“No external factor enables a government or an army to stabilize, unless this government and this army enjoy a popular support that safeguard them.”
Egypt’s former Assistant Foreign Minister Hussein Al-Haridi in a recent interview
The pre-planned war in Syria has spanned twelve years and is still ongoing. It is well known that this warfare is not limited to battlegrounds but rather takes various economic, social, and political forms, in a bid to deplete President Bashar Al-Assad’s government. Surprisingly, all of these endeavors, however, were futile.
The Gloomy Tunnel
The arrest of two men in Daraa in March 2011 and the eventual outbreak of sporadic demonstrations in several regions, formed the full-fledged launch of a bloody scenario or even a global war that later appeared that it has been previously plotted. That was at a time when the entire region was experiencing “revolutions” dubbed as the “Arab Spring.”
It has been clear that all intents and schemes including the normalization of ties with the Zionist enemy- through subduing all resistance movements- as well as compensating for the defeat in Iraq, pass through Syria.
Soon after, Western powers, led by the United States, joined Arab countries in raising slogans such as “the freedom of the Syrian people” and “human rights in Syria.” Such moves were aimed at overthrowing the Syrian government’s legitimacy, neglecting thousands of Syrians who protested in support of President Al Assad.
In June 2012, world powers assembled in Geneva to declare “the necessity of a political transition.”
This declaration was only a pretext for escalating the demonstrations into a major military clash, resulting in the formation of organizations such as the “Free Syrian Army” (FSA) and the ” Jaysh al-Islam” (Army of Islam). These organizations comprised Syrians as well as a significant number of mercenaries from other Arab and Western countries, all with diverse backgrounds and agendas, who flocked to attack Damascus.
Since then, Syria has entered a dark tunnel: the country’s unity and sovereignty have been shattered, with almost all areas divided into pro and anti-regime factions. The emergence of Takfiri factions such as “Jabhat Al-Nusra” and “Ahrar Al-Sham” on the battlefield heightened the tensions.
Then in January 2014, the ISIL terrorist group took control of Raqqa and set out to govern vast areas of Syria and Iraq. Backed by regional and Western governments, these organizations have committed the most heinous terrorist acts against the Syrian people, as well as looting riches and systematically destroying the country’s infrastructure.
In addition to the military conflict, fierce media campaigns have intensified, relying on false flag chemical attacks in a bid to defame the Syrian government while disregarding the crimes committed by so-called “opposition factions.”
Syria Battles Bravely
Amid this reality, the Syrian state and its army stood firmly to protect the governing system and fortify Damascus, which had become a target for terrorists. The fall of the capital would have dealt President Assad a tremendous blow.
In September 2014, the US directly engaged in the struggle, organizing a coalition and assisting Kurdish factions under the pretext of eradicating “ISIL” in northern Syria. Later in 2015, and under the request of the Syrian government, Russia joined the war in a bid to aid Damascus in counter-terror operations.
This was a crucial turning point in the warfare, along with Iran’s and Hezbollah’s key roles in the battlefield and victories in more than one strategic battle, such as the clashes of Qusayr and Aleppo.
This video diplays scene of the couter-terror operations in Syria.
Such turning point reflected on Damascus’ recontrol of swathes of the Syrian territory, as well as keeping the threat of terror away from the capital and Aleppo. This was in addition to preventing Turkey, which aided the armed groups, from reaching its aim of dominating that region and eventually beating “ISIL” in the Syrian Badiya battles.
At the time when the military developments were unfolding in Syria, there was a political course emerging. Hence, when Russia, Iran, and the Syrian Army imposed a new status quo in the battlefield, the “Astana Talks” was established. The peace process came after the West and the UN yielded no substantive progress in the negotiations between the government and the so-called opposition, which remained split and withdrew the battlefield in favor of terrorist organizations.
Wary of Kurdish presence in Syria’s north, Turkey joined, afterwards, the Astana Talks as a guarantor state. This political process, which culminated in several rounds, concluded in a settlement, primarily brokered by the Russians and Turks in September 2018. The settlement involved Idlib and the northwest, which has been under terrorist control, resulting in a halt to fighting on those fronts.
Syria’s Outlook in 2020
On the eve of 2020, the Syrian state maintained control, as it had not done for the past nine years, except in the north, where the conflict created a kind of status quo represented by the limited presence of the US forces through several military bases. Undoubtedly, those bases were later utilized as a springboard for stealing oil and wheat. Also, there was a limited Turkish presence in the area under the pretext of countering the so-called Kurdish expansion.
On the other hand, the Israeli enemy found no means to voice concern over the failure of its allies and the victory of its foes. Thereupon, it occasionally breaches Syria’s airspace and launches strikes.
Despite this scenario in the country’s north, almost 12 years of war did not affect Syria’s Arabian identity, as the idea of its federalization had been buried.
This war has resulted in creating a powerful “Axis of Resistance” that extends from Iran through Iraq to Syria, then to Lebanon and Palestine. Consequently, Washington unleashed an economic warfare through the “Caesar” sanctions, depleting the Syrians who stood by their government.
In mid-2020, the Coronavirus pandemic spread all over the world, resulting in a stalemate in the Syria negotiations. Yet, the sanctions remained the most prominent feature in Syrians’ diaries.
Then in 2022, when the pandemic subsided, the war between Russia and the West in Ukraine commenced, casting a shadow across the entire world. The impasse was broken here by multiple communications reaching the gates of the presidential palace in Damascus, indicating what may be dubbed the “great turning point.” So, what happened, and what were the causes and effects?
The resumption of ties between Hamas and Syria is a symbolic victory for the resistance, as relations were strained for years following the start of the war
GAZA CITY, THE GAZA STRIP, PALESTINE – 2018/12/16: A masked Palestinian seen holding a flag during the rally.
Palestinians take part in a rally marking the 31st anniversary of Hamas’ founding, in Gaza City. (Photo by Mahmoud Issa/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)
On 20 October, the US denounced and warned against the current reconciliation process between Syria and Palestinian resistance movement Hamas, stating that the group’s communication with Damascus will reinforce its “isolation” and undermine the interests of Palestinians.
“The Assad regime’s outreach to this terrorist organization only reinforces for us its isolation,” State Department spokesman, Ned Price, told media.
“It harms the interests of the Palestinian people and it undercuts global efforts to counterterrorism in the region and beyond,” he said, adding that Washington will “continue rejecting any support to rehabilitate the Assad regime, particularly from designated terrorist organizations like Hamas.”
Relations between Damascus and the Palestinian resistance group took a sour turn in 2012, a year after the start of the US-backed war in Syria, when Hamas publicly denounced the Syrian government and announced its solidarity with the opposition that had by that time already become aligned with extremist elements.
In 2013, Hamas operatives fought alongside the Free Syrian Army (FSA) factions and Jabhat al-Nusra against Hezbollah and the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) during the battle of al-Qusayr, in western Syria near the Lebanese border.
The ties between Hamas and the axis of resistance were strained for years after the group’s involvement in the Syrian war. Regardless of this, Hezbollah never condemned Hamas for what was seen by many as a huge betrayal, and in 2013 held meetings with the group’s representatives in a bid to ease tensions.
In recent years, Hamas made a number of attempts to resume ties with the Syrian government, despite the non-compliance of Damascus. On 25 July, however, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah revealed to Al-Mayadeen his personal interest in bringing the two together.
Relations between Hezbollah and Hamas had already thawed at this point, especially in light of the high-level coordination which took place between the two groups during the 2021 Sayf al-Quds battle fought between the Palestinian resistance factions and Israel.
In June of this year, a Hamas delegation reportedly visited Syria and met with officials in a bid to rebuild their relationship.
On 15 September, Hamas disclosed in a press statement that it has officially resumed its relations with Syria after ten years of tension. A month later, President Bashar al-Assad received a Hamas delegation and held a “warm” meeting in Damascus.
“The meeting with Assad is a glorious day, and from now on, we will resume our presence in Damascus to work alongside the Syrian people to regain the country’s stability,” the group’s deputy leader, Khalil al-Hayya said at the time, denouncing all aggression and threats against the country’s territorial integrity.
The reconciliation between Hamas and Syria signifies the return of Damascus into the regional fold, and is expected to be met with further criticism and rejection by Washington and its allies, particularly Israel.
The ‘Israelis’ and their allies have never stopped their sinister plots and conspiracies against Lebanon in general and Hezbollah particular. They continued to carry out aggressions and assassinations against Hezbollah leaders. Nevertheless, and to their dismal, this has never affected the resistance’s morals; on the contrary, it has given extra motive for the group to build further its military capabilities and to elevate its experience. The culmination of all of this came when the United States, ‘Israel’, and their allies, with conspiracy and logistics from Gulf states, also began their war against Syria, which came to be known as the war of takfiri terrorist groups to oust Syrian President Bashar Asaad.
This happened in 2011, after years of their massive pressure on Syria. It was when they lost every hope they had to tempt Syria to join their alliance, or at least to accept being part of their consortium. They took advantage of the dire economic situation to sow discord and fuel the social tension in certain parts across Syria. They openly sent arms and brought thousands of their takfiri terrorists from all over the world to fight a war against the Syrian government and people.
Scores of unprecedented horrific mind-blowing massacres and atrocities were perpetrated by those groups who captured sizable parts of Syria to announce their so-called caliphate, which they referred to as the ‘Islamic State’, but were commonly known by the Arabic acronym of ‘Daesh’.
Close to the northern parts of Lebanon, tens of Lebanese villages and thousands of Lebanese citizens used to live there. The takfiri groups started to attack, kidnap, and even kill them. Many warnings were sent to the takfiri groups to stop their aggressions, otherwise the people there, who happened to be Hezbollah followers and supporters, and even some of them are within Hezbollah military body, will have no other choice than defending themselves.
When Hezbollah knew for a fact that those groups have a systematic plan to displace those Lebanese villagers and their families from where they have been living since more than a hundred years, the party’s leadership took a decision to defend them. Later on, the leaders of the takfiri groups and their military forces started to attack the Lebanese villages with booby-trapped cars and rockets. Beirut’s Southern suburb [Dahiyeh] was not an exception. One of the first attacks was by rockets that were launched from the mountains surrounding Dahiyeh from the east, and later suicide attacks with cars started to take place.
The keen and sighted Hezbollah leadership was wise enough to take an early decision that helped Lebanon and Syria eradicate this existential threat.
The first battle Hezbollah got engaged in with the takfiris was in Qusayr, the area facing Hermel region in northeastern Lebanon. This war drew the lines and announced officially Hezbollah’s military participation in Syria.
For the first time in its history, Hezbollah fought a war where its different military divisions had to coordinate and fight together in a systematic plan like a regular army. The battle for Qusayr ended with a significant victory Hezbollah scored upon liberating the entire town from the takfiris, thus guaranteeing the safety and security of the Lebanese citizens and villages in that region, and representing a point of strategic transformation in the war against Syria which was to be won later by the Syrian Army and its allies, mainly Hezbollah. This victory also paved the way for the second liberation in 2017 when Hezbollah fought a fierce war against the takfiris in all the northeastern Lebanese areas. Again, in this battle, Hezbollah offered countless sacrifices for the sake of Lebanon.
Hundreds of Hezbollah fighters fell martyrs and thousands have been wounded, but Lebanon and the Lebanese have once again been saved and protected.
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah addressed on Friday the Party’s ceremony held to mark the sixth anniversary of the martyrdom of the Resistance military commander, Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine, indicating that the martyr was one of the symbols of the resistance generation which rebelled against the official regime in Lebanon and the region.
Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated that martyr Badreddine was brave, determined, smart, innovative, and eloquent, adding that he gained all the medals of honor as a martyr, injured, fighter, leader and prisoner.
Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted a number of political and military occasions which occurred in May.
Palestine’s Catastrophe (Al-Nakba: May 15, 1948)
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Palestinian Catastrophe is still affecting the Palestinians and all the Arabs, citing the ongoing Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people.
His eminence added that, in light of Al-Naksa which stormed the Palestinians, Egyptians, Syrians and Lebanese in 1967, the Palestinian people decided to resort to the resistance choice, adding that the Palestinian Resistance is now stronger than ever.
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah pointed out that the Israeli enemy wanted to repeat the Nakba in Lebanon in 1982, adding that the Israeli invasion reached the second Arab capital, Beirut, after Al-Quds.
Sayyed Nasrallah noted that the Lebanese people were divided in 1982 into three categories: those who helped the invaders, the neutral, and the resistance groups.
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Lebanese resistance did not resort to the Arab official support as most of the regional regime had surrendered and normalized ties with ‘Israel’ publicly or secretly.
Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that martyr Badreddine was one of the resistance members that started immediately after the invasion fighting the Zionist enemy, adding that martyr Badreddine was injured in Khaldeh battle against the Israeli enemy.
Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the cooperation with the Arab countries may help Lebanon economically, not militarily, adding that the Arabs can never enable Lebanon to face the Israeli enemy.
May 17 Pact
Hezbollah Secretary General said that, after the Israeli invasion in 1982, the Lebanese state engaged in a humiliating negotiation with the enemy and concluded a surrender agreement with it on May 17, 1983.
Ironically, those who approved May 17 Pact are now chanting slogans of sovereignty and establishment of ties with Arab states, Sayyed NAsrallah said.
Sayyed Nasrallah added that various Lebanese parties opposed the pact and rebelled against it, including Amal Movement, adding that clerics, including Sayyed Mohammad Hssein Fadlollah, rejected the agreement.
Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that the resistance overthrew May 17 pact, questioning the state’s ability, willingness, and bravery to face the Israeli enemy, the US administration and all the enemies.
In this regard, Sayyed Nasrallah underscored the role of martyr Badreddine and his companions in liberating Lebanon from the Israeli occupation in 2000 after a large number of military operations, including Ansariyeh, which is still influencing the Zionist collective conscience.
Sayyed nAsrallah also spot light on the role of martyr Badreddine in dismantling the gangs collaborating with the Zionist enemy in cooperation with the security service, hailing the performance of the public institutions in this field and calling on the military judiciary to issue firm sentences against the collaborators.
Qusseir Battle
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that martyr Badreddine’s last stage was in Syria battle where the plot aimed at striking the resistance axis in Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine, adding that the martyr attended the field in person.
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that, in 2013, Hezbollah surprised all the enemies by interfering militarily in Syria, adding that liberating Al-Qusseir changed the course of the battle.
Sayyed Nasrallah addd that Al-Qusseir liberation enhanced the resistance operation to liberate all the border areas, winch protect all the Lebanese areas from the car bombs booby-trapped in Qalamoun, noting that martyr Badreddine was the commander of those battles.
Moreover, Sayyed NAsrallah recalled that some Lebanese political parties supported the terrorist gangs secretly, adding that they could not announce that publicly.
Hezbollah
Sayyed Nasrallah said that Hezbollah has been sacrificing for the sake of the nation for 40 years, adding that it is the most party committed to protecting Lebanon and preserving its identity.
Sayyed Nasrallah added that Hezbollah members do not have more than one ID or visa and do not have any choice but to live and dies in Lebanon.
Local Issues
Hezbollah Secretary General called on all the parties to cooperate in order to cope with the socioeconomic crisis, underlining the prices hike and scarcity of commodities locally and internationally due to the Ukrainian war.
Sayyed Nasrallah cited David Schenker, former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, who described the pro_US groups and figures in Lebanon as egoistic and narcissistic.
Sayyed Nasrallah also quoted economic experts as saying that 64 countries in the world will collapse in 2022, adding some of those countries are Arab and have normalized ties with ‘Israel’.
Sayyed Nasrallah noted that Lebanon is on the collapse list, urging the various parliamentary blocs to prioritize coping with the socioeconomic crisis, away from any other issues, including the resistance weaponry.
Hezbollah leader also called for rebridging ties with Syria, away from any narcissistic attitude, adding that Lebanon needs this step more than Syria.
This paves way to address a basic crisis in Lebanon represented by hosting more than 1.5 million Syrian refugees, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.
Sayyed Nasrallah further urged the Lebanese authorities to start extracting the maritime gas resources, adding that the only hope to overcome the economic crisis is selling the Lebanese gas amid the prices hike.
Finally, Sayyed Nasrallah called on all the Lebanese parties to assume their responsibilities to face the exceptional conditions dominating Lebanon and the world.
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah addressed on Friday the Party’s ceremony held to mark the sixth anniversary of the martyrdom of the Resistance military commander, Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine, indicating that the martyr was one of the symbols of the resistance generation which rebelled against the official regime in Lebanon and the region.
Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated that martyr Badreddine was brave, determined, smart, innovative, and eloquent, adding that he gained all the medals of honor as a martyr, injured, fighter, leader and prisoner.
Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted a number of political and military occasions which occurred in May.
Palestine’s Catastrophe (Al-Nakba: May 15, 1948)
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Palestinian Catastrophe is still affecting the Palestinians and all the Arabs, citing the ongoing Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people.
His eminence added that, in light of Al-Naksa which stormed the Palestinians, Egyptians, Syrians and Lebanese in 1967, the Palestinian people decided to resort to the resistance choice, adding that the Palestinian Resistance is now stronger than ever.
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah pointed out that the Israeli enemy wanted to repeat the Nakba in Lebanon in 1982, adding that the Israeli invasion reached the second Arab capital, Beirut, after Al-Quds.
Sayyed Nasrallah noted that the Lebanese people were divided in 1982 into three categories: those who helped the invaders, the neutral, and the resistance groups.
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Lebanese resistance did not resort to the Arab official support as most of the regional regime had surrendered and normalized ties with ‘Israel’ publicly or secretly.
Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that martyr Badreddine was one of the resistance members that started immediately after the invasion fighting the Zionist enemy, adding that martyr Badreddine was injured in Khaldeh battle against the Israeli enemy.
Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the cooperation with the Arab countries may help Lebanon economically, not militarily, adding that the Arabs can never enable Lebanon to face the Israeli enemy.
May 17 Pact
Hezbollah Secretary General said that, after the Israeli invasion in 1982, the Lebanese state engaged in a humiliating negotiation with the enemy and concluded a surrender agreement with it on May 17, 1983.
Ironically, those who approved May 17 Pact are now chanting slogans of sovereignty and establishment of ties with Arab states, Sayyed NAsrallah said.
Sayyed Nasrallah added that various Lebanese parties opposed the pact and rebelled against it, including Amal Movement, adding that clerics, including Sayyed Mohammad Hssein Fadlollah, rejected the agreement.
Sayyed Nasrallah affirmed that the resistance overthrew May 17 pact, questioning the state’s ability, willingness, and bravery to face the Israeli enemy, the US administration and all the enemies.
In this regard, Sayyed Nasrallah underscored the role of martyr Badreddine and his companions in liberating Lebanon from the Israeli occupation in 2000 after a large number of military operations, including Ansariyeh, which is still influencing the Zionist collective conscience.
Sayyed nAsrallah also spot light on the role of martyr Badreddine in dismantling the gangs collaborating with the Zionist enemy in cooperation with the security service, hailing the performance of the public institutions in this field and calling on the military judiciary to issue firm sentences against the collaborators.
Qusseir Battle
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that martyr Badreddine’s last stage was in Syria battle where the plot aimed at striking the resistance axis in Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine, adding that the martyr attended the field in person.
Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that, in 2013, Hezbollah surprised all the enemies by interfering militarily in Syria, adding that liberating Al-Qusseir changed the course of the battle.
Sayyed Nasrallah addd that Al-Qusseir liberation enhanced the resistance operation to liberate all the border areas, winch protect all the Lebanese areas from the car bombs booby-trapped in Qalamoun, noting that martyr Badreddine was the commander of those battles.
Moreover, Sayyed NAsrallah recalled that some Lebanese political parties supported the terrorist gangs secretly, adding that they could not announce that publicly.
Hezbollah
Sayyed Nasrallah said that Hezbollah has been sacrificing for the sake of the nation for 40 years, adding that it is the most party committed to protecting Lebanon and preserving its identity.
Sayyed Nasrallah added that Hezbollah members do not have more than one ID or visa and do not have any choice but to live and dies in Lebanon.
Local Issues
Hezbollah Secretary General called on all the parties to cooperate in order to cope with the socioeconomic crisis, underlining the prices hike and scarcity of commodities locally and internationally due to the Ukrainian war.
Sayyed Nasrallah cited David Schenker, former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, who described the pro_US groups and figures in Lebanon as egoistic and narcissistic.
Sayyed Nasrallah also quoted economic experts as saying that 64 countries in the world will collapse in 2022, adding some of those countries are Arab and have normalized ties with ‘Israel’.
Sayyed Nasrallah noted that Lebanon is on the collapse list, urging the various parliamentary blocs to prioritize coping with the socioeconomic crisis, away from any other issues, including the resistance weaponry.
Hezbollah leader also called for rebridging ties with Syria, away from any narcissistic attitude, adding that Lebanon needs this step more than Syria.
This paves way to address a basic crisis in Lebanon represented by hosting more than 1.5 million Syrian refugees, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.
Sayyed Nasrallah further urged the Lebanese authorities to start extracting the maritime gas resources, adding that the only hope to overcome the economic crisis is selling the Lebanese gas amid the prices hike.
Finally, Sayyed Nasrallah called on all the Lebanese parties to assume their responsibilities to face the exceptional conditions dominating Lebanon and the world.
