF took her to a police station in the Old City and interrogated her for several hours before she was released on a condition that she will be banned from entering the Aqsa Mosque for a week, and she will later return to receive a new 6-month ban.
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into al-Bustan neighborhood in Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Mohammed Waleed al-Rajabi’s (14) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 23:30, IOF moved into Bab Huta, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Omar Mousa al-‘Ajlouni’s (51) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Beita, southeast of Nablus; Zububa, west of Jenin; Dura, Beit ‘Amra and al-Samu, in Hebron governorate. No arrests were reported.
  • Tuesday, 08 December 2020:
  • At approximately 00:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Marwan Obaid’s house and arrested his sons; Omar (24) and Mohammed (20).
  • At approximately 01:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Kahil, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Mahmoud Ra’ed Asafra’s (21) house and arrested him.

At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Za’tara village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Khaled Ibrahim Tafesh’s (55) house, who was a member in the dissolved Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), and handed his son, Mos’ab (28), a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services. It should be noted that Tafesh is a former prisoner who was arrested several times and spent 8-years in the Israeli prisons in separate periods; part of which was under the administrative arrest.

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Dahiya neighborhood, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Nidal Atef Abu Rmaila (49).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Harmala village, southeast of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Abdullah Awad Abayat (28), Isma’el Khalil al-Zeir (43), and Hamza Taleb Abu Dayya (20).
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron and stationed in al-Dahar, Safa, and Asida neighborhoods. They raided and searched three housesand arrested (3) civilians including two children; Majdi Mershed Za’aqiq (16), Ibrahim Rami Za’aqiq (16), and Obaida Ghazi ‘Aadi (29). IOF blew up the door of Ghazi’s house, while Ghazi’s wife was behind the door attempting to open it. As a result, Qamar Ahmed ‘Aadi (55) sustained several bruises.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into al-Judeida village, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Sameh Hussam Abu Mariam (20).

At approximately 07:00, IOF established a temporary military checkpoint in the entrance of Susya village, north of Yatta, south of Hebron governorate. They stopped the vehicles and checked the ID cards of the passengers. Meanwhile, IOF stopped a vehicle carrying the teachers of Susya Elementary School and arrested two of them: Amjad Badr Shraiteh (41) and Isma’il Ali Nawaj’a (44). Nisreen Nawaj’a, principal of Susya Elementary School, said to PCHR’s fieldworker that: “After arresting the two teachers, we decided to sit-in the checkpoint and refused to leave without Nawaj’a and Shraiteh, as we were suffering from various harassments for two weeks while passing through the abovementioned checkpoint. Sometimes, the teachers had to take dirt roads to reach the school; as they were not allowed to pass through that checkpoint under the pretext of security purposes, even though, the students joined in the sit-in until the IOF released the two teachers after an hour”.

  • At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Qalandiya refugee camp, north of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Sami Mutair’s (32) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services on the next day.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF arrested Mo’ath Abu Arafa (32), while he was on duty in the occupied East Jerusalem. Abu Arafa was taken to one of the investigation centers in the city and interrogated for several hours about giving religious lessons at the Aqsa Mosque. IOF released him on condition that banning his entry to the Aqsa Mosque for a week and return for investigation after that period.
  • At approximately 18:00, IOF arrested Firas Khairy Katana (22), from al-Nazla al-Gharbiya, north of Tulkarm, while present near the border fence adjacent to Zeita village, north of Tulkarm. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out incursions in Nablus. no arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 09 December 2020:

  • At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Hassan, west of Salfit. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Laith Adnan Rayyan (25).
  • At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Deir al-Hatab village, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Salman Ahmed Emran (39).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Bal’a village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (7) former prisoners and released them later. The arrestees were: Mohammed Emad Barabra, Talal Abu Yassine, Ja’far Ayman Shahrour, Tha’er Rida Mer’i, Naser Khalil Abu Dayya, Atiya Wael Mahmoud, and Essam Ghazi Jitawi.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into al-Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and neighborhoods and arrested (4) civilians: Kamel Jalal Nakhla (25), Maher Ayyoub Dalaisha (45), Ya’qoub Mostafa Hussain (27), and Fadi Nayef Alian (40). IOF released Nakhla and Dalaisha on the same day evening.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Taqoa village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mahmoud Abu Mfarreh’s house and took his sons Ahmed (18) and Mohammed (17), to unknown destinations.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF reinforced with six military vehicles stationed in Abu Safiya Gate, northeast of Jabalya, north of the Gaza Strip, moved 100 meters to the north of the border fence with Israel. They levelled and combed lands that were previously levelled amidst sporadic shooting. At approximately 10:00, IOF withdrew, and no casualties were reported.
  • Also during the day, IOF conducted 8 incursions into Palestinian territory without any arrests reported: Jaba’, southern Jenin; Sebastia, northwestern Nablus; Shufa, Anabta, Deir al-Ghusun, Zeita and Far’un in Tulkarm.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 09:00 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, an Israeli force backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with a Civil Administration vehicle and a bulldozer stormed the eastern area of Deir Dibwan village, east of Ramallah. IOF bulldozer demolished 2 barracks built of steel pillars and tin plates on an area of 120 sqm, 2 tents, a tent used for storing animal feed built on an area of 40 sqm, a barn built on area of 200 sqm. All of these facilities were used for grazing sheep and owned by Atef Awawdah Shalabi, from Deir Dibwan village. IOF also dismantled 6 steel feeding and watering equipment and confiscated them. The demolition was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C).
  • At approximately 10:50 on Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF stormed Atouf area, east of Tammun village, southeast of Tubas in northern valleys, north of the West Bank. IOF confiscated 2 diggers owned by Aman Rabah Gharib Bani Ouda and Diya’a Bani Ouda, from the abovementioned village. IOF confiscated the 2 diggers while both Ayman and Diya’a were paving an agricultural road in for the village’s council. Confiscation was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C).
  • On the same Sunday, the Organization and Construction Department at the Israeli Municipality in occupied Jerusalem announced approved construction of 9 thousand settlement units in “Atrout” settlement established on Qalandiya and Beit Hanina village’ lands, north of occupied East Jerusalem. According to the Israeli Civil Administration Commission, thousands of new settlement units will be constructed over 600 dunums in-lieu of Jerusalem’s abandoned international airport. IOF seized these lands in the 1970s. It should be noted that the Israeli settlement expansion plan in Atrout was laid out years ago, but it was frozen more than once due to international political pressures rejecting Israeli settlements in lands occupied in 1967. Jerusalem’s international airport was located on Qalandiya lands, north of occupied Jerusalem and it was the oldest airport in Palestine as it was constructed in 1920 during the British mandate of Palestine on an area of 650 dunums. Until the Israeli occupation in 1967, the airport was used for tourism and commercial purposes from and to Jerusalem before the outbreak of the Second Intifa in 2000.
  • On Monday morning, 07 December 2020, IOF uprooted hundreds of olive trees and grape vines after they leveled lands in al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. Al-Khader Village’s Municipality said to PCHR’s fieldworker that IOF uprooted more than 30 olive seedlings after they leveled a land owned Yaseen Khader Essa, in Wadi al-Shami area. IOF also leveled a 6-dunums land in al-Absiya area in the abovementioned village owned by Rezeq Mohammed Husein Salah. Leveling the land led to uprooting 100 olive trees and 50 grapes seedlings. It should be noted that IOF lately committed many violations against Palestinian farmers in al-Khader village, including leveling and seizing lands, uprooting trees and preventing landowners from approaching them. These Israeli practices are in favor of settlement expansion activities.
  • At approximately 06:00 on Tuesday, 12 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle and truck mounted crane stormed al-Qaboun area, east of Al-Mughayyir village, northeast of Ramallah. The area has been inhabited by a Bedouin community for 20 years. Israeli authorities brought workers from private companies and dismantled  and confiscated a barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 90 sq.m; it is owned  by Hasan Sueliman Abu al-Kabash, and used for grazing sheep. The demolition was under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C) according to Oslo Accords.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle, a truck mounted crane, and a bulldozer stormed al-Auja village, north of Jericho. IOF deployed in the area and surrounded it and brought workers from a private company; they dismantled and confiscated 7 under-construction barracks built of steel pillars and bricks (uninhabited). One of these barracks was used to  store barley and wheat crops for feeding sheep and livestock. The bulldozer also confiscated crops. The demolition and confiscation were under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C). The demolition details were as follows:
Affected personfacility
Mohammed Yaseen Mousa RashaidahUnder-construction barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 70 sqm.
Zawada Suleiman Saleem Abu Khraish Under-construction barrack built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 70 sqm.
Farea Yaseen RshaidahUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Khalaf Fares RashaidahUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Sulieman Dawoud Tarif al-ZayedA barrack built of bricks and steel used to store on an area of 200 sqm
Hani Ata Dawoud al-ZayedUnder-construction barrack used for grazing sheep and livestock built of steel pillars and bricks on an area of 30 sqm
Ata Daoud Tarif al-ZayedUnder-construction barrack built of bricks and steel on an area of 80 sqm
  • At the same time, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle and a truck mounted crane stormed Khirbat al-Simia, west of as-Samu village, south of Hebron. The soldiers deployed in the area while the Civil Administration officers dismantled a barrack built of bricks on an area of 100 sqm, used for grazing sheep and it is owned by Riyad Abdul Karim Ghayad al-Salamin. Before IOF withdrew from the area, the Civil and Administration officer handed al-Salamin a paper of the confiscated items. Israeli authorities also handed al-Salamin a notice called “stop destruction of archeological sites” on 11 December 2020.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Wednesday, 09 December 2020, IOF backed by several military vehicles and accompanied with Civil Administration vehicle stormed Khirbat al-Jawaya, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The Civil Administration officer fixed a number of notices a notice to stop construction works at residents and livestock barns under the pretext of illegal construction and gave them until 30 December 2020, to submit the required legal document before the Committee at the Civil Administration. The notices were as follows:
Affected personfacilityAreaConstruction yearDescription of constructionFundingFamily membersChildrenNotice No.Financial costConstruction
Ahmed Hammad Mohammed Nawaja’aWater well160sqm2005A holeorganization6331141
Ahmed Hammad Mohammed Nawaja’ahouse310sqm2018Under constructionpersonal643114380cement
Ra’ef Kahlid Mohammed Nawaj’a3 houses200sqm2020Under constructionpersonal4231140cement
Essa Mohammed Husein Shawahintent50sqm2020Construction completepersonal11931142Tent
Mousa Hasan Husein Shawahinbarn60sqm2019Construction completedpersonal6431144 Cement
Moamed Ahmed Mahmoud ShawhinA house40sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231146200,00cement
Adham Ahmed Mahmoud ShahinA house100sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231148120,000cement
Mohammed Ali Mohammed HuseinA house100sqm2019Under constructionpersonal4231148120,000bricks
Ayed Eyada ShawahinLivestock barrack60sqm2018Construction completepersonal84206751bricks

Khirbat al-Jawaya is located in eastern Yatta, south of Hebron and inhabited with 300 persons, who work in agriculture and the construction sector. This area is located in Area (C) according to the Oslo Accords. At the southern and eastern outskirts of the Khirbah, we find the Bypass Raod (60) and “Ma’on” settlement a mere one kilometer away. IOF’s settlement expansion activities on Palestinians’ lands, resident of Khirbat al-Jawaya are unable to conduct any construction in the area.

Israeli Settlers’ Attacks

  • At approximately 11:30 on Thursday, 03 December 2020, a group of Israeli settlers from Taffuh settlement established at lands of Yasouf village, east of Salfit, uprooted 42 olive trees in al-Karm eastern area, southeast of Yasouf village, using electric equipment. The land is owned by brothers Shaher and Ali Mohammed Theeb Yaseen.

Ali Theeb Yaseen said to PCHR’s fieldworker that his eldest son headed to al-Karm eastern area, east of the city to check on the olive trees planted a month ago. He found the fence cut off and olive trees uprooted as settlers uprooted 42 olive trees from his land and 13 olive trees from his Brother’s land.

  • At approximately 14:20 on Friday, 04 December 2020, an Israeli settler stormed the Church of all Nations or Basilica of the Agony located at Mount of Olives, east of occupied East Jerusalem, and attempted to set fire into it before the church’s guards and the area residents interfered. They extinguished the fire and caught the settler and handed him to the Israeli police.

According to the church’s guard, Fadi al-Moghrabi, a settler poured diesel and attempted to set fire into some seats in the church. However, some civilians intervened and prevented him. Al-Moghrabi emphasized that fire caused damage to some seats and the floor.

The Israeli police also announced that they detained an Israeli (49), who lives in Jerusalem and attempted to set fire to the Basilica of the Agony in occupied East Jerusalem by pouring a flammable liquid inside it, causing damage.

