The U.S. Military Is the World’s Biggest Climate Destroyer. No to War and Occupation! No to Environmental Degradation

Emerging Dynamics of Antiwar and Climate Justice Movements

By Alison Bodine

Global Research, July 03, 2020

Talk by Alison Bodine at the United National Antiwar Coalition National Conference held from February 21–23, 2020, at the People’s Forum in New York City.

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To begin, I hope everyone has been able to see actions across Canada in solidarity with the people of Wet’suwet’en media and social media lately, footage and their hereditary chiefs who are standing against a fracked gas, or what they call a “natural” gas pipeline, up in northern British Columbia. This struggle is part of my talk today, however, the focus of what I wanted to say is about the importance of bringing the anti-war movement and the climate justice movement together or anti-war organizers and the climate justice movement together.

The Devastating Human and Environmental Impact of War & Occupation 

I want to start with just three short examples of the impact of war on the environment that I think are very important to remember. 

On January 24th, over a million people protested in Iraq. The streets were full in Baghdad of people demanding the U.S. Out of Iraq Now! It was incredibly inspiring.

Iraq is a country that has been devastated for 17 years by U.S. led war and occupation. Over a million people have been killed, not to mention the millions who were killed before the war began in 2003 when the U.S. and the United Nations Security Council imposed severe sanctions between 1991 and 2003. Iraq is a devastated country where the U.S. has set up 500 big and small military bases throughout 17 years of occupation, and deployed countless bullets, bombs, chemical weapons, depleted uranium and burn pits filled with toxic plastics, heavy military machinery and shells of weaponry.

No wonder people in Iraq were demanding U.S. Out of Iraq Now! Because of the devastation that has been brought upon them. But I wanted to further centre our discussion on climate justice by talking about one example of what climate devastation and climate justice means to people in Iraq.

In 2010, the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health wrote an article where they reported a 38-fold increase in leukemia, a tenfold increase in breast cancer, and an infant mortality rate eight times higher than in neighboring Kuwait, following what had then been seven years of U.S. war and occupation in Iraq. A big cause of this could be linked to the chemical weapons used, and especially to depleted uranium, which has a half-life of 4.5 billion years. According to a 2007 report by the U.N. Environment Program, between 1000 and 2000 metric tons of depleted uranium were fired into Iraq.

The city of Nagasaki is shown as a teeming urban area, above, then as a flattened, desolate wasteland following the detonation of an atomic bomb, below. Circles indicate the thousands of feet from ground zero.

Now I will bring it back home to the U.S. and Canada. In Canada, an Indigenous Dené nation community in the Northwest Territories became known as the “Village of Widows” because men of the population died of cancers that they developed when mining for uranium. This was the same uranium that was used in the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. As well, the radium and the uranium mines in the community released tailings into the lake and landfills. The devastating effects of this are still experienced in the community today.

That brings us to what has been said many times, importantly, in this conference already, which is that the U.S. Department of Defense is the world’s largest polluter. We are talking about 1.2 billion metric tons of greenhouse gases emitted annually. That is the equivalent of 257 million cars on the road for a year.

In Canada, the Department of National Defence also makes an enormous contribution to greenhouse gas emissions. A portion of this is through the fueling of the warplanes of Canada and other imperialist countries. The government of Canada is often claiming that they are not participating in U.S.-led wars, but then refueling all the jets that are dropping the bombs. The Canadian military provided 65 million pounds of fuel to refuel aircraft used in the bombing of Iraq and Syria between 2014 and 2019. This is incomparable, of course, to the fuel consumption of the vehicles that any of us here in this room drive.

The Department of Defense in the United States is the largest institutional consumer of fossil fuels. In Canada, the Department of National Defence is the largest consumer of petroleum and Canada’s largest landholder.

This is added to the continued environmental and human impact of chemical and radioactive weapons such as Agent Orange and depleted uranium. Also, the military bases of the United States and its allies around the world persist in poisoning and in polluting.

Another topic to talk about that is important to the discussion about environment and war is military emissions, because specific sources of greenhouse gases are excluded from federal reduction targets due to their important role in “ensuring the national safety and security of all Canadians” — as Canada’s previous environment minister, Catherine McKenna, justified why the declared emissions of the Department of National Defence in Canada has never been counted in Canada’s emission reduction targets.

Military emissions are explicitly stated as excluded in the targets set by the 2015 United National Paris agreements. Under these agreements, countries are “required,” as much as the Paris agreements can “require” anything, to report on their military emissions. Still, countries are not obligated or encouraged to do anything to reduce them. In the international climate agreements that proceeded with the Paris agreement, the Kyoto Accords, military emissions were not even part of the discussion. Military emissions continue to be considered a so-called necessary expense for our planet.

Then, there is the issue of military budgets. For example, the world’s biggest military budget ever has been passed yet again in the United States recently. Instead of being spent on human and environmental destruction, this money could go towards climate justice, meaning health care, education, jobs, public transit, and more.

As Martin Luther King Junior said, and I think this is a good quote for us to use when talking about the environment and war,

“Our scientific power has outrun our spiritual power. We have guided missiles and misguided men.”

So, where is the technology that we need to save our planet earth now? 

The War at Home: Wet’suwet’en & the Struggle for Indigenous Rights 

The wars abroad by imperialist countries such as the U.S. and Canada are also carried out against people at home. And I think every once in a while, there are these escalated times when that reality can shake oppressed people and their very foundations. And that has happened with Indigenous people in Canada over the past few weeks.

There is a war against Indigenous people in Canada. There has been since the colonisation of Indigenous land. The Canadian state has the same roots as the United States of genocide, residential schools, and reservation systems. This history and the current reality of colonization are reflected in the mobilization of Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in solidarity with Wet’suwet’en today. 

It is important to understand that one year ago, the RCMP -the Canadian national police- first invaded the territory of the Wet’suwet’en people, and they kept a detachment there for an entire year. Then this January is when things escalated again because the RCMP moved further into the territory and cleared people off of a road to make way for the development of the Coastal GasLink pipeline, which is in violation of the demands of the Wet’suwet’en people. British Columbia is an unceded territory. No treaties, in 92 percent of the land, were ever signed. So hereditary chiefs and their system of governance are law in those unceded territories. 