Elijah J. Magnier From the Levant to the Persian Gulf, a land route is now open, and the Axis of Resistance controls those borders crossings. Photo credit: The Cradle
Many wars have been waged in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine to defeat the “Axis of Resistance” or to at least deplete its logistics and supply lines. In all wars, tons of ammunition, bombs, and missiles are expended on both sides, often exhausting supplies. Each belligerent, therefore, needs to replenish its arsenal for the next confrontation, or at the very minimum, to demonstrate to the enemy its growing military capabilities, preparedness, and access to vital supplies. Most of the time, this is a valuable deterrent strategy used to avoid wars. However, because the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon and the subsequent US occupation of Iraq and eastern Syria failed to achieve the desired US-Israeli objectives, the goal shifted heavily toward obstructing their supply lines: to cut off the Axis of Resistance road.
The aim was to stop Resistance Axis members (Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Hamas, and Iraqi resistance groups) from re-arming themselves, and to prevent their access to weapons upgrades in advance of the next military confrontation. There began a race between the US-Israeli alliance and the Resistance Axis to control the accessibility of the vital Tehran-Beirut landline. This objective was reached first by the Resistance Axis, who liberated the Albu Kamal-al Qaem crossing on the Syrian-Iraqi border and placed it firmly under their control. Ever since, this crossing has also become a hub for critical commercial and consumer supplies whose flow the US has tried to halt by imposing harsh sanctions on Iran and Syria to prevent Iraq from providing any support. Rather, the US tried, but failed.
This significant American defeat, however, was not blared from rooftops, either by the US or by its adversaries. It is sufficient for the Resistance Axis that anything and everything they wish to transport via Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, reaches its destination, unhindered.
Traveling from the Syrian town of Qusayr, on Lebanon’s border, to Palmyra (Tadmur) is safe despite the dozens of checkpoints along the road. The Syrian Army controls the area and prevents anyone from traveling between provinces without valid documentation. Many Syrians from these provinces fled to secure areas to escape ISIS rule, and have since been trickling back to inspect their abandoned homes and resettle. Syria’s Badiyah has also become relatively safe following months of indiscriminate attacks by ISIS remnants against travelers. According to security officers, most of the ISIS militants were inhabitants of the area and its surroundings, and fled when ISIS was defeated by Syrian allied forces in 2017 and 2018.
Since then, special security brigades have been deployed from Palmyra to Deir Ezzor, while others continue to patrol the Syrian steppe to hunt down ISIS militants. However, it is still unsafe to travel through the Badiyah, and the main road used is via Sukhnah, Kabajeb, Asholah, and Deir Ezzor. From Deir Ezzor to the Iraqi border, the route via al Mayadeen, al Salehiya, and Albu Kamal is safe and well protected.
When the decision was made to clear the road and eliminate ISIS in the cities east of the Euphrates River, the Syrian Army and its allies attempted to free the al-Tanf border region with Iraq. US jets intervened, attacked the brigades, causing more than 50 casualties to prevent the defeat of ISIS targets. The Resistance Axis’ joint military operating room understood that the US plan was to cut off Syria from its neighbors, since its borders with Jordan were already closed.
Brigadier General Qassem Suleimani, head of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps’ Quds Brigade – later, assassinated by US drones near Baghdad airport in 2020 – personally took part in the assault on al Mayadeen and Albu Kamal, even before the liberation of Deir Ezzor. Soleimani wanted to reach and control the Syrian-Iraqi borders before the Americans, fearing the US establishment of a “no man’s land” to prevent free passage between Iraq and Syria.
Syrian Druze General Issam Zahreddine – later, killed by a mine after defeating ISIS in Deir Ezzor – was fighting alongside Hezbollah’s al-Radwan Special Forces, and managed to prevent an ISIS takeover of Deir Ezzor airport and part of the city, notwithstanding intervening US airstrikes that unsuccessfully aimed to enable the ISIS airport breach and killed and wounded over 200 Syrian officers. When the decision was taken to liberate the entire province, Suleimani was not very concerned about the city because Russian-supported Syrian Special Forces (Tiger Brigade) were already crushing ISIS positions there.
Suleimani coordinated his efforts with the Iraqi resistance, hunting down ISIS along the borders between Syria and Iraq’s al Qaem, in order to corner and eliminate the terrorist group on both sides. Following fierce battles, Albu Kamal and al Qaem were liberated – becoming the only border crossing to fall into the hands of the Syrian Army and its allies. Syria was no longer isolated from its surrounding neighbors. The road between Tehran, Baghdad, Damascus, and Beirut was open, and for the first time since the era of Saddam Hussein, in the hands of the Resistance Axis. A sea route is insufficient to transport all the needs of the Axis. This is why it was vital to open the land route at all costs. The US and Israel were aware of the plan but were in no position to stop it.
Driving from Deir Ezzor to Albu Kamal, the Euphrates River offers the sight of rare birds who migrate to this area now that it is no longer heavily frequented. The many abandoned and shell-pocked houses along the route remind passerbys of the ferocity of the battles. Syrian Army checkpoints are strict about preventing visits from anyone who doesn’t live in the province. The Americans control the other side of the river, and the oil and gas wells can be seen from afar with the naked eye.
In the main, ISIS militants were inhabitants of this area too, with foreign jihadists representing only a tiny percentage of the fighters. This is another reason why it is not safe to travel by night. With nightfall, it becomes clear that electricity has not been restored. The sound of only a few private generators can be heard from time to time. During the daytime hours, however, the generator count spikes, as farmers switch them on to pump water for their fields. The area is rich in its agriculture, and despite the US occupation of Syria’s strategic foodbelt province of Hasaka, provides enough wheat to be distributed to provinces beyond Deir Ezzor.
At the gate of Albu Kamal, a large billboard welcomes visitors with the name of the city, a portrait of President Bashar al Assad, and the Syrian national flag. Though incomparable with the old souk markets of Damascus or Aleppo, the local vegetable and fruit market still flourishes and bustles during the day.
Houses are one or two floors high, many with shops underneath. Several private villas adorn the border city. It is impossible to miss a large portrait of Iran’s Brigadier General Qassem Suleimani and Iraq’s PMU Deputy Commander Abu Mahdi al Muhandes, both assassinated by the US in Baghdad in January 2020. The two men contributed to the liberation of Iraq and Syria from ISIS, indeed, mainly Albu Kamal city. Soleimani used one of the private villas as his headquarters when in town, and left a hand-written note to the owner asking him forgiveness for using his house, and leaving his phone number to be contacted in case of need.
Eight kilometers separate Albu Kamal from Al Qaem on the Iraqi borders. The road is crowded with trucks crossing mainly from Iraq, and a few from Syria. Iraq established a border position to allow the flow of goods to Syria, though essentially follows the guidelines of the severe EU-US embargo on Damascus. Not far from the main road controlled by both the Syrian and the Iraqi customs authorities, there is another road where trucks transit between Iran-Iraq into Syria and Lebanon. These trucks are sealed so they won’t be opened on the road, and are verified by the Syrian authorities before they cross into Lebanon. After many years in the making, and dangerous challenges along the way, the Axis of the Resistance has managed to secure its logistic supply route.
Israeli and US forces have targeted the area dozens of times. Warehouses, military bases, and large isolated shops were destroyed last year by Israeli jets, but without managing to slow down the flow of supplies, or the replenishing of goods and structures destroyed by the enemy’s air force. Israel also bombed thousands of cars, trucks, and refrigerators stocked by Iranian donors for the province’s inhabitants to distribute. Iran is earning the loyalty and hearts of the local population by offering another behavior, contrasting starkly with what ISIS made these inhabitants endure through fear and punishment.
It is no secret that the people of Albu Kamal notice the withdrawal of many of the forces stationed in the city. There is no longer a need for a considerable power to be permanently based in Albu Kamal. The Axis of Resistance supply line is still secure. Iran has opened several pathways: Tikrit-Haditha-al Qaem, Baghdad-Ramadi-al Qaem, and Diwaniyeh-Hilla-Fallujah-al Qaem. This means, despite more than a thousand Israeli attacks, neither the commercial exchange between Syria and Iraq-Iran nor the Resistance Axis’ supply line has never once stopped since ISIS’s defeat.
The American military presence at al Tanf border between Iraq and Syria serves no US national interest and represents no danger to Washington, yet it persists to placate a desperate Israel (despite its constant bombing of Syria) that fears being left alone to face the Axis of Resistance. The US is indeed acting only to serve Israeli interests by keeping hundreds of its servicemen occupying and inciting Levant conflict zones.
How long can Israel hang on to this American security blanket? Take note of the sudden US mass exit in Afghanistan. Two decades and a trillion dollars wore Washington down, achieving nothing of the initial objectives it set in 2001. America’s global political and economic clout has shrunk considerably since then. There is reason to believe the same scenario will happen sooner or later in Syria.
Israeli air bombing has never stopped the Axis of Resistance from arming itself and being prepared for Tel Aviv when it decides to wage the next war. Hezbollah managed to stockpile hundreds of precision missiles under the searching eyes of the Israelis without them being able to alter the outcome. The Axis of Resistance has won the battle and cleared its path: the road from Tehran to Beirut is open and secure.
تعمّد الإعلام الحربي في المقاومة الإسلامية إحياء ذكرى استشهاد القائد المقاوم حسان اللقيس الذي يُعتبر مؤسس سلاح الجو في قوات المقاومة، والمبدع في قيادة وتطوير جهاز الطائرات المسيّرة، عبر تضمين الحلقة الأخيرة من وثائقي التحرير الثاني قسماً خاصاً عن الطائرة المسيَّرة للمقاومة التي حلقت فوق منطقة الجليل أثناء المناورة العسكرية التي أجراها جيش الاحتلال قبل أيام وبثت في الحلقة مشاهد قامت الطائرة المسيّرة بتصويرها لمنطقة قيادة جيش الاحتلال في الجليل بالتفصيل.
–
القادة الميدانيّون وقادة غرف العمليات في المقاومة وهم يشرحون تفاصيل الإنجازات العسكرية التي أنجزتها المقاومة، والخطط العسكرية التي قاموا بوضعها، كاشفين عن مستوى من التفوّق والرفعة في العلوم العسكرية، لكن الأهم كان ما قالوه عن علاقة حرب التحرير الثاني بالحرب المقبلة في الجليل، وجاء كلام رئيس المجلس التنفيذي في حزب الله السيد هاشم صفي الدين عن هذه الحرب المقبلة رسالة واضحة لكيان الاحتلال عن انتقال حزب الله من مرحلة توازن الردع الى مرحلة اللاتوازن مستعيداً الوضعية التي كان عليها الأمر معكوساً لصالح جيش الاحتلال قبل إنجاز تحرير العام 2000.
–
قادة جيش الاحتلال لا ينكرون ما قاله قادة المقاومة عن تفوّق المقاومة في مجال قدرة الاشتباك، وفي المعنويات، وبالمقابل بلوغهم مرحلة توازن في قدرة النار مع جيش الاحتلال ما يجعل أي مواجهة مقبلة بين المقاومة والاحتلال محسومة لصالح المقاومة، ولم تكن خافية المكانة التي يحتلها سلاح الجو في الجهوزية المتقدّمة للمقاومة قياساً بأحادية السيطرة على الجو لصالح جيش الاحتلال، وإذا كان ما هو ظاهر من هذا السلاح هو الطائرات المسيّرة فإن قادة الاحتلال يتحدّثون عمّا هو أهم.
It has been five years since the martyrdom of Hajj Hassan al-Laqqis. One of the advantages of having him as a leader was that he was a dreamer, but he also sought “with all his heart” to make his dream come true. He did it. He is a happy martyr, in the immediate sense, having achieved his dream, himself. Along with a group of dreamers, they had to fly away.
The following text will shed light on some of this man’s accomplishments. He, like all the martyrs of the resistance, had (some) of his achievements revealed after his departure. It was his departure that revealed his identity. One of his close friends retells memories of his life. We, the living who have been blessed with the pride the resistance created, owe it to him to honor his memory.
12 men from the “Israeli” Mossad made up the group assigned to a mission in the southern suburbs of Beirut on December 4, 2013. The objective was the assassination of Hezbollah leader Hassan al-Laqqis, who had become an extraordinary threat to the enemy.
Two members of the group were tasked with the actual killing, while the remaining 10 were assigned the roles of implementation, transport and surveillance. The degree of danger that the man’s work posed to the enemy was illustrated by the great deal of risk it undertook by sending this type of group.
“I arrived home and they told me that Hajj Hassan had called me minutes earlier. When I was about to get back to him, his personal bodyguard called me to tell me that Hajj’s concierge informed him that someone had shot Hajj Hassan,” a friend of the martyr recalled with anguish.
Five years have passed but the scenes from that night are still enshrined in this friend’s mind.
“I arrived to find him leaning on the door of the car, smiling as blood flowed from his head. I approached and found the pistol in his other hand,” he said.
The 50-year-old man gets on memory lane and goes back to the beginning of his relationship with Hajj Hassan.
“He returned from Africa in 1978, and since then we have been friends,” he recalls.
This friend insists that excellence was Hajj Hassan’s quality from a young age.
“He was exceptional on all levels. He excelled in his studies. He was refined in his manners. He was constantly ambitious. I remember when we finished high school, Hassan learned that there was an institute offering computer courses in Gefinor. He was quick to register although this field was not known at the time. Ever since he was little, he liked to know everything new in technology and development. So much so that he preferred to buy new technological magazines and equipment rather than the basics,” the friend explains.
Anyone you ask about Hajj Hassan’s qualities would tell you, and Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah confirmed as much in his speech that he was “a hard and diligent worker, well mannered, loving and creative. He was one of the brilliant and distinctive minds of this resistance.”
Sayyed Nasrallah knew Hajj Hassan very well, describing him as “a beloved brother, companion and a close friend since we were young men in the city of Baalbek.”
Baalbek was the city where Sayyed settled after returning from Iraq in late 1979 to complete his studies at a seminary founded by Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi. At the time, the relationship between the two young men was centered around the mosque. Later, when Sayyed became the cultural leader of the Amal movement in Baalbek, Hajj Hassan joined him. That was in 1980. He stayed close to him during that period. When Sayyed’s life was threatened because of his positions and speeches he delivered on the platforms in Baalbek, Hajj Hassan insisted on accompanying him to those events. He also insisted on staying with him during that time in case of any security risks that Sayyed faced. Since then, their friendship grew, developed and never ceased.
One of Hajj Hassan’s friends recalls how they and a group of young men accompanied Sayyed on the day of the “Israeli” invasion, trying to mobilize people against the enemy. They passed through the city of Baalbek and chanted: Death to America ??and Death to “Israel”.
Not only were they friends, they were also partners when the resistance movement was born. Even when Sayyed moved to Beirut, the two kept in touch both professionally and socially.
The Iranian Revolutionary Guard came to Lebanon. It organized military training courses for young people to resist the occupation. Hajj Hassan rushed to join the first of these courses. Later, he worked at the Revolutionary Guards’ Staff Office. He was in direct contact with most Iranian officials as a result of his work. And because he had a quick-wit by nature, he quickly became fluent in Farsi. He saw most of Sayyed’s meetings with the leaders of the Revolutionary Guard. This gave him extensive experience and broader relationships.
With the “Israeli” occupation being limited to the South and western Bekaa and the jihadist operations concentrated there, Hajj Hassan made several field visits in those areas. He participated in qualitative operations, most notably the storming of “Israeli” positions, such as the one against the “Tomat Niha” site in 1988.
His fight against the enemy allowed him to notice some of the obstacles and problems the Mujahideen faced on the battlefield. He sought solutions to overcome these issues. He began working on the Signal Weapon, exerting a lot of effort to develop it through the introduction of modifications. The effects of these modifications emerged in the communication system – both wireless and wired. He also paid attention to the latest technological developments in security and military spheres.
He did not spare any opportunity to take advantage of everything new that can benefit the resistance. For this purpose he always sought to bring as much of the advanced technology as possible and make use of it for the resistance. He became the primary reference for technology to the entire resistance leadership. He was a diligent and hard worker. He participated in choosing the resistance’s missile arsenal and developed it. He expanded his research in this field until he became the first advisor to the military leadership every time it was presented with new weapons.
Later, the challenges grew, especially after the resistance grew stronger and the enemy’s precautionary methods intensified. He continued to propose ideas and solutions to face the challenges on land and the difficulties of land barriers, until he began to think about how to use the sky to face the difficulties on land.
“I used to make fun of him,” says Hajj Hassan’s friend. “Every time I entered, I would find him trying to assemble wooden pieces and install them on a small motor. I would ask him: Do you expect these pieces to take off? He would answer me with confidence: it will not only take off, I will make it capture images. You don’t know. I might make it carry a weapon in the future.”
That idea was born in 1988. That was when the ambitious young man, who did not believe in the existence of “impossible”, decided to breach the sky.
He first started from his small room. He bought a lathe, collected simple motors, pasted them together with wooden pieces, and then tried to make them fly.
One, two, dozens of failed attempts. But finally he succeeded in making one of those designs fly. With his humble but persuasive manner, he managed to turn this idea into a conviction among the leaders and officials. This would later be known as the Air Force Unit of the Islamic Resistance.
It was not an easy journey. Every achievement cost Hajj Hassan and his team a lot of studying, planning, programming and working day and night. They were keen on readiness and development because they believed that the technological battle with the enemy would not end. This task cost a lot of time, effort and even souls. The names of the pioneers of that stage were not revealed except for those who were martyred, including Hajj Hassan, Hussein Ayoub and Jamil Skaf. The latter two excelled in this field, and both were martyred while they were taking part in developing it.
Sacrifice, for them, was not a hindrance. It was an incentive to continue. Therefore, Hajj Hassan continued to work on the development of drones. For this purpose he visited the aircraft factories in Iran. He attended many of the workshops there and met with many specialists in this field to benefit from their experience in developing domestic Iranian aircraft.
He never stopped looking for new developments worldwide in a bid to take advantage of any advances in his field.
Among the “Israelis” his work earned Hajj Hassan al-Laqqis the label of an officer in the existing war of minds against the resistance. This drove the “Israelis” to attempt to assassinate him in the early 1990s. A bomb was planted near his home in Baalbek, according to the martyr’s friend.
“He was returning to his house, and could not overtake a bulldozer driving in front of him. And then he turned right to overtake it. At that moment, a large explosion was heard on the other side,” the friend said.
The enemy was wrong to think that the assassination attempts would weaken al-Laqqis’ determination. After that incident, he returned to work in both the missile and aerial fields with greater focus, expanding the realm even further.
After the “Israeli” defeat in Lebanon in 2000, his work broadened. The drones or what was known as the air force unit had several factories. He managed them with a team he chose and trained carefully. Sayyed Nasrallah visited those factories periodically, being updated on their developments. The leaders of operations soon demanded the participation of these aircraft in their military operations due to their contribution in guaranteeing success.
Over the past years, the aircraft became the resistance’s powerful eye in the sky, both before and during the military operations. This was only some of what Hajj Hassan planned. The effects of this activity emerged clearly during the July 2006 war. At that time, the enemy returned to stalk this commander, who had worried them for many years. The “Israelis” took advantage of the outbreak of the war to try to assassinate him again. The “Israelis” confirmed this themselves.
“I was busy with my work,” said his close friend. “Hajj Imad Mughniyeh called me and told me that he had just seen Hajj Hassan on television during a live broadcast after a building had been destroyed in Shiyah. He asked me to go to him and tell him to leave the area.”
The friend continues, “when I arrived, I learned that he was trying to search the rubble for his 18-year-old son Ali, who was in the building. The martyr later told me that he went to the building to deliver a bag to his son. But shortly after he left, the “Israeli” aircraft struck the building and destroyed it.” His son was martyred.
“He was dauntless despite the loss,” his friend said. “He left the place and continued working hard and firm. We even noticed this firmness when we accompanied him to see his martyred son in the hospital three days after the aggression. He quickly bid him farewell and went back to his work with determination until the end of the war.”
The war ended, and al-Laqqis’ ghost kept haunting the “Israelis” who could not weaken his determination, not even by killing his son or destroying his home. He immediately returned, even before rebuilding his home, to pursue his work in airspace.
After the July 2006 war, work on drones was accelerated in light of the outcome of the war. Hajj took advantage of the scientific developments and the resistance’s existing capabilities to find new models and meet the emerging needs after the war.
The drones did not only operate within the resistance in Lebanon. In Syria, for example, they were credited with assisting most of the confrontations that took place. The al-Qusayr battle is one of the most prominent pieces of evidence.
The martyr’s friend tells us that the latter showed him a video how these drones were operating during the battle. They took pictures, which were directly transmitted to the command room. The command room in return contacted the field group and informed it about the details of the place and the positions of the militants. The drones reduced the loss of lives and helped in the success of the operation as a result of the accumulation of knowledge.
The martyr’s friend added, “after the battle of al-Qusayr, the martyr informed me of a new plan, which aimed at arming the aircraft, enabling us to use it in filming and bombing. He reminded me of how he told me about this goal since the beginning.”
“Indeed, after a short period of time, he returned and played a video showing the success of a maneuver in which this plan was carried out,” the friend added.