According to the spokesperson of the Fire Department, 4 crews arrived at the place; luckily, the fire did not spread throughout the church, but it was full of smoke. It should be noted that the Church of all Nations or Basilica of the Agony is located at the Mount of Olive in Jerusalem near “Gethsemane” Garden and it was built above the rock where Christians believe that Jesus prayed before his arrest and crucifixion. It is noteworthy that the church was built between 1919 and 1924 and funded by several countries. The church is distinguished by its facade as it is backed by a row of pillars and a mosaic painting on its top that symbolically portrays Jesus as the link between God and mankind.

  • On Saturday morning, 05 December 2020,  a group of Israeli settlers from “ Rahalim settlement” established on Yasouf village lands, east of Salfit, cut off 38 olive trees in al-Mahawer area, southeast of Yasouf area using an electric saw. The land is owned by Rajeh and Reda Mahmoud Atiyani.

Rajeh Atiyani said to PCHR’s fieldworker: “When I headed to my land at 08:30 on Saturday morning to spray pesticides, I found  that 38 olive trees were cut off from my land and 16 others were cut off  from my brother’s land as settlers used an electric saw to cut the trees. Rajeh emphasized that his land was attacked several times before.

  • At approximately 08:30 on Monday, 07 December 2020, a group of Israeli settlers from “Revava” settlement established at lands of Haris village, north of Salfit, uprooted 10 olive trees at Khelat Abu al-Ola area, west of Haris village. The land is owned by heirs of Ya’qoub Ouda Hasan Sultan.

III. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West bank:

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals 61 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 4 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against

Individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • At approximately 14:40 on Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF closed Qalandiya military checkpoint, north of occupied East Jerusalem after they opened fire a Palestinian civilian at the checkpoint and later reopened it.
  • On the same day, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrances to ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020 IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to ‘Anata village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, and under al-Khader village’s bridge, south of Bethlehem.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, and near al-Nashash intersection, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the western entrance to Husan village, near al-Nashash intersection, near Deir Salah village’s bridge, and at Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.

Jericho:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern and southern entrances to Jericho. IOF continued establishing checkpoint until Sunday, 06 December 2020, as soldiers searched civilians’ vehicles and checked their ID cards.
  • On Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrane to Beit Jala, Jannata, Jab’a villages, near Deir Salah village’s bridge, east of Bethlehem.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, the entrance to Marah Rabah village, at Aqabat Hasna area, leading to villages, west of Bethlehem.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, and the entrances to Nahalin and Wadi Rehal villages.

Nablus:

  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection to Al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya village, branching from Ramallah – Nablus Street, southeast of Nablus.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at entrance to Asira ash-Shamaliya village, north of Nablus.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrance to Beita village, al-Marba’a area near the entrance to Tal village, and at Nablus – Jenin main road, northwest of Nablus.

Jenin:

  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Silat ad-Dhahr village, southwest of Jenin.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established2 checkpoints at the entrance to Jalamah village, and at the intersection of Arraba village.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to: Al Aroub refugee camp, Sa’ir village’s northern entrance, and Halhoul southern entrance.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Ash-Shuyukh village, and Beit Ummar village.
  • On Saturday, 05 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to:  Beit Awwa, Bani Na’im, and Surif villages.
  • On Sunday, 06 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Fawwar refugee camp, Ash-Shuyukh, Beit Ummar and Beit Awwa villages.
  • On Monday, 07 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at: Fawwar refugee camp, Ash-Shuyukh, Beit Ummar, and Beit Awwa villages.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at Hebron’s southern entrance, and Halhoul’s southern entrance.
  • On Wednesday, 09 December 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at Halhoul’s northern entrance, Hebron’s southern entrance, Al Aroub refugee camp, and Susya village.

Qalqilya:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints between Jayyous and Azzun villages, and at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On 04 December 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at under the bridge of Azzun village, at the entrance to Jit village, and the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Izbat at-Tabib village, east of Qalqilya.

Salfit:

  • On Thursday, 03 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection to Kifl Haris village, west of Salfit.
  • On Friday, 04 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at northern entrance to Salfit.
  • On Tuesday, 08 December 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit.

Syria’s Mufti calls for unifying ranks to confront the Israeli enemy instead of normalising relations with it مفتي سوريا يدعو إلى توحيد الصفوف لمواجهة العدو الإسرائيلي بدلا من تطبيع العلاقات معه

ST

 Tuesday, 08 December 2020 17:42

BEIRUT, (ST)_ The 6th World Conference of the International Union of Resistance Scholars kicked off on Tuesday in Beirut under the slogan “Nation’s Uprising against Normalization Conspiracies and Elimination Schemes”. 

Addressing the participants in the confence via video, Syria’s Grand Mufti Sheikh Badereddin Hassoun, condemned the normalization of relations between some Arab countries and the Zionist enemy, which is still occupying Arab lands and  imprisoning hundreds of people and continuously storming al-Aqsa Mosque. 

He called for unifying ranks to confront the Israeli enemy instead of normalizing relations with it. 

The Mufti affirmed that Syria, whose army and people have been targeted  over the past 10 years, remained steadfast  and has achieved victory over conspirators. 

Syria will stay with the resistance in the same trench, Sheikh Hassoun added. 

On his part, Chairman of  the International Union of Resistance Scholars Sheikh Maher Hammoud said that resistance against the Zionist entity has become firmer. 

“33 years after the start of the Palestinian uprising, it has been proven that stone is more effective than bullet and that the belief in right and future is stronger than occupation,” he stated. 

Sheikh Hammoud pointed out that the United States frankly announced that it paid billions of dollars to distort the image of resistance and to strike Syria, Iraq and Libya. 

He asserted that the axis of resistance will foil all conspiracies and achieve victory. 

Hezbollah’s Deputy Secretary General Sheikh Na’eem Qasem said that despite the conspiracy, which has targeted Palestine since The Balfour Declaration in 1917, the consecutive generations continue to work on liberating Palestine. 

He referred to the fact that the Israeli occupation entity’s record is full of crimes, chaos and destruction acts. 

“Stability will never be achieved in the region as long as the Israeli entity exist.. We have to be stronger in order to achieve balance in  detterance that led to victory,” Sheikh Qasem stressed during the conference held to mark the 33rd anniversary of the Uprising (Intifada) of the Palestinian People. 

Basma Qaddour

مفتي سوريا يدعو إلى توحيد الصفوف لمواجهة العدو الإسرائيلي بدلا من تطبيع العلاقات معه

الثلاثاء, 08 ديسمبر 2020 17:42

بيروت، (ST)_ انطلقت اليوم الثلاثاء في بيروت أعمال المؤتمر العالمي السادس للاتحاد الدولي لعلماء المقاومة تحت شعار “انتفاضة الأمة ضد مخططات التطبيع والقضاء”.

وندد مفتي سوريا الشيخ بدر الدين حسون في كلمة امام المشاركين في هذا الملتقى عبر الفيديو بتطبيع العلاقات بين بعض الدول العربية والعدو الصهيوني الذي لا يزال يحتل الاراضي العربية ويسجن مئات الاشخاص ويقتحم المسجد الاقصى باستمرار .

ودعا الى توحيد الصفوف لمواجهة العدو الاسرائيلي بدلا من تطبيع العلاقات معه.

وأكد المفتي أن سوريا التي استُهدف جيشها وشعبها خلال السنوات العشر الماضية، ظلت صامدة وحققت انتصاراً على المتآمرين.

واضاف الشيخ حسون ان سوريا ستبقى مع المقاومة في خندق واحد.

من جهته، قال رئيس الاتحاد الدولي لعلماء المقاومة الشيخ ماهر حمود ان المقاومة ضد الكيان الصهيوني اصبحت اكثر حزما.

وقال “بعد 33 عاما من بدء الانتفاضة الفلسطينية، ثبت أن الحجر أكثر فعالية من الرصاصة وأن الإيمان بالحق والمستقبل أقوى من الاحتلال”.

وأشار الشيخ حمود إلى أن الولايات المتحدة أعلنت بصراحة أنها دفعت مليارات الدولارات لتشويه صورة المقاومة وضرب سوريا والعراق وليبيا.

وأكد أن محور المقاومة سيحبط كل المؤامرات ويحقق النصر.

وقال نائب الأمين العام لـ “حزب الله” الشيخ نعيم قاسم إنه على الرغم من المؤامرة التي استهدفت فلسطين منذ وعد بلفور عام 1917، فإن الأجيال المتعاقبة لا تزال تعمل على تحرير فلسطين.

وأشار إلى أن سجل كيان الاحتلال الإسرائيلي مليء بالجرائم والفوضى وأعمال التدمير.

واضاف ان “الاستقرار لن يتحقق ابدا في المنطقة طالما ان الكيان الاسرائيلي موجود”.. يجب ان نكون اقوى من اجل تحقيق التوازن في النزاهة الذي ادى الى النصر”.

بسمة قدور

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Isolated and Alone. Palestinian Children Held in Solitary Confinement by Israeli Authorities for Interrogation

By Defense for Children International – Palestine

Global Research, December 04, 2020

Defense for Children International – Palestine 1 December 2020

Between January 1, 2016 and December 31, 2019, Defense for Children International – Palestine (DCIP) documented 108 cases in which Palestinian children arrested by the Israeli military were held in isolation for two or more days during the interrogation period.

The average duration of isolation in this data set was 14.3 days. Nearly 40 percent, 43 children, endured a prolonged period of isolation of 16 or more days. While mainly studying adult prisoner populations, numerous scientific sources indicate that after 15 days “some of the harmful psychological effects of isolation can become irreversible.”1

The longest documented period of isolation was 30 days, while the shortest was three days. Quteiba B. was 16 years old when he was arrested on September 23, 2018, and was subjected to 30 days of isolation in Israel’s Asqalan interrogation and detention center, located inside Israel. The 108 children whose cases were documented by DCIP were all boys aged between 14 and 17 years old, of whom 70 were aged 17, 30 were aged 16, seven were aged 15, and one was aged 14.

The children were accused of a range of offenses by Israeli authorities, predominantly throwing stones, Molotov cocktails or grenades; 76 children in the data set were accused of such offenses. A further 22 children were accused of weapons possession, and 10 children were accused of involvement with a military cell. Other accusations ranged from incitement on Facebook and plotting an attack, to membership in a banned organization or aiding a wanted individual.

Of the 108 cases, some children were detained at multiple locations, however, at least 52 children were held at Al-Jalame (also known as Kishon) interrogation and detention center; at least 29 children were held at Petah Tikva interrogation and detention center; at least 32 were held at Megiddo prison and at least 14 were held at Al-Mascobiyya interrogation and detention center in Jerusalem. These facilities are located inside Israel, and all are operated or controlled by the Israel Prison Service (IPS) and the Israel Security Agency. Palestinian children are often transferred between centers during a period of detention.

Solitary confinement of children under international law

International law prohibits the use of solitary confinement and similar measures constituting cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment against children, defined as any person under 18 years old.3 The practice of solitary confinement, in addition to corporal punishment, placement in a dark cell, or any other punishment that may compromise the physical or mental health of the child may, in some cases, amount to torture.4

The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, Mr. Juan Méndez, has noted “[t]here is no universally agreed upon definition of solitary confinement.”5 However, solitary confinement generally refers to the physical and social isolation of individuals who are confined to their cells for 22 to 24 hours a day, without meaningful human contact.6

In a 2016 statement, Mr. Méndez defined the types of human interaction that may constitute meaningful contact. “Isolation entails the lack of meaningful social contact for the detainee, whether by means of interaction with other inmates or penitentiary staff, visits, or participation in work, educational, and leisure activities, or sports. [ . . . ] The international law of human rights mandates significant human contact both within and outside of prison, including with fellow prisoners and with prison staff not strictly dedicated to security functions.”7

International law recognizes that children are inherently different from adults because they are still developing both physically and psychologically. Consequently, children are afforded special protections under international law, and the threshold for actions constituting grave human rights violations is lowered when the victim is a child. For example, the prohibition against torture is one of few absolute and non-derogable human rights standards. It applies to any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on any person for a number of reasons.8 However, the victim’s age and relative position of inferiority must be taken into consideration when assessing whether treatment or punishment may be classified as torture.9

Specifically, “[c]hildren experience pain and suffering differently to adults owing to their physical and emotional development and their specific needs. In children, ill-treatment may cause even greater or irreversible damage than for adults. Moreover, healthy development can be derailed by excessive or prolonged activation of stress response systems in the body, with damaging long-term effects on learning, behaviour and health.”10Year-in-Review: Worst Abuses Against Palestinian Children in 2017

International juvenile justice standards, which Israel has obliged itself to implement by ratifying the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991, require that children should only be deprived of their liberty as a measure of last resort, must not be unlawfully or arbitrarily detained, and must not be subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Israel’s human rights obligations apply not only inside Israel, but also extend to the territory it occupies, including the Occupied Palestinian Territory.11

In 2011, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, Mr. Juan Méndez, called for an absolute prohibition on the use of solitary confinement on children, in a report submitted to the U.N. General Assembly.12

The U.N. Committee on the Rights of the Child considers the solitary confinement of children, for any duration, to be cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and, in some cases, even torture.13

Mr. Méndez has stipulated that even the use of solitary confinement for the stated purpose of separating juveniles or other vulnerable detainees from segments of a prison population is “unjustified unless they actually request protection.”14

DCIP finds that the physical and social isolation of Palestinian children for interrogation purposes, without their explicit request or consent, during pre-charge and pretrial military detention by Israeli authorities, and where there is limited or no meaningful human contact, is a practice that constitutes solitary confinement. DCIP considers the aforementioned practice by Israeli authorities to amount to torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

While Israeli officials consistently argue that international human rights law, specifically the treaties Israel has ratified, does not apply to Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, these arguments have found no international support and have been consistently rejected by the International Court of Justice and several U.N. human rights treaty bodies when assessing Israel’s obligations under international law toward Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.15

Solitary confinement solely for interrogation purposes

Evidence and documentation collected by DCIP overwhelmingly indicates that the isolation of Palestinian children within the Israeli military detention system is practiced solely to obtain a confession for a specific offense or to gather intelligence under interrogation.