The Coastal GasLink pipeline is fracked gas. There has been a lot of talk, specifically in the Province of British Columbia about how the Coastal GasLink pipeline is going to “replace coal for the world,” and at the same time, not have a big impact on greenhouse gas emissions. However, the impact of “natural gas” emissions can only be considered minor when you ignore the methane and poisons that are released when it is extracted and considering that when it is burned, Canada does not have to count those emissions targets. 

It is Time to Unite the Antiwar and Climate Justice Movement

That brings me to my final point, which is about bringing together the anti-war movement with the climate justice movement. One way to do this is by making sure “self-determination for oppressed nations, including Indigenous nations!” is always part of our demands. This has always been part of our demands within Mobilization Against War and Occupation (MAWO) and MAWO has consistently brought this demand to the cross-border movement that we would like to strengthen and build together, including with this conference. 

I think there are four strategies and demands that we need to bring into our antiwar, anti-pollution, and anti-imperialist movement. The first is that we must build a movement that is against imperialist war and occupation. Today, we live in what we in MAWO call “the new era of war and occupation,” which is the never-ending wars that started in 2001, that we are all coming together to organize against. This era is characterized by a campaign to regain hegemony in the Middle East, North Africa, and Latin America by capitalist countries that are facing a grave economic crisis and a rapid falling rate of profit. These countries are on the war path to gain new markets and resources, which means more killing of our planet. 

Secondly, self-determination for oppressed nations, as I said, must be part of our work, from Indigenous and Black people, to oppressed countries under attack and occupation. This important demand calls on us to have strategical unity against any occupation, domestic or international. We cannot just be talking about the U.S. occupying other countries but also what it means when there are oppressed nations within the U.S. and Canada borders.

Thirdly, we need to fight for a world without NATO and U.S. military bases, because of the environmental pollution and also because of the way that the United States uses these bases to increase their wars and occupations and consequently further ecological degradation.

Lastly, I think the environmental struggle ties into the movement against sanctions and blockades, which are war. These attacks do not allow countries to develop their economies or to use their resources for the good of their people. Sanctions and blockades enforce the hegemony of the world’s biggest corporations, which are also the world’s biggest polluters.

If we combine these four pillars, which bring together the war at home and abroad, this is how we can build an anti-imperialist movement, how we can move from just being against war to also being against imperialism. I think we cannot build an effective anti-war movement without centralizing and emphasizing the slogan of self-determination for all oppressed nations.

I will say that I think this slogan of self-determination for all oppressed nations is as important as “Workers of the world unite,” from Marx and Engels.

People of oppressed nations face war and occupation and the denial of self-determination, which unites them in the fight against imperialism. The common struggle that unites workers is their exploitation by the capitalist class and the denial of their rights.

Within the antiwar and the climate justice movement, we must also emphasize that we are building an international movement, one that is also internationalist in character. The struggles of people against massive resource extraction projects are similar in Standing Rock in North Dakota or the Amazon rainforest in Brazil. The struggle for a sustainable world requires international cooperation between oppressed people. It requires solidarity and, more importantly, unity across borders to become powerful and effective. 

There are many opportunities for antiwar activists to bring the antiwar movement to the climate justice movement. There were massive protests around the world in September 2019; over 9 million people participated in global climate strike actions. And I think we need to continue to take advantage of that mobilization on the streets. We need to strategically bring the antiwar movement and the environmental movement together. Fighting against war is fighting against the degradation of the environment and fighting for climate justice is fighting against war and occupation. We are in an era of history that these two causes have become two struggles for one purpose, to save our lives and the planet.

I think we are now facing the opportunity to build a better and sustainable world. We must not feel inactive or depressed about the climate crisis or endless wars and occupations around us. In the face of this devastation, we have no choice but to take up the call and fight back.

People marching on the streets today against climate change can also be very capable of understanding that it is not just a clean planet we are fighting for. It will not matter if we have a clean planet if the earth is still full of poverty and human suffering and wars and occupations. The antiwar and climate justice movement now more than ever has one cause: Save the planet.

United we will win!

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First printed in Fire This Time Newspaper Volume 14, Issue 3–5: www.firethistime.net

Alison Bodine is a social justice activist, author and researcher in Vancouver, Canada. She is  the Chair of Vancouver’s peace coalition Mobilization Against War and Occupation (MAWO) and a central organizer with the grassroots climate justice coalition Climate Convergence in Vancouver, Canada. Alison is also on the Editorial Board of the Fire This Time newspaper. 

Featured image is from The GrayzoneThe original source of this article is Global ResearchCopyright © Alison Bodine, Global Research, 2020

لا تبالغوا في أوهام إنهاء الحشد الشعبيّ وتكراره!‏

ناصر قنديل

شهدت بغداد خلال الأسبوع الماضي سلسلة عمليات حملت رسائل من فصائل المقاومة لواشنطن، مضمونها التذكير بالدعوة لرحيل قواتها من العراق، وتأكيد أن التراضي على حكومة مصطفى الكاظمي كان بغرض تسهيل تنفيذ قرار الخروج الأميركي من العراق، وليس فتحاً لباب تشريع هذا الاحتلال. وفي ليل 22 حزيران قامت وحدات في جهاز مكافحة الإرهاب التي تتبع بقرارها للكاظمي، كقائد أعلى للقوات المسلحة، بحملة اعتقالات لعدد من مقاتلي الحشد الشعبي، خصوصاً المنتمين لكتائب حزب الله، والحملة التي تم تسويقها من مناصري الكاظمي لدى الأميركيين بصفتها إثباتاً على استقلاله عن الحشد وشجاعته وقدرته على وضع حد لـ «الميليشيات»، تمّ تسويقها لدى قيادات الحشد بصفتها عملاً شكلياً لحفظ ماء وجه الحكومة ورئيسها بوجه الضغوط الأميركية والخليجية، فيما تمّ تسويقها إعلامياً وخصوصاً في وسائل الإعلام الخليجية بصفتها بدء العد التنازلي لمرحلة الحشد الشعبي، ونموذجاً قابلاً للتكرار في لبنان. وبدأت تخرج تحليلات في بعض المواقع اللبنانية تثير الضحك عن مشروع شبيه للكاظمي عنوانه النائب السابق لحاكم مصرف لبنان محمد البعاصيري.