Hajj Hassan was martyred, but his thoughts, approach and the fruits of his labor live on, with the same strength and determination. His team continued to make advances in his work and achievements. The effects of this work spread beyond Syria. Until today, Hajj Hassan has not really been known. Not by friend or foe. But some of his achievements will be revealed in the coming war, through the air force and the Islamic Resistance’s drones when the headlines read: “the resistance’s drones attack “Israel”.”
خمس سنوات على استشهاد الحاج حسّان اللقيس. ميزة هذا القائد أنّه كان حالماً، لكن أيضاً، مع ميزة إضافيّة، أنّه كان يسعى «بكلّ روحه» لأن يُصبح حلمه حقيقة. لقد فعلها. هو شهيد سعيد، بالمعنى المباشر هنا، إذ حقّق حلمه، بنفسه، ومعه ثلّة مِن الحالمين أيضاً، فكان لهم أن يُحلّقوا… بعيداً. في النص الآتي بعض مِن آثار هذا الرجل، الذي، كسائر شهداء المقاومة، لم تُكشف (بعض) آثاره إلا بعد رحيله، بل لم يُعرَف إلا برحيله.
يُخبرك كل من تسأله عن صفات الحاج حسان تلك، ويؤكد هذا الكلام السيد حسن نصرالله حين وصفه في خطابه: «هو العامل المُجد والدؤوب… والمؤدّب الخلوق والمحب، وأيضاً المبدع، أحد العقول المميّزة واللامعة في هذه المقاومة».
السيد نصرالله الذي عرف الحاج حسان بحق، فقال عنه: «كان أخاً وحبيباً وأنيساً وقريباً وصديقاً منذ أن كنا شباباً صغاراً في مدينة بعلبك». بعلبك، تلك المدينة التي كانت مستقر السيد حين عاد من العراق، في أواخر العام 1979، ليكمل الدراسة في الحوزة التي أسسها السيد عباس الموسوي هناك. يومها كانت العلاقة بين الشابين «علاقة مسجد». لاحقاً، وحين أصبح السيد هو المسؤول الثقافي لحركة أمل في بعلبك، انضم إليه الحاج حسان. كان ذلك في العام 1980. بقي قريباً منه في تلك الفترة. يوم وصل تهديد للسيد بالقتل، جراء مواقفه وكلامه على منابر بعلبك، أصر الحاج حسان على مرافقته إلى المناسبات التي بقي يلقي فيها السيد تلك الكلمات. كما أصر على النوم عنده في تلك الفترة، تحسباً لأي عمل أمني كان يمكن أن يتعرّض له السيد. ومذاك توطدت أواصر هذه الصداقة التي استمرت وتطورت ولم تنقطع بعدها. يذكر أحد أصدقاء الحاج حسان كيف رافقا السيد مع مجموعة أخرى من الشباب يوم بدء الاجتياح الإسرائيلي، محاولين تعبئة الناس وتحريضهم ضد العدو، وذلك بالقيام بجولات في أنحاء مدينة بعلبك. كانوا يُردّدون: «الموت لأمريكا» و«الموت لإسرائيل». لم يكونا صديقين فحسب، بل كانا شريكين في الانطلاقات الأولى لحركة المقاومة، وحتى حين انتقل السيد إلى مدينة بيروت بقي الشابان على تواصلهما الودي والعملي.
استشهد ابن اللقيس عام 2006 في المبنى الذي قصفته الطائرات الإسرائيلية في الشيّاح
مع وصول الحرس الثوري الإيراني إلى لبنان، وتنظيمه دورات عسكرية للشباب بهدف مقاومة الاحتلال، سارع الحاج حسّان للانضمام إلى أولى تلك الدورات. لاحقاً، انتقل للعمل في مكتب قيادة الأركان التابع للحرس الثوري. كان على تماس مباشر مع معظم المسؤولين الإيرانيين نتيجة عمله، ولأنه بطبعه كان سريع البداهة، اكتسب اللغة الفارسية بطلاقة وبسرعة. كان يشهد، بحكم موقعه العملي، معظم لقاءات السيد مع قيادات الحرس، وذلك ما أكسبه خبرة واسعة وعلاقات أوسع.
مع انحسار الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في الجنوب والبقاع الغربي، وتركز العمليات الجهادية هناك، كان للحاج حسان عدة مشاركات ميدانية في تلك المناطق. شارك في عمليات نوعية، أبرزها اقتحام مواقع إسرائيلية، كاقتحام موقع «تومات نيحا» (عام 1988).
قتاله للعدوّ في ساحات الجهاد جعله يلحظ بعض العقبات والمشاكل، التي كانت تواجه المجاهدين في الميدان، فما كان منه إلا أن سعى لاجتراح الحلول لتخطيها. بدأ من سلاح الإشارة، الذي عمل جاهداً لتطويره من خلال استحداث تعديلات برزت آثارها في المنظومتين السلكية واللاسلكية (الاتصالات)، مروراً باهتمامه بكل ما استجد في عالم التكنولوجيا الأمنية منها والعسكرية، وذلك مِن خلال اطلاعه الدائم على التطور المتسارع حول العالم. لم يكن يوفر أي فرصة لاستغلال كل جديد يمكنه أن يفيد المقاومة. لهذا الهدف سعى دوماً لاستقدام ما أمكنه مِن التكنولوجيا المتطورة، ووضعها بتصرف الجسم المقاوم، حتى بات لاحقاً هو «المرجع التكنولوجي» الأول لدى جميع قيادات المقاومة. هو صاحب العمل الدؤوب، كمشارك، في انتخاب الترسانة الصاروخية وتطويرها لدى المقاومة. توسع في بحوثه على هذا الصعيد، حتى بات المستشار الأول لدى القيادة العسكرية في كل مرة يعرض عليها أسلحة جديدة.
لاحقاً، كبرت التحديات، خصوصاً بعد أن استعرت المقاومة واشتدت أساليب العدوّ الاحترازية. دأب على اقتراح الأفكار وإيجاد الحلول لمواجهة تحديات البرّ وصعوبات الموانع الأرضيّة، إلى أن بدأ بالتفكر في كيفية الاستفادة من السماء لمواجهة صعوبات الأرض. «كنت أسخر منه»، يقول صديق الحاج حسان، قبل أن يُتابع: «في كل مرة أدخل عليه وأجده يحاول تركيب القطع الخشبية وتثبيتها بموتور صغير، كنت أسأله: هل تتوقع أن هذه القطع ستستطيع الإقلاع؟ كان يجيبني ضاحكاً، إنما بكل ثقة: لن تقلع فقط، سوف أجعلها تُصوّر، وما يدريك قد أجعلها تحمل سلاحاً في ما بعد».
إذاً، تلك الفكرة انطلقت بالأساس في عام 1988. كان ذلك حينما قرر الشاب الطموح، الذي لم يكن يؤمن بوجود «المستحيل» أو «غير الممكن»… أن يقتحم السماء.
بدأ أولاً من غرفته الصغيرة، اشترى مخرطة، وكان يجمع «موتورات» بسيطة، يلصق بها قطعاً خشبية، ثم يُحاول أن يجعلها تطير. محاولة، محاولتان، عشرات المحاولات الفاشلة، وينجح أخيراً في جعل إحدى تلك التصاميم تُحلّق. هنا، وبأسلوبه المتواضع المقنع المتين، استطاع أن يحوّل هذه الفكرة إلى قناعة عند القيادات والمسؤولين، قبل أن يُترجم ذلك إلى ما سيُعرف لاحقاً بـ«وحدة القوة الجويّة للمقاومة الإسلاميّة».
هذا المسار لم يكن سهلاً، فكل إنجاز فيه كان يكلّف الحاج حسان، ومعه فريق العمل الذي شكّله لاحقاً، الكثير من الدراسة والتخطيط والبرمجة والعمل في الليل والنهار. كانوا يحرصون على الجاهزية والاستعداد والتطوير، ذلك لأنهم آمنوا بأن المعركة التكنولوجية مع العدو لن تنتهي. كلّف هذا العمل الكثير من التضحية بالوقت والجهد، وصولاً إلى الأنفس. لم تُكشَف أسماء رواد تلك المرحلة، باستثناء الذين استشهدوا منهم، وهم، إلى جانب الحاج حسان، حسين أيوب وجميل سكاف. هذان كانا من الذين برعوا في ذاك المجال، وكانت شهادتهما وهما يشاركان في تطويره.
التضحية، عند هؤلاء، لم تكن عائقاً. كانت حافزاً للاستمرار، ولذا، تابع الحاج حسان العمل على تطوير الطائرات المُسيّرة عن بُعد. لهذا الهدف زار معامل الطائرات في إيران. حضر العديد من المناورات هناك، والتقى الكثير من الإيرانيين المختصين في هذا الشأن، كي يستفيد من خبراتهم لتطوير النُسخ التي كان توصل إليها. لم يتوقف يوماً عن البحث عن كل جديد، على المستوى العالمي، للاستفادة من أي تطور تكنولوجي يخصّ عمله.
هذا العمل دفع بالإسرائيليين إلى أن يعدّوا الحاج حسان اللقيس أحد ضباط حرب الأدمغة، القائمة، على أكثر من صعيد، بينهم وبين المقاومة. هذا ما جعل الإسرائيلي يحاول اغتياله في مطلع التسعينات. يومها، جرى زرع عبوة قرب منزله في بعلبك، بحسب صديق الشهيد، حيث «كان عائداً إلى منزله، واعترضت طريقه جرافة، فأراد تجاوزها، لكنه لم يستطع. ثم اتجه يميناً، بهدف تخطيها، وفي تلك اللحظة دوّى انفجار كبير عند الناحية الأخرى». أخطأ العدو حين اعتقد أن محاولات اغتيال اللقيس ستضعف عزيمته، إذ عاد بعد تلك الحادثة لمتابعة عمله على الصعيدين، الصاروخي والجوي، بقوة أكثر، مع توسعة الأطر أكثر.
بعد الاندحار الإسرائيلي عن لبنان، عام 2000، أصبح عمله أوسع وصار للطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد، أو ما يعرف بوحدة القوة الجوية، عدة معامل يديرها مع الفريق الذي اختاره ودرّبه بعناية. كان السيد نصرالله يزور تلك المعامل في شكل دوري، فيطلع على تطوراتها، كما إن قادة العمليات باتوا يطالبون بإشراك تلك الطائرات في عملياتهم العسكرية، وذلك لما كانت تعود به من فائدة على مستوى نجاح العمليات.
على مدى كل تلك السنين، كانت الطائرات المُسيّرة عن بُعد هي العين الجوية النافذة للمقاومة، قبيل أعمالها العسكرية وخلالها، ولم يكن هذا إلا بعض ما كان يُخطط له الحاج حسان. ظهرت آثار هذا النشاط بوضوح خلال حرب تموز 2006. آنذاك عاد العدو ليتربص بهذا القائد، الذي أقلقه لسنوات طوال، فاستغل اندلاع الحرب ليحاول اغتياله مجدداً. لقد ورد ذلك على لسان الإسرائيليين. يقول صديقه المقرّب: «كنت منهمكاً في عملي. هاتفني الحاج عماد مغنية ليخبرني أنه رأى للتو الحاج حسان على التلفاز، خلال النقل المباشر إثر تدمير مبنى في منطقة الشياح، وطلب مني الذهاب إليه وإخباره ضرورة ابتعاده عن المكان». ويتابع الصديق: «علمت حين وصلت أنه كان يحاول البحث بين الأنقاض عن ولده علي (18 سنة)، الذي كان موجوداً في المبنى. قال لي الشهيد لاحقاً إنه كان حضر إلى المبنى لإيصال حقيبة لولده، لكن وبعيد مغادرته المكان أغار الطيران الإسرائيلي على المبنى فدمره». استشهد ابنه. يذكر محدّثنا: «كان جسوراً على رغم الفقد، غادر المكان وعاد يتابع عمله المطلوب بصلابة وقوة. لاحظنا هذه الصلابة حتى حين رافقناه لرؤية ولده الشهيد في المستشفى، بعد ثلاثة أيام من العدوان، فودّعه سريعاً عائداً إلى عمله بعزم حتى نهاية الحرب».
حاول الإسرائيليون اغتياله بزرع عبوة في مطلع التسعينات وأخرى أثناء الحرب عام 2006
انتهت الحرب، وبقي شبح اللقيس يلاحق الإسرائيلي الذي لم يستطع لا بقتله لولده، ولا بتدميره لمنازله أن يثبط ولو جزءاً من عزيمة هذا الرجل. فقد عاد فوراً، وحتى قبل إعادة بناء منزله، لمتابعة عمله في المجال الجوي. بعد حرب تموز 2006، أخذ العمل في الطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد منحىً تصاعدياً في ضوء نتائج الحرب. فعمل الحاج مستفيداً من التطورات العلمية والقدرات الموجودة بيد المقاومة ليخلص إلى نماذج جديدة تلبي الحاجات المستجدة بعد الحرب.
لم يقتصر عمل الطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد على المقاومة في لبنان، ففي سوريا مثلاً، كان لها الفضل في معظم المواجهات التي حصلت. وتعدّ معركة القصير من أبرز الشواهد على ذلك.
يخبرنا صديق الشهيد أن الأخير عرض عليه بعد معركة القصير فيلماً يظهر كيف كانت تلك الطائرات تعمل في أثناء المعركة، حيث كانت تصور، فتنتقل الصورة مباشرة إلى غرفة القيادة، والتي كانت بدورها تتواصل مع المجموعة الميدانية، فتطلعهم على تفاصيل المكان وتكشف لهم أماكن تواجد المسلحين. كان ذلك يخفف من زهق الأرواح ويساعد على نجاح العملية نتيجة تراكم المعرفة. يضيف صديق الشهيد: «بعد معركة القصير، أطلعني الشهيد على مخطط جديد، يهدف إلى تسليح الطائرة مما يمكننا أن نستعملها في التصوير ثم القصف. وذكرني كيف أنه أخبرني بهذا الهدف في البدايات». يتابع صديق الشهيد: «وفعلاً، بعد مدة بسيطة، عاد فعرض لي فيديو يظهر نجاح المناورة التي نفذ فيها هذا المخطط».
استشهد الحاج حسان، لكن فكره ونهجه وثمار عمله استمر حتى يومنا هذا، بالقوة والعزيمة ذاتهما، وتابع الفريق تطوير أعماله وإنجازاته. وامتدت آثار هذا العمل بعد سوريا. وحتى الآن، لم يُعرف الحاج حسّان على حقيقته لا من قبل العدوّ ولا الصديق، لكن ستكشف بعض آثاره في الحرب المقبلة، من خلال القوة الجويّة والمسيّرات التابعة للمقاومة الإسلامية، حين تتصدر وسائل الإعلام مقولة «طيران المقاومة يغير على… إسرائيل».
تعيدنا حلقات الوثائقي الحربي الذي تبثه قناة المنار تحت عنوان “التحرير الثاني” الى تلك المرحلة الحرجة التي عاشها لبنان مع سيطرة الجماعات الإرهابية على الجرود الشرقية، وتحويلها الى نقطة انطلاق للانتحاريين والسيارات المفخخة والصواريخ نحو عدد من المناطق اللبنانية.
–
في هذا الوثائقي يكتشف كل لبناني حجم ما قدّمته المقاومة من تضحيات وهو يشهد مغادرة الشهداء كي يتحقق الأمن لأبناء وطنهم ويكتشفون معهم هؤلاء القادة وقدراتهم وصبرهم وووعيهم وكفاءاتهم وشجاعتهم وتنظيمهم فيفخر كل شريف وحر بانتمائه إليهم وامتلاك بلده لهذه القوة التي توفر مع الجيش حماية لبنان من المخاطر.
–
لا يحتاج اللبناني أن يتفق سياسياً او عقائدياً مع حزب الله ليشعر بالفخر لما قدّمه مجاهدوه للبنان وهو يراهم لا يميزون في مهماتهم وتضحياتهم على أساس ديني او طائفي او عقائدي او حزبي، ويرى أنها تقدمات بلا مقابل ولا يشهد اي استثمار لها لتحسين الموقع السياسي او الطائفي للحزب.
–
سينتبه اللبنانيون أكثر لما شهدوه وشاهدوه عندما يعرفون حجم الاهتمام بين قادة كيان الاحتلال لما تبثه المنار وما يظهر من مؤهلات وكفاءات عسكرية تخطيطية وتنفيذية. وكيف أن قيادة الكيان واركان جيشه يقفون أمام هذه العمليات العسكرية بصفتها نموذجاً لما سيرونه بأم العين في مواجهات مقبلة في منطقة الجليل والجولان التي يعتبرها قادة جيش الاحتلال شبيهة بجغرافيا مناطق العمليات.
–
المناورات العسكرية الأخيرة لجيش الاحتلال أصيبت بالإحباط لتدني الروح المعنوية للضباط والجنود المشاركين، وفي التدقيق تبين أن الوثائقي لعب دوراً في هذا التدني المعنوي، وما بدّد استغراب قيادة جيش الاحتلال هو أنها لم تكن في قرارها بإجراء المناورات وعنوانها وموضوعها بعيدة عن هذا التأثر بالوثائقي.
الهجوم على قارة شهدَ أوّل دمج للتشكيلات بين المقاومة والجيش السوري (هيثم الموسوي)
ثلاثة أعوامٍ مرّت على طيّ صفحة تهديد لبنان من الشرق، والبلد مثخنٌ بالجراح من تهديدات الداخل والخارج. هي سنوات صعبة منذ 2011، قدّم فيها ثلّة من اللبنانيين دماءهم ووقتهم وأحلامهم في مواجهة أعتى المقاتلين التكفيريين مدعومين من الولايات المتّحدة الأميركية وأتباعها الغربيين والإقليميين الذين سرعان ما اقتتلوا فيما بينهم، فتعددّت المشاريع والحروب والمصالح والأجندات. لكن، بقيت وجهة المقاومة الوحيدة هي حماية لبنان من شرقه وضرب المشروع التكفيري في مهده، من حمص إلى حلب ودير الزور. ولئن كان لبنان منقسماً كما دائماً، ولا يتّفق أهله لا على عدوٍ ولا على صديق، لم ينتظر المدافعون إجماعاً، بل كانوا حيث يجب أن يكونوا، في اللحظة الحاسمة، حاملين معهم روح الإبداع والإيمان. وبدل أن تكون الظروف تهديداً فحسب، تحوّل التهديد إلى فرصة، ونهلت المقاومة من معرفة الاختبار والميدان، فتغمّست الخبرة بالدّم وأنتجت قوّةً حوّلت المقاومة إلى جيش متكامل من القوّات الخاصّة المدرّبة التي يعصى على أقوى المجتمعات والدول تشكيلها. في مناسبة الذكرى الثالثة لتحرير كامل الجرود الشرقية، أجرت «الأخبار» مقابلة مع ضابط رفيع المستوى في المقاومة، أبو حسن، سرد فيها الأخير سلسلة المعارك التي خاضها حزب الله خلال أربع سنوات، من 2013 إلى 2017، مع تركيز كبير على الجانب العسكري من الأحداث. وتحفل المقابلة بتفاصيل عسكرية مثيرة، تعكس مدى التطوّر الذي وصلت إليه المقاومة على الصعيد البشريّ واللوجستيّ والتقنيّ والتسليحيّ. إلّا أنّ هذه المكتنزات، تصبّ في خلاصة واحدة: تحوّل المقاومة إلى مصدر تهديد عسكري استراتيجي لجيش العدوّ الإسرائيلي، يفوق بأضعاف ذلك التهديد الذي أسقط مقولة «الجيش الذي لا يُقهر» في هزيمتَين عسكريتَين عام 2000 و2006. ويستخلص أبو حسن من روايته الخاصة للمعارك، أن «تشكيلات حزب الله هي تشكيلات دفاعية بالأصل وتنفّذ عمليات خاصة ذات طابع هجومي، لكنّ تجربة سوريا أعطتنا حافزاً لتنفيذ العمل الهجومي بتشكيلات كبيرة وواسعة وأساليب جديدة ودمج أسلحة مع بعضها». فحزب الله، يتألف من مستويات عدّة في التشكيلات (النخب/ النظامي/ التعبئة). «كنّا نهاجم بقوات التعبئة مثلاً»، يقول أبو حسن، «استفدنا من الفرصة، وحوّلنا هذه التشكيلات من شبه عسكريّة إلى هجوميّة، وهذه النخب تتطلّب لدى الجيوش جهوداً كبيرة لإنتاجها. بينما نحن، الطبقة الأدنى لدينا من المقاتلين، هي تشكيلات هجومية قتالية أثبتت فعاليّة في الميدان ضدّ أشرس مقاتلين يمتلكون إرادة الحرب، وبظروف مناخية صعبة من 50 درجة فوق الصفر إلى 20 درجة تحت الصفر، مستفيدين من أسلحة ووسائل لم تكن موجودة بين يدينا في السابق». في المقابل، يبدو جيش العدو الإسرائيلي، وإن كان مدرّعاً بأحدث الأسلحة، حفنة من الجنود، لم يخوضوا اشتباكاً حقيقياً منذ 14 عاماً على الأقل، وجنرالاتهم اليوم هم أبناء هزيمة حرب تموز 2006 ولجنة «فينوغراد» الشهيرة. تحرير السلسلة الشرقية، إعلان فجرٍ جديد للمقاومة، بين عصرين من الحرب: عصر قتال إسرائيل في لبنان وعصر قتال إسرائيل في فلسطين المحتلة.