DCIP has found no evidence demonstrating a legally justifiable use of isolation of Palestinian child detainees, such as for disciplinary, protective, or medical reasons.

The practice has been used, almost exclusively, during pre-charge and pretrial detention. The practice is not generally employed after children have been convicted and are serving their sentences.

Isolation of Palestinian children typically follows a military arrest and transfer period, during which many children are subjected to numerous human rights violations.

While in isolation, the children experience minimal human contact and also commonly report significantly worse cell conditions compared to the cells in which they were placed during other periods of detention.

Almost all interrogations of Palestinian children held in isolation are carried out without prior consultation with or the presence of a lawyer or a family member. Further, children are often exposed to abuse and torture during interrogations.

Coercive tactics, including the use of informants, are frequently used and may cause children to unintentionally incriminate themselves or to issue false confessions.

Arrest and transfer

Israeli forces frequently arrest Palestinian children at night. In 71 out of 108 cases (66 percent), children held in solitary confinement reported being detained from their homes between midnight and 5 a.m. by heavily armed Israeli soldiers.

Israeli forces typically gather all the occupants of the house, regardless of age, in one area or room and demand identification.
Physical violence against family members, including other children in the home, is common. Generally, Israeli forces
separate the wanted child from his family within the home for questioning and to confirm his identity. Some children report
being subject to physical and verbal abuse and intimidation. Israeli forces often search the home during the raid resulting in
the destruction of property. Mobile phones and other items are confiscated during the raids. Once a child’s identity has been verified, Israeli forces detain and take the child into custody, removing them from the home.

Children and their families are rarely informed of the reasons for arrest, or the location where the child will be detained.

In almost all cases, children’s hands are tied behind their backs with plastic cords, often to their discomfort, rather than standard metal handcuffs, and most are blindfolded. In the solitary confinement cases documented by DCIP, all 108 children had their hands bound, and 102 out of 108 children (94 percent) were blindfolded during their arrest and transfer.

Children are also subjected to verbal and physical abuse and intimidation when taken to a military vehicle. Once inside, they are often forced to sit on the floor, bound and blindfolded, and surrounded by Israeli forces, where this abuse often continues. In 77 out of 108 cases (71 percent), children endured some form of physical violence following arrest.

They are subsequently transferred to a military base or directly to an interrogation facility.

Isolation and cell conditions

Palestinian child detainees are held in solitary confinement at detention facilities located inside Israel. These facilities include Petah Tikva interrogation and detention center in central Israel, near Tel Aviv; Al-Jalame interrogation and detention center (Kishon) in northern Israel, near Haifa; and Al-Mascobiyya interrogation and detention center in Jerusalem.

Across these locations, children reported significantly worse cell conditions during periods of isolation compared to other periods of detention in which they were not isolated. The conditions in isolation cells are commonly characterised by inadequate ventilation, 24-hour yellow lighting, no windows, unsanitary bedding and toilet facilities and hostile architectural features such as wall protrusions.

Children describe being held in isolation in a small cell measuring approximately 5 feet by 6.5 feet (1.5 meters by 2 meters). The children report either sleeping on a concrete bed, on the floor, or on a thin mattress that is often described as “dirty” and “foul smelling.” There are no windows and no natural light. The only source of light comes from a dim yellow bulb that is reportedly kept on at all hours. Meals are passed to children through a flap in the door. Cell walls are reported to be gray in color with sharp or rough protrusions that are painful to lean against. Children frequently report that the paint of the cell walls and the lighting inside hurt their eyes.

No meaningful human contact

During isolation, Palestinian children have limited or no meaningful social contact. This includes an absence of access to rehabilitative, educational, recreational and therapeutic activities or services.

Palestinian children held in isolation solely for interrogation purposes are denied access to family visits. Typically, these children experience limited contact only with facility guards, interrogators and informants. Meals are passed to children through a flap in the door, leaving children with virtually no non-adversarial or meaningful human contact.

Palestinian children who are not detained in isolation are transferred to military courts where a military judge may extend their detention, and at which they may see their parents and a lawyer. However, Palestinian children held in isolation solely for interrogation purposes have their detention extended by military judges at the detention facility itself; further forestalling contact between children and their families and lawyers.

Read full report here.

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Featured image is an illustration by DCI-PThe original source of this article is Defense for Children International – PalestineCopyright © Defense for Children International – PalestineDefense for Children International – Palestine, 2020

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (01– 07 October 2020)

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01– 07 October 2020

  • Civilian shot dead by IOF near ‘Annab checkpoint in Tulkarm;
  • 18 Palestinian civilians, including 2 childern, wounded in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank;
  • 15 were wounded in IOF suppression of two peaceful protests in Kafr Qaddum in Qalqilya; 2 others in Nablus and Jenin; and a child sustained critical wounds in occupied East Jerusalem.
  • 4 shootings reported at agricultural lands and 4 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip;
  • In 112 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 102 civilians arrested, including 15 children;
  • IOF conducts two  incursions into the border areas central and southern Gaza Strip, where they sprayed agricultural  lands with pesticides;
  • A bulldozer confiscated in Nablus; and 62 olive trees cut and burned by settlers in Salfit;
  • IOF established 68 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints.

Summary

Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, IOF killed a civilian in Tulkarm, under the pretext of throwing Molotov Cocktails. Furthermore, IOF attacks rendered 18 Palestinian civilians wounded in excessive use of force, including 2 children, in the West Bank. In addition, settlers’ attacks and confiscation of Palestinians’ properties continued, under the pretext of working without permits.

This week, PCHR documented 197 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information contained in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: on 05 October 2020, IOF killed Sameer Ahmed ‘Abed al-Jaleel Hamidy (24), from Beit Lid village in eastern Tulkarm, near ‘Annab military checkpoint in Tulkarm, and kept his corpse in custody. IOF claimed that they targeted a group of civilians who threw Molotov cocktails at them. Although there were no eyewitnesses present at the time of the incident to confirm or deny the Israeli account; IOF could have used less lethal force especially that the Israeli military sites are fortified, and there was no serious threat or danger even if the sites were targeted with Molotov cocktails.

Furthermore, 18 civilians, including 2 children, wounded in IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank; 15 were wounded in IOF suppression of two peaceful protests in Kafr Qaddum in Qalqilya; 2 others in Nablus and Jenin; and a child sustained serious wounds in occupied East Jerusalem.

In the Gaza Strip, 4 IOF shootings were reported at agricultural lands and 4 others at fishing boats eastern and western Gaza Strip.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 112 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 102 Palestinians were arrested, including 15 children.

In Gaza Strip, IOF conducted 2 incursions into eastern Bureij refugee camp and eastern Khan Yunis; during which, Israeli drone sprayed agricultural lands in border area with pesticides, east of Khan Yunis, and arrested a child who sneaked into Israel and released him later.

Demolitions:

PCHR documented one violation in Nablus, where IOF stopped working in an agricultural land and confiscated a bulldozer.

Settler-attacks: PCHR fieldworkers documented 2 attacks: 12 olive trees cut and 50 others burned in Salfit.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

IOF declared closing the West Bank and Gaza Strip crossings on Friday, 02 October 2020, and Saturday, 03 October 2020, due to Jewish holiday of “Sukkot.”

The Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories said that West Bank crossings will be closed during the abovementioned days, except for the following crossings: Barta’a checkpoint, Nabi Ilyas checkpoint for residents in seam points, and Ni’lin checkpoint, which will be opened and operated as usual on Fridays. The Coordinator added that only humanitarian and life-saving cases will be allowed to travel through Beit Hanou “Erez” crossing, while Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum)  will be closed.

Meanwhile, the Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  I. IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

  • At approximately 11:00 on Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF moved into Qatanna village, northwest of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Saleem Mahmoud Shamasna’s (50) house, arrested him and confiscated his vehicle. Meanwhile, dozens of young men gathered near Shamasna’s house and threw stones at Israeli soldiers who responded by firing rubber bullets and teargas canisters at the stone-throwers and chased them. Resulted in a number of civilians in the area suffered teargas inhalation. It should be noted that Shamasna served almost about 7 years in the Israeli prisons in separate periods; in the last of which he spent 18 months in administrative detention.
  • At approximately 15:30, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands east of Khuza’a village, adjacent to the abovementioned border fence. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF moved into Sabastia village, northwest of Nablus, north of the West Bank, and stationed in al-Athar area, west of the city. Dozens of young men gathered and threw stones at Israeli soldiers who responded with live bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters. As a result, Adham Anwar al-Sha’er (29), from Barqa village, was shot and injured with a live bullet in his left eye while sitting with 3 of his friends in a restaurant, 30 meters away from the soldiers. Adham was taken to Rafidia Governmental Hospital for treatment and then he was transferred to al-Najah Hospital, where he underwent a surgery to remove his eye. It should be noted that Adham was shot while he was playing cards with his friends and he was not participating in the events, so there was no justification or reason to shot him.

Adham Anwar al-Sha’er said to PCHR’s fieldworker that: “At approximately 22:00 on Thursday, 01 October 2020, while I was sitting in Sebastia Caffe in al-Athar area, west of Sebastia, northwest of Nablus, and playing cards with 3 of my friends. I saw about 30 Israeli soldiers stationed 30 meters away from the caffe’s garden, but we did not care because we are accustomed to such incursions. Meanwhile, dozens of young men gathered and threw stones at Israeli soldiers who responded with rubber bullets and teargas canisters. During the clashes, my friends and I entered the caffe and continued our game. As soon as we stood up, an Israeli soldier targeted me with a live bullet in my left eye. After 2 minutes I lost my consciousness and woke up in the ambulance. I was taken to Rafidia Governmental Hospital where they told me that I lost my left eye. Lately, my family informed me that I was transferred to al-Najah Hospital in Nablus, and at approximately 10:00, on the next day I underwent a 3-hours surgery at al-Najah Hospital, and my left eye was removed. Later, I will have cosmetic operations in the removed eye”.