في ليل 23 حزيران أقفل الحشد الشعبي كل مداخل المنطقة الخضراء، بوحدات مقاتلة ووجه إنذاراً للكاظمي عنوانه، أن محاولة الاستفراد بكتائب حزب الله لن تمرّ، وأن التمييز بين فصائل المقاومة لعبة مكشوفة، وأن ما جرى كان انتهاكاً صريحاً للاتفاق السياسي الذي تمت تسمية الكاظمي على أساسه، وبعد مفاوضات امتدت لساعات، تم التوصل إلى اتفاق يقضي بالإفراج عن عناصر الحشد الذين تمّت مداهمة منازلهم، خلال يومين، مقابل انسحاب وحدات الحشد الشعبي، وحفاظها على حال الاستنفار والجهوزية، وليل أمس خرج المعتقلون من السجن وقاموا بإحراق الأعلام الأميركية والإسرائيلية في الساحات العامة وتحت الكاميرات، وهتفوا ضد الكاظمي، وتم إسدال الستار على سيناريو بهلواني، يفترض أن بالمستطاع تغيير وقائع تمّت صياغتها بالدماء، بقرارات صنعت من الحبر، واستعادت التوازنات التي أنتجت حكومة الكاظمي، كإطار رسمي لانسحاب أميركي من دون معركة عسكرية، مكانها في السياسة العراقية، وصمتت طبعاً الأبواق الإعلامية التي كانت تتحدث قبل ساعات عن نظرية حجارة الدومينو، متوقعة تهاوي فصائل الحشد تحت مقصلة الكاظمي، واحداً تلو الآخر.

في لبنان لا تختلف الأوهام عن العراق، ولا يختلف أصحابها، لكن الوقائع اللبنانية أشد صعوبة عبر تاريخ عقود من المقاومة، والتجارب والاختبارات الصعبة لمناوئيها، والذين رفعوا الدعوات لنزع سلاح المقاومة كانوا من أصحاب الأوهام المستمدّة من قراءة المبالغات الخليجية حول المشهد العراقي، ويُفترض بهم إعادة حساباتهم في ضوء التطورات العراقية، وفي ضوء المستجدات على جبهة النفط والغاز، وما تؤكده من مكانة المقاومة اقتصادياً، في حماية المورد الرئيسي الذي يعول عليه لبنان لأجيال قادمة، وكذلك في ضوء المستجدات المعيشية، حيث بعيداً عن نقاش عقيم حول النمط الغربي للعيش أو نمط شرقي، كأن المطروح هو استبدال اللبنانيين لمطبخهم وأزيائهم وكتابة نشيدهم الوطني باللغة الصينية، تقول المعلومات إن المقاومة تقود مشروعاً لتعزيز صمود اللبنانيين بتأمين سلع استهلاكية أساسية من مصادر لا تستبدل نمط العيش الغربي، لكنها تترجم معنى التوجه شرقاً لجهة الأسعار الأرخص، ومستوردة بالليرة اللبنانية بحيث لا ترتب ضغطاً على سوق الصرف وسعر الدولار.

لو يخفف المتذاكون من أوهام رهاناتهم، ويبقون أقدامهم على الأرض، فيرتاحون ويريحون.

IRAQ’S USBAT AL-THA’IREEN CLAIMS RESPONSIBILITY FOR RECENT ATTACKS ON U.S. FORCES IN NEW VIDEO

Video here

18.06.2020 
Usbat al-Tha’ireen (UT), a newly-formed Iraqi armed group, has claimed responsibility for three recent attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq.
On June 18, the group released a video titled “With Patience Comes Victory” showing footage of the following attacks:
  • The June 8 rocket attack on Camp Taji, which damaged a C-130 military transport aircraft of the U.S.-led coalition.
  • The June 11 rocket attack on U.S. Embassy in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad.
  • The June 16 rocket on the military section of Baghdad International Airport.
All three attacks were carried out with rockets of the 107 mm caliber. UT claims that the coalition is hiding the results of the attacks.
“These operations have the major effect of terrorizing occupation forces and their tails [proxies],” the group says in the video.
UT revealed its existence on March 15. Back then, the Iraqi group claimed responsibility for the March 11 Camp Taji rocket attack, which killed three U.S.-led coalition service members.
The group is one of several pro-Iran factions, which emerged in Iraq after the assassination of Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, Deputy-Commander of the Popular Mobilization Units, and Iran’s Quds Force Commander, Maj. Gen. Qassim Soleimani, by the U.S. earlier this year.
MORE ON THIS TOPIC:

Iraqi base hosting US forces comes under attack

By News Desk -2020-06-14

BEIRUT, LEBANON (10:45 A.M.) – The Joint Operations Command in Iraq announced last night that the Taji Airbase was targeted by missiles from an unknown entity.

The leadership said in a press statement: “Despite our previous warnings to those who are trying to mix cards by tampering with security and threatening our heroic security forces by targeting their camps, but these parties launched Saturday Katyusha rockets from the main street opposite the Al-Nasr facility north of Baghdad.

They said that “the two missiles landed inside the Taji camp without losses.”

The leadership indicated that “this bombing is a message that does not want the good of Iraq and its people, especially during this stage, and therefore our security services received urgent direction to undertake a qualitative intelligence effort to reveal these entities that, despite our warnings to them, seek to weaken Iraq, and to know who the same has proved to be absurd.” With Iraq’s security, he will soon be subject to the law.

As of now, no group has claimed responsibility for this latest attack.

Multiple Rockets Hit Camp Taji Hosting US Forces In Iraq: Reports

Multiple Rockets Hit Camp Taji Hosting US Forces In Iraq: Reports

Several rockets fell inside the Camp Taji military base hosting US forces in Iraq on April 13 evening. Local media reported at least one explosion in the military base area.

The Camp Taji is the largest US military base in Iraq. Early in 2020, the base became a target of the Iranian missile strike:

Related Videos

Related News

STRING OF ATTACKS ON US FORCES AND FACILITIES CONTINUES IN IRAQ

South Front

Last night, two rockets struck the Green Zone in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad. The heavily fortified area houses some of the main Iraqi government offices and the US embassy. There were no immediate reports about casualties. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack.

Earlier, Saraya Thorat Al-Ashrin Al-Thani, one of Iraq’s many anti-US groups, which have surfaced since the start of the year, released two videos claiming that these show attacks on convoys carried out using US equipment. According to the group, the attacks took place on May 20 and June 6. The impact of the attacks remains unclear.

Military bases housing US troops across Iraq and the U.S. embassy have frequently been targeted by mortar and rocket attacks over the post months. According to US officials, most of these have been carried out by Iranian-backed forces.