بعينين مُتَّقدَتَيْن، وصوتٍ عميق، يفرد القائد العسكري الرفيع المستوى في حزب الله، أبو حسن (اسم مستعار)، أمام «الأخبار»، استعادة لبعض جوانب وأسرار المعارك التي خاضتها المقاومة إلى جانب الجيش السوري ولوحدها، ضدّ الجماعات الإرهابية، منذ بدء القتال في حوض نهر العاصي وتل مندو في 2013، وحتى تحرير آخر شبرٍ من سلسلة جبال القلمون والسلسلة الشرقية اللبنانية في آب 2017، بعد مرور ثلاث سنوات على هذا الحدث التأسيسي. سنوات مريرة ومضنية بالدم والدموع، ودّع فيها الضابط المقاوِم قافلة من الشهداء، من إخوته وزملائه وأساتذته وتلاميذه، كان يُفرِج خلال المقابلة عن أسمائهم شهيداً تلو الآخر، مع كلّ غيمة من حريق سجائره، ومع كلّ مفصلٍ في معركة، تطلّب النصر فيها تقريب الأجساد الفانية. لكن، كان للجلجلة مقصد، وهو الدفاع عن سوريا ولبنان بكل القوّة والإرادة، بتكتيكات عسكريّة فرضتها ظروف المعارك وغذّتها العقول المشتعلة إبداعاً، والقلوب الفيّاضة بالشجاعة والإيمان. حتى تحوّلت التجربة إلى مستوى جديد ومتقدّم من العلوم العسكرية الهجينة، أكسَبت المقاومة معرفةً ونضجاً، يؤهّلها لخوض أعتى الحروب، كقوّة «خاصة» بأكلمها، ذات تدريب وتسليحٍ عالٍ، يهابها أعداؤها، ويأنس حلفاؤها إلى قدراتها وتفوّقها.
تل مندو البداية من حمص، يبدأ القائد العسكري روايته، وهو يُؤَشر بيده نحو شاشة على الحائط تعكس خارطة عسكرية. «من اختار حمص لتنطلق الحرب منها ذكيّ جداً»، يدلّ أبو حسن: «هي أكبر المحافظات، وامتداد من شرق سوريا إلى غربها، أي الوسط والقلب، مع قيمة استراتيجية تصل الشمال بدمشق، ومنها مع ريف دمشق يمكن حصار العاصمة وعزلها عن لبنان والساحل السوري. وفي بُعدها الخارجي تلاصق لبنان والأردن والعراق، ومن خلالها يصل الإرهابيّون إلى البحر لاتصالها بالحدود اللبنانية. وفوق ديموغرافيتها الواسعة والمتنوّعة، تضم حمص أبرز المطارات العسكرية الشعيرات/ T4 (التّياس)/ تدمر/ الضبعة، ومخازن السلاح الأساسيّة والاستراتيجيّة للجيش السوري». أمّا القصير، فهي عقدة العقد لـ«ملاصقتها الحدود اللبنانية ووادي خالد وأكروم، تحوّلت في 2013 إلى قاعدة رئيسية لاستقبال المقاتلين الأجانب، وطبعاً نذكر زيارة أحمد الأسير إليها، لأنّ المطلوب كان تظهير هذا الجانب. كانت القصير مركزاً كبيراً للتدريب وتجميع وتوزيع المقاتلين والسلاح، أي خلفية لوجستية لكلّ العمل العسكري للمعارضة، والأهمّ أنها أُعِدّت لتكون القاعدة الأساسية لمذهبة الحرب في سوريا، وكانت تتزوّد من معابر التهريب المفتوحة من الحدود اللبنانية». لماذا شعرت المقاومة بالخطر واتّخذت قرار التحرّك؟ يقول الضابط إن «المجموعات المسلّحة التي بدأت بالتشكّل في منطقة حوض العاصي أظهرت تطوّراً لافتاً، ومارست في 2011 و2012 اعتداءات عديدة ضد سكّان الحوض، وبعض هذه القرى تقطنُها غالبية لبنانية أيضاً. ونحن أحدثنا وجوداً دفاعياً صغيراً في قرى مثل الحمّام وصفصافة والحوش لمساعدة أهلها». لكن كانت «السيطرة على تل مندو في آذار 2013 نقطة التحوّل وخطوة مهمة في تطوّر المشروع المعادي. إذ يرتفع التل ذو الحيثية التاريخية حوالى 70 متراً عن محيطه السهلي الشاسع، مع طولٍ مقدّرٍ بـ 450 وعرض حوالى 250 متراً، ما يمنحه إشرافاً على كامل المنطقة المحيطة بـ360 درجة. ويؤمّن مع القصير إشرافاً على الخطوط المفتوحة من البادية إلى الساحل، وعلى مساحات واسعة من حدود لبنان، ويسمّى عسكرياً عارضاً حساساً مفتاحياً للمنطقة». سقوط تل مندو «أضاء مؤشّر الخطر لدى قيادة المقاومة، فتم اتّخاذ القرار بالانتقال من الدفاع إلى الهجوم، وكانت قوّات العدو مؤلّفة حينها من فصائل ما سُمي بالجيش السوري الحرّ وكتائب الفاروق مع امتداداتها إلى حماه وحلب والجنوب، وكان على رأس قيادة المدينة المدعوّ موفق الجربان، الملقّب بأبو السوس (انتقل إلى تنظيم داعش لاحقاً)». عملية تحرير تل مندو، هي «عمل هجومي ذو طبيعة خاصّة قاتلت فيه تشكيلات المشاة، مع تشكيلات قليلة من الدعم الناري، وكان القتال أفراداً مقابل أفراد». الصعوبة في هذه العملية، أن التلّ يتوسّط مسطّحَين من الماء متفرّعَين عن نهر العاصي، ويقدّر أقلّ عرض بـ 24 متراً، ما يشكّل مانعاً لتحرّك أيّ قوة عسكرية باتّجاهه». ومنذ اللحظة التي اتّخدت فيها المقاومة قرار استعادته، «قمنا بمحاولتين، في الأولى غرق شاب واستشهد، أما في الثانية فلم يسقط أي شهيد. العقبة التي واجهناها أن المسلحين فجّروا الجسر الرابط بين التل والبرّ، واستعملنا جسوراً متحرّكة للجيش السوري لكن لم تكن كافية. وهنا دخل الإبداع عبر تصنيع جسور عائمة لتحمل المقاتلين واستخدام آليات صغيرة لنقل الذخائر والأعتدة». ويتابع أبو حسن أنه «بعد التسلّل والسيطرة على التلّ، استفاد المسلّحون من إمكانيّاتنا المحدودة كتشكيلات صغيرة ومن قرار متخّذ في قيادة المقاومة بالسيطرة على التلّ فقط وعدم التوسّع حوله، فزجّ بحوالى 400 مسلح بهجوم مضاد. لكن هذا الهجوم كانت كلفته عالية عليهم: قُتِل 50 مسلّحاً حاولوا التقدّم بثمانية أنساق هجومية بقيادة أبو أحمد عماد جمعة الذي ألقى الجيش اللبناني القبض عليه لاحقاً وإثر ذلك حصلت معركة عرسال. صحيح أنه سقط لنا 8 شهداء في معركة الدفاع عن التلّ، لكنّ الثمن الذي دفعه المسلّحون كان مرتفعاً مع خسارتهم أبرز قادة العمل الهجومي بالالتحام والقتال المباشر مع مقاتلي المقاومة». ومع استعادة تل مندو، ردّ المسلّحون بالسيطرة على مطار الضبعة، «ما يعني سيطرتهم على غالبية منطقة شمال وغرب النهر، ومن بحيرة قطينة إلى حمص. وهنا اتُّخذ قرار بعمليّة هجومية للدفاع عن التلّ من خارجه، بتشكيل يوازي 3 سرايا قتال على 3 محاور. وصار الهجوم يتوسّع شيئاً فشيئاً حتى اتُّخذ قرار تحرير كامل منطقة غرب النهر، والاستعداد للانتقال إلى شرقه، وهكذا كان».
من شرق العاصي إلى القصير الغاية الرئيسية لعمليّة شرق النهر بحسب أبو حسن، كانت «حماية بلدة ربلة، وإيجاد موطئ قدم باتجاه منطقة القصير، عبر تحرير وتحصين قرى جوسيه والزرّاعة والعاطفية والعبودية. والغاية الثانية هي قطع خطوط الإمداد من المعابر التي تصل القصير بعرسال، والتي تمرّ حكماً من منطقة جوسيه وقراها، وبهذه العملية تمتّ السيطرة على 22 قرية بمساحة حوالى 130 كلم مربّعاً، سقطت جميعها بـ48 ساعة من الهجوم». ويعلّق الضابط على هذه المعركة، شارحاً خلفيتها العسكرية، والتجربة الجديدة التي خاضتها المقاومة، «استفدنا بأقصى شكلٍ مُمكنٍ من مجموعة الأسلحة الجديدة، وعملنا على عدةّ محاور وبعدة أساليب ومناورات، وهذا ما يحتاج إلى الكثير من الضبط والسيطرة والتنسيق. يعني تعدّد أنواع المناورات: مناورة جبهوية/ مناورات اختراقية/ مناورات التفافية/ مناورات إحاطة، كان لدينا قتال بالمشاة، وكذلك بدأنا الاستفادة من وجود المدرّعات. بدأت المعركة مع صلاة الظهر وانتهت عند صلاة المغرب، في أحد أيام نيسان 2013».
تحرير القصير بداية سقوط المشروع خلال الحديث عن تحرير القصير، يكشف أبو حسن أنّ «قيادة المقاومة كان لديها فكرة عن القيمة الاستراتيجية للقصير، لكن خلال المعارك اكتشف الإخوان حجم هذه القيمة التي تدفع باراك أوباما (الرئيس الأميركي السابق للاتصال بميشال سليمان (الرئيس اللبناني السابق)! وتستنفر كل الشخصيات الأخرى من رجب أردوغان وحمد بن جاسم والقرضاوي إلى وليد جنبلاط». يجزم القائد أن عملية الهجوم على القصير لم تبدأ قبل أن تأكّد قادة العمليات من خروج المدنيين منها. في بداية المعركة، كان «هناك محظور يمنعنا من الاستفادة من سلاح الطيران، فالسؤال هو هل يوجد مدنيون، أم لا يوجد؟ وهذا النقاش أخذ وقتاً وتأجّلت العملية يومين، وقام الطيران السوري برمي المناشير التي تطلب مغادرة المدنيين، ولم يتم العمل الهجومي إلّا بعد أن أبلغَنا السوريون بأن الناس خرجوا عبر المعابر». عسكرياً، تبلغ مساحة القصير حوالى 15 كلم مربعاً، وكان في داخلها بضعة مواقع للجيش السوري معزولة أو محاصرة وتتعرّض لهجمات انتحارية يومية، من قِِبل «كتائب الفاروق» وتشكيلات جديدة من «جبهة النصرة» وما سميّ بـ«مغاوير بابا عمرو»، الخارجين من الحي الحمصي بعد استعادة الجيش السوري السيطرة عليه. يقول القائد الميداني إنه «قاتلنا آلاف المسلّحين في القصير، وعبد الجبار العقيدي (قائد الجيش الحر) قال بعد هزيمتهم إنهم سحبوا 10 آلاف مقاتل، نحن نعتقد أننا قاتلنا 6 آلاف مقاتل في معركة طاحنة. استفدنا أوّلاً من وجود نقاط للجيش فأدخلْنا التشكيلات إليها بصورة سريّة، وعند بدء الهجوم فُتحت محاور اختراقية منها في وسط المدينة، وهاجمنا نحن من 8 محاور بهجوم رئيسي من الجنوب باتجاه الشمال، مستخدمين المناورات الالتفافية، والإ¥حاطة لتأمين المحيط. ومع بدء المعركة سيطرنا في اليوم الأول على 45% من المدينة مع كلفة بشريّة عالية علينا. هذه كانت المرّة الأولى التي تستخدم فيها المقاومة هذا النوع من القتال في المدن». ويختصر القائد العسكري مراحل العمل في المدينة بأربع: مرحلة الهجوم الواسع (السيطرة على حوالى 45 %)، السيطرة على «خطّ السكّة»، مرحلة القضم حيث كان يتمّ القيام بعمليات قضم لمبانٍ أو بيوت بدل الهجومات الواسعة بـ«عمليات معقّدة جداً لمهاجمة كلّ مبنى على حدة، وخلالها تكون التحضيرات مستمرّة لعمليات هجومية واسعة». أمّا المرحلة الرابعة فهي «العمليّة الهجومية النهائية للسيطرة على هدف واحد وهو القصر البلدي في المدينة، الذي سقط بمجرد سيطرتنا عليه. وهذا الأمر حاولنا فعله في اليوم الأول من الهجوم بعملية اختراق معقّدة أيضاً وكانت واحدة من المناورات الناجحة نسبياً. نجحنا في الوصول إلى قرب المبنى لكن لم نستطع التثبيت، إلى أن أنجزنا ذلك في الهجوم الأخير». ويلفت أبو حسن الانتباه إلى شراسة المعارك في القصير، «فنحن لم ندخل إلى بيت إلّا وخضنا فيه اشتباكاً، حيث دخلنا إلى ميدان يعجّ بالمقاتلين على امتداد حافة طولها حوالى 4 كلم وبخط متعرّج حوالى 6 كلم. وخلال المعارك أُدخل مسلّحون من أسود الشرقية، والقائد العسكري في المعارضة عبد القادر صالح (حجي مارع) والعقيدي (العقيد المنشقّ عن الجيش السوري) و 300 مسلّح من حلب». وتلك التعقيدات في القتال، دفعت باتّجاه الإبداعات العسكرية في معركة القصير، «مثلاً أحضرنا شاحنات كبيرة وملأناها بالرّمال وقطعنا بها الطريق، فعرض خط السكة حوالى الـ 60 متراً، ومقاتلو المقاومة مضطرون إلى قطعه مشياً تحت نيران القنص. وفّرنا دماء كثيرة بهذه الطريقة، ونجحت العملية حتى خرج المسلحون ليلة سقوط المدينة تحت أعيننا بحوالى 600 آلية، وطبعاً لم نتعرّض لهم مع أنه كان بالإمكان إبادة القوات المنسحبة. حتى إن مجموعة من حوالى 40 مسلّحاً جريحاً، طلبت من مختار إحدى القرى أن يتمّ إسعافها، وعندما وصل الأمر إلى سماحة السيّد حسن نصر الله أمر بمساعدتهم، وقمنا بنقلهم وتسليمهم إلى الصليب الأحمر الدولي الذي أدخلهم لبنان وعالجهم. طبعاً كانوا يشتمون حزب الله فوق ذلك. لكن على إثر سقوط القصير سقطت كل المنطقة من حوض العاصي إلى مدينة حمص، وغالبيتها من دون قتال».
التهديد من السلسلة الشرقية مع انتهاء معركة القصير، انتقل التركيز إلى قرى وبلدات سلسلة جبال القلمون، أي يبرود وفليطة وقارة والسحل وعسال الورد والجبة وراس المعرة. بحسب القائد، «تمركز مسلّحو السلسلة الشرقية على معابر الجبال، في سلسلة تمتدّ من جوسيه شمالاً حتى جبل الشيخ جنوباً، يقطعها وادي طريق الشام. وكذلك الأمر تمركزوا في الزبداني واستفادوا من المعابر الطبيعية إلى أقصى حدود». أمّا على مستوى قيادة المقاومة، فقرار التوغّل في السلسلة الشرقية والسيطرة على بعض المرتفعات الحساسة فيها، اتُّخذ بعد هجوم متقطّع استمر 28 يوماً خلال كانون الأول 2013، ضدّ مواقع المقاومة في جوسيه، و«تم حسم المعركة لصالحنا ليلة رأس السنة 2014، وبدأنا التخطيط والعمل باتّجاه المرتفعات، وعندها سيطرنا على بعض التلال على ارتفاعات بين 1470 و1500 متر، وتمركزنا فيها وأحبطنا الهجوم نهائياً، بظروف مناخية قاسية جداً في ذلك الوقت من العام فوق السلسلة الشرقية». ولم تكن السلسلة وقتها سوى معبر للمسلحين، يُستفاد منه عسكرياً في تهديد مواقع المقاومة والجيش السوري، وأمنياً بزعزعة لبنان عبر السيارات المفخّخة التي بدأت تخرج من يبرود وعرسال عبر إصبع الطفيل، نحو بريتال والداخل اللبناني».
الهجوم على القصير لم يبدأ قبل أن تأكّد قادة العمليات من خروج المدنيين منها
وتطوّر الأمر أيضاً، حين قام المسلحون في كانون الثاني 2014، بالهجوم على مخزن قارة الاستراتيجي، وأثناءها «كنا نجري مناورة قتالة لجميع التشكيلات في القصير، فطُلب منا حماية المخزن، وأدركنا أنه لا بدّ من السيطرة على المرتفعات، وهكذا انفتحنا على العمل باتجاه البادية أيضاً». ومع تزايد المخاطر العسكرية، كان العدو يتطوّر، فـ«لم نعد نواجه كتائب الفاروق أو الحرّ، بل بتنا نواجه جبهة النصرة بقيادة أبو مالك التلّي، لأن صدمة القصير دفعت بالمشّغلين إلى الاعتماد على تشكيلات تكفيرية أكثر تطوّراً، وهذا أيضاً توسّع نحو الجنوب السوري وفي الشمال باتجاه حماه، حيث شنّ أبو محمد الجولاني هجوماً ضد المطار، وقام الجيش السوري بصدّه واستعادة المناطق القريبة».
دمج تشكيلات بين المقاومة والجيش السوري في مرحلة تحرير قارة، يهتمّ أبو حسن، بالإشارة إلى أن «كلفة الهجوم كانت شهيداً واحداً من المقاومة بانفجار قذيفة معادية، لكن الأبرز هو أن «هذه العملية الهجومية شهدت دمجاً للتشكيلات بين المقاومة والجيش السوري». كذلك قام المسلّحون بطلب الدعم، فوصلت قوات من المهزومين في القصير، وكان لاستخدامنا أجهزة الاتصال المفتوحة إيجابية كبيرة، حيث تعرّف هؤلاء إلى نداءاتنا فتراجعت الروح المعنوية لديهم، وكثير منهم لم يلتحق في القتال، وهذه تداعيات غير مباشرة لهزيمة القصير، كما أن الجيش السوري تمكّن سريعاً بعدها من استعادة تل كلخ ثم منطقة قلعة الحصن، وكذلك القريتين في البادية». ومنذ ذلك الحين، تمّ خوض معارك بلدات القلمون، «بتشكيلات هجينة من الجيش السوري والمقاومة في تجربة جديدة، وكانت غاية العمليات اقتلاع جذور الإرهاب وتفكيك معامل الموت والسيارات المفخخة التي استهدفت العمق اللبناني». وفي ذلك الوقت أيضاً، «بدأنا نشهد تهديداً عسكرياً باتّجاه الداخل اللبناني بعد التهديد الأمني، انطلاقاً من السلسلة». وتوّج هذا التهديد بالهجوم على مراكز الجيش في عرسال، في آب 2014، و«نحن نعتقد أنه لولا تنفيذ هذه العمليات الخاطفة لكان المسلّحون توسّعوا في تهديد بعلبك وزحلة والمصنع، وتالياً يتهدّد لبنان بأكمله، لأن هذا كان جزءاً من مشروعهم أصلاً».
قائد عسكري في المقاومة: هزمنا ستة آلاف مسلّح مدرّب في القصير خلال أقل من شهر
في خلاصة الجزء الأوّل من الرواية، يرسم أبو حسن إطاراً لتطوّر العمل العسكري وأساليبه لدى المقاومة، «في تل مندو قاتلنا في طبيعة مع موانع مائية ضخمة ومنطقة سهلية مكشوفة، وتعلّمنا وطورنا قدراتنا ومهاراتنا، وفي معركة شرق النهر وغربه، قاتلنا في بيئة من الأشجار المثمرة الكثيفة والأحراش، وفي مدينة القصير قاتلنا في بيئة عمرانية متراصّة، ثم انتقلنا ظغلى القتال الجبلي المعقّد تحت ظروف مناخية وجغرافية صعبة. وفي كل هذه المراحل هجّنت المقاومة عملها وطوّرته، مستفيدة من المزج بين قتال العصابات ووسائل وأدوات الجيوش النظامية».