  • At approximately 02:30 on Friday, 02 October 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed west of Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area and opened fire at them, causing fear and panic among the Palestinian fishermen forcing them to flee. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 07:00, IOF stationed near the annexation wall, adjacent to Faroun village, south of Tulkarm, banned the entry of the Palestinian workers into Israel through one of the holes in the annexation wall, even if they had permits. Meanwhile, verbal altercation erupted between the workers and the Israeli soldiers; during which, the soldiers attacked the workers. As a result, Ra’fat Ghaleb Mansour (32), from Kafr Qalil, east of Nablus, sustained 2 fractures in his leg after an Israeli soldier severely pushed. Mansour was taken to Dr. Thabit Thabit Governmental Hospital in Tulkarm.
  • At approximately 12:30, IOF stationed at the northern entrance established on Kafr Qaddum village lands, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a protest where dozens of Palestinian civilians participated. IOF chased the young men who gathered in the area. Meanwhile, IOF fired live bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, 13 civilians, including a child, were wounded. (PCHR keeps the names of the wounded civilians).
  • At approximately 17:10, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands east of Khuza’a, adjacent to the border fence with Israel. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 16:30 on Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF stationed at the northern entrance established on Kafr Qaddum village lands, north of Qalqilya, suppressed a protest where dozens of Palestinian civilians participated. IOF chased the young men who gathered in the area. Meanwhile, they fired live bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. As a result, two civilians were shot with live bullets; one in the lower limbs and the other in the waist.
  • At approximately 17:30, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands east of al-Fukhari village, adjacent to the border fence with Israel. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into al-Issawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They were deployed in the village neighborhoods, where they established a temporary military checkpoint at the western entrance and searched the Palestinian vehicles. Meanwhile, dozens of young men gathered and threw stones, fireworks and Molotov cocktails at the Israeli soldiers. IOF immediately moved into ‘ Obaid neighborhood from the western entrance and fired rubber bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters at the demonstrators. The clashes continued for 2 hours. As a result, dozens of civilians suffered teargas inhalation. Also, Ahmed Haitham Mahmoud (19) and Lo’ay Ashraf Mahmoud (23) were arrested.
  • At approximately 21:00 on Sunday, 04 October 2020, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hizma village, north of occupied East Jerusalem, stationed at the city entrance and patrolled the streets. Dozens of young men gathered and threw stones at the Israeli soldiers, who responded with live bullets and teargas canisters. As a result, Ameer Ghazi Salah al-Dein (16), was shot with a live bullet in his head and was taken with the PRC’s ambulance to one of the Ramallah’s hospitals. Medical sources described his health as critical due to a skull fracture. Lately, IOF withdrew from the village and no arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 03:30 on Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank, and stationed in Jabal Abu Thuhair and Khillat al-Suha, southeast of the village. Dozens of young men gathered and throw stones at the Israeli soldiers who responded with live bullets and teargas canisters. As a result, an 18-years-old civilian, from Khillat al-Suha, was shot with a live bullet in his pelvis and he was taken to Dr. Khalil Suliman Hospital. Many civilians suffered teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot. Before their withdrawal, IOF raided and searched Ahmed Khairy Khalaf’s (30) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 11:45 on Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands east of al-Qarara village, adjacent to the border fence with Israel. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 19:20, IOF stationed in a temporary military checkpoint established at the entrance of ‘Inab settlement, east of Tulkarm, fired several live bullets near the checkpoint. Later, the Israeli authorities announced in a statement that they monitored 3 Palestinian civilians throwing Molotov Cocktails at a military site in the area, and that IOF opened fire at them, targeting one of them. Israeli media stated that the wounded civilian was killed after being shot with a live bullet in his chest, and IOF kept his body in custody while and the two other civilians flee. The killed civilian was identified as Sameer Ahmed Hamidi (24), from Beit Lid, east of Tulkarm. Hamidi was a member in the Student Union Council in al-Khadouri University, and he was a former prisoner in the Israeli prisons, and was released 2 years ago. PCHR’s fieldworker said that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) officially informed Hamidi’s family about the death of their son. Although there were no eyewitnesses present at the time of the incident to confirm or deny the Israeli account; IOF could have used less lethal force especially that the Israeli military sites are fortified, and there was no serious threat or danger even if the sites were targeted with Molotov cocktails.
  • At approximately 20:00, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Sudaniya offshore, west of Jabalia in northern Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within (3-5 nautical miles) and opened fire at them causing fear and panic among the Palestinian fishermen forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 06:40 on Tuesday, 06 October 2020, IOF along the border fence, east of al-Maghazi refugee camp, opened fire at agricultural lands, adjacent to the abovementioned border fence. No injuries were reported.
  • At approximately 09:20 on Tuesday, 06 October 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Sudaniya offshore, west of Jabalia, and al-Waha, northwest of Beit Lahia, in northern Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and sporadically opened fire at them, causing fear and panic among the Palestinian fishermen forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 17:00 on Wednesday, 07 October 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Sudaniya offshore, west of Jabalia, and al-Waha, northwest of Beit Lahia, in northern Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles, opened heavy fire at them and fired sound bombs, causing fear and panic among the Palestinian fishermen forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.

    II. Incursions and Arrests

Thursday, 01 October 2020

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Fawwar refugee camp, south of Hebron. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested 4 civilians, including 2 children. The arrestees were identified as: Isma’il Sameer al-Fayoumi (17), ‘Odai Hussni al-Najjar (9), Moatasem Wael ‘Awadallah Zaydat (19), and Yazan Mahmoud al-Najjar (18).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Dhahiriya village in southern Hebron, where they raided and searched Ashraf Hussain Hasan Jabareen’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:10, IOF moved into Deir Abu Mash’al village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested 2 civilians, including a child. The arrestees were identified as Sa’d Ahmed Salem (19) and Mansour Ahmed Mostafa ‘Ata (17).
  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Al-Tur neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested Ashraf Khaled al-Hadra (22) and Baker ‘Emad al-Moghrabi (27) and withdrew later.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Beit Ummar village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched 2 houses, from which they arrested Hamad Niam Ikhlayil (17) and Suliman Mohammed Abu Dayyiah (16), taking them to an unknown destination.
  • At approximately 02:10, IOF moved into Al-Mazra’a al-Sharqiya village in Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested Sameh Hussain Shikha (27), Ja’far Suliman Abu ‘Aliyia (25) and Mohammed Jad Hussain Hifa (22).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Hebron and stationed in al-Dahiyia area. They raided and searched Waheeb Hamdi Abu Hadeed’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Isawiya village, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched dozens of houses, from which they arrested 16 civilians, including 5 children, and withdrew later. (PCHR keeps the names of the arrestees).
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Nablus, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested ‘Adnan Saier Abu Howila (19).
  • At approximately 04:25, IOF moved into Azzun village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched two houses belonging to ‘Abed al-Shaheed Na’iem Zamari (21) and Sa’ied Ayoub Zamari (20) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into Tammun village, southeast of Tubas, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed Ghazi Mostafa Basharat (28).
  • At approximately 05:50, IOF moved into Sanur village, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested 2 siblings identified as Mohammed (22) and Saif (24) Yousef Farouq al-‘Eisiyia.
  • At approximately 06:30, IOF backed by military vehicles moved 100 meters to the east of Khuzaʽa village, east of Khan Yunis. They leveled and combed lands that were previously leveled amidst Israeli sporadic shooting.  However, no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 17:30, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed ‘Emad Dari’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into Wadi Al-Joz neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched a house belonging to a former prisoner, Hanadi Mohammed al-Helwani (42) and arrested her, taking her to a police station in the city. Few hours later, al-Helwani was released after threatening her to re-arrest her if she would not stop inciting against Israeli authorities and police on social media.
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF stationed at Mavi Dotan checkpoint, southwest of Jenin, arrested Ahmed Salah Nazzal (24), from Qabatiya village, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank.

IOF carried out (5) incursions in ‘Ein Yabrud village, north of Ramallah; Beit Dajan village, northeast of Nablus; Idhna village and Al-Arroub refugee camp; and Qalqilya. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 02 October 2020

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched a house belonging to a former prisoner, Moatasem Abu al-Hawa (27) and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Yatta village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched three houses belonging to Khaldoun ‘Ayed Shreteh, Nazieh Mahmoud Shreteh and Mohammed Mahmoud Shreteh and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 03:10, IOF moved into Beitunia village, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Hasan Yousef Dawoud Darakhil’s (65) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Al-Bireh city, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched Nour Mohammed ‘Abed al-‘Aziz al-Qadi’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 06:20, IOF backed by 8 military vehicles moved 50-100 meters to the west of the border fence, east of Bureij refugee camp in the central of Gaza Strip. They leveled and combed lands and repaired the border barbed-wire fence. At approximately 09:30, IOF redeployed along the border fence.
  • At approximately 13:30, IOF arrested Nehad Bader Zaghir (43), a former prisoner, while he was in al-Qataneen area in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City and took him to a police station in the city. Few hours later, Zaghir was released.
  • At approximately 21:40, IOF arrested Saif Nader Ibrahim (15) and Wadee’ Qasem Shaheen (15) while they were near al-Anfaq military checkpoint, west of Beit Jala city, under the pretext of throwing a Molotov Cocktail at the checkpoint.
  • IOF carried out (7) incursions in Birzeit city, northwest of Ramallah; Zububa and Rummanah villages, west of Jenin; and Dur, Beit al-Rush, Tarrama and ‘Oyoun Abu Saif villages in Hebron.No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 03 October 2020

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Um al-Dalia area, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Sameeh Saleem Qafisha’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF arrested al-Aqsa Mosque’s guards Mohammed al-Shalalda and Ahmed al-Dalal while they were in their workplace in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, taking them to a police station in the city. The Islamic Endowment Department (Awqaf) stated that the Israeli police released the guards after interrogating them for several hours. The Islamic Endowment Department clarified that the police released the guards without any conditions. It added that the guards were arrested without any reasons. Al-Awqaf stated that IOF recently deported many guards and al-Awqaf employees from al-Aqsa Mosque; among them was Zeenat Abu Sobeih, Head of the Guards at Al-Aqsa Mosque.
  • IOF carried out (8) incursions in al-Bireh city, Al-Mazra’a al-Sharqiya and Abu_Shukheidim villages, north of Ramallah; Sebastia village, northwest of Nablus; Beit Kahil, Beit Ummar and ad-Dhahr villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 04 October 2020

  • At approximately 00:00, IOF moved into Silwad village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested Mohanad Sameer al-Tawil (20), Jum’a Hasan Hammad (19), Handala Sameer Hammad (22), Mohammed Moneer Hammad (21), Sarhan Akram Hammad (20), ‘ADEL Maher Hammad (21), and Mo’min Haroun Hammad (20).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Beit Fajjar village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to ‘Ali Yousef Taqatqah (20) and ‘Adel Abu Ya’qoub Derieh (27) and arrested them. It should be noted that both of them were previously arrested by IOF.
  • At approximately 11:20, IOF who were patrolling at Yitzhar bypass road, southwest of Tell village, southwest of Nablus, arrested Kareem ‘Abed al-Men’iem Ramadan (35) while picking olive trees, under the pretext of a lack of necessary permission and coordination.
  • At approximately 14:00, Israeli drone sprayed agricultural lands with pesticides along the border fence, starting from eastern al-Qarara village towards al-Faraheen area in Abasan_al-Kabira, east of Khan Yunis. IOF claimed that they sprayed the agricultural lands to get rid of the weeds, and for security reasons. As a result, the Palestinian farmers’ crops sustained damage.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF arrested Montaser ‘Ali al-‘Ajlouni (21), from Hebron’s Old City, while passing on the closed Shuhada Street. He was taken to an investigation center in “Kiryat Arba” settlement”, east of Hebron.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF stationed at container military checkpoint, east of Bethlehem, arrested Tamer ‘Azi al-Shawamrah (29), from Um al-Sharayet area, south of Ramallah, while passing through the checkpoint.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Far’un village and Kafa area, south of Tulkarm; Sa’ir and as-Samu villages in Hebron; and Deir al-Ghusun village, north of Tulkarm. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 05 October 2020

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Yatta, south of Hebron. They raided and searched ‘Esam Fayiz Hoshieh’s (55) house, locked his family members in one room, and arrested him along with his son Amjad (24) before their withdrawal.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Nablus, north of the West Bank, and stationed in al-Hafiryat area, east of the city. They raided and searched ‘Izz al-Deen Jamal Dowikat’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Fawzi ‘Obaid (23) and Mohammed Marwan ‘Obaid (20) and arrested them.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Hebron and stationed in Jabal Jouhar area. They raided and searched Ayman Riyad al-Ja’bari’s (40) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Ezion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Jenin, north of the West Bank, and stationed in Jabal Abu Dahir area. They raided and searched Ahmed Khairy Suliman Khalaf’s (30) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:50, IOF moved into Beitunia village, west of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mohammed Qart’s (21) house and arrested him. IOF also confiscated his motorcycle.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Jab’ village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Ahmed Fayiz Hamdan Salatna (19) and ‘Eid Mohammed ‘Eid Hamamrah (20) and arrested them.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Beit Fajjar village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed ‘Emad Thawabta (22) and ‘Abed al-Raheem Subhi al-Kar (24) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested 4 civilians, including 2 siblings and their uncle. The arrestees were identified as ‘Abdullah Bader Abu ‘Asab (19), Eyad Mostafa al-Asmar (37) and Mousa (19) and Mohammed (17) Hitham al-Asmar.
  • At approximately 15:30, IOF stationed at al-Jalma military checkpoint, north of Jenin, arrested Fadi Samer Zakarna (19), from Qabatiya village, southeast of Jenin.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Ghadeb ‘Obaid (31) and Moatasem Hamza ‘Obaid (18) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 20:00, IOF arrested Waheeb Abu al-Humus (26) while he was in front of his house in Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • At approximately 22:30, IOF moved into Bab Hatta neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Hasheem’s (19) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Dura city, Fawwar refugee camp, Beit Ummar village in Hebron; and Far’un and Beit Lid villages, south of Tulkarm. No arrests were reported. Also, IOF fired flare bombs during their incursions.