Iraqi-U.S. relations have been witnessing tensions since January 3 when a US drone struck a convoy at Baghdad airport, killing Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, deputy chief of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces. This attack escalated tensions in the region and led to a large-scale Iranian missile attack on US military bases in Iraq. The Iraqi Parliament also demanded that the US withdraw its troops from the country. Washington rejected the demand and threatened Iraq with sanctions if it is forced to withdraw its forces.

On June 11, US and Iraqi officials will be holding another meeting to discuss the current state of  Iraqi-US relations and the issue of US troop withdrawal from the country. However, it remains highly unlikely that Washington will back down from its de-facto occupation of the country.

Meanwhile, the Syrian Army and the National Defense Forces continue their anti-ISIS raids in eastern Homs and southern Raqqah in central Syria. According to pro-government sources, over 10 ISIS members have been neutralized in the framework of these efforts since the start of the month.

On June 10, a unit of the Syrian Army and pro-government locals blocked a US military convoy and forced it to retreat near the village of Dardara in the province of Hasakah. Separately, a US military patrol was blocked by the Russian Military Police near Qamishli. At least one US vehicle broke down when it went off road to bypass the Russians.

Related News

Iraqi Resistance Leader: US Presence in Iraq Protects ‘Israel’s’ Security

Iraqi Resistance Leader: US Presence in Iraq Protects ‘Israel’s’ Security

By Staff, Agencies

Secretary General of Iraqi resistance movement ‘Asaib Ahl al-Haq’ Sheikh Qais al-Khazaali stressed that the US presence in Iraq aims to protect the security of the “Israeli” entity.

Al-Khazaali’s remarks were made during a Monday address on the occasion of Eid al-Fitr.

Questioning the intentions of the US military forces withdrawal, al-Khazaali said that “the American presence in Iraq is in order to protect the security of the ‘Israeli’ entity.”

He further stressed that “there is a popular and courageous public will that refuses to keep any foreign force on Iraqi soil.”

“We are not warlords, not bloodthirsty, but patriots, and we are looking for the dignity and sovereignty of the nation,” he added.

Al-Khazaali further voiced the Iraqi resistance’s readiness to pay lives and blood for dignity and sovereignty: “We are not warlords nor thirsty for blood, but patriots, and we are searching for the dignity and sovereignty of the homeland.”

“The United States, which is a superpower, could 

Three missiles land near US embassy in Baghdad

By News Desk -2020-05-19

BEIRUT, LEBANON (12:30 P.M.) – At least 3 missiles fell inside the Green Zone in the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, where foreign diplomatic missions are locate, including the U.S. embassy.

Following the fall of the missiles, the U.S. military activated their emergency sirens and Iraqi security forces reportedly arrived on the scene to help alleviate the situation.

One of the sources mentioned that a missile landed in the vicinity of the British embassy; however, no damage was reported.

For its part, the Iraqi security forces said in a press release, that “a Katyusha rocket landed on an empty house inside the Green Zone in Baghdad.”

The security forces added: “Information indicates that this missile was launched from the Idrisi neighborhood of Palestine Street, and its fall resulted in minor damage to the wall of the house.”

No group has claimed responsibility for this attack.

It is noteworthy to mention that the Green Zone in central Baghdad, which includes government headquarters and embassies, including the American and British embassies, is exposed from time to time to rocket and mortar shelling, sometimes leading to deaths, injuries and material damage.

لماذا الهدنة مع الأميركيين؟

د. وفيق إبراهيم

نجاح حكومة مصطفى الكاظمي العراقية في نيل ثقة المجلس النيابي بها، وموافقة صندوق النقد الدولي على التفاوض مع حكومة حسان دياب لوقف الانهيار الاقتصادي في لبنان، مؤشران قويّان يرمزان الى مرحلة هدنة بين القوى الداخلية والخارجية في هذين البلدين لوقف التراجع المخيف فيهما.

لجهة القوى التي تستطيع تمرير حكومة الكاظمي بعد ستة أشهر من صراعات ومناكفات وعجز متتابع لسياسيين فشلوا في تشكيل حكومة، فهي داخلياً مجموعات الحشد الشعبي والأحزاب الموالية لرئيس المجلس النيابي الحلبوسي في الغرب العراقي وآل البرازاني الأكراد في الشمال. هؤلاء هم الذين يسيطرون على المجلس النيابي ويكملون عديده بهيمنة للحشد الشعبي لأن الدستور يمنح الشيعة نحو 60 في المئة من عدد النواب تبعاً للتوازنات السكانية.

أما القوة الثانية في الداخل العراقي فهي المرجعية الدينية العليا للشيعة التي تتدخّل كلما شعرت أن خطراً يتهدد الدولة العراقية أو الكيان السياسيّ. ولها نفوذها في مجلس النواب وبالتالي بين وزراء الحكومة، بشكل يمكن فيه اعتبارها ناقوس الخطر الذي يضرب حين يتأزم العراق.

هذا عن الجانب الداخلي، وهو جزء بسيط من الصراعات الخارجية العميقة في العراق التي بدأت منذ 1990 وتعمّقت مع الاحتلال الأميركي المتواصل لأرض الرافدين منذ 2003 وازدادت التهاباً مع نجاح الحشد الشعبي في تدمير القسم الأكبر من الإرهاب الداعشي والقاعدي والسيطرة على قسم وازن من العراق السياسي.

هناك اذاً صراع أميركي – إيراني عنيف على الاراضي العراقية يرتدي لباس احتدام في التنافس السياسي في بعض الأحيان، وقتال يتسربل بتبادل للقصف بين قواعد أميركية، ومقار داخلية متحالفة مع إيران، للإشارة فإن آخر الاعمال الأميركية كانت اغتيال القائد الإيراني قاسم سليماني وقائد الحشد الشعبي أبو مهدي المهندس وهما يخرجان من مطار بغداد. وردّ الإيرانيون بقصف قاعدة عين الأسد الأميركية في العراق.

بذلك فإن القوى المؤثرة على السياسة العراقية هي بناها الداخلية من أحزاب ومراكز دينية وحشد وتنظيمات والاحتلال الأميركي المتواصل الى جانب نفوذ إيراني عميق سببه تحالفه مع الحشد الشعبي والعلاقات الدينية التاريخية التي تجمعه بغالبية العراقيين.