البحر هو الحلم الدائم على مراحل زمنيّة متعدّدة، لم يغِب حلم الوصول من البحر إلى الداخل السوري عبر شمال لبنان، عن تفكير العصابات المسلّحة، باختلاف أشكالها، من «الجيش الحر» و«الفاروق» إلى «النصرة» و«داعش». وهذا الحلم، هو واحد من أبرز أسباب سعي المسلحين إلى الوصول إلى العمق اللبناني. «المسلحون وعدونا بقتالنا في الضاحية، لكن الطموح الاستراتيجي هو الوصول إلى الضنية من البقاع، ثمّ إلى طرابلس»، يقول القائد العسكري في المقاومة. ويؤكّد أن «لدينا وثائق وهي موجودة عند القوى الأمنية، أن مشروع داعش هو فصل قضاء الهرمل والوصول إلى الضنية ليكون له وصول إلى البحر». وهذه المعلومات أكدها قائد الجيش السابق العماد جان قهوجي، في غير مناسبة، إضافة إلى وزير الخارجية البريطاني الأسبق، ديفيد كاميرون، الذي صرّح بذلك علناً في آب 2014.
محاولة تفجير «الكلور» في العاطفية
(هيثم الموسوي)
أثناء حديثه عن معركة شرق النهر، يستذكر القائد العسكري في المقاومة، حادثةً مهمّة، وهي أن أول عمليّة قام بها حزب الله بتشكيلات صافية في سوريا، كانت استعادة الموقع 14 التابع للجيش السوري قرب معبر جوسيه، وسقط شهيد للمقاومة. وكان أول احتكاك لقوّات المقاومة مع القصير في بلدة العاطفية، حيث اتُّخذ قرار استعادة منشأة المياه. ودافعت العصابات المسلّحة عن المنشأة لأكثر من 24 ساعة، قبل أن تسقط ظهر اليوم التالي على بدء الهجوم. لكن الحادث الأبرز في هذه العمليّة، هو قتل رجال المقاومة لأحد المسلّحين المكلّفين تنفيذ عمليّة انتحارية داخل المنشأة، بهدف تفجير مستوعبات تضمّ آلاف الليترات من مادة الكلور، لكنّه قُتل قبل القيام بتنفيذ مهمّته.
Even though the Syrian Army, with the aid of its international friends and allies, especially Russia, has been able to score many victories and liberate most of Syria’s major cities from the control of terrorist groups, the fight is far from over.
Before the situation in the American-controlled North-East is addressed, the Western regions, including Idlib and its surrounds must be put back fully under the legitimate government control.
As a matter of fact, politically speaking, the situation now is perhaps more complex to deal with than nine years ago when the “War on Syria” took form. Almost exactly nine years ago, the enemies of Syria combined efforts to launch a joint attack. United only by their hatred for Syria, they had diverse agendas, but they combined efforts in order to capitalize on each other’s strengths. The Wahhabi version of Islamists, headed by Saudi Arabia, joined hands with the Muslim Brotherhood version headed by Turkey and financed by Qatar, and they all joined hands with NATO, Israel and Lebanese ultra-right militia among other vendetta groups, for the single purpose of deposing President Assad and replacing the legitimate secular Syrian Government with one that is sectarian and pliable to the will of the Western roadmap.
They failed.
They failed in achieving their combined objectives and some of the armies they created, such as Jaysh Al-Islam, headed by former Syrian Army officer Zahran Alloush, ceased to exist. Alloush was killed in a Syrian Army attack in December 2015, but the casualties also included conspirators who were sidelined and lost their careers; the most prominent of which is Prince Bandar Bin Sultan, who was perhaps the single biggest architect of the attack on Syria.
The tides began to turn in favour of Syria after the Syrian Army scored its huge victory in the Battle of Qusayr in mid-2013. This was a decisive battle that basically disabled the terrorists from linking the Damascus province with their northern supply lines. Without this victory, in retrospect, it would be arguable if Syria would have been able to earn much support from Russia; if any at all. Syria had to show a fighting spirit, resolve, determination and respect for her to reach such an echelon. After all, Russia does not only by tradition honour and respect those who stand up with dignity against all odds, but on the geopolitical scene, and after decades of being sidelined by the Western bloc, any Russian global move had to be fully and thoroughly assessed before any venture was to be undertaken.
It was crucial for Russia therefore, and for President Putin in particular, to ensure that the presence of Russian troops in Syria had very high chances of success.
The fragmentation of Syria’s enemies began to take form before Russian action in the skies and on the soil of Syria. The Saudi’s first and biggest disappointment was when the USA refused to level Damascus to the ground after Prince Bandar orchestrated the alleged Ghouta chemical attack in September 2013. That was Bandar’s last draw after the loss of Al-Qusayr and his attempts to blackmail Putin by threatening him to unleash Islamists in Chechnya.
From that point in time onwards, the Saudi role in the “War on Syria” dwindled and came to an end with the demise of Alloush. But as the tensions between Qatar and Saudi Arabia emerged in 2017, Qatar remained “represented” via its ally Turkey.
Erdogan was initially determined to victoriously pray at the Omayyad Mosque in Damascus early in the piece. But he is still determined to get a bite of the cherry, a consolation prize, despite all the setbacks that his former camp has endured.
After Turkey downed the Russian Su-24 in November 2015, the relationship between Turkey and Russia reached its nadir. But the pragmatist Erdogan soon apologized to Putin and eventually reached an agreement about how to deal with the deadlock situation in Idlib.
Erdogan defiantly continues to wear the hat of a fully-fledged NATO member, a close friend and ally of Russia, the leader of the nation that is desirous to enter the EU, an Islamist who wants to rebuild the Ottoman Empire, and a nationalist who is willing and able to deal with Kurdish issue. What he does not see is that whilst those antics gain him popularity amongst sympathetic Muslim supporters, on the international scene, he is increasingly making a mockery out of himself.
His clear-to-see contradictions seem mind-boggling, but to the pragmatic Erdogan who is trying as hard as he can to be Sultan, his mind is fixated on Islamism and nationalism, and he is performing as if he has found himself a Fatwa that permits him to dance to the tunes of the devil to reach his ultimate objectives.
Among other things, to Putin, Erdogan portrays himself as Russia’s friend who is reconsidering his alliance with the US and even wants to buy Russian S-400 defence missile systems. To America, he remains as a NATO member and an American ally who wants to buy America’s latest state-of the-art F-35 fighter jets. On one hand, he makes verbal attacks against Israel, but continues to opt to have strong diplomatic ties with that state. He pledges support for the Palestinian cause but offers no evidence to put his words into action.
If Erdogan truly deserves any recognition and respect at all, it would have to be for his ability to meander his way through and survive amongst all the contradictions that he has deliberately and systemically implanted along his path.
In a translation-worthy article, Russia and Syria have decided to take action in Idlib and they are no longer waiting for Erdogan to abide by his promises and agreements.
Atwan’s article’s title translates as: “What does the Syrian shelling of Turkish troops in Sarakob and the killing of six Turkish soldiers signify? And, what is the Russian message to Erdogan? And, did the Russians and the Turks tear up the Sochi Agreement? And, who will emerge as a winner in the bone-crushing battle in Idlib?”
According to Atwan’s analysis, the Syrian shelling of Turkish positions signaled the end of the line of joint Russian-Syrian patience with Erdogan’s lack of commitment to the Sochi Agreement. Atwan argues that opinion polls within Turkey indicate that Erdogan does not have the support of escalating in Syria and neither that of sending troops to Libya for that matter.
Did Atwan see the end of the line of Erdogan’s lies and contradictions this time? I personally hope he did. I must admit that in my previous analysis I have predicted several times that Erdogan had made his final and detrimental mistake . Somehow he always manages to slither out of the hole he was in and keep going.
Has he made his final and lethal mistake or is he going to relent and let Syria be? Time will tell.
It has been five years since the martyrdom of Hajj Hassan al-Laqqis. One of the advantages of having him as a leader was that he was a dreamer, but he also sought “with all his heart” to make his dream come true. He did it. He is a happy martyr, in the immediate sense, having achieved his dream, himself. Along with a group of dreamers, they had to fly away.
The following text will shed light on some of this man’s accomplishments. He, like all the martyrs of the resistance, had (some) of his achievements revealed after his departure. It was his departure that revealed his identity. One of his close friends retells memories of his life. We, the living who have been blessed with the pride the resistance created, owe it to him to honor his memory.
12 men from the “Israeli” Mossad made up the group assigned to a mission in the southern suburbs of Beirut on December 4, 2013. The objective was the assassination of Hezbollah leader Hassan al-Laqqis, who had become an extraordinary threat to the enemy.
Two members of the group were tasked with the actual killing, while the remaining 10 were assigned the roles of implementation, transport and surveillance. The degree of danger that the man’s work posed to the enemy was illustrated by the great deal of risk it undertook by sending this type of group.
“I arrived home and they told me that Hajj Hassan had called me minutes earlier. When I was about to get back to him, his personal bodyguard called me to tell me that Hajj’s concierge informed him that someone had shot Hajj Hassan,” a friend of the martyr recalled with anguish.
Five years have passed but the scenes from that night are still enshrined in this friend’s mind.
“I arrived to find him leaning on the door of the car, smiling as blood flowed from his head. I approached and found the pistol in his other hand,” he said.
The 50-year-old man gets on memory lane and goes back to the beginning of his relationship with Hajj Hassan.
“He returned from Africa in 1978, and since then we have been friends,” he recalls.
This friend insists that excellence was Hajj Hassan’s quality from a young age.
“He was exceptional on all levels. He excelled in his studies. He was refined in his manners. He was constantly ambitious. I remember when we finished high school, Hassan learned that there was an institute offering computer courses in Gefinor. He was quick to register although this field was not known at the time. Ever since he was little, he liked to know everything new in technology and development. So much so that he preferred to buy new technological magazines and equipment rather than the basics,” the friend explains.
Anyone you ask about Hajj Hassan’s qualities would tell you, and Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah confirmed as much in his speech that he was “a hard and diligent worker, well mannered, loving and creative. He was one of the brilliant and distinctive minds of this resistance.”
Sayyed Nasrallah knew Hajj Hassan very well, describing him as “a beloved brother, companion and a close friend since we were young men in the city of Baalbek.”
Baalbek was the city where Sayyed settled after returning from Iraq in late 1979 to complete his studies at a seminary founded by Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi. At the time, the relationship between the two young men was centered around the mosque. Later, when Sayyed became the cultural leader of the Amal movement in Baalbek, Hajj Hassan joined him. That was in 1980. He stayed close to him during that period. When Sayyed’s life was threatened because of his positions and speeches he delivered on the platforms in Baalbek, Hajj Hassan insisted on accompanying him to those events. He also insisted on staying with him during that time in case of any security risks that Sayyed faced. Since then, their friendship grew, developed and never ceased.
One of Hajj Hassan’s friends recalls how they and a group of young men accompanied Sayyed on the day of the “Israeli” invasion, trying to mobilize people against the enemy. They passed through the city of Baalbek and chanted: Death to America ??and Death to “Israel”.
Not only were they friends, they were also partners when the resistance movement was born. Even when Sayyed moved to Beirut, the two kept in touch both professionally and socially.
The Iranian Revolutionary Guard came to Lebanon. It organized military training courses for young people to resist the occupation. Hajj Hassan rushed to join the first of these courses. Later, he worked at the Revolutionary Guards’ Staff Office. He was in direct contact with most Iranian officials as a result of his work. And because he had a quick-wit by nature, he quickly became fluent in Farsi. He saw most of Sayyed’s meetings with the leaders of the Revolutionary Guard. This gave him extensive experience and broader relationships.
With the “Israeli” occupation being limited to the South and western Bekaa and the jihadist operations concentrated there, Hajj Hassan made several field visits in those areas. He participated in qualitative operations, most notably the storming of “Israeli” positions, such as the one against the “Tomat Niha” site in 1988.
His fight against the enemy allowed him to notice some of the obstacles and problems the Mujahideen faced on the battlefield. He sought solutions to overcome these issues. He began working on the Signal Weapon, exerting a lot of effort to develop it through the introduction of modifications. The effects of these modifications emerged in the communication system – both wireless and wired. He also paid attention to the latest technological developments in security and military spheres.
He did not spare any opportunity to take advantage of everything new that can benefit the resistance. For this purpose he always sought to bring as much of the advanced technology as possible and make use of it for the resistance. He became the primary reference for technology to the entire resistance leadership. He was a diligent and hard worker. He participated in choosing the resistance’s missile arsenal and developed it. He expanded his research in this field until he became the first advisor to the military leadership every time it was presented with new weapons.
Later, the challenges grew, especially after the resistance grew stronger and the enemy’s precautionary methods intensified. He continued to propose ideas and solutions to face the challenges on land and the difficulties of land barriers, until he began to think about how to use the sky to face the difficulties on land.
“I used to make fun of him,” says Hajj Hassan’s friend. “Every time I entered, I would find him trying to assemble wooden pieces and install them on a small motor. I would ask him: Do you expect these pieces to take off? He would answer me with confidence:
it will not only take off, I will make it capture images. You don’t know. I might make it carry a weapon in the future.”
That idea was born in 1988. That was when the ambitious young man, who did not believe in the existence of “impossible”, decided to breach the sky.
He first started from his small room. He bought a lathe, collected simple motors, pasted them together with wooden pieces, and then tried to make them fly.
One, two, dozens of failed attempts. But finally he succeeded in making one of those designs fly. With his humble but persuasive manner, he managed to turn this idea into a conviction among the leaders and officials. This would later be known as the Air Force Unit of the Islamic Resistance.
It was not an easy journey. Every achievement cost Hajj Hassan and his team a lot of studying, planning, programming and working day and night. They were keen on readiness and development because they believed that the technological battle with the enemy would not end. This task cost a lot of time, effort and even souls. The names of the pioneers of that stage were not revealed except for those who were martyred, including Hajj Hassan, Hussein Ayoub and Jamil Skaf. The latter two excelled in this field, and both were martyred while they were taking part in developing it.
Sacrifice, for them, was not a hindrance. It was an incentive to continue. Therefore, Hajj Hassan continued to work on the development of drones. For this purpose he visited the aircraft factories in Iran. He attended many of the workshops there and met with many specialists in this field to benefit from their experience in developing domestic Iranian aircraft.
He never stopped looking for new developments worldwide in a bid to take advantage of any advances in his field.
Among the “Israelis” his work earned Hajj Hassan al-Laqqis the label of an officer in the existing war of minds against the resistance. This drove the “Israelis” to attempt to assassinate him in the early 1990s. A bomb was planted near his home in Baalbek, according to the martyr’s friend.
“He was returning to his house, and could not overtake a bulldozer driving in front of him. And then he turned right to overtake it. At that moment, a large explosion was heard on the other side,” the friend said.
The enemy was wrong to think that the assassination attempts would weaken al-Laqqis’ determination. After that incident, he returned to work in both the missile and aerial fields with greater focus, expanding the realm even further.
After the “Israeli” defeat in Lebanon in 2000, his work broadened. The drones or what was known as the air force unit had several factories. He managed them with a team he chose and trained carefully. Sayyed Nasrallah visited those factories periodically, being updated on their developments. The leaders of operations soon demanded the participation of these aircraft in their military operations due to their contribution in guaranteeing success.
Over the past years, the aircraft became the resistance’s powerful eye in the sky, both before and during the military operations. This was only some of what Hajj Hassan planned. The effects of this activity emerged clearly during the July 2006 war. At that time, the enemy returned to stalk this commander, who had worried them for many years. The “Israelis” took advantage of the outbreak of the war to try to assassinate him again. The “Israelis” confirmed this themselves.
“I was busy with my work,” said his close friend. “Hajj Imad Mughniyeh called me and told me that he had just seen Hajj Hassan on television during a live broadcast after a building had been destroyed in Shiyah. He asked me to go to him and tell him to leave the area.”
The friend continues, “when I arrived, I learned that he was trying to search the rubble for his 18-year-old son Ali, who was in the building. The martyr later told me that he went to the building to deliver a bag to his son. But shortly after he left, the “Israeli” aircraft struck the building and destroyed it.” His son was martyred.
“He was dauntless despite the loss,” his friend said. “He left the place and continued working hard and firm. We even noticed this firmness when we accompanied him to see his martyred son in the hospital three days after the aggression. He quickly bid him farewell and went back to his work with determination until the end of the war.”
The war ended, and al-Laqqis’ ghost kept haunting the “Israelis” who could not weaken his determination, not even by killing his son or destroying his home. He immediately returned, even before rebuilding his home, to pursue his work in airspace.
After the July 2006 war, work on drones was accelerated in light of the outcome of the war. Hajj took advantage of the scientific developments and the resistance’s existing capabilities to find new models and meet the emerging needs after the war.
The drones did not only operate within the resistance in Lebanon. In Syria, for example, they were credited with assisting most of the confrontations that took place. The al-Qusayr battle is one of the most prominent pieces of evidence.
The martyr’s friend tells us that the latter showed him a video how these drones were operating during the battle. They took pictures, which were directly transmitted to the command room. The command room in return contacted the field group and informed it about the details of the place and the positions of the militants. The drones reduced the loss of lives and helped in the success of the operation as a result of the accumulation of knowledge.
The martyr’s friend added,
“after the battle of al-Qusayr, the martyr informed me of a new plan, which aimed at arming the aircraft, enabling us to use it in filming and bombing. He reminded me of how he told me about this goal since the beginning.”
“Indeed, after a short period of time, he returned and played a video showing the success of a maneuver in which this plan was carried out,” the friend added.
Hajj Hassan was martyred, but his thoughts, approach and the fruits of his labor live on, with the same strength and determination. His team continued to make advances in his work and achievements. The effects of this work spread beyond Syria. Until today, Hajj Hassan has not really been known. Not by friend or foe. But some of his achievements will be revealed in the coming war, through the air force and the Islamic Resistance’s drones when the headlines read: “the resistance’s drones attack “Israel”.”
خمس سنوات على استشهاد الحاج حسّان اللقيس. ميزة هذا القائد أنّه كان حالماً، لكن أيضاً، مع ميزة إضافيّة، أنّه كان يسعى «بكلّ روحه» لأن يُصبح حلمه حقيقة. لقد فعلها. هو شهيد سعيد، بالمعنى المباشر هنا، إذ حقّق حلمه، بنفسه، ومعه ثلّة مِن الحالمين أيضاً، فكان لهم أن يُحلّقوا… بعيداً. في النص الآتي بعض مِن آثار هذا الرجل، الذي، كسائر شهداء المقاومة، لم تُكشف (بعض) آثاره إلا بعد رحيله، بل لم يُعرَف إلا برحيله.
هنا بعض من ذكريات صديق مقرّب له، تحكي بعض سيرته، وذلك كبعض مِن حقّه علينا، نحن الأحياء، الذي نعمنا وننعم بعزّة صنعتها لنا تلك المقاومة.
12 رجلاً من «الموساد» الإسرائيلي، هم طاقم المجموعة التي أوكلت إليها المهمة، ليل 3 – 4 كانون الأول 2013، في الضاحية الجنوبية لبيروت. الهدف: اغتيال القيادي في حزب الله حسان اللقيس، الذي بات خطراً، فوق العادة، على العدو.
تولى اثنان من أفراد المجموعة مهمة القتل المباشر، بينما توزعت أدوار التنفيذ والنقل والمراقبة على العشرة الباقين. مستوى الخطر الذي بات يحيط بالعدو جراء عمل الرجل ودوره، يوضحه مستوى المجازفة التي أقدم عليها بإرساله لهذا النوع من المجموعات. يتذكر صديق للشهيد، بشيء من اللوعة: «وصلتُ إلى المنزل، فأخبروني أنّ الحاج حسان اتصل بي منذ دقائق. وحين كنت أهمّ بمعاودة الاتصال به، هاتفني مرافقه الشخصي ليخبرني أنّ ناطور البناية التي يسكنها الحاج اتصل به ليعلمه أنّ أحداً ما قد أطلق النار على الحاج حسان». خمس سنوات مرت، ولا يغيب عن خاطر هذا الصديق ذلك المشهد: «وصلت لأجده مستنداً إلى باب السيارة، مبتسماً وخيوط الدم تسيل من رأسه… اقتربت فوجدت المسدس في يده الأخرى».
هو صاحب فكرة الطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد التي أسست لوحدة القوة الجويّة في حزب الله
تعود الذاكرة بالرجل الخمسيني إلى بداية علاقته بالحاج حسان: «عاد من أفريقيا، في العام 1978، ومنذ ذلك الوقت ونحن أصدقاء». يجزم هذا الصديق أن التميّز كان عنوان الحاج حسان منذ الصغر: «كان متميزاً على جميع الأصعدة، إنْ كان بتفوقه العلميّ، أو بدماثة أخلاقه، أو بطموحه الدائم التجدد. أذكر، حين أنهينا دراستنا الثانوية، يوم علم حسان بوجود معهد في الجيفينور لدراسة الكومبيوتر. سارع إلى التسجيل، مع أن هذا المجال لم يكن معروفاً حينها، إلا أنه كان يحب الاطلاع على كل ما هو جديد ضمن اختصاصات التكنولوجيا والتطور منذ صغره. لدرجة أنه كان يفضل شراء المجلات التكنولوجية والمعدات الجديدة، على حساب حاجاته الخاصة».
يُخبرك كل من تسأله عن صفات الحاج حسان تلك، ويؤكد هذا الكلام السيد حسن نصرالله حين وصفه في خطابه: «هو العامل المُجد والدؤوب… والمؤدّب الخلوق والمحب، وأيضاً المبدع، أحد العقول المميّزة واللامعة في هذه المقاومة».