Tuesday, 06 October 2020

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Hebron, where they raided and searched ‘Othman Mostafa al-Ja’bari’s (39) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Service in “Gush Ezion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
  • At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Dura City, southwest of Hebron, and stationed in Qarwash area. They raided and searched Mohammed ‘Amer Gazzaz’s (23) house and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched houses, from which they arrested 6 civilians, including a child, and took them to a police station in the city. The arrestees were identified as Mohammed Ibrahim ‘Obaid (19), Tareq Mousa ‘Obaid (20), Reda Mohammed ‘Obaid (16), Majd Basheer Ahmed (22), Mohammed Thaier Mahmoud (20), and Mohammed Mahmoud Mahmoud (19).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Al-Arroub refugee camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched Ahmed ‘Emad al-Badawi’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into al-Hejjra village, east of Dura city, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched Ghassan Ibrahim Masharqah’s (33) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:50, IOF moved into Ramallah, where they raided and searched Sufian Bassam Meqdad’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into ad-Dhahiriya village, south of Hebron, and stationed Wadi al-Ghamari neighborhood. They raided and searched ‘Ahed ‘Ali al-‘Aqabi’s (39) house and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 17:30, IOF moved into occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched ‘Abed al-Rahman Ayman al-Bashiti’s (16) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 20:30, IOF arrested Deputy of Fatah Movement Secretary, Yaser Hasan Darwish (39), while he was in Beit Hanina village, north of occupied East Jerusalem.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Aqabat Jaber refugee camp; Tulkarm City; and Ash-Shuyukh and Sa’ir villages. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 07 October 2020

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Beita village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched Qassam ‘Enad al-Jaghoub’s (31) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Aida Camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched People’s Committee Office after blowing up its doors. Head of People’s Committee for Services, Sa’eed al-‘Izzah, said that IOF deliberately damaged the office in addition to nearby houses within terror campaigns. He clarified that IOF damaged and blew up the People’s Committee office doors before storming it. They also damaged a number of nearby houses. Al-‘Izzah pointed out that the the People’s Committee office belongs to the Refugee Affairs Department and works to serve the camp residents and provides humanitarian services for them.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Yatta city, south of Hebron. They raided and searched Husam Tayseer Rab’i’s (31) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into al-Eizariya village, east of occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched ‘Ali Baheej Bassa’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into al-Hashimia village, west of Jenin. They raided and searched Hassan Nayif Mohammed Jarar’s (29) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:45. IOF moved into Qusra village, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses, from which they arrested Waleed Tawfiq Salama (22) and Ibrahim Yousef Darwih (24).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Qabatiya village, southeast of Jenin, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched Mo’min Ahmed Mostafa Saba’nah’s (28) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Hebron, where they raided and searched Bashar ‘Abed al-‘Aleem Da’na’s (37) house and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
  • At approximately 07:00, IOF raided al-Jamla school for boys, which is located in Wa’ret al-Erfan area in northern Jenin. IOF detained the teachers and the school guard’s IDs. They then raided the headmaster room, opened the digital video recorder (DVR), copied all material from it.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF arrested ‘Emad Ahmed Jadallah (35), from Tarrama village, south of Dura City, southwest of Hebron, after he headed for investigation in the Israeli Intelligence Services (Shabak) in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem. The Israeli Intelligence Services summoned Jadallah via a phone call, and he was taken to a detention center in the settlement.
  • At approximately 15:15, IOF stationed adjacent to Zikim military base along the coastal border fence of the northern Gaza Strip, arrested ‘Izz al-Deen Sa’ieed Slman Abu Qeleeq (16), from the Bedouin village. Abu Qeleeq sneaked into the Israel via the border fence. Two hours later, IOF released him.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Kafr Qaddum village, east of Qalqilya; and Yatta, as-Samu and al-Sima villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

  • Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property
  • At approximately 12:00 on Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF moved into Furush Beit Dajan village, northeast of Nablus in Jordan’s northern valleys, north of the West Bank. They headed towards a bulldozer that was excavating a water tank for irrigating crops in a plot of land belonging to Thabet Mohammed Redwan Thabet, from Beit Dajan village. IOF ordered the bulldozer’s owner to halt working, checked the ID cards of him, the land’s owner and his friend and questioned them for 2 hours. After that, IOF confiscated the bulldozer, which is owned by Harbi Abu Dahilah, from Jiftlik village in Jordan’s northern valleys and took it to an unknown destination under the pretext of illegal construction in Area (C).

Israeli Settlers’ Attacks

  • On Sunday, 04 October 2020, Othmaniya Mohammed Othman, from Kafr ad-Dik village, west of Salfit, learnt that Israeli settlers attacked her land and cut olive trees with electric saw in Khaneq al-Kuhul area.

Her son, Mansour Nasser Mansour (39) said to PCHR’s fieldworker:

” on Sunday morning, my father went to his land like other farmers who did the same to harvest their olive trees. My mother inherited this land from my grandfather. My father noticed that the olive trees were cut recently as they went to the land on 29 September 2020, and there was no attack on the land. It should be noted that Israeli settlers attacked a land of our neighbor, Abed Suleiman Ali Ahmed.”

  • At approximately 15:00 on Wednesday, 07 October 2020, Israeli settlers from “ Leshem” settlement established on Palestinians’ lands in Deir Ballut, west of Salfit, set fir on a land called “Ereq al-Tout”, east of the village. As a result, 50 olive trees in a plot of land owned by Yusuf, Mustfa, and Eftaih Abdullah, from Deir Balمut village, were burnt.
  1. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods

IOF declared closing the West Bank and Gaza Strip crossings on Friday, 02 October 2020, and Saturday, 03 October 2020, due to Jewish holiday of “Sukkot.”

The Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories said that West Bank crossings will be closed during the abovementioned days, except for the following crossings: Barta’a checkpoint, Nabi Ilyas checkpoint for residents in seam points, and Ni’lin checkpoint, which will be opened and operated as usual on Fridays.

The coordinator added that Beit Hanmoun “Erez” crossing will be partially opened for humanitarian and “lifesaving” cases during certain work hours, while the goods’ crossing “Kerem Shalom” will be closed.

Furthermore, the Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

West Bank:

In addition to permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals movement between villages and cities and deny civilians’ access to their work. IOF established 68 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested 3 of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against individuals movement at military permanent checkpoints.

Jerusalem:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, tightened the closure imposed on al-Aqsa Mosque and occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City and intensified the military checkpoints at al-Aqsa Mosque gates and in its vicinity and in its alleys due to the Jewish holiday of “Sukkot”, which        starts in the evening hours of the same day and ends after a week.

Bethlehem:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF established5 checkpoints at the western and northern entrances to Tuqu village, the entrance to Beit Fajjar and Husan villages, Aqabet Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem.
  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the entrances to Tuqu, Beit Fajjar, and Jannata villages, and Aqabat Hasnah area leading to villages west of Bethlehem and near al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Tuqu, Beit Fajjar, Marah Rabah and Husan villages.
  • On Sunday, 04 October 2020, IOF established 6 checkpoints at the western entrance to Beit Jala. Western entrance to Beit Fajjar village, the entrances to Tuqu and al-Khader villages, the entrance to Al Jab’a village, and near al-Nashash area, south of the city.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established 5 checkpoints at the entrance to Beit Jala, Tuqu, Marah Rabah villages, Aqabat Hasnah area, leading to villages west of Bethlehem, near al-Nashash area, south of the city.

Ramallah:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint between Ein Yabrud, and Dura al-Qar’ villages, north of Ramallah.
  • On Friday, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Jalazone refugee camp, northwest of Ramallah.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir Abu Masha’al village, northwest of Ramallah.
  • On Tuesday, 06 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Nabi Salih village, west of Ramallah.

Hebron:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to: Ash-Shuyukh, Karma, and Bani Na’im villages.
  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Hebron’s western entrance, and al-Fahes Road, south of Hebron.
  • on Sunday, 04 October 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Beit Einun, Idhna, Beit Ummar, and as-Samu.
  • On Monday 05 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Bani Na’im, and Beit Ummar villages, and Wadi Risha road, west of Idhna village.
  • On Wednesday, -7 October 2020, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the western entrance to Hebron, Beit Awwa, Kharsa villages and al- Arroub  refugee camp.

Nablus:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection of ” Shavei Shomron” settlement (on Nablus – Tulkarm main road), west of Nablus.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Deir Sharaf village ( linking between Tulkarm and Nablus), west of Nablus. IOF also closed the road linking between Qusra and Jalud villages, southeast of Nablus, with sand barriers  using a bulldozer.

Jenin:

  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Ya’bad village, southwest of Jenin.
  • On Sunday, 04 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the intersection to Arraba village, southwest of Jenin.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Ti’inik village, southwest of Jenin.
  • On Tuesday, 06 October 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Ti’inik village, southwest of Jenin, and the entrance to Arraba village, northeast if Jenin.

Salfit:

  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the western entrance to Kafr ad-Dik village, west of Salfit.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrances to Deir Istiya and Hares villages, north of Salfit.
  • On Tuesday, 06 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Salfit, the western entrance to Kafr ad-Dik village, eastern entrance to Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit.

Qalqilya:

  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya and the entrance to Azzun village, east of Qalqilya.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Qalqilya, Azzun, and Izbat al-Tabib villages, east of Qalqilya.

Jericho:

  • On Thursday, 01 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the northern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Friday, 02 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Auja village, west of Jericho.
  • On Saturday, 03 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Monday, 05 October 2020, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Auja village, west of Jericho.

Ex-IOF Cmdr.: By Responding With Force to 2nd Intifada “Israel” “Won the Battle But Lost the War”

Ex-IOF Cmdr.: By Responding With Force to 2nd Intifada “Israel” “Won the Battle But Lost the War”

By Staff, Sputnik

“Israel” has learned a lot from the second intifada, which erupted in September 2000, says a retired colonel, who back then served as deputy commander of the combat intelligence corps. The primary lesson was to prevent a repeat of such bloody events, something that the “Israeli” entity has managed to master.

It was a decision that sparked mass protests against the entity, triggering a fire.

Twenty years ago, on 28 September, then head of the “Israeli” entity’s opposition Ariel Sharon paid a visit to al-Haram Sharif [Temple Mount] in al-Quds [Jerusalem].

The official reason for the visit was to inspect the construction work that has been done in the area, but Palestinians regarded it as an attack on their holiest of holies and didn’t want it to go unnoticed.

A day after the visit, the Palestinian Authority [PA] announced three days of mourning and the fire of the Second Intifada, or the Palestinian popular uprising, lit by Sharon, started spreading, just 13 years after the first intifada.

Protests in Jerusalem inspired more protests by Palestinians across the West Bank and even Arabs within Israel. In the eight days following the visit, 13 Palestinians were killed amid violent clashes with Israeli security forces. Hundreds on both sides were wounded.

No Surprise

But the events didn’t catch the entity’s military by surprise.

Miri Eisin, now a retired colonel, who back then served as deputy commander of combat intelligence corps, says the army has been preparing for a possible Palestinian uprising from late 1990s, collecting information and following the Palestinian leaderships’ movement.

For her, as well as the security apparatus she represented, the question was not if the riots would start but rather when and what would ignite them.

Apparently, Sharon’s visit provided that spark, but Palestinian leaders have admitted that that was only an excuse and that the violent uprising would have happened regardless, with or without his move.

The entity’s response was quick and harsh, and Eisin says that magnitude probably “ignited an additional cycle [of violence]” that could have been avoided otherwise.

“In the first few months we were harsh against different types of events that started the intifada. They were instigating and we were responding”.

Programed to Respond with Force

During that time, the “Israeli” Occupation Forces [IOF] fired back at young people that threw stones at “Israeli” soldiers and responded violently in clashes with the Palestinian security forces.

It also rounded up and jailed hundreds of those who planned attacks or simply those who obstructed regular life, filling up “Israeli” prisons with Palestinian inmates.

Back then, Eisin admits, the IOF was programed to treat such events as a security challenge, and cared little about the media factor and the public diplomacy that has been used by the Palestinians to tilt international opinion in their favor.

As a result, “‘Israel’ was winning the battle but losing the war,” because while the entity was effective in combating Palestinian operations, it was condemned far and wide in the international arena.

The mass media gave the Palestinian riots a central stage in their coverage, whereas NGOs were scrutinizing the entity’s conduct and published reports on its human rights violations.

During the years of fighting, the “Israeli” entity lost more than 1,100 people. Over 8,000 were injured in Palestinian operations.