هناك أيضاً نفوذ تركي وسعودي على بعض التنظيمات العراقية في الوسط الغربي، لكنها غير مؤثرة إلا من خلال الاحتلال الأميركي.

فما الذي استجدّ بعد ستة أشهر من العجز عن تشكيل حكومة عراقية وتأزم الوضع العسكري بين إيران والأميركيين ورفع الحشد الشعبي لشعار الانسحاب الفوري للقوات الأميركية المحتلة من العراق؟

فجأة وافق الأميركيون على تمديد استجرار العراق للكهرباء الإيرانية لنحو 120 يوماً أي أربعة اشهر كاملة، كما نالتا حكومة الكاظمي ثقة واسعة وهي التي كانت تتهيأ لاعتذار رئيسها عن متابعة التشكيل للعراقيل الداخلية والخارجية.

والطريف أن برنامج حكومة الكاظمي اورد ضرورة مجابهة الصعوبات الاقتصادية والأمنية والتحضير لانتخابات مبكرة ووضع برنامج عمل لتنويع الاقتصاد العراقي.

فلم ينسَ شيئاً، إلا الاحتلال الأميركي، فتجاهله وكأن لا احتلال ولا مَن يحتلّون.

هناك أمور مثيرة للدهشة الى درجة الذعر، وهو أن معظم قوى الحشد الشعبي وافقت بدورها على هذا البرنامج.

الأمر الذي يكشف أن حكومة الكاظمي هي تسوية سببها التعادل في موازين القوى بين حشد شعبي قوي جداً بتركيبة أحزابه، ومدعوم من إيران وبين احتلال أميركي لديه مؤيدوه في وسط العراق وغربه عند جماعة الحلبوسي ومن كردستان العراق، أما أسرار هذا التوازن فهي موجودة بتلويح الأكراد وبعض أحزاب الوسط بالانفصال وتشكيل اقاليم مستقلة في كل مرة يحاول فيها الحشد الشعبي دفع الأميركيين الى الانسحاب وهذه واحدة من مصادر القوة الأميركية في أرض السواد وهي واحدة من مصادر عجز الحشد الشعبي في أرض السواد.

لذلك، فإن تراجع أسعار النفط وخفض إنتاجه وما تسبّبوا به من انهيار اقتصادي بالاستفادة من الكورونا والتلويح بتقسيم العراق الى كيانات سنية وكردية وشيعية دفعت باتجاه هدنة مؤقتة لتمرير هذه المرحلة بأقل قدر ممكن من الأضرار.

لجهة لبنان فموضوعه مشابه، خصوصاً لناحية انهياره الاقتصادي المريع والانقسام الحاد بين قواه السياسية التي تتمحور بين الولاء للأميركيين والسعوديين وبين التحالف مع إيران وسورية.

ولأن الأميركيّين لا يمكنهم ترك بلد بأهمية لبنان يلعب فيه حزب الله رأس حربة المقاومة في الإقليم، والسماح لفوضى لن تؤدي إلا إلى خسارة الحلفاء اللبنانيين لأميركا وتراجع دورهم السياسي، فارتأت الدولة الأميركيّة العميقة أن التعامل مع حكومة حسان دياب من خلال الصندوق والبنك الدوليين والمؤتمرات الأوروبيّة هي لفرصة لتتوازن فيها مع القوة البنيوية العمودية لحزب الله في لبنان، وذلك في محاولة للتساوي معه في المرحلة الحالية وعرقلته في آجال لاحقة.

هكذا هو دائماً حال الدول البراجماتية النفعية التي تعطي كل مرحلة ما تستحق، والهدنة الأميركية في لبنان هي محصلة جهود بذلها حزب الله في قتال «إسرائيل» والإرهاب والدفاع عن الدولة السورية ما جعله مرهوب الجانب وقوياً الى درجة أن مهادنته في لبنان هي انتصار للطرف الآخر، لذلك فإن الأميركيين هم الذين نجحوا في إرجاء انسحابهم من العراق ويحاولون الإمساك بلبنان من خلال الصندوق الدولي، أما حزب الله فيعرف من جهته أن الأميركيين لا يوزعون هبات على أعدائهم، بل يهادنون بشكل مؤقت في محاولة لتكوين ظروف سياسية أفضل، لهم بالطبع.

والحزب بدوره يهادن من بعد ملحوظ ساهراً على حماية حكومة قد تكون هي الفرصة النموذجية للدفاع عن لبنان في وجه فوضى قد تؤدي الى تدمير الدولة وتفجير الكيان السياسي.

US Preparing Ground in Iraq for ‘Deal of Century’

US Preparing Ground in Iraq for ‘Deal of Century’

By Staff, Tasnim

Iraqi resistance movement Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq warned that the US is paving the way for the implementation of the so-called ‘deal of the century’ in certain parts of Iraq, where it plots to settle displaced Palestinians.

In an interview with Tasnim News Agency, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq Spokesman Mahmoud al-Rabiee said the movement has irrefutable evidence that the American forces are in cahoots with terrorists in Iraq.

“The US is trying to turn certain parts of Iraq into gateways for implementing the deal of the century and the western al-Anbar ploy. According to this plan, the Palestinians mentioned in the deal of century will be relocated to the western regions of al-Anbar province.”

Pointing to the active presence of American forces in western al-Anbar and in areas near al-Tanf border crossing between Iraq and Syria, Rabiee said the US is also trying to transfer terrorists from Syria into Iraq.

The Americans are attempting to take control of those regions to make them safe for the implementation of the deal of the century, the spokesman added, deploring certain Iraqi parties for cooperating with the US to fulfill their personal interests.

Rabiee further emphasized that the US must respect the Iraqi Parliament’s decision to ratify a bill on the expulsion of foreign forces from his country. “They [the Americans] may delay withdrawing from Iraq and want to settle in areas that are a little far from the reach of the resistance forces, but it does not mean that resistance does not have access to them, and, if necessary, we will once again begin armed resistance.”

In early January, Iraq’s parliament passed a resolution telling the government to end the presence of foreign troops in Iraq and ensure they do not use its land, air, and waters for any reason.

The move came after the assassination of IRGC Quds Force Commander Lt. General Qassem Soleimani, the deputy head of Hashd al-Shaabi Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, and a number of their comrades in a US airstrike in Baghdad.

The strike was carried out by American drones near Baghdad International Airport in the early hours of January 3.