السيد نصرالله الذي عرف الحاج حسان بحق، فقال عنه: «كان أخاً وحبيباً وأنيساً وقريباً وصديقاً منذ أن كنا شباباً صغاراً في مدينة بعلبك». بعلبك، تلك المدينة التي كانت مستقر السيد حين عاد من العراق، في أواخر العام 1979، ليكمل الدراسة في الحوزة التي أسسها السيد عباس الموسوي هناك. يومها كانت العلاقة بين الشابين «علاقة مسجد». لاحقاً، وحين أصبح السيد هو المسؤول الثقافي لحركة أمل في بعلبك، انضم إليه الحاج حسان. كان ذلك في العام 1980. بقي قريباً منه في تلك الفترة. يوم وصل تهديد للسيد بالقتل، جراء مواقفه وكلامه على منابر بعلبك، أصر الحاج حسان على مرافقته إلى المناسبات التي بقي يلقي فيها السيد تلك الكلمات. كما أصر على النوم عنده في تلك الفترة، تحسباً لأي عمل أمني كان يمكن أن يتعرّض له السيد. ومذاك توطدت أواصر هذه الصداقة التي استمرت وتطورت ولم تنقطع بعدها. يذكر أحد أصدقاء الحاج حسان كيف رافقا السيد مع مجموعة أخرى من الشباب يوم بدء الاجتياح الإسرائيلي، محاولين تعبئة الناس وتحريضهم ضد العدو، وذلك بالقيام بجولات في أنحاء مدينة بعلبك. كانوا يُردّدون: «الموت لأمريكا» و«الموت لإسرائيل». لم يكونا صديقين فحسب، بل كانا شريكين في الانطلاقات الأولى لحركة المقاومة، وحتى حين انتقل السيد إلى مدينة بيروت بقي الشابان على تواصلهما الودي والعملي.
استشهد ابن اللقيس عام 2006 في المبنى الذي قصفته الطائرات الإسرائيلية في الشيّاح
مع وصول الحرس الثوري الإيراني إلى لبنان، وتنظيمه دورات عسكرية للشباب بهدف مقاومة الاحتلال، سارع الحاج حسّان للانضمام إلى أولى تلك الدورات. لاحقاً، انتقل للعمل في مكتب قيادة الأركان التابع للحرس الثوري. كان على تماس مباشر مع معظم المسؤولين الإيرانيين نتيجة عمله، ولأنه بطبعه كان سريع البداهة، اكتسب اللغة الفارسية بطلاقة وبسرعة. كان يشهد، بحكم موقعه العملي، معظم لقاءات السيد مع قيادات الحرس، وذلك ما أكسبه خبرة واسعة وعلاقات أوسع.
مع انحسار الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في الجنوب والبقاع الغربي، وتركز العمليات الجهادية هناك، كان للحاج حسان عدة مشاركات ميدانية في تلك المناطق. شارك في عمليات نوعية، أبرزها اقتحام مواقع إسرائيلية، كاقتحام موقع «تومات نيحا» (عام 1988).
قتاله للعدوّ في ساحات الجهاد جعله يلحظ بعض العقبات والمشاكل، التي كانت تواجه المجاهدين في الميدان، فما كان منه إلا أن سعى لاجتراح الحلول لتخطيها. بدأ من سلاح الإشارة، الذي عمل جاهداً لتطويره من خلال استحداث تعديلات برزت آثارها في المنظومتين السلكية واللاسلكية (الاتصالات)، مروراً باهتمامه بكل ما استجد في عالم التكنولوجيا الأمنية منها والعسكرية، وذلك مِن خلال اطلاعه الدائم على التطور المتسارع حول العالم. لم يكن يوفر أي فرصة لاستغلال كل جديد يمكنه أن يفيد المقاومة. لهذا الهدف سعى دوماً لاستقدام ما أمكنه مِن التكنولوجيا المتطورة، ووضعها بتصرف الجسم المقاوم، حتى بات لاحقاً هو «المرجع التكنولوجي» الأول لدى جميع قيادات المقاومة. هو صاحب العمل الدؤوب، كمشارك، في انتخاب الترسانة الصاروخية وتطويرها لدى المقاومة. توسع في بحوثه على هذا الصعيد، حتى بات المستشار الأول لدى القيادة العسكرية في كل مرة يعرض عليها أسلحة جديدة.
لاحقاً، كبرت التحديات، خصوصاً بعد أن استعرت المقاومة واشتدت أساليب العدوّ الاحترازية. دأب على اقتراح الأفكار وإيجاد الحلول لمواجهة تحديات البرّ وصعوبات الموانع الأرضيّة، إلى أن بدأ بالتفكر في كيفية الاستفادة من السماء لمواجهة صعوبات الأرض. «كنت أسخر منه»، يقول صديق الحاج حسان، قبل أن يُتابع: «في كل مرة أدخل عليه وأجده يحاول تركيب القطع الخشبية وتثبيتها بموتور صغير، كنت أسأله: هل تتوقع أن هذه القطع ستستطيع الإقلاع؟ كان يجيبني ضاحكاً، إنما بكل ثقة: لن تقلع فقط، سوف أجعلها تُصوّر، وما يدريك قد أجعلها تحمل سلاحاً في ما بعد».
إذاً، تلك الفكرة انطلقت بالأساس في عام 1988. كان ذلك حينما قرر الشاب الطموح، الذي لم يكن يؤمن بوجود «المستحيل» أو «غير الممكن»… أن يقتحم السماء.
بدأ أولاً من غرفته الصغيرة، اشترى مخرطة، وكان يجمع «موتورات» بسيطة، يلصق بها قطعاً خشبية، ثم يُحاول أن يجعلها تطير.
محاولة، محاولتان، عشرات المحاولات الفاشلة، وينجح أخيراً في جعل إحدى تلك التصاميم تُحلّق. هنا، وبأسلوبه المتواضع المقنع المتين، استطاع أن يحوّل هذه الفكرة إلى قناعة عند القيادات والمسؤولين، قبل أن يُترجم ذلك إلى ما سيُعرف لاحقاً بـ«وحدة القوة الجويّة للمقاومة الإسلاميّة».
هذا المسار لم يكن سهلاً، فكل إنجاز فيه كان يكلّف الحاج حسان، ومعه فريق العمل الذي شكّله لاحقاً، الكثير من الدراسة والتخطيط والبرمجة والعمل في الليل والنهار. كانوا يحرصون على الجاهزية والاستعداد والتطوير، ذلك لأنهم آمنوا بأن المعركة التكنولوجية مع العدو لن تنتهي. كلّف هذا العمل الكثير من التضحية بالوقت والجهد، وصولاً إلى الأنفس. لم تُكشَف أسماء رواد تلك المرحلة، باستثناء الذين استشهدوا منهم، وهم، إلى جانب الحاج حسان، حسين أيوب وجميل سكاف. هذان كانا من الذين برعوا في ذاك المجال، وكانت شهادتهما وهما يشاركان في تطويره.
التضحية، عند هؤلاء، لم تكن عائقاً. كانت حافزاً للاستمرار، ولذا، تابع الحاج حسان العمل على تطوير الطائرات المُسيّرة عن بُعد. لهذا الهدف زار معامل الطائرات في إيران. حضر العديد من المناورات هناك، والتقى الكثير من الإيرانيين المختصين في هذا الشأن، كي يستفيد من خبراتهم لتطوير النُسخ التي كان توصل إليها. لم يتوقف يوماً عن البحث عن كل جديد، على المستوى العالمي، للاستفادة من أي تطور تكنولوجي يخصّ عمله.
هذا العمل دفع بالإسرائيليين إلى أن يعدّوا الحاج حسان اللقيس أحد ضباط حرب الأدمغة، القائمة، على أكثر من صعيد، بينهم وبين المقاومة. هذا ما جعل الإسرائيلي يحاول اغتياله في مطلع التسعينات. يومها، جرى زرع عبوة قرب منزله في بعلبك، بحسب صديق الشهيد، حيث «كان عائداً إلى منزله، واعترضت طريقه جرافة، فأراد تجاوزها، لكنه لم يستطع. ثم اتجه يميناً، بهدف تخطيها، وفي تلك اللحظة دوّى انفجار كبير عند الناحية الأخرى». أخطأ العدو حين اعتقد أن محاولات اغتيال اللقيس ستضعف عزيمته، إذ عاد بعد تلك الحادثة لمتابعة عمله على الصعيدين، الصاروخي والجوي، بقوة أكثر، مع توسعة الأطر أكثر.
بعد الاندحار الإسرائيلي عن لبنان، عام 2000، أصبح عمله أوسع وصار للطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد، أو ما يعرف بوحدة القوة الجوية، عدة معامل يديرها مع الفريق الذي اختاره ودرّبه بعناية. كان السيد نصرالله يزور تلك المعامل في شكل دوري، فيطلع على تطوراتها، كما إن قادة العمليات باتوا يطالبون بإشراك تلك الطائرات في عملياتهم العسكرية، وذلك لما كانت تعود به من فائدة على مستوى نجاح العمليات.
على مدى كل تلك السنين، كانت الطائرات المُسيّرة عن بُعد هي العين الجوية النافذة للمقاومة، قبيل أعمالها العسكرية وخلالها، ولم يكن هذا إلا بعض ما كان يُخطط له الحاج حسان. ظهرت آثار هذا النشاط بوضوح خلال حرب تموز 2006. آنذاك عاد العدو ليتربص بهذا القائد، الذي أقلقه لسنوات طوال، فاستغل اندلاع الحرب ليحاول اغتياله مجدداً. لقد ورد ذلك على لسان الإسرائيليين. يقول صديقه المقرّب: «كنت منهمكاً في عملي. هاتفني الحاج عماد مغنية ليخبرني أنه رأى للتو الحاج حسان على التلفاز، خلال النقل المباشر إثر تدمير مبنى في منطقة الشياح، وطلب مني الذهاب إليه وإخباره ضرورة ابتعاده عن المكان». ويتابع الصديق: «علمت حين وصلت أنه كان يحاول البحث بين الأنقاض عن ولده علي (18 سنة)، الذي كان موجوداً في المبنى. قال لي الشهيد لاحقاً إنه كان حضر إلى المبنى لإيصال حقيبة لولده، لكن وبعيد مغادرته المكان أغار الطيران الإسرائيلي على المبنى فدمره». استشهد ابنه. يذكر محدّثنا: «كان جسوراً على رغم الفقد، غادر المكان وعاد يتابع عمله المطلوب بصلابة وقوة. لاحظنا هذه الصلابة حتى حين رافقناه لرؤية ولده الشهيد في المستشفى، بعد ثلاثة أيام من العدوان، فودّعه سريعاً عائداً إلى عمله بعزم حتى نهاية الحرب».
حاول الإسرائيليون اغتياله بزرع عبوة في مطلع التسعينات وأخرى أثناء الحرب عام 2006
انتهت الحرب، وبقي شبح اللقيس يلاحق الإسرائيلي الذي لم يستطع لا بقتله لولده، ولا بتدميره لمنازله أن يثبط ولو جزءاً من عزيمة هذا الرجل. فقد عاد فوراً، وحتى قبل إعادة بناء منزله، لمتابعة عمله في المجال الجوي. بعد حرب تموز 2006، أخذ العمل في الطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد منحىً تصاعدياً في ضوء نتائج الحرب. فعمل الحاج مستفيداً من التطورات العلمية والقدرات الموجودة بيد المقاومة ليخلص إلى نماذج جديدة تلبي الحاجات المستجدة بعد الحرب.
لم يقتصر عمل الطائرات المسيّرة عن بُعد على المقاومة في لبنان، ففي سوريا مثلاً، كان لها الفضل في معظم المواجهات التي حصلت. وتعدّ معركة القصير من أبرز الشواهد على ذلك.
يخبرنا صديق الشهيد أن الأخير عرض عليه بعد معركة القصير فيلماً يظهر كيف كانت تلك الطائرات تعمل في أثناء المعركة، حيث كانت تصور، فتنتقل الصورة مباشرة إلى غرفة القيادة، والتي كانت بدورها تتواصل مع المجموعة الميدانية، فتطلعهم على تفاصيل المكان وتكشف لهم أماكن تواجد المسلحين. كان ذلك يخفف من زهق الأرواح ويساعد على نجاح العملية نتيجة تراكم المعرفة. يضيف صديق الشهيد: «بعد معركة القصير، أطلعني الشهيد على مخطط جديد، يهدف إلى تسليح الطائرة مما يمكننا أن نستعملها في التصوير ثم القصف. وذكرني كيف أنه أخبرني بهذا الهدف في البدايات». يتابع صديق الشهيد: «وفعلاً، بعد مدة بسيطة، عاد فعرض لي فيديو يظهر نجاح المناورة التي نفذ فيها هذا المخطط».
استشهد الحاج حسان، لكن فكره ونهجه وثمار عمله استمر حتى يومنا هذا، بالقوة والعزيمة ذاتهما، وتابع الفريق تطوير أعماله وإنجازاته. وامتدت آثار هذا العمل بعد سوريا. وحتى الآن، لم يُعرف الحاج حسّان على حقيقته لا من قبل العدوّ ولا الصديق، لكن ستكشف بعض آثاره في الحرب المقبلة، من خلال القوة الجويّة والمسيّرات التابعة للمقاومة الإسلامية، حين تتصدر وسائل الإعلام مقولة «طيران المقاومة يغير على… إسرائيل».
Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah confirmed on Sunday that the Islamic Resistance will confront all the Israeli drones which violate the Lebanese airspace, and endeavor to down them, adding that the party will prevent ‘Israel’ from repeating in Lebanon the same aggression path it followed against the Hashd Shaabi sites in Iraq at any price.
“The time at which Israeli war jets used to strike targets in Lebanon while the usurping entity in Palestine kept safe has ended.” “If any Lebanese party opposes our decision, let it ask the Americans to rein in ‘Israel’.”
Delivering a speech during Hezbollah ceremony which marks the second anniversary of the Second Liberation, Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that party will do anything possible to prevent ‘Israel’ from pursuing this new aggression path, calling on the Zionists across the entity to keep worried and expect the Resistance attacks at any time.
Hezbollah Secretary General described the Israeli drone attack on Dahiyeh as very dangerous, clarifying that the Israeli drone has a military nature and devised by the Zionist army to carry out a suicide attack on a target in the southern suburb of Beirut.
“Hezbollah possesses the drone and may show it publicly in coordination with the state security apparatuses in Lebanon.”
The above mentioned drone was flying at a low attitude when a group of young men in the targeted area of Moawad stoned it, so it fell down, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who added that after one minute another drone carried out a suicide attack as it had been booby-trapped.
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that although the attack did not claim martyrs, it indicates a very dangerous development which may be repeated on a daily basis if it keeps unanswered, highlighting that “this was the first Israeli attack on Lebanon since 2006 war”.
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah will not the enemy to turn back the clock on the new formulas which have protected Lebanon, calling on all the Lebanese to support the national right in face of the Israeli aggression.
“If the Zionist enemy thinks that the financial pressure on Hezbollah will push it to surrender, we reiterate that we are ready to sell our houses in order to fight and defend our dignity, sovereignty and presence.”
Commenting on the Israeli air raids on Syria on Saturday night, Sayyed Nasrallah clarified that they targeted a Hezbollah site there and claimed two martyrs, stressing that they may never remain unanswered.
Sayyed Nasrallah recalled his threat that if the Israeli attacks on Syria claim any of Hezbollah members, the Resistance will respond in Lebanon, adding that Hezbollah will respond to the Zionist airstrikes overnight on Syria in Lebanon.
(“Stand on a leg and a half” means that the Zionist soldiers must keep trembling with fear and wait for Hezbollah response.)
The Israelis must know that their prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu aims at winning the parliamentary elections at the expense of their blood, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who added that the Zionist leader lies to the settlers by alleging that the overnight air strikes targeted Iranian troops in Syria.
“Netnayahu is pulling the Lebanese, Syrian, Palestinian and Iraqi fire to the entity and pushing you into the abyss,” his eminence told the Zionist settlers.
Sayyed Nasrallah explained that the terrorist threat in the Lebaonon-Syria border area was existential and the victory of the militant groups of Nusra Front and ISIL has never been a secondary event.
The terrorist scheme which was launched in Syria in 2011 aimed at fragmenting the region on sectarian and racial basis after destroying it, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who added that axis of resistance frustrated all that plot.
“We have to recall the terrorists’ control of the Lebanon-Syria borders. We also have to recall the Lebanese political stances which supported the militant groups.”
Sayyed Nasrallah also called on the Lebanese government to take the needs of the Lebanese who live in Syria’s Qusair into the consideration of its socioeconomic projects, hailing their role in achieving the victory over the terrorist groups.
Domestically, Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated Hezbollah support to the socioeconomic demands of Al-Bekaa locals, blaming the sectarian considerations which frustrate the development projects and urging the Lebanese authorities to assume their responsibilities in this regard.
Sayyed Nasrallah stressed that Hezbollah will exert all the needed efforts to pass the law pertaining establishing Baalbeck-Hermel Development Council, adding that “we may resort to demonstrations and sit-ins if the other ways were blocked”.
His emeince also called on Bekaa locals to cooperate with the state authorities to restore peace in the area, urging them to reject all those who disrepute the families and their honorable history.
Beirut – Hezbollah’s Secretary General, His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, is no stranger to attracting the masses. Both friend and foe are mindful of him.
The masses know him through his speeches while some politicians know him closely through private meetings. What is unknown about the Secretary General is his battlefield personality and the way he deals with the military men during the battles.
He is always present on all battlefields, working both as a mentor and a leader and staying close to every soldier. His voice is always part of the conscience of the Mujahideen in the groves. They derive from him the impulse, spirit and much of the love that the battlefield requires.
A leader in the Islamic Resistance tells Al-Ahed News Website that “in 2013, when the leaders of the Islamic Resistance were planning to liberate Al-Qusayr, the Secretary General’s touches were also present. His Eminence determined the course of the attack on Al-Qusayr. After the leadership decided to attack Al-Qusayr, the debate was whether the resistance would attack from the north, i.e. from Tell Mando towards Arjoun and from Arjoun, the Mujahideen would bypass Dabaa Airbase and advance towards Al-Qusayr, or to start the attack from the south, i.e. from the place the resistance fighters reached the contact point with Al-Qusayr and start the offensive from Jisr Al-Mashtal towards Al-Qusayr.”
That’s where the leadership came in. The Secretary General resolved the decision. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah gave the order that the attack be from the south and not from the north, from the contact points with al-Qusayr that the Mujahideen reached. That’s how it went.
Sayyed, who raises his finger threatening the “Israeli” entity with his military arsenal while the media and study centers analyze his speeches and read between the lines of his words, is a man who is careful with the blood of his sons and brothers (the resistance fighters) on the battlefield. He does not take this blood lightly. The Islamic Resistance leader tells Al-Ahed that most times, a lot of the battles could have been resolved a lot quicker. But Sayyed preferred the battles to take longer periods of time as long as the human losses were reduced and not many fighters were martyred.
Sayyed, who uses the power God gave him for the sake of truth, directs his wrath towards the enemy and his mercy towards the women, children and unarmed civilians. These are the ethics of true Islam, rooted in his heart. During the battles to liberate Lebanon’s Eastern Mountain Range, which ended with the Second Liberation in 2017, His Eminence introduced a series of limitations and restrictions.
The Secretary General intervened in many of the battles’ broader context. In the battles to liberate the Eastern Range, Sayyed intervened tactically, according to a leader in the Islamic Resistance who spoke to Al-Ahed. At the time, Sayyed listened to details from officers in the Islamic Resistance: “How will we maneuver? How will the infantry intervene? How will the bypass take place? The types of maneuvers…”
During a meeting with the officers and leaders of the Islamic Resistance, His Eminence the Secretary General set a number of restrictions, one of which was that civilians should not be attacked “especially when it comes to the [refugee] camps. Even if they fired at us from the camps, we try not to respond.” The other restriction, according to one of the leaders of the resistance, was that “if the resistance fighters were forced to respond to the source of the fire from the direction of the civilians, gunfire should only come accurate and focused weapons, so that it precisely responds to the source of the fire without any error. Even this kind of response, needed special permission.”
“Sayyed remained with us during all the operations. He was following up on everything with us,” the leader of the Islamic Resistance confirms to Al-Ahed. He, then, clarifies that during the meeting with his officers, Sayyed “spoke using military terminology. He behaved as a military commander addressing the scene on the battlefield that was unfolding before him. He set limitations and restrictions and gave his orders to his officers. Back then, Sayyed gave us the time we needed and more.
“You are not pressed for time or on a deadline,” he told us.
The military leader of the Islamic Resistance then changes gears and begins talking about emotions. Since it is rare for a military man to talk about emotions, we leave it to the readers to judge the character of the meeting between the officers in the Islamic Resistance and His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah prior to the battles of the Second Liberation.
“Of course, we were overjoyed that we kissed him and kissed his hand. This is normal … We felt a very high moral push… very great … Of course, as persons we were in an emotional state. For example, we loved to take the rings from him, but we were shy. We liked to take something from him, but we were shy. There were strong emotions…”
Have the Zionists forgotten their defeat in Joroud Arsal? The answer to this question is certainly not. Their wager in favor of the terrorists was so great that one of the most prominent “Israeli” military analysts wrote for the Haaretz newspaper in the summer of 2013 that
“Israel” no longer needs to fight in Lebanon. Hezbollah has drowned in the Syrian conflict and will not survive it.”