Occupying Palestine Is Rotting ‘Israel’ From Inside. No Gulf ‘Peace’ Deal Can Hide That

Occupying Palestine Is Rotting ‘Israel’ From Inside. No Gulf ‘Peace’ Deal Can Hide That

By Raja Shehadeh – The Guardian

More than a quarter of a century after Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat shook hands on the White House lawn, ‘Israel’ has managed to turn its occupation of Palestinian territory from a burden into an asset. What was for so long a liability – the flagrant violation of international law – has now become a valued commodity. Understanding this development is key to explaining why the ‘Israelis’ are making ‘peace’ with two distant Gulf states but not their closest neighbors, the Palestinians – without whom there can be no real ‘peace.’

‘Israel’ has learned in recent years how to manage the occupation in perpetuity with minimal cost. But from the very beginning of the occupation in June 1967, ‘Israel’ has been unwilling to recognize the Palestinian nation or cede control of the Palestinian territory occupied in order to make ‘peace.’

The evidence to support this claim is easily found in ‘Israel’s’ own archives. Two days after the occupation began, ‘Israel’ passed military order number three, which referred to the fourth Geneva convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war – mandating that military courts apply the provisions of the convention to their proceedings. Four months later, this portion of the order was deleted.

In September 1967, the legal counsel to the ‘Israeli’ foreign ministry, Theodor Meron, was asked by the prime minister, Levi Eshkol, whether building new settlements in the occupied territories would violate the Geneva convention, which prohibits an occupying power from transferring its civilians into the territory seized in war. He answered in the affirmative. But his advice was rejected and the government proceeded from that moment to establish illegal Jewish settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories.

Over the following months, ‘Israel’ began a process that would continue for many years: amending laws governing Palestinian land – from the periods of Ottoman, British mandate and Jordanian control of the territory – to construct a false “legal” basis for the acquisition of land and other natural resources for the establishment of Jewish settlements.

I spent much of my working life, from 1979 until 1993, investigating and resisting ‘Israel’s’ abuses of law in the occupied territories, and warning about the implications of building illegal settlements, all to no avail.

Yet it was not the legal transformations alone that enabled settlements to be built and to flourish. The militant Zionist thinker Vladimir Jabotinsky had written, in the 1920s, that “settlement[s] can … develop under the protection of a force that is not dependent on the local population behind an iron wall which they will be powerless to break down”. And so it was.

There was an added component to the transformation of the laws to enable the settlement project and that was sheer violence by settlers: vigilante actions that seemed to go against the law ‘Israel’ had put down and bound itself to. In the early 80s Al-Haq, a West Bank-based human rights organization that I was then directing, worked hard to document incidents of settler violence.

At the time we naively believed that if only ‘Israelis’ knew what was taking place and the failure of law enforcement to stop it, they would take action to prevent it. We were unaware that it was all part of the ‘Israeli’ struggle for the land. The agents of the orderly ‘state’ can stay within the boundaries of their rewritten laws while the unruly settlers do the work of intimidation and violence to achieve the desired goal. It is all part of the same scheme.

Since the start of the coronavirus pandemic, settler violence in the West Bank has become an almost daily occurrence. It is all out in the open and the government and the courts are on the same page in supporting the settlers and working to achieve the goal of greater ‘Israel.’ The Knesset has passed the regularization bill, which “legalizes” settlements built on privately owned Palestinian land via de facto expropriation.

While Jewish settler violence against the Palestinians rages – preventing Palestinians from working their land or using it as their own, with no real attempt by the ‘Israeli’ military or police to prevent this – ‘Israel’ declares any and all Palestinian resistance to occupation to be terrorism.

When Palestinians began to organize non-violent resistance to the occupation, ‘Israel’ redefined attacks by the army on these unarmed protesters to bring them under the category of “combat operations”. Recently, the villagers of Kafr Qaddum were staging weekly demonstrations against the blocking of a road, which prevented access to their village, because it was claimed that the road passes through a new part of the settlement of Kedumim. The army planted explosives on roads used by the villagers – but the soldiers who took this decision would be immune from prosecution for any injuries caused to the villagers.

With all these “victories” on ‘Israel’s’ part, it has now decided that it can manage the occupation rather than end it. The occupation even began to be seen as an asset. ‘Israel’ has turned the occupied territories into a laboratory for testing weapons and systems of surveillance. ‘Israelis’ now market their crowd control weapons and systems of homeland security to the US, based on testing in the occupied territories. Yet all this financial investment in the occupation – and all the twisting of domestic laws to protect the illegal settlement project, all the political contortions to cultivate authoritarian allies, from Trump to Orban to Bolsonaro – is rotting ‘Israel’ from the inside, turning it into an apartheid ‘state’ that rules over millions of Palestinians without rights.

In Arundhati Roy’s novel The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, one of her characters, Musa, says that if Kashmiris have failed to gain independence from India, at least in struggling for it they have exposed the corruption of India’s system. Musa tells the book’s narrator, an Indian: “You’re not destroying us. It’s yourselves that you are destroying.” Palestinians today might say the same of our struggle with ‘Israel.’

ما بعد اجتماع الأمناء العامين بحاجة إلى إرادة سياسية

رامز مصطفى

بواقعية مُقدّرة، الشيخ صالح العاروري يؤكد وفي معرض سؤاله عن اجتماع الأمناء العامين ومرحلة ما بعد الاجتماع، ردّ بما حرفيته، أن لا ضمانة في التوصل لشيء، ولكن نحن سنبذل كلّ الجهود وبقية الفصائل بما فيها فتح من أجل التوافق وإنهاء الانقسام، لمواجهة التحديات وما يحيط بقضيتنا من مخاطر.

كلام نائب رئيس حركة حماس الشيخ صالح العاروري يستند إلى التجارب السابقة، وهو مُحقّ في ذلك، على اعتبار أنّ الخلاف يتمحور حولّ البرنامج السياسي الذي قاد إلى اتفاقات «أوسلو» وما حمله من تنازلات مسّت بشكل مباشر عناوين القضية بعد أن اعترفت المنظمة بالكيان و«حقه» بالوجود، والتنازل عن 78 بالمائة من أرضنا الفلسطينية.

ما تضمّنته الكلمات التي ألقاها الأمناء العامون وقبلهم السيد أبو مازن رئيس اللجنة التنفيذية للمنظمة، ما زالت تؤكد على أنّ الخلاف السياسي ما زال سيد المشهد، على الرغم من قناعتنا أنّ هذا الخلاف المتراكم منذ «أوسلو»، لن ينتهي من اجتماع أو اجتماعين أو أكثر. فكلمة السيد أبو مازن أكدت على التمسك بالمفاوضات، وبالمقاومة الشعبية السلمية، بينما الأستاذ اسماعيل هنية رئيس حركة حماس، قد أكّد على كلّ أشكال المقاومة بما فيها المسلحة، مسهباً في الحديث عن القدرات العسكرية لحركة حماس. ومضيفاً أنّ حركته حماس لن تعترف بالكيان، مطالباً الخروج من اتفاقات «أوسلو».

العناوين الخلافية ستبقى حاضرة في اللقاءات الجماعية أو الثنائية، ولازمة لا يستطيع أيٍّ من الأطراف، أو الطرفين تجاوزها، أو إسقاطها لصالح برنامج سياسي متوافق عليه، خصوصاً أنّ فصائل حماس والجهاد والقيادة العامة والشعبية والصاعقة وحتى الديمقراطية، ترى أنّ اتفاقات «أوسلو» يجب التخلص منها، بشقيها الأمني والاقتصادي، مع سحب الاعتراف بالكيان وحقه بالوجود، مع إعادة الاعتبار للمشروع الوطني، والإسراع في إعادة بناء المنظمة ومؤسساتها، ومدخلها تشكيل مجلس وطني جديد بمشاركة الكلّ الفلسطيني من دون استثناء أو إقصاء لأحد، طالما ننشد توحيد الساحة بهدف مواجهة تحديات «صفقة القرن»، وخطة الضمّ الصهيوأميركية.

السؤال عن مرحلة ما بعد اجتماع الأمناء العامين، سؤال محقّ وهو برسم جميع المشاركين في الاجتماع، وتحديداً حركتي حماس وفتح، اللتان تعكفان على وضع خارطة طريق لإنهاء الانقسام، ومن ثمّ ما تمّ الاتفاق عليه في ختام أعمال الاجتماع. مؤكدين أنّ النوايا وحدها لا تكفي، بل الإرادة السياسية للخروج من المأزق هو الأساس، ودون ذلك فنحن أمام انتاج تجربة فاشلة جديدة، تُضاف إلى شقيقاتها من التجارب السابقة.

*كاتب فلسطيني

مصياف مدينة الشهداء تتألّم!

مصياف أم الشهداء - Photos | Facebook

د. محمد سيد أحمد

لا شك في أنّ سورية العربية ومنذ مطلع العام 2011 وبدء المؤامرة الكونية عليها وهي تعاني وتتألم، ومع مرور سنوات الحرب الكونية كانت المعاناة تزداد يوماً بعد يوم، وبالطبع لم يسلم شبر واحد من الأرض السورية وعلى كامل جغرافيتها من عبث الإرهابيين، الذين تمّ جلبهم بواسطة أطراف المؤامرة سواء الأصيل منهم كالأميركي والصهيوني أو التابع كالتركي والخليجي، وخلال سنوات الحرب صمد الشعب السوري صموداً أسطورياً وقدّمت العائلات السورية خيرة وزهرة شبابها كقربان دفاعاً عن التراب الوطني، ولا يوجد تقريباً الآن عائلة سوريّة وطنية صامدة على الأرض لم تقدّم شهيداً في هذه الحرب. وهناك عائلات قدّمت عدداً من الشهداء وليس شهيداً واحداً فداءً للوطن.

ومع مطلع العام 2019 وفي ظلّ انتصارات الجيش العربي السوري المدوية على الجماعات التكفيرية الإرهابية التي تعمل بالوكالة لدى العدو الأميركي على كامل الجغرافيا السورية، قرّر الأصيل في هذه الحرب استخدام أساليب جديدة للعدوان على سورية بعد فشل مشروعه العسكري ووجد في ورقة الحصار الاقتصادي التي عرفت بـ «قانون قيصر» إحدى أهمّ أدوات الحرب الجديدة على سورية، وأعتقد العدو الأميركي أنّ ما لم يستطع تحقيقه عبر الحرب العسكرية الكونية على مدار ثماني سنوات يمكن تحقيقه بالحصار الاقتصادي في مدى زمني أقلّ.

فالشعب السوري الذي زادت ثقته في قيادته السياسية عبر سنوات الحرب يمكن أن يفقد هذه الثقة مع تشديد الحصار الاقتصادي عليه مع عدم إتاحة الفرصة لحلول اقتصادية سريعة وناجزة من قبل الحكومة أمام المشكلات المصطنعة بفعل الحصار مثل غياب بعض السلع الأساسية من الأسواق خاصة المحروقات في ظلّ استمرار سيطرة العدو الأميركي ووكلائه المحليين والإرهابيين على آبار النفط السورية. هذا الى جانب استهداف العقوبات الاقتصادية مجالات استراتيجية حيوية كقطع الغيار في العديد من الصناعات، وسياسة التجويع بتعطيش الأسواق من السلع والمواد الغذائية، ومحاولة مدّ الحصار ليشمل الأدوية، وهناك تشديد لمنع تهريب السلع عبر دول الجوار الأردن والعراق ولبنان، وفي ظلّ هذا الحصار ترتفع أسعار السلع تدريجياً مع انخفاض سعر الليرة السورية، فيؤدّي التضخم والغلاء إلى زيادة المعاناة، وبذلك تنفجر الجماهير وتتحقق الفوضى التي لم تحدث أثناء سنوات الحرب، وعلى الرغم من الحصار الاقتصادي الرهيب على مدار العامين الماضيين إلا أنّ الشعب السوري لا يزال صامداً ويتألّم بصمت.

وعلى الرغم من تقديرنا لمعاناة الشعب العربي السوري بكامله، لكن تظل المعاناة والتضحيات نسبية وتختلف من بقعة جغرافية إلى بقعة جغرافية أخرى، لذلك أودّ اليوم تسليط الضوء على واحدة من المدن السورية الصغيرة لكنها عظيمة في صمودها وتضحيات أهلها. إنها مدينة مصياف يا سادة، مدينة الشهداء التى زرتها ثلاث مرات على مدار الأزمة كانت أولها في مطلع العام 2015 وآخرها في منتصف العام 2018، وعندما تتجوّل في شوارعها تجد صور الشهداء تزيّن جدران المدينة، وحين تتحرّك تجاه ريفها تتعلق عيناك بأعمدة الكهرباء المزيّنة بصور شهداء كلّ منطقة وقرية وضيعة تمرّ بها، لذلك لم أتعجّب عندما شاهدت السيد الرئيس بشار الأسد في منتصف العام 2017 يقود سيارته بنفسه مصطحباً عائلته ومتجهاً إلى ريف مصياف زائراً ومواسياً وداعماً لعائلات شهداء ومصابي الجيش العربي السوري.