واشنطن وإشكالية الانسحاب من العراق وسورية

د. حسن مرهج

من جديد يعود المشهدان العراقي والسوري إلى واجهة التطورات الشرق أوسطية، على الرغم من استحواذ فايروس كورونا على جُلّ العناوين الإقليمية والدولية، إذ لا شك بأنّ جوهر الاستراتيجية الأميركية وجُزئياتها في الشرق الأوسط، تنطلق حُكماً من العراق وسورية وجغرافيتهما ذات الأبعاد الجيواستراتيجية؛ ففي غمرة انشغال العالم بكورونا وانتشاره «الغير منطقي»، تعود إشكالية التواجد الأميركي في المنطقة من بوابة العبث بالخرائط السياسية، والذهاب بعيداً نحو تعزيز حالة اللا استقرار في المنطقة، إذ لم تعد القضية تتمحور حول انسحاب أو طرد القوات الأميركية، فهذا الأمر سيكون واقعاً لا محال، لكن لقضية الأساسية تكمن في حيثيات ومبرّرات الإدارة الأميركية حيال تواجدها في المنطقة، خاصة أنّ واشنطن تُدرك بأنّ هذا التواجد في العراق وسورية لن يطول، لكن لا ضير من العبث مُجدّداً بما حققه محور المقاومة خلال سنوات خلت؛ مع فروقات تتعلق بالمسار السياسي في سورية والعراق، وطبيعة التعاطي مع تواجد القوات الأميركية.

وردتني معلومات من مصادر خاصة، تحدثت عن وصول عناصر من المخابرات الأميركية إلى العراق وسورية، ويتحدثون اللغة العربية بطلاقة، وتابع المصدر حديثه أنّ أحد هؤلاء العناصر يُلقب بـ «كلاي الصغير»، وأنّ كلاي قال له حرفياً، إنّ هناك خطة أميركية تقتضي التوجه إلى وجهاء العشائر في سورية والعراق، لتشكيل نواة مسلحة وبهدف مواجهة داعش إنْ عاد مُجدّداً. المصدر قال لـ كلاي إنّ داعش بحسب تصريحات إدارتكم قد انتهى، ليردّ كلاي بقوله نعم انتهى لكن ليس كلّ ما نعرفه سنقوله، وأضاف أنّ واشنطن لم تعد ترى في الكرد حليفاً جراء خططهم التي تمّ كشفها لجهة التقرّب من دمشق وموسكو وهذا لا يناسب استراتيجيتنا. ويتابع المصدر قوله هل داعش أيضاً جزء من خططكم في سورية والعراق، يقول المصدر هنا «كلاي» دُهش وقال لي داعش سيعود إلى سورية والعراق.

شخصياً، قد يكون ما نقله لي المصدر غير دقيق ويُراد به إيصال فكرة تتمحور حول تواصل أميركي مع عشائر سورية والعراق، الذين تربطهم صلات قُربى ووحدة الدم، وبغضّ النظر عن خطط الإدارة الأميركية وتحركات داعش الأخيرة في البادية السورية، إلا أنّ الوقائع تقتضي التأني والتعمّق في استراتيجية واشنطن حيال سورية والعراق، مع الربط بين التحركات الأميركية في سورية وإرسال آلاف القوافل العسكرية وتمركزها في شمال شرق سورية، فضلاً عن جزئية لها ما لها من وقائع ورسائل حيال نشر صواريخ باتريوت في العراق. كلّ هذه الوقائع تصبّ مباشرة في بوتقة هدف أميركي واضح المعالم، حيث أنّ واشنطن تسعى مُجدّداً لخلط أوراق الجغرافية السورية، وابقاء الساحة العراقية حُبلى بالمفاجآت التي لا يمكن التنبّؤ بمسارها.

لا شك بأنّ تحركات داعش الأخيرة في سورية، يمكن ربطها في سياق تمرير الذرائع لإبقاء القوات الأميركية في سورية والعراق، خاصة أنّ التحركات الشعبية الأخيرة في العراق ركزت على جزئية إخراج الأميركي من الجغرافية العراقية، وبغضّ النظر عن التجاذبات السياسية في العراق، إلا أنّ التوجه الحالي تتمّ هندسته وفق قاعدة إخراج الأميركي، وكذا في سورية، هناك العديد من العمليات النوعية التي نُفذت ضدّ القوات الأميركية في شمال شرق سورية. وعليه من الطبيعي أنّ أيّ شخص لديه الحدّ الأدنى من الانتماء لوطنه سيرفض أيّ وجود لقوات أجنبية على أراضي بلده، لكن قضية الوجود العسكري الأميركي مختلفة ومعقدة وتنطوي على تساؤلات عديدة حول طبيعته، ومن هذه التساؤلات: هل القوات الأميركية في العراق بعد عام 2011 قوات احتلال أم قوات حليفة؟ ولماذا تصاعدت المطالبات بانسحابها في هذا الوقت بالذات؟ ولماذا هذه المطالبة تصدر فقط من الجهات السياسية –المسلحة العراقية المرتبطة بإيران؟ وهل رأي الجهات المرتبطة بإيران يمثل رأي جميع مكونات الشعب العراقي بخصوص هذه القضية؟ كما أنّ التواجد الأميركي في سورية أيضاً يحتوي العديد من التساؤلات، والتي ستظلّ مبهمة حتى ذهاب غبار فايروس كورونا، الذي أسفر عن هدوء الأوضاع أو بالأدقّ تجميدها.

حقيقة الأمر انّ إشكالية التواجد الأميركي في سورية والعراق، ستأخذ أبعاداً غاية في الحساسية، وقد نشهد خلال الفترة القادمة تحركات أكثر حساسية بالمعنى العسكري، عبر تحريك الأدوات الأميركية في سورية والعراق، خاصة أنّ واشنطن تُدرك أنه لا بدّ من تهيئة الأرضية الخصبة لتأمين وجود مستدام، فهي تُدرك أيضاً أنّ محور المقاومة بكلّ جزئياته عاقد العزم على فتح المعركة ضدّ التواجد الأميركي في سورية والعراق. هذا التوجه أيضاً تهندسه رغبات روسية صينية للحدّ من تفشي الخطط الأميركية في المنطقة، للحدّ من تداعياتها الكارثية على الجميع، وبالتالي ستكون الفترة المقبلة أيّ ما بعد كورونا عسكرية بإمتياز، ومن الضروري في هذا الإطار، تشبيك الجغرافية الممتدّة من إيران إلى العراق مروراً بسورية، لتشكيل جبهة مضادة للتوجهات الأميركية. ولننتظر…

THE RESISTANCE STRIKES THE US WHICH SEEKS A TRUCE IN IRAQ

Posted on  by Elijah J Magnier

By Elijah J. Magnier:

New anonymous organisations in Iraq have threatened to strike US forces if they refuse to withdraw from Iraq. One of these newly emerged organisations released its first video of an attack against a US military convoy transporting vehicles on the road between the Kurdish province of Erbil and the northern Salahuddin province, where the US maintains large military bases.