Everything was pointing to the inevitability of a major battle in the Joroud with a very important dimension. It was a disappointment for the Zionists. It was also the battle of the second victory in Joroud Arsal and Qalamoun.
It did not start in July 2017. It started with the beginning of the war against Syria in 2011. The plans of the countries leading the aggression and supporting the militants depended on the principle of seizing full control over the border areas. They would then use these areas as a springboard to invade resistance-held territory using terrorist ground forces with NATO-“Israeli”-Gulf support and planning.
Moving the battle into the home front to preoccupy the resistance and the Lebanese army was the beginning. The objective was to take control of and strike the resistance’s environment. Therefore, the battle of liberating Joroud is more significant than the July 2006 victory because it was an “Israeli” battle with an “Israeli” objective and “Israeli” tools even though the La Ilaha Illa Allah [No God except Allah] flag was raised. The resistance achieved more victories, including the Qusair victory, Talkalakh at the northern border, Syria’s Qalamoun, Joroug Arsal, Ras Baalbek and al-Qaa. The most dangerous objective of the terrorists and their backers was invading the central Bekaa up until the border with Lebanon’s Shebaa Farms. Of course, these areas along with occupied Palestine would have all been under the control of the terrorists and the countries backing them. Meanwhile, they would have secured a maritime access from Tripoli in Lebanon.
In short, this is the battle of the border. This is what the resistance thwarted in cooperation with the Syrian army. Meanwhile, the Lebanese army played an important role at the end of the battle.
According to what was planned, these terrorist groups were supposed to start with plan (B), which is besieging the resistance, paralyzing its movements and striking it in its environment. Here, we recall that part of this plan had been put in motion through the use of car bombs as well as identifying certain parties in Lebanon that conform to these plans and ideas. Here several obvious questions must be asked:
What if the Syrian army and the resistance had decided not to take action early on in order to thwart this project?
What if these groups were left alone along the border areas to blow up whatever they wanted and kill and kidnap whomever they wanted?
Based on this plan, which is even related to the nature of the battle with the Zionists, it was necessary to work on its failure and destruction, albeit in stages. Due to the nature of the battle that is also associated with some Syrian regions, the resistance adopted the policy of capturing and then dividing the regions and stages. Thus, the battle of Qusair coincided with Syria’s Qusair. The battle of Talkalakh at the northern border was associated with the Syrian Zara area, which was an important corridor used by militants to move between Lebanon and the Syrian depth. The battles went from Qalamaoun, to Yabroud, to al-Zabadani to the Joroud in order to besiege these groups in these areas.
All the preparations were completed to clear Lebanese areas of any terrorist – after these groups carried out several bombings and killed a number of Lebanese army soldiers. As in every victory, the Golden Triangle, the army, the people and the resistance, was present.
The resistance launched the Joroud operation to eliminate the last hope these groups had to move the battle inside Lebanon. It was a delicate and sensitive operation where politics overlapped with the military, geography and strategy. Therefore, the second liberation’s dimensions are equally important to the first victory over the Zionists in 2000.
The resistance and the Lebanese army, on the one hand, and the Syrian army and the resistance, on the other, caught the terrorists in Joroud in a pincer. Hence, full victory was achieved and the lands were returned to their owners. Security and stability prevailed across the whole of Lebanon despite its complex geography. Thus, Lebanon was on a date with a great victory.
Beirut – The shock was evident on the face of “Israel’s” former war minister, Avigdor Lieberman. After days of censoring media and military institutions when it came to Hezbollah’s 2007 military campaign to liberate Lebanon’s eastern Joroud, the man was unable to admit the impact of the defeat. Hezbollah had liberated the Joroud from the terror of “Israel’s” agents, the Nusra Front and Daesh.
From the heart of Tel Aviv, Lieberman called on the units of the military headquarters to prepare for various scenarios, warning that “the next conflict with Lebanon will also include Syria.”
Amid a flurry of confusion, the chief of the “Israeli” military and security establishment spoke about the unity of the fronts and directed threats at both Lebanon and Syria.
“If we talk about the Lebanese front, there is no such front anymore. There will be one front that includes Syria and Lebanon together: Hezbollah, the Assad regime and all those collaborating with the Assad regime,” he said.
All the analysis aside, Lebanon heard the message clearly. The cohesion between the Lebanese army and the resistance deprived the concerned parties in “Israel” of their sleep.
“The Lebanese army has become an integral part of Hezbollah’s strength and is under its leadership. The Lebanese army has lost its independence and has become an integral part of Hezbollah’s strength,” Lieberman stressed.
Going with the saying, ‘thanks to the recognition of the enemy’, Hezbollah succeeded in creating another cause for concern along the “Israeli” front.
The enemy’s observers were surprised by the speed with which the victory was achieved. According to Maariv, “the battles of the eastern Joroud in Lebanon are sending a clear message to three heads: “Israel”, the United States and Saudi Arabia. The message implied that the group is very capable of defending itself against all threats. Its combat skills are growing with time.”
For its part, the “Israeli” website Nzivnet published a special report explaining the exact course of the battles.
“Hezbollah is engaged in fierce battles in Joruod Arsal including artillery shelling and even close quarter combat. Hezbollah can be seen working as a trained army that operates heavy machinery such as armored personnel carriers, artillery, mortars shells and others. Meanwhile, the Radwan force – the force assigned to occupy the Galilee in the next war with “Israel” – carries out complex commando operation such as taking control of isolated places and caves,” the site reported.
“Hezbollah does not appear to be a guerrilla organization that “Israel” knew in the 90s and the beginning of the third millennium,” Nzivnet added.
The website underscores fears about “the flags of Hezbollah and Lebanon fluttering together atop a hill in the Wadi al-Khail region. This is the image of Hezbollah’s victory over terrorism. It is not in Aleppo or in Daraa. It is in Arsal, at home. Hezbollah has come back to fight at home. It is sending us signals too. And no one can stop it.”
“Israeli” worries spilled over from the battlefield into the political front. According to Haaretz, “Hezbollah took responsibility for the negotiations as if it were the Lebanese government. The party succeeded in securing the approval of the Lebanese army to adhere to the agreement it reached to deport fighters of the Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham.”
“This move by Hezbollah may not have any far-reaching strategic consequences from a military perspective, unlike the removal of al-Qaeda from the Lebanese border. But the organization will know how to capitalize on it when the time comes to discuss security in areas neighboring Lebanon,” Haaretz added.
Perhaps the entity’s fear is embodied in a few words said by the head of the “Israeli” military surveillance apparatus, Herzl Halevi, as he addressed the Joroud battles.
“Hezbollah is a stone’s throw away from the “Israeli” border.”
BEIRUT, LEBANON (5:30 A.M.) – At the start of 2013, the Syrian War was looking unfavorable for the Syrian Arab Army (SAA), as a militant offensive in Aleppo cutoff the city from all government supply lines and the strategic East Ghouta region had all but fallen to Jaysh Al-Islam and the Free Syrian Army (FSA).
Making matters worse, the government had lost most of Syria’s northern border with Turkey and their western border with Lebanon. This would later prove to be a major issue for the military as foreign militants were pouring into the country from these regions.
Enter Hezbollah and Iran
The Spring of 2013 would prove to be an important period in the Syrian War. Both Hezbollah and Iran would enter the conflict on the side of the government and help the Syrian military regain the initiative in Homs, Aleppo, and Damascus.
Hezbollah’s deployment to Syria helped the government regain the Lebanese border by capturing the strategic crossing at Al-Qusayr, followed by Tal Kalakh and the majority of the Qalamoun Mountains.
The Lebanese group also provided reinforcements to several areas across the country in order to help stabilize these fronts.
While Hezbollah’s entry into the Syrian conflict is often viewed as the first time foreign fighters had entered the war, this is indeed false. Militants from several countries across the world had already entered Syria and began fighting alongside the rebel forces.
Several of these foreign fighters would later join jihadist groups like Jabhat Al-Nusra and the Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL/IS/Daesh).
However, unlike Hezbollah, Iran would play a pivotal role behind the scenes in 2013, offering their military advisers to help Damascus concoct a new battle plan.
The plan would focus on a four-corners strategy that would see the Syrian military maintain a presence in four corners of the country, giving the government an area of influence despite the absence of supply routes.
Four Corners Strategy
From 2013 to 2017, the Syrian government maintained a presence in several parts of the country. Since it was difficult to maintain control over the vast desert and mountainous regions, the strategy was to focus on the major cities and spreading out the militants so that the army could regain critical areas around the capital city.
It may appear a bit unorthodox, but the strategy ultimately helped the Syrian military maintain a presence in eastern Syria, where the U.S. and its allies attempted to expand across during the war with ISIS.
For example, the Syrian military kept a presence in the Al-Hasakah Governorate, despite the fact they were surrounded by the Kurdish-led People’s Protection Units (YPG)
While the Syrian military and the YPG were not fighting each other and their presence in Al-Hasakah was only threatened by ISIS, the army’s decision to stay inside Deir Ezzor city after losing their supply lines from Homs raised a few questions at the time.
Thousands of Syrian troops were besieged in Deir Ezzor and ordered to continue fighting ISIS from 2015 to 2017 when the siege was finally lifted. Prior to the arrival of the Russian Armed Forces in September of 2015, the Deir Ezzor front was under daily attacks by the Islamic State, leaving many to fear for the lives of the people and troops inside the city.
Had the army made the decision to retreat from Deir Ezzor city, ISIS could have sent their forces to other fronts and expanded their presence inside of Syria. Furthermore, it allowed the Syrian Army to maintain control of the city once the U.S.-led Coalition began expanding south of Al-Hasakah.
Finally, the entry of the Russian Armed Forces would play a decisive role in the conflict, as the Syrian Arab Army was able to finally launch multiple offensives to regain most of the country.
Present Day
Iran still desires a complete military victory in Syria, but with the continued Israeli attacks on their positions in the country and U.S. economic pressure through sanctions, the Islamic Republic has been forced to take a more defensive role in the region.
This defensive role has allowed Russia to champion the recent Syrian military operations, while they concentrate on other matters, including the proxy war in the eastern part of the country.
The “War on Syria” has had many unintended twists and turns that were unforeseeable at the time it began. The plotters had no reason to believe they were going to lose, and the defenders had no option other than doing all they could and risk and sacrifice all that was dear and precious.
However, as frontlines are now being redrawn in Syria in preparation for the final showdown, a recapitulation of the events of the last eight years reveals that Syria did in fact end up having a revolution, but the group that embarked on the initial alleged revolution, the Free Syria Army (FSA) is nowhere to be seen.
In more ways than one, pre-King Faisal Saudi Arabia kept to itself. Founder, King Abdul-Aziz who died in 1953, had the doctrinal substance that would have exported Wahhabism to neighbouring Muslim countries, but his main concern was to bolster his domain over his new kingdom and give it a strong foundation that would secure its longevity. His successor son Saud was infamous for his orgies and debauchery. He capitalized on the spoils of the new-found wealth and did not have any agenda other than indulging in earthly pleasures. It wasn’t until he was deposed and replaced by his brother Faisal in 1964 that Saudi Arabia had a king who was a fundamentalist and also desirous of spreading Wahhabism to the outside Muslim World.
And when the “War on Syria” began, and long before the identity of the would be willing fighter was well defined, I predicted in the same above-mentioned articles that a widely diverse coalition of enemies of Syria were banding together, using Muslim fundamentalism as a recruitment drive, and as the fundamentalist factor became clear for all to see, it eventually transpired that Qatar became a new kid on the block in providing bigtime funding to a number of terror organizations operating in Syria.
They were all not only united by their hatred for Syria, but also specifically to the Assad legacy; particularly due the fact that the Assads are Alawites, and in their eyes, infidels. Their main objective was to topple President Assad and ensure that Syria was ruled by an anti-Iranian Sunni fundamentalist government.
Bandar had no qualms at all about uniting the ununitable. To Bandar however, it was not about a war of ideologies, and he was no strict Muslim. To Bandar, the “War on Syria” was about power and curbing Iran’s influence in the region. That said, he found in the already-existing numerous Jihadi armies excellent tools and pawns to use. In doing so, he did not foresee the many fault lines emerging in his fragmented army, let alone seeing any reason to worry about such cracks because, in the beginning he seemed to be going from strength to strength, with a seemingly huge chance of success. When he presented his plan to his American masters, he received the thumbs up.
Like all other early indigenous writers who supported Syria from day one of the onslaught, we all took the optimistic view and kept reiterating that victory was certain, but only a question of time. We were mindful of the importance of keeping spirits up and boosting morale, and being optimistic about turns in events and alliances that were to Syria’s advantage. In retrospect however, up until the Syrian Arab Army’s (SAA) first substantial win of the battle of Qusayr in mid 2013, more than two years into the war, the Jihadis, combined, were winning the war and closing in on key government positions right across the Syrian terrain; including the main cities.
So how did events turn around and how did the “War on Syria” turn against the plotters?
To be able to predict what was to happen was unthinkable in hindsight. It is only now that we can sit and make sense by harking back at the events of the last few years.
It would be virtually impossible to work out which came first, the chicken or the egg, but there is no doubt at all that the resilience of Syrian people and the SAA played the most significant role. But that role could have been reversed had the plotters been better able to play their game to their advantage.
Fortunately the plotters didn’t, but had they played down the role of Jihad and tried to capitalize on political reform, they would have perhaps been better able to achieve their insidious objectives.
Before the war, Syria was fraught with corruption and there were many reasons to call for reform. Agitators aside, was why the initial demonstrations in Daraa were conducted under this banner. It was under this guise also that the infamous FSA was formed as a splinter group of the regular SAA. Virtually all of the FSA officers and soldiers were SAA defectors.
For a while, a fair while, and long before ISIS and Al-Nusra came to prominence, the FSA was the major fighting force against the regular army (SAA).
During those initial months, it was very difficult to convince sympathizers of the so-called Syrian opposition that this was not a civil war, that it was not about reform, and that it was simply a conspiracy against Syria, planned and orchestrated by her regional and international adversaries, using and employing Islamist Jihadists and their supporting nations. The reason behind this difficulty was because those fundamentalist fighters were nowhere to be seen.
This was why many activists, including some prominent pro-Palestine Western activists, were adamant in their support of the “revolution” and genuinely believed that it was a popular revolt seeking reform and political plurality among other things.
In hindsight now, looking back at it all, had the mastermind plotters seen the benefit in the reform/freedom guise, had they had the wisdom and foresight in weighing out their benefits of overtly importing and arming fundamentalist fighters as against focusing their efforts on duping the public and generating real and genuine dissent amongst Syrians to their government, they might have succeeded in creating a revolution that served their agendas.
After all, it would have been conceivable for the plotters to promote misinformation and make it look plausible and endorsable. There is another chicken and egg scenario here. Did the plotters import Jihadi fighters because they weren’t able to mobilize enough Syrians against their government, or did Syrians support their government because the plotters brought in foreign Jihadi fighters?
Whichever one came first here, the chicken or the egg, neither one of them had to cross the road for the people of Syria to ask questions in order to see that what they were witnessing was not a revolution as touted by world media; especially the Western media and their Arab cohorts such as Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya.
Perhaps the plotters’ biggest failure was in being unable to hide their intentions and disguise in a manner that reflected to Syrians that there was indeed a popular and genuine reform-based revolution in their country for them to join.
In other words, by allowing the so-called civil war/revolution to show its brutal and ugly fundamentalist sectarian face, the plotters turned many Syrian sympathizers and many other would-be supporters against them. And this was how secular free-minded Syrians flocked together in support of their legitimate secular government; whether they believed that reform was necessary or otherwise. This was the reason why genuine supporters of reform and patriots who are in positions of political opposition to the government all banded together to fight the real enemy. This of course bolstered not only the government’s position, but also that of the SAA and this played a significant role in creating a much more resolute and united Syria.
The plotters also failed in being able to produce a charismatic figure head for the “revolution”. All the while secular Syrians looked up to President Assad and the First Lady; two figure heads charming in every way, and with the power to unite by leading by example.
Of significance also was the fact that the disunited “Anti-Syrian Cocktail” was bound to fragment sooner or later; not only on strategic and doctrinal lines, but also on matters of power sharing, loyalty, and splitting of spoils. To this effect, clashes between different fundamentalist organizations became daily events.
Later on, as the turn of events presented to the plotters and their henchmen that victory was impossible, especially after Russia entered the ground and sky, their infighting morphed into that ofsurvival and hope for better positions on either reconciliation tables or on disengagement talks, or both. Those Jihadi versus Jihadi battles in latter times continued to rage culminating recently in a total takeover by Al-Nusra of all other terror groups in Idlib.
Whilst I have always reiterated in previous articles that there was hardly any difference at all between the numerous fundamentalist Islamic Jihadi organizations, the Wahhabi faction that is loyal to Saudi Arabia has lost abysmally to the Qatari/Turkish led Muslim Brotherhood (MB) faction which is now in full control of the last bastion left for terrorists west of the Euphrates, and specifically in Idlib and surrounds.
With this, Erdogan feels that he still has a finger in the pie before final negotiations commence about the future of the terrorist enclave. Whether those delay tactics work or not for Erdogan, whether they preclude the need for a military resolution is yet to be seen. Any such resolution however will give Erdogan a form of a consolation prize, a humble victory that he badly seeks in Syria after all of his initial gambles went terribly wrong.
At this juncture, we must pause and ask what became of the movement that allegedly represented the passion of Syrians for secular and democratic reform. Where is the FSA now?
If the news about Al-Nusra’s total control of the Idlib region is accurate, we must then assume that the FSA is no longer in existence, because prior to the recent upheaval between Al-Nusra and other brigades in the region, the presence of the FSA was restricted to this area.
Ironically, the FSA has had a late resurgence not too long ago before Al-Nusra wiped out all rival militia, but Erdogan seems to have pulled the plug on the FSA, but for some reason, there is nothing I can find in the news from the region, or anywhere for this matter, to confirm this conclusion or debunk it.
What is clear is that the FSA, the only dissenting player that had in the very early beginnings a miniscule semblance of secular Syrian dissent, perhaps the only player that could have potentially turned into a popular revolution, has been disempowered and dismantled by the same demonic forces that created it and funded it.
Either way, whether Erdogan has done the dirty on the FSA or not, the FSA lost its position and clout when its role was overtaken by the many Islamist terrorist organizations. It tried hard to maintain its presence even though many of its rank-and-file rejoined the SAA, whilst others changed uniform and joined Al-Nusra, but the short of it is that the FSA has become a spent force.
Syria had many problems before the war and continues to grapple with some of them. Wars of such devastating magnitude almost invariably leave behind not only a trail of mess and destruction, but also a countless number of corrupt officials and profiteers. Every dog has its day, and the cleanup will soon begin.
But the irony is that with the “War on Syria”, the lines have been drawn and Syrians now know well who is with them and who is against them, domestically, regionally and internationally. They know what alliances they need to nurture and which others to seek. They know what political system they want and which they totally refute. They have chosen and fought for a government they were told decades ago that it came to power by a popular revolution back in March 1963, and later on reformed by Hafez Assad’s “corrective movement” of November 1970, but the choice Syrians made from 2011 onwards was their own, and they upheld it with tears and blood.
Syria has gone the full circle against her enemies and against archaic and brutal dogmas. It seems that Syria has truly ended up having a revolution after all, a real revolution, and that real revolution has won. There is a great opportunity now to rebuild the nation, to rebuild it on wholesome, principled, virtuous and sound foundations.
In his last electoral speech addressing the people of the Bekaa [a few days ago], Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was eager to inject political momentum into the electoral battle, focusing on what awaits Lebanon and the region on May 6th. He thanked everyone who contributed to his detracting from the risk of appearing personally at the Bekaa to urge people to vote and participate. It is the Bekaa where Sayyed spent a great deal of his life.
The young man who studied in a Hawza [seminary] and who was running away from the regime of Saddam Hussein did not feel estranged in that city. He did not sense any difference between his family home in the Southern village of Bazuria, which he left at the age of fifteen, and his new residence in the Sheikh Habib neighborhood in the city of Baalbek. With his thick glasses, heavy beard and slim figure he snuck into people’s hearts here. Soon whispers of the “Sayyed Hassan”, the political leader of the Amal Movement in the Bekaa, will spread throughout the city of the sun. This was at the end of the 1970s.
Because he was the Imam of communal prayers in the Imam Ali Mosque in the neighborhood of Sheikh Habib, his knowledge of Bekaa and its people expanded. The close proximity of the mosque to the Imam al-Montathar Hawza, founded by his mentor Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, as well as the latter’s care for him made Sayyed Hassan more connected to the people. He transformed from being a preacher introducing people to the revolutionary Islamic movement to being one of them. He shared their concerns, rooted in their habits, and roamed through their markets. There, he was blessed with his two children Jawad and Zainab.