تحيــــــة إلى شهداء مصياف 

ومدينة مصياف تقع جنوب غرب مدينة حماة على مسافة 48 كم، وترتفع عن سطح البحر بما يقرب من 450 متراً وتحيط بالمدينة مجموعة جبال أهمّها جبل المشهد وجبل عين الخنازير، وتأخذ المدينة موقعاً متوسطاً بين الجبال الساحلية والسهول الداخلية، وتتميّز بمناخ معتدل طوال العام مع سرعة الرياح والأمطار التي تجعل ريفها قطعة من الجنة، وارتبط اسم المدينة بقلعتها التي تربض في وسطها على كتلة صخرية امتدّت من الشمال إلى الجنوب وتعود إلى المرحلة الرومانية والبيزنطية وقد بُنيت كقاعدة عسكرية لتأمين الطرق العابرة من الساحل إلى الداخل.

وتنقسم مصياف وريفها إلى نواحي عدة هي: ناحية مركز مصياف، وناحية جب رملة، وناحية عوج، وناحية عين حلاقيم، وناحية وادي العيون، وتضمّ كلّ ناحية العديد من القرى. وقد عانت مصياف وريفها كثيراً سواء قبل الحرب وأثناءها على مستوى توافر الخدمات الرئيسية مثل شبكات الكهرباء والمياه والهاتف الأرضي الموسع والطرق والنظافة، واليوم تعدّ الصومعة، وبيصين، وطيرجملة، وعوج، وبشنين، الأكثر معاناة فلا توجد فيها آبار للمياه، والشبكات أصبحت قديمة ومهترئة، لذلك نحاول إيصال أنين وآلام أهالينا بمصياف وريفها لمزيد من الرعاية والعناية التي يستحقونها، فلا يزال العدو الصهيوني حتى اليوم يستهدف مصياف بقصف متكرّر لبعض المواقع العسكرية والعلمية، ولا تزال مصياف صامدة وتقدّم الشهداء وتتألم بصمت.

واليوم وبعد انتخاب مجلس شعب جديد وتكليف السيد الرئيس بتشكيل حكومة جديدة نأمل أن يقوما بدورهما في رفع المعاناة عن الشعب السوري عامة وعن سكان مدينة مصياف وريفها خاصة لما قدّموه للوطن من تضحيات خلال سنوات الحرب الكونية، فالمعاناة أرهقت كاهل الجميع، لكن تظلّ المدن والقرى البعيدة والنائية، بحاجة ماسة لجهود مضاعفة لتوفير متطلبات الحياة لمواطنين يستحقون الحياة، لأنهم أصحاب التضحيات الأكبر من أجل الوطن. اللهم بلغت اللهم فاشهد.

فيديوات متعلقة

Ode to Resistance: Video-Clip from Palestine (Song by Haidar Eid)

Source

August 29, 2020

Ode to Resistance, a Song by Haidar Eid. (Photo: Video Grab)

By Haidar Eid

As Israel continues its bombing of Gaza for the 15th night in a row, while its sole power plant is forced to shut due to Israel’s decision to ban fuel from entering the Strip, and amid the spread of Coronavirus outside quarantine facilities, a new video clip has been produced.

It comes as part of a creative project produced in besieged Gaza, Occupied Palestine, where a group of activists and artists came together in order to highlight:

  1. The Palestine that every refugee is dreaming to return to;
  2. Resistance to Israeli occupation and apartheid; and
  3. The links with progressive Arab forces .

It is an established fact that two million Gazans are trapped in the world’s largest prison. 13 years of Israel’s brutal siege by land, sea and air has devastated every aspect of life in the Strip. 97% of aquifer water is undrinkable, 52% of essential drugs are at zero stock, and over 50% of the population is unemployed. Gazans suffer chronic water, medicine, fuel and food shortages.

Add to this the latest Coronavirus cases that have been reported with only 66 ventilators for the 2 million residents of the strip. Unlike the pandemic all over the world, in Gaza it is allowed to spread simply because apartheid Israel has decided to tighten the medieval siege.

The UN already predicted that by 2020 Gaza would be uninhabitable. And we are already there!

Despite our situation, we, in Gaza have never stopped fighting for freedom and justice. Hence, the video clip. As activists and artists, we cannot stand by while Gaza’s entire population is slowly dying the hands of one of the most sadistic colonial powers.

This is why we wanted to highlight not only the suffering of our people, but their resilience and resistance. Students, children, elderly, shopkeepers, women, girls, worshippers, stone throwers, GFM protesters, fishermen, mothers, fathers…

In addition to being a celebration of Palestinian life and resistance, the clip is a tribute to the late Egyptian singer, Abdulhalim Hafez who was the first to sing these songs during the progressive decades of the 1950’s and 1960’s.

– Haidar Eid is an Associate Professor in the Department of English Literature at the Al-Aqsa University, in the Gaza Strip. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

A number of “Qasad” militia gunmen killed and wounded in attacks by unknown persons in the countryside of Raqqa, Deir Ezzor and Hasaka

Source

Sunday, 23 August 2020 11:19

Raqqa – Deir Ezzor – Hasaka, (ST) – A number of “Qasad” militia, supported by the American occupation forces, were killed and wounded when their vehicles were targeted by unknown persons in the countryside of Raqqa, Deir Ezzor and Hasaka.

Local sources reported to SANA that unknown persons targeted, with weapons and machine guns, the headquarters and locations of armed men from the “Qasad militia” near al-Til factories in the al-Jazra neighborhood and the National Hospital in the city of Tabqa and in the village of Abu Qubei`, west of the city of Raqqa, killing four armed militants from “Qasad” militia.

In the northeastern countryside of Deir Ezzor, civil sources indicated that a gunman from the “Qasad militia” was shot dead by unknown persons in the village of Al-Ezbet, which witnessed demonstrations calling for the expulsion of this militia from the area as it is daily stealing Syrian oil and property and attacking civilians.

Yesterday, the checkpoints of the “Qasad militia” were attacked by unknown persons in the towns of Al-Hawayj and Jadid Akidat in the eastern countryside of Deir Ezzor, which resulted in the injury of a number of its gunmen.

In the same context, a number of “Qasad militia” militants were killed and wounded when their vehicles was targeted with an explosive device at Jalal village, east of Al-Shaddadi city in the southern countryside of Hasaka, according to local sources in the region.

Most of the areas of the countryside of Deir Ezzor, Hasaka, and Raqqa, which are under the control of the “Qasad” militia, are witnessing a state of anger and popular rejection of that militia, which is depicted through widespread popular protests calling for its expulsion from their villages and towns as a result of the practices it carried out against the civilian population and the theft of oil and the region’s goods under the cover and support of the American occupation forces. The shooting at demonstrations by that militia caused the death of a number of civilians and the injury of others.

Raghda Sawas

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الرهان الأجدر، على الطفل الفلسطيني لا الشارب الخليجي!

الميادين | صور محمد بن زايد في المسجد الأقصى: "خائن"

صابرين دياب

في إزاء ما تتعرض له القضية الفلسطينية، من مؤامرات متعاقبة لتصفيتها، ومع ازدياد الصراع الحالي وضوحاً، من حيث طبيعته، وطبيعة القوى والأنظمة الواقفة من خلفه والمستفيدة منه، وفي إزاء الحرب الإعلامية الضروس، التي تشنّها القوى المرتبطة بقوى الهيمنة والتواطؤ وعملاؤها المباشرون وغير المباشرين، وفي ازاء التضليل الواسع وغير المسبوق، للعبث بالوعي الفلسطيني وتسطيحه، يزداد الايمان بعدالة القضية، ويتعاظم اليقين بعمق وعي شعبنا في كل أماكن تواجده، مع كل إشراقة جيل فلسطيني جديد.

وعي محصّن بشجاعة صاحب الحق، يرثها الفتية الفلسطينيون عن ملح تراب الارض التي تحملهم، شجاعة، تفاجئ ذويهم لحظة المواجهة المباشرة، لا بل انها ترفع معنويات الأم الخائفة على ولدها، التي اقتحموا بيتها مباغتة لاعتقاله، ثم تشعر بأعلى درجات الفخر، وهي تحتضنه لحظة خروجه من مراكز الاعتقال برأس مرفوعة ووجهٍ واثق مبتسم غير مرتبك، وبقدمين ثابتتين غير مترنّحتين، وبإيمان يخيّب آمال محتليه، الذين ابتغوا ترهيبه وهزّ معنوياته وثقته بنفسه وإرباكه!

لم اكن أعرف أنّ الفتى الوديع والذكي، محمد، ابن الثالث عشر ربيعاً، من مدينة طمرة الجليلية، كان محتجزاً طيلة نهار الاثنين الماضي، في محطة تحقيق للـ «شاباك» في «مسجاف» في الجليل المحتل، لأنه شارك في التظاهرة المنددة بإعلان الخيانة الإماراتية، في المسجد الاقصى صباح الجمعة الماضي، وداس على صورة محمد بن زايد.

علمت من والدته فاطمة، انّهم أتوا صباح الاثنين واعتقلوه من البيت، وقاموا بمصادرة حاسوبه وهاتفه وحقيبته المدرسية التي كانت معه في المسجد الأقصى، وحين سألَتهم فاطمة، عن سبب اعتقاله، قالوا لها: «هو محتجز للتحقيق، والمفروض ان تعرفي انتِ بالذات انّ قريبته سوف تدمّر مستقبله».

وعرفت من محمد لاحقاً، بعيد الإفراج عنه، ان بداية التحقيق، كانت حول علاقته بإحدى قريباته، وما اذا كانت تلك الناشطة، هي التي طلبت منه الذهاب الى القدس، كما سُئل عن سبب كرهه لحكام الإمارات، وما إذا كان سيقبل منحاً مالية منهم التي سيمنحونها للطلاب المتميزين، وغيرها من الاسئلة الجبانة والرخيصة.

وأقّر بأنني تفاجأت من جرأة محمد، هذا الغلام الهادئ جدا، حين قال لهم:

«لا شأن لكم بعلاقتي بقريبتي، ولا تقحموها باعتقالي، نحن نفهمكم جيداً، أنا ذهبت الى الاقصى كما كل يوم جمعة، لأصلي هناك، ولا يحق لكم منعي من ذلك، وحين شاهدت الشباب يقفون للبصق على الخائن الخليجي، الذي لا أعرف اسمه الذي ذكرتموه قبل قليل، والذي خنع لكم مثل الدجاجة، وقفت معهم، وهذا حقي أيضاً في التعبير عن رأيي ورأي كل الفلسطينيين».

فأدركت أّنّ الصبي، صار رجلاً قبل أوانه، حين قال للمحقق:

«اذا كنتم تريدون تخويفي، فأنا لست خائفاً منكم، واذا أردتم اعتقالي افعلوا ذلك، عمتي قالت لي، انكم لا تعتقلون إلا من هم أقوى وأشجع منكم».

هدا جزء يسير جداً، مما جاء في التحقيق مع محمد الشجاع والذكي، محمد – ابن شقيقي –، الذي واجه تحقيقاً، استمر ثماني ساعات متواصلة، ارتكز على الترهيب والتخويف، وقد حاولت جاهدة إقناعه بأن أحاوره، لأنشر تجربته الاولى مع الاحتلال، غير انه رفض وقال: «ما الذي سوف أضيفه، حتى لو كنت مقيما في المحتل 48؟، لست أول قاصر ولا الأخير الذي يُعتقل، والافضل ان اهيئ نفسي لما هو آت»،، فأخبرته بأنّه لزاماً وواجباً يحتم علينا، ان نفضح نذالة المحتل امام العالم،، فكان رد الطفل الرجل: «لن تنفعنا الا قدرتنا وقوتنا على مواجهتهم والتصدي لهم»!!

ولست انقل وعي محمد الحصيف، الى «البناء» الا اعتزازاً بالجيل الفلسطيني الواعد والواعي والواثق، وتأكيداً على المؤكد، بأن الرهان على، محمد وابراهيم وقاسم وعلي وعمر وجريس وحسن الفلسطيني، وليس على أوغاد المرحلة، من خائنين ومطبعين وتابعين وطارئين..

ان الالتفات الى طفل شجاع والتوقف امام جرأته، يكون مفيداً في كل حين، بقدر ما يساعد على تحديد النظر الى المستقبل، وإذا كنا نقف امام ما يتعين علينا ان نحمله فوق أكتافنا في مرحلة قادمة، فلعل التصوّر الدقيق لمقدرتنا على التحمل الفعلي الكامن في داخل طفل، تقوي من طاقتنا وتعيننا على ما هو منتظر ومأمول.

في كل بيت فلسطيني، شعلة نور لا تنطفئ، امام جبروت ظلمة الاستعمار الباغي، الذي اشترى ذمم الساقطين في امتنا، ونجح في تدجينهم علناً، وغربل في الوقت ذاته، انصار شعبنا وطهّرهم من الأدعياء والمدّعين الغادرين.

أوليس الجسد المعافى، أكرم من الجسد الموبوء!

Israeli forces strike Gaza for 3rd night in a row

By News Desk -2020-08-17

BEIRUT, LEBANON (10:30 A.M.) – For the third night in a row, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) targeted the Gaza Strip with airstrikes and artillery shells.

The Israeli army said, “Tonight, IDF tanks bombed a monitoring site of the Hamas terrorist organization in the Gaza Strip.”

In its brief statement, the army added, “The bombing came in response to the launching of incendiary and booby-trapped balloons from the Gaza Strip towards Israel, in addition to the riots on the security fence.”

No casualties, injuries, or material losses were announced, as the strike was limited to an alleged Hamas watchtower, and no person was present in or around it, according to eyewitnesses.

For several days, the Israeli army has launched intensive airstrikes on the Gaza Strip, in addition to using heavy artillery and tanks to bomb the Gaza Strip, in response to what it claims is the launching of incendiary and booby-trapped balloons from the Gaza Strip towards Israel.

On Sunday morning, the Israeli authorities announced that the coasts of the Gaza Strip would be completely closed to fishermen.

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The Resistance Intensifies Its Pressure: A Message of Missiles to the Occupation الاحتلال يفشل في اختبار البالونات: عقوبات جديدة على غزة

The Resistance Intensifies Its Pressure: A Message of Missiles to the Occupation

By Rajab Al-Madhoon – Al-Akhbar Newspaper

Translated by Staff

Yesterday, the resistance took a new step in escalating pressures to force the occupation to implement the truce understandings. It seems that this step was well understood by the ‘Israeli’ leadership, which seeks mediators to prevent the deterioration of the situation, while the resistance affirms that it is ready for confrontation.

Gaza | Although the firing of experimental missiles from Gaza Strip towards the sea has become a normal matter in the context of working to develop the range and accuracy of the missiles, ‘Israeli’ interpreted the launching of nine missiles yesterday morning and afternoon as a threat by Hamas, in parallel with the field escalation in the border area. Palestinian resistance sources confirmed to the “Al-Akhbar” that explanation. The sources said “the operation is intentional. It is a clear message to the occupation concerning the seriousness of the escalation taking place and the resistance’s readiness for any confrontation that may be imposed on Gaza.” The sources added that “the resistance will not back down as long as the occupation is stalling in implementing all the terms of the truce understandings,” and that “the popular explosive balloons activities will continue, in addition to the readiness of the various wings of the resistance for any imposed military confrontation.” The sources added that “the missiles launched yesterday were a field retaliation for the ‘Israeli’ Minister of Security, Benny Gantz, who threatened the Gaza Strip in the past two days.”

For their part, Hebrew media outlets admitted that the ‘Israeli’ political leadership understood the message sent by Hamas to the occupation ‘state’. “Yediot Aharonot” newspaper described the missiles launching as “unusual,” saying that it carried warning messages. For his part, ‘Israeli’ military analyst, Noam Amir, indicated that it is usual to launch experimental missiles at the end of a new missiles series production, but this time it carries a message from “Hamas” that “we are ready, and the warehouses are full of missiles.”

In parallel, and after threatening the Gaza Strip with a major confrontation, Gantz linked the improvement of the economic situation in the Strip to the return of the soldiers captured by the resistance. He declared during a hearing before the Foreign Affairs and Security Committee of the ‘Israeli’ “Knesset” concerning the security situation that his government has no interest in the military escalation, and “all we want is the return of our children, and we will be happy for the flourishment of the economic situation in Gaza.” He added: “I will be happier when I see workers from Gaza enter ‘Israel’ … All this can happen with the return of our children, and by then we will see Gaza in another form of development.” Gantz’s speech is an extension of similar stances that he has been stating recently. Hamas, however, still refuses to provide any information about the captured ‘Israeli’ soldiers except for a swap deal. In this context, “Hamas” sources considered, in an interview with “Al-Akhbar,” that Gantz’s position was “meaningless”, as they considered him “evading truce understandings.” The sources pointed out that the talks on the swap deal have been stalled for months due to the occupation’s refusal to pay the price required to complete it, including the release of all prisoners of the “Loyalty of the Free” deal.

The Night Confusion Units prepare to begin operations in two days

The recent escalation on the borders of the Gaza Strip has generated more pressure on the ‘Israeli’ military and political leadership, which seeks to prevent the deterioration of the situation. According to ‘Israeli’ analyst Yoni Ben-Menachem “in light of the army’s willingness in the north to confront Hezbollah’s retaliatory attack, ‘Israel’ can’t handle tension on two fronts at the same time. It is working consistently behind the scenes with Qatar, Egypt, and the United Nations envoy Nikolay Mladenov to extend the Qatari grant to prevent the escalation. ”

On the ground, the launching of explosive balloons by the popular units towards the settlements of the Gaza Envelope is increasing, while the occupation forces are firing at the resistance monitoring sites in the east and north of the Strip. According to Al-Akhbar information, the Night Confusion Units affiliated with the Supreme National Authority for the Great Return March are preparing to start bombing operations along the borders with the Gaza Strip within two days, as part of the continuous escalation steps to force the occupation to implement the terms of the truce understandings. These steps have already impacted the settlers, who are now raising their voices calling for a solution. The Hebrew “Channel 13” reported Heads of the ‘Gaza Envelope’ Councils the calling on the government to put political disputes aside, and direct a harsh response to Gaza, based on that “the retaliation to the booby-trapped balloon is the same as to a missile.”

The occupation court in Beersheba, on Sunday, sentenced a citizen of the Gaza Strip [Tahir Matar], who belongs to “Hamas”, to 11 years in prison, after he was convicted of trying to kill a number of enemy soldiers. The court claimed that Tahir bought three bombs to throw them at the ‘Israeli’ soldiers near the separation wall on November 14, 2018, but the bombs in his possession did not explode, while he was injured by the ‘Israeli’ gunfire, before he was arrested.

الاحتلال يفشل في اختبار البالونات: عقوبات جديدة على غزة

فلسطين رجب المدهون الجمعة 14 آب 2020

الاحتلال يفشل في اختبار البالونات: عقوبات جديدة على غزة
قلّص العدو مساحة الصيد في بحر غزة من 15 ميلاً إلى 8 أميال (أ ف ب )

غزة | بعد عجزه عن وقف البالونات المتفجّرة التي يتواصل إطلاقها منذ أسبوع من قِبَل الوحدات الشعبية في قطاع غزة باتجاه مستوطنات الغلاف، بدأ الاحتلال الإسرائيلي تطبيق عقوبات اقتصادية جديدة على القطاع، وصلت إلى حدّ منع إدخال الوقود بجميع أنواعه، إضافة إلى تقليص مساحة الصيد البحري، في وقت استمرّ فيه القصف على عدد من مواقع المقاومة لليوم الثالث على التوالي.

وعلى مدار أيام، فشل جيش العدوّ في وقف البالونات الحارقة، على الرغم من إعلانه تشغيل منظومة ليزرية لصدّها، إذ أعلنت وسائل إعلام عبرية، أمس، وقوع عشرات الحرائق التي التهمت أكثر من 5000 دونم في مستوطنات غلاف غزة. وعلى إثر ذلك، وافق وزير الأمن، بيني غانتس، على توصية رئيس أركان الجيش، أفيف كوخافي، بوقف إدخال الوقود إلى القطاع. كذلك، أمر غانتس، بحسب صحيفة «يديعوت أحرونوت» العبرية، بتقليص مساحة الصيد في بحر غزة من 15 ميلاً إلى 8 أميال بحرية. وتأتي هذه الخطوات الجديدة بعد أيام من قرار الاحتلال إغلاق معبر كرم أبو سالم، ومنع إدخال مواد البناء ومستلزماتها كافة عبره حتى إشعار آخر.
بالتوازي مع ذلك، واصل جيش العدو تهديداته لقطاع غزة، مُحمّلاً حركة «حماس» تبعات ما سمّاه «العنف» الذي يمارَس ضدّ سكان دولة الاحتلال. وردّت الحركة على تلك التهديدات باعتبار قرار منع دخول الوقود والبضائع إلى القطاع «بمثابة سلوك عدواني خطير، وخطوة غير محسوبة العواقب يتحمّل الاحتلال تبعاتها»، مؤكّدة على لسان الناطق باسمها فوزي برهوم أن هذا السلوك «سيستدعي إعادة رسم معالم المرحلة مجدّداً، وتحديد المسار المناسب لكسر هذه المعادلة، إذ لا يمكن القبول باستمرار هذه الحال».

قصف مدرسة «أونروا»

وفجر أمس، شنّت طائرات ومروحيات حربية ودبابات إسرائيلية غارات على عدّة أهداف للمقاومة، فيما زعم جيش الاحتلال أنه استهدف مجمّعاً عسكرياً للقوة البحرية لـ»حماس» وبنى تحتية تحت أرضية ومواقع رصد تابعة للحركة. إلا أن الصور التي التُقطت صباح أمس أظهرت استهداف مدرسة ابتدائية للأطفال تابعة لـ»وكالة غوث وتشغيل اللاجئين» (أونروا) في مخيم الشاطئ غربيّ مدينة غزة، ما أدى إلى وقوع أضرار كبيرة في المدرسة التي يدرس فيها قرابة 1000 طفل فلسطيني، وسط إدانات فلسطينية وحقوقية واسعة. وقال الناطق باسم وزارة الصحة في غزة، إياد البزم، إن القنبلة التي أطلقها جيش الاحتلال على المدرسة تحتوي 1500 شظية معدنية، كلّ منها كافية لقتل إنسان، وهي موجّهة بالليزر، ونسبة الخطأ فيها تكاد تكون معدومة. وأشار البزم إلى أن القنبلة نفسها استخدمها الاحتلال سابقاً في عدد من مجازره ضدّ أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني.

في المقابل، وفيما لم تبدِ فصائل المقاومة نيّتها منع الوحدات الشعبية من الاستمرار في إطلاق البالونات الحارقة، كشفت صحيفة «معاريف» العبرية أن العدو يستعدّ لجولة قريبة من التصعيد، تشمل إطلاق قذائف صاروخية باتجاه مستوطنات الغلاف. جاء ذلك في وقت نشر فيه جيش الاحتلال منظومة القبّة الحديدية على نطاق واسع في المنطقة الجنوبية وغلاف غزة. من جهتها، كشفت قناة «كان» العبرية أن السلطات الإسرائيلية تدرس ثلاثة خيارات للتعامل مع القطاع، تَتمثّل في فرض عقوبات مدنية، وهجمات محسوبة، واستخدام الوسطاء، مشيرةً إلى أنه ما لم تؤدّ البالونات إلى سقوط قتلى فلن تدخل دولة الاحتلال في مواجهة.

في هذا الوقت، أعلنت الوحدات الشعبية التي تطلق البالونات الحارقة أنها ستُكثّف عملها خلال الفترة المقبلة، في ظلّ تعنّت الاحتلال في الاستجابة لمطالب المقاومة، فيما أمهلت وحدات الإرباك الليلي، التي تطلق على نفسها تسمية «سيف»، دولة العدو، حتى مساء الجمعة لرفع الحصار، وإلا فستستأنف عملها على طول الحدود الشرقية لقطاع غزة. كذلك، وفي رسالة غير مباشرة بالاستعداد للمواجهة، نشر الموقع الرسمي للجناح العسكري لحركة «حماس» وعدد من قنواته على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي صورة لمقاتل من «كتائب القسام» يحمل سلاحاً مضادّاً للطائرات.

Incendiary Balloons Launched from Gaza at Zionist Settlements Spark 16 Fires, Injure One Israeli Soldier

August 11, 2020

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A large number of incendiary balloons were launched from Gaza at the Zionist settlements in the Strip’s vicinity, which sparked 16 fires and injured one Israeli soldier, Israeli media outlets mentioned.

In details, an Israeli soldier suffered moderate wounds when he was fighting fire in Kissufim settlement, they added.

According to Zionist reports, the Israeli enemy deployed systems to intercept the incendiary balloons, vowing a harsh response.

Meanwhile, the defense minister Benny Gantz is scheduled to undergo medical checks upon which it would be decided if he had to have a surgery, according to the Zionist reports which added that the deterioration of Gantz medical situation is caused by an old injury he suffered when he was serving in the Paratroopers Brigade.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

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