With the “Israeli” invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the arrival of elements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps in coordination with Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, the first features of what will later become known as Hezbollah was formed. In this context, Sayyed Hasan was able to attract people and mobilize them. He was the first to call [for resistance]. He would stand in the first row at times. At other times he would be standing on the “pick up” truck. He moved from town to town. He got to know them as they got to know him. He knew the tribes and families as they knew him. He moved from Hawsh al-Sayyed Ali to al-Karak and from Shmustra to Younine until his dialect became mixed with words from Baalbek because it was affected by his mingling with the people of that region.
From Beirut to the Bekaa
His goal was to encourage people to participate in military courses to learn how to bear arms to resist “Israel”. However, he did not forget his role as a preacher whether in Imam al-Montathar Hawza or among the people. During the month of Ramadan, the young Sayyed gave up all his work and headed towards the areas of the al-Jaafar clan in Faysan, Joura Qaddur, Ruwaymah and others. These were remote areas and very difficult to reach. Sayyed used to free himself to teach them the provisions of religion. The people around him sensed two aspects of his personality that will accompany him along his path: his astounding patience and his anticipation of the future. He used to say those would one day become the backbone of the rising resistance.
Hezbollah’s formations went public. Sayyed became responsible for the Bekaa region and, in parallel, the Friday Prayers Imam in the town of al-Nabi Sheeth. His work began to take an organizational direction. He followed-up, examined the details, especially the ones related to the military courses and those enrolling from the first day until graduation. He put himself at their disposal as a permanent instructor giving political and doctrinal lessons at the Janta camp. At the same time, he was not disconnected from Beirut or the South. He was a member of the party’s Shura Council before moving to Beirut in 1985 to become the head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council and then the top official in Southern Lebanon. Despite all this, he always remained present in the Bekaa. His home remained open, and he maintained a direct presence, especially at major events such as al-Quds International Day.
With the martyrdom of Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi and his assumption of the General Secretariat, the Islamic Resistance moved to another pattern. He remained present in the field in the Bekaa during graduations following the completion of military courses or in gathering the cadres and emphasizing the importance of the role of the region in resisting the occupation. The occupied Western Bekaa axis belonged to the Bekaa region. Therefore, he was deliberately present at every qualitative or sensitive operation and would delve into the most precise details.
The martyrs in the Bekaa and their families had the largest share of his interest. He took part in funeral processions. He was a speaker at the wakes. He was a celebrant of one of the sons and daughters [of the martyrs’ families]. If the circumstances demanded a postponement of the visit, the visit was never left uncompleted. Most houses in the Bekaa keep commemorative photos taken in person with “His Eminence Sayyed”.
From the liberation war to July 2006
In 1997, during the so-called “Revolution of the Hungry”, Sayyed’s recommendations to the people were to endure, assimilate and not to be drawn into any friction. When asked why, he used put the interest of the Bekaa, its people and its tribes before the organizational interest. People were always the key. They met Sayyed in the middle of the road. They invited him to their villages and homes to renew their allegiance. So, he went to Hermel, Shmustar, Tarayah, Bednayel, Shaath and other areas.
“His Eminence Sayyed’s” influence was above any consideration, blood and revenge. Any friction between any two clans was solved with a visit from a cadre of Hezbollah carrying the following message: “His Eminence, Sayyed, greets you”.
In that year, the martyrdom of Sayyed Hadi Nasrallah brought sadness to every house in the Bekaa. The Husayniyahs and the houses of mourning were opened to accept condolences for the young man who grew up among them. Some of them still remember him today as a child in the company of his father and his brother Jawad in a Mercedes.
The 2000 liberation resonated stronger in the Bekaa than in the South. As usual, Sayyed envisioned the next stage in preparation for a war with the enemy. He intensified his tours with the leader, Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, in the region to view the specialized courses. He opened some of them and graduated others. He was also informed in detail of the military readiness of the different units.
During the July 2006 war, the commander of the resistance was not disconnected from the Bekaa. During the war, he carefully followed-up on the function of the various apparatuses. After it, he followed-up on everything related to the martyrs and reconstruction.
Facing the Takfiris
The year 2011 formed a new and important post in the Bekaa. The movement of militants in Syria would soon become an escalating threat on the eastern border of Lebanon. During the beginning of 2012, the terrorist factions started violations on the other side of the border until the city of Qusayr fell into the hands of the militants. Attacks were unleashed around 30 thousand Lebanese residing in Syrian villages. The Secretary General of Hezbollah sent for the concerned parties and held a detailed meeting to assess the situation. He was as keen on the Bekaa and its people as he was with the national sovereignty of Lebanon, which was being threatened along its eastern frontier. The decision was purely defensive. It was based on the cooperation with the Lebanese people in the threatened villages to arm, train and organize them as needed to defend their land. But his main purpose was to form committees responsible for relations and reconciliations and to avoid friction. He requested that the door be open to humanitarian situations even if it concerned the militants. He asked that aid and medical assistance be presented and deliveries be permitted. He requested that civilians be separated from terrorists. He also recommended activating the presence of Hezbollah and its cadres among the people due to the sensitivity of the matter. He did not want to test their patience towards the violations of Takfiri terrorism. During that period, Sayyed’s follow-up was almost daily. He first asked about the people, families and clans. And then came work.
As the threat escalated in 2013 and the fire extended to more villages in Hermel and other areas, he took the decision to move from defense mode to deterrence mode and clear the villages of West Assi and rural Qusayr. As the battle of Qusayr approached, Sayyed was present in person. He met with the military leadership and Saraya [Lebanese Resistance Brigades] officials. He listened to a detailed explanation of the situation on the ground and gave his remarks. He explained to them the battle with all its dimensions and demonstrated its importance in the protection of the Bekaa, its people and its villages.
After Qusayr, as the Takfiri factions moved to the villages of Qalamoun and its outskirts, they resorted to suicide bombings in the villages and towns of Bekaa. He continued to follow-up with the situation closely “as if he was in the operation room in the Bekaa”, according to those with him, until the first battles of Qalamoun were concluded. Following these battles, the Nusra Front concentrated its terror on the outskirts of the Lebanese villages. It continued sending car bombs and launching rockets towards the villages of Bekaa and attacking Hezbollah positions. The most notable of which was Ein Saah in the outskirts of Britel, where eight fighters were martyred.
Sayyed in the Eastern Chains
A while later, the military leadership in the Bekaa convened to assess the situation and study the options. There was a knock on the door. The Secretary General in person was there in a black military uniform. Everyone was surprised by his presence. He asked them for a detailed explanation of the situation. He then gave his instructions that it was settled: “We must eliminate all terrorist threats on the eastern border.” The surprise was greatest when he asked to inspect the field. Sayyed toured all the points of contact as well as the main axes and observatories. At some positions, the fighters did not expect Sayyed’s visit. As a result, many wondered about the “big resemblance” between Sayyed and this “visiting leader”. At the Ras al-Harf hilltop, he got out of the car and walked towards the first barrier. Those accompanying him feared that the car would be hit by a guided missile. But he insisted on completing the tour. He asked that fortifications be enabled, ambushes be activated, crossings be blocked and the defense plans be secured. This tour, paradoxically, took place in the midst of intense “Israeli” air activity. When he arrived to an area overlooking Ein Saah, he was keen to know the details of “how the brothers were martyred”. At the last position, field officials told him about the rough terrain. Sayyed replied: “I’m comfortable. This is easy for our men.” His phrase reflected the reassurance of victory.
During that tour, Sayyed actually put the finishing touches on the upcoming battles on the outskirts. He did not stop following-up, especially during the snow season. He maintained daily contact during every storm and asked about the situation of the brothers, the supplies and the routes. In some of the communications, he would refer to the positions by their names to be more reassuring. Later, in the spring of 2015, the first stage of liberating the outskirts took place. It was followed by the second phase in the summer of 2017. In August 28, 2017, the Bekaa witnessed the second liberation celebration. Sayyed was unable to attend in person as he wished. He apologized sorrowfully. The same way he wished to attend the Loyalty to Land celebration in Baalbek the day before yesterday.
Source: Al-Akhbar Newspaper, Translated by website team
في خطابه الانتخابي الأخير الموجّه إلى أبناء البقاع، أول من أمس، بدا الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله حريصاً على إعطاء زخم سياسي كبير للمعركة الانتخابية، ربطاً بما ينتظر لبنان والمنطقة من استحقاقات، غداة السادس من أيار المقبل، وهو شَكَر كل من ساهم في ثنيه عن مخاطرة نزوله شخصياً إلى البقاع لحثّ الناس على التصويت والمشاركة. البقاع الذي قضى «السيد» فيه ردحاً كبيراً من عمره.
لم يشعر الشاب الحوزوي الهارب من نظام صدام حسين بغربته في تلك المدينة. لم يلمس فارقاً بين منزل العائلة في البازورية الجنوبية التي خرج منها في سن الخامسة عشرة ومحل إقامته الجديد في حي الشيخ حبيب في مدينة بعلبك. بنظاراته السميكة ولحيته الكثّة وجسده النحيل سيتسلّل إلى القلوب هنا، وسرعان ما سيبدأ الهمس في مدينة الشمس باسم «السيد حسن»، المسؤول السياسي لحركة أمل في البقاع. كان ذلك في نهاية سبعينيات القرن الماضي.
إماماً للجماعة في مسجد الإمام علي في حي الشيخ حبيب، توسعت معرفته بالبقاع وأهله. التصاق المسجد بحوزة الامام المنتظر التي أسّسها أستاذه السيد عباس الموسوي، ورعاية الأخير له، جعلاه أكثر التصاقاً بالناس. انتقل من حوزوي واعظ يعرّف الناس بالإسلام الحركي الثوري، إلى واحد منهم، يتشارك همومهم، يتأصل في عاداتهم، ويجول في أسواقهم. وهناك، رُزق بولديه جواد وزينب.
مع الاجتياح الإسرائيلي للبنان عام 1982، وقدوم عناصر من الحرس الثوري من الجمهورية الاسلامية في إيران، بالتنسيق مع السيد عباس الموسوي، تشكّلت الملامح الأولى لما سيعرف لاحقاً باسم حزب الله. وفي هذا الاطار، تألّق «السيد حسن» في استقطاب الناس وتحشيدهم في كل المفاصل: أول الهاتفين، والواقف في الصف الأول أمام الجموع تارة أو على « البيك آب» تارة أخرى. تنقل في كل البلدات فعرفها وعرفته، وحفظ العشائر والعائلات وحفظته، من القصر وحوش السيد علي إلى الكرك، ومن شمسطار إلى يونين، حتى داخلت لهجته ألفاظاً بعلبكية تأثراً باختلاطه بناس تلك المنطقة.
من بيروت إلى البقاع
كان هدفه حثّ الناس على المشاركة في الدورات العسكرية للتعلم على حمل السلاح لمقاومة إسرائيل، من دون أن يغفل دوره التبليغي، سواء في حوزة الامام المنتظر أو بين الناس. في شهر رمضان، كان السيد الشاب يتخلّى عن كل مشاغله، وينطلق نحو مناطق عشيرة آل جعفر في فيسان وجورة قدور والرويمة وغيرها، وهي مناطق نائية كان الانتقال اليها شديد الصعوبة، مفرّغاً وقته لتعليمهم أحكام الدين. عكس ذلك لدى المحيطين به بعدين في شخصيته سيرافقانه طيلة مسيرته: صبره المذهل واستشرافه للمستقبل، حين كان يقول إن هؤلاء سيصبحون يوماً سند المقاومة الصاعدة.
خرجت تشكيلات حزب الله إلى العلن، وبات السيد مسؤولاً لمنطقة البقاع، وبالتزامن، إمام الجمعة في بلدة النبي شيت. بدأ عمله يأخذ منحى تنظيمياً: يتابع، يدقق في التفاصيل، لا سيما المتعلقة بالدورات العسكرية والملتحقين بها منذ أول يوم حتى التخرّج، ووضع نفسه في تصرّفهم كمدرّب دائم يعطي الدروس السياسية والعقائدية في معسكر جنتا. في الآن نفسه، لم ينقطع عن بيروت ولا عن الجنوب، إذ كان عضو شورى قرار في الحزب، قبل أن ينتقل عام 1985 إلى بيروت متولياً منصب المسؤول التنفيذي العام لحزب الله، وبعدها مسؤولاً لمنطقة الجنوب. مع ذلك، بقي حاضراً دائماً في البقاع، وبقي منزله هناك مفتوحاً، واستمر حضوره المباشر، لا سيما في المناسبات الكبرى، كيوم القدس العالمي.
مع استشهاد السيد عباس الموسوي وتوليه الأمانة العامة، انتقلت المقاومة الإسلامية الى نمط آخر واستحقاقات أخرى. بقي حاضراً «ميدانياً» في البقاع، في تخريج الدورات أو في جمع الكوادر والتشديد على محورية دور المنطقة في مقاومة الاحتلال، إذ كان محور البقاع الغربي المحتل تابعاً لمنطقة البقاع. لذلك، كان يتعمّد الحضور عند كل عملية نوعية أو حساسة، ويدخل في أدق جزئياتها.
وكان للشهداء في البقاع وعوائلهم الحصة الأكبر من اهتمامه، مشاركاً في تشييع أو خطيباً في أسبوع أو عاقداً قران أحد الأبناء أو البنات. وإذا ما حتّمت الظروف تأجيل الزيارة، فإنها لم تحل يوماً دون إتمامها، حتى إن معظم البيوت البقاعية تحتفظ بصور تذكارية شخصية مع «سماحة السيد».
من حرب التحرير إلى تموز 2006
عام 1997، إبّان ما سمّي «ثورة الجياع»، كانت توصياته تقضي بالتحمّل والاستيعاب وعدم الانجرار الى أيّ احتكاك. ولدى سؤاله عن السبب، كان يقدّم مصلحة البقاع وناسه وعشائره على المصلحة التنظيمية. الناس كانوا دائماً هم المفتاح. وهم لاقوا السيد في منتصف الطريق، فبادروا بدعوته الى قراهم وبيوتهم لتجديد الولاء، فجال في الهرمل وشمسطار وطاريا وبدنايل وشعث وغيرها.
كان أثر «سماحة السيد» فوق أي اعتبار، وفوق الدم والثأر. فبات أي احتكاك بين عشيرتين يُحل بزيارة من كادر في حزب الله حاملاً الرسالة الآتية: «بسلّم عليكن سماحة السيد».
في ذلك العام، أدخل استشهاد السيد هادي نصرالله الحزن إلى كل دار في البقاع. فتحت الحسينيات والبيوت للعزاء بالشاب الذي ترعرع بينهم، ولا يزال بعضهم الى اليوم يذكره صغيراً مع والده وأخيه جواد في سيارة المرسيدس «اللفّ».
تحرير عام 2000 كان صداه في البقاع أقوى من الجنوب. كعادته، استشرف السيد المرحلة المقبلة، استعداداً لحرب يراها واقعة مع العدو، فكثّف جولاته مع القائد الحاج عماد مغنية في المنطقة للاطلاع على الدورات التخصصية، مفتتحاً بعضها وراعياً تخريج بعضها الآخر، ومطّلعاً اطّلاعاً تفصيلياً على الجاهزية العسكرية للوحدات المختلفة.
في حرب تموز 2006، لم ينقطع قائد المقاومة عن البقاع، سواء خلال الحرب من خلال المتابعة الدقيقة لسير عمل الأجهزة المختلفة، أو بعدها بمتابعة كل ما يتعلق بالشهداء وإعادة الاعمار.
مواجهة التكفيريين
عام 2011 شكّل محطة مفصلية جديدة بقاعاً. الحراك في سوريا سرعان ما سيصبح تهديداً متصاعداً على الحدود الشرقية للبنان. مطلع 2012 بدأت تجاوزات الفصائل الارهابية على الجانب الآخر من الحدود، إلى أن سقطت مدينة القصير في أيدي المسلحين، وبدأت الاعتداءات على نحو 30 ألف لبناني يقيمون في قرى سوريّة. أرسل الأمين العام لحزب الله بطلب المعنيين، وعقد معهم اجتماعاً تفصيلياً لتقييم الوضع. كان حريصاً على البقاع وأهله بنفس درجة الحرص على السيادة الوطنية للبنان المهدد بحدوده الشرقية. كان القرار دفاعياً يقتصر على التعاون مع اللبنانيين في القرى المهددة لتسليحهم وتدريبهم وتشكيلهم بحسب الحاجة للدفاع عن أراضيهم، لكن الأصل لديه كان تشكيل لجان علاقات ومصالحات وتجنّب الاحتكاك، موصياً بفتح الباب امام الحالات الإنسانية حتى للمسلحين، وتقديم المساعدة والطبابة وتسهيل دخول الولادات، والفصل بين المدنيين والإرهابيين. وفي الموازاة، أوصى بتفعيل حضور حزب الله وكوادره بين الناس لحساسية الأمر، فهو لا يريد أن يضعهم في اختبار صبر جراء تجاوزات الإرهاب التكفيري. في تلك الفترة، كانت متابعة السيد شبه يومية، يسأل فيها أولاً عن الناس والعائلات والعشائر، وبعدها يأتي العمل.
مع تصاعد التهديد عام 2013، وتوسيع دائرة النار إلى قرى الهرمل وغيرها، اتخذ القرار بالانتقال من الدفاع الى الردع، وتنظيف قرى غرب العاصي وريف القصير. مع اقتراب معركة القصير، حضر السيد بشخصه. اجتمع بالقيادة العسكرية وبمسؤولي السرايا واستمع الى شرح مفصل عن الوضع الميداني وأبدى ملاحظاته، شارحاً لهم المعركة بأبعادها كافة، ومبيّناً أهميتها في حماية البقاع وأهله وقراه.
بعد القصير لجأت الفصائل التكفيرية، مع انتقالها الى قرى القلمون وجرودها والسلسلة الشرقية، الى التفجيرات الانتحارية في القرى والبلدات البقاعية. بقي متابعاً لصيقاً للوضع و«كأنه كان موجوداً في غرفة العمليات في البقاع»، بحسب المطلعين، حتى حسم معارك القلمون الأولى. إثر تلك المعارك، ركزت «جبهة النصرة» إرهابها على جرود القرى اللبنانية، واستمرت في إرسال السيارات المفخخة وإطلاق الصواريخ في اتجاه قرى البقاع ومهاجمة مواقع حزب الله، وأبرزها موقع عين ساعة في جرد بريتال حيث استشهد ثمانية مقاتلين.
«السيد» في السلسلة الشرقية
بعدها بفترة، التأمت القيادة العسكرية في البقاع لتقييم الأوضاع ودراسة الخيارات. طُرق الباب. كان الأمين العام شخصياً يرتدي بزة عسكرية سوداء ولفحة التعبئة. فوجئ الجميع بحضوره. طلب منهم شرحاً مفصّلاً عن الأوضاع ، وأعطى توجيهاته بأن الأمر بات محسوماً: «لا بد من القضاء على كل التهديد الإرهابي على الحدود الشرقية». المفاجأة كانت أكبر عندما طلب القيام بجولة ميدانية تفقدية. جال السيد على كل نقاط التماس والمحاور والمراصد الأساسية. في بعض النقاط لم يتوقع المرابطون هناك زيارة السيد، لذلك كان كثيرون يسألون عن حجم «الشبه الكبير» بين السيد وهذا «القيادي الزائر»! في مرتفع رأس الحرف، ترجّل من السيارة وسار الى الساتر الأول. كان من معه يخشون تعرّض السيارة لرماية صاروخ موجّه، لكنه أصرّ على إكمال الجولة، وطلب تمكين التحصينات وتفعيل الكمائن وسدّ المعابر وإحكام الخطط الدفاعية. هذه الجولة، للمفارقة، حصلت في ذروة نشاط جوي إسرائيلي. عند وصوله إلى منطقة مشرفة على عين ساعة، حرص على معرفة تفاصيل «كيف استشهد الإخوان». في آخر نقطة، حدّثه المسؤولون الميدانيون عن التضاريس القاسية، فردّ السيد: «أنا مرتاح. هيدي هينة على شبابنا». عكست عبارته اطمئناناً للنصر.
في تلك الجولة، وضع السيد فعلياً آخر اللمسات على معارك الجرود القادمة، ولم يتوقف عن المتابعة، لا سيما في فصل الثلوج، فدأب على الاتصال اليومي عند كل عاصفة والسؤال عن وضع الإخوة والتموين والمسالك. في بعض الاتصالات كان يسمّي النقاط بأسمائها للاطمئنان أكثر. لاحقاً، في ربيع 2015، حصلت المرحلة الأولى من تحرير الجرود، لتتبعها المرحلة الثانية صيف عام 2017، في 28 آب 2017 كان البقاع على موعد مع احتفال التحرير الثاني. لم يتمكّن السيد من الحضور الشخصي، كما كان يرغب، فاعتذر بحسرة، تماماً كما كان يرغب، وبشدّة، في حضور احتفال يوم الوفاء للأرض، في بعلبك أول من أمس.
![معارك تحرير الشرق... من تل مندو إلى عرسال [1/2]: فجر المقاومة بين عصرَين](https://al-akhbar.com/Images/ArticleImages/202082702545454637340847454542235.jpg)
(هيثم الموسوي)
UPROOTED PALESTINIANS: SALAM ALQUDS ALAYKUM 