US Ambassador Matthew Tueller has met with caretaker Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi, expressing the will of his country to begin strategic talks with Baghdad. The US did not disclose that the US diplomat informed Mr Abdul-Mahdi about the US intention to pull out forces from Iraq and his request not to be attacked during the withdrawal of troops. Indeed, the US has already evacuated forces from 6 bases and centres of control in different places in Iraq. This is what prompted the Iraqi Kataeb Hezbollah (Brigades) to ​​announce particularly that the organisation does not intend to strike US forces as long as they completely withdraw from the country. 

However, the Iraqi resistance does not trust the US promises as forwarded to the Iraqi premier. It considers the US is manoeuvring to redeploy forces from the more vulnerable bases to more protected bases. This scepticism has caused new Iraqi resistance to surface, and provoked attacks against US forces in a manner reminiscent of the 1980s “Islamic Jihad” organisation in Lebanon, which was responsible for the kidnapping and killing of US officers and citizens.

The first newly emerged organisation identified itself as “The Revolutionary League” (Usbat al-Thaereen). In its first communiqué, it has shown drone images with excellent resolution of the US embassy in Baghdad in all its details, building, helicopters, movement of personnel and military forces inside.  What is striking is not only the fine details and high-quality of the drone footage but how a drone managed to fly for extended minutes over the most guarded buildings inside the Iraqi capital. Three brigades of the Iraqi army (6, 11 and 17) are deployed in the capital Baghdad along with the anti-terrorist force, the federal police HQ, the Ministry of the Interior and the local police. Most of these are based in the “Green Zone” where the US embassy is. US forces are also deployed at Baghdad airport (not far away) and inside the Embassy.

Not only that, but a second video was also distributed to the press a few days later with drone footage of the most extensive US military base in Iraq, at Ein al-Assad base in the Anbar desert. The video showed weapons stores, forces, buildings, command and control tower and base, hangars, landing and take-off runways and many more details of the entire map of the base. At Ayn al-Assad, the US deploys of the most sophisticated radars, Patriot missiles and other defence systems that are supposed to secure the base.

Moreover, the video had also been shot from outside the base, showing the driving of a car along the walls of the American base in Ain al-Assad, which indicates the ease of movement of the group without regard for the security measures deployed along the road.

The organisation broadcast an enthusiastic song stating its goal of avenging the assassination of Major General Qassem Soleimani and the Iraqi leader Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis. The singer’s dialect indicates that he is not Iraqi, though clearly, the singer is a native Arab speaker.

Another new organisation called “The Islamic Resistance in Iraq – People of the Cave” (referring to Surat al-Kahf in the Quran) issued a video in which it showed an IED exploding in convoy carrying military vehicles and, one minute later, a second powerful IED explosion when the convoy personnel gathered to assess the damage. The convoy is said to be travelling from Kurdistan – Erbil to Salah al-Din Governorate, the Uwaynat region. This attack is a message for the US forces: they will not be able to roam as they wish in Iraq because for them the country is now insecure, as are their military bases.

A statement issued by a third new Iraqi organisation called “Islamic Resistance Factions – Iraq – the fist of guidance” accuses America of preparing to launch an attack against the Iraqi factions, and gives the American and British ambassadors 48 hours to leave, or they will be killed. It was not possible to confirm the authenticity of this  statement. 

It is to be expected that more organisations will emerge in Iraq, enjoying military, media and organisational skills and capabilities. These undoubtfully benefited from the long years of war in Lebanon between Hezbollah and Israel, in Syria against al-Qaeda and ISIS (The Islamic State), and in Iraq against the US during the 2003-2011 invasion and against ISIS following the occupation of a third of Iraq in 2014.

These organisations seek retribution against the US, which assassinated the leader of the “Axis of Resistance” Major General Qassim Soleimani, the field commander in the “Popular Mobilisation Forces” (PMF) Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis, and which bombed several bases of the Iraqi army, its federal police and the PMF at the Syrian-Iraqi borders, al-Qaem, and destroyed Karbala Civil Airport. The US breach of the memorandum of agreement signed in 2014 exasperated Iraqi political, military officials and many other resistance groups.

The US Ambassador visited the caretaker Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi to inform him about its decision to leave Iraq and proposes a large meeting next June to agree on the mechanism of withdrawal from Iraq. The ambassador asked Mr Abdul Mahdi to intervene to stop all attacks against American forces while withdrawing and to mediate with Iran to achieve this, because “America is serious about proceeding with the exit from Iraq.”

The Iraqi Hezbollah Brigades, the League of the Righteous (Asaeb Ahl al-Haq), Al-Nujabaa Movement and the Imam Ali Brigades responded to the Iranian request to refrain from opposing al-Kazemi, despite their lack of trust in him and in the US intention to withdraw. These factions promised not to attack the US forces as long as the US shows they are withdrawing their forces from the country. Thus, the emergence of new organisations aims to offer an excuse for these groups, that they are not apparently involved in any attack and that they are “encouraging” the US to leave. These groups are unknown and new on the Iraqi scene. Therefore, it is easy for them to avoid pressure from the officials in Baghdad.

However, the style of these organisations reminds us of the “Islamic Jihad” organisation in Lebanon that emerged in the 1980s, was responsible for the kidnapping of hostages in Lebanon and worked directly under the command of Iran. It was not connected to Lebanese “Hezbollah” at the time.

It seems that the US has not read carefully enough the Iranian messages following the assassination of the Axis of the Resistance leader. When Sayyed Ali Khamenei said: “The price of the assassination of Qassem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis is the US departure from West Asia” this meant that the decision had been taken to force the US out whatever the cost.

Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hezbollah in Lebanon and of the “Axis of Resistance” in Lebanon, Gaza, Syria, Iraq and Yemen, said “every American soldier is a legitimate target”. He wondered, when directing his question to the US following the assassination of Soleimani and Muhandis: “what have you done? Are you aware whose blood you spilt?” His message was clear: “Hezbollah will not stand idle and will target every US soldier.” Sayyed Nasrallah said explicitly: “Iraq is the battlefield”.

Driving the US out of West Asia is the goal. The methods used by the Iraqi resistance will not be different from methods used against Israel in Lebanon, in Syria and Iraq during the past decade. They will be employed until the very last US soldier leaves Iraq.

Proofread by: Maurice Brasher and C.G.B

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US Coalition Forces Withdraw From Military Site Near Infamous Abu Ghraib Prison

On April 7, forces of the US-led coalition in Iraq handed over a headquarters of French advisers in Baghdad to Iraqi security forces.

Yehia Rasool, a spokesperson of the Iraqi Ministry of Defense, said in a statement that the handover of the coalition’s site came after “fruitful dialogue” between US-led coalition forces and the Iraqi government.

Rasool did not name the site, but according to local media the coalition withdrew a detachment of French advisers from a military base in Baghdad’s western suburb of Abu Ghraib.

The Abu Ghraib base became the fifth military base of the US-led coalition in Iraq that has been abandoned by US-led forces. The previous ones were of al-Qaim and al-Habbaniyah in western Iraq, and al-Qayyara and K1 in the north.

On January 5, the Iraqi Parliament passed a resolution requiring the Iraqi government to put an end to the presence of US-led coalition forces in Iraq. This happened two days after a U.S. drone strike on a convoy at Baghdad airport, which killed Qassem Soleimani, former commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolution Guards Corps and several other prominent Iranian and Iraqi commanders.

There are over 5,000 U.S. troops deployed in Iraq in the framework of the US ‘effort against ISIS’ in the Middle East. Local soruces claim that the US is just using the ISIS threat as a pretext to continue its operations in the area.

US Forces Preparing To Withdraw From Abu Ghraib Base

South Front

US Forces Preparing To Withdraw From Abu Ghraib Base

By Staff, Agencies

The US-led coalition purportedly fighting Daesh [the Arabic acronym for terrorist ‘ISIS/ISIL’ group] in Iraq is reportedly preparing to evacuate troops from a military base in the city of Abu Ghraib, west of the capital Baghdad.

Iraqi media outlets reported on Tuesday that the US occupation forces decided to withdraw from the base in Abu Ghraib and hand it over to the Iraqi forces in the coming hours.

According to the reports, Abu Ghraib base would be the sixth base to have returned to the Iraqi army in the recent weeks.

Iraqis believe the recent withdrawal of US occupation forces from a number of military bases is “a military tactic,” amid reports that Washington is drawing up plans to target commanders of the Popular Mobilization Units [PMU, known by the Arabic name Hashd al-Shaabi.

In late March, the PMU blew the lid off a plot by the US military to carry out massive aerial operations — backed by ground troops – against bases of the elite anti-terror force, which is currently busy helping the government in the fight against a new coronavirus pandemic.

Days later, US media reported that the Pentagon has ordered military commanders to plan for an escalation of American operations in Iraq.

Iraq’s anti-terror resistance groups say they stand fully ready to counter any possible attack by US occupation forces, saying that they are also on high alert for any false-flag US operation.

PMU anti-terror forces vow to end US ‘occupation’ of Iraq

Press TV

Saturday, 04 April 2020 9:14 PM  [ Last Update: Sunday, 05 April 2020 10:35 AM ]

US Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) (L) talks with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) during a rally with fellow Democrats before voting on H.R. 1, or the People Act, on the East Steps of the US Capitol on March 08, 2019 in Washington, DC. (AFP photo)
Fighters of the Iraqi pro-government Popular Mobilization Units, better known by the Arabic name Hashd al-Sha’abi, are seen in Zumar subdistrict, Nineveh province, Iraq, on October 18, 2017. (Photo by Reuters)

Iraqi Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), better known by their Arabic name Hashd al-Sha’abi, have blasted the US forces based in their country as “occupiers”, pledging to bring the occupation of the Arab country to an end.

In a joint statement on Saturday, Hashd al-Sha’abi groups said from now on the US troops in the Arab country will be dealt with as “occupation forces”.

The statement cited the US refusal to withdraw its forces from Iraq and its “continued aggression” against the country as the reasons for their decision.

You have proven to everyone that you are occupation forces and that you only respect the language of force; on these bases you will be dealt with as occupiers,” the statement reads.

It also said that the Iraqi resistance forces’ military operations are a basic response to the US aggression.

“Be aware that all operations which have been carried out against you so far were only a minor response to your aggressions as the decision to carry out operations [against US forces] had not been taken back then,” it added.

They stressed that the recent US threats to target the resistance forces are aimed at covering up their own failures.

The statement was signed by Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada, Kata’ib al-Imam Ali, Harakat al-Awfiy’a, Saraya Ashura, Harakat Jund al-Imam, and Saraya al-Khurasani.

In late March, the other PMU group Kata’ib Hezbollah blew the lid off a plot by the US military to carry out massive aerial operations — backed by ground troops – against bases of the elite anti-terror force, which is currently busy helping the government in the fight against a new coronavirus pandemic.

Iraq’s PMU reveals ‘US plot to exploit coronavirus pandemic, attack its bases’An Iraqi resistance group has revealed a plot by the US military to exploit a coronavirus pandemic affecting the Arab country and launch attacks on PMU positions.

The PMU statement was concluded with a message to the Iraqi people, in which the resistance groups vowed that they will not let the US occupy the country and rob its resources.

The statement comes in line with earlier calls by the Iraqi Parliament and military for all foreign troops to leave the Arab country as soon as possible.  

Iraqi lawmakers unanimously approved a bill on January 5, demanding the withdrawal of all foreign military forces led by the United States from the country following the assassination of Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, along with Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the deputy head of the PMU, and their companions in a US airstrike authorized by President Donald Trump near Baghdad International Airport two days earlier.

Since then, the US-led coalition has handed over to the Iraqi army a number of bases it had occupied in the Arab country. However, it has also deployed further military equipment, including C-RAM systems and Patriot missile defense systems, to protect its remaining forces in the country.

US-led coalition officially hands over strategic air base in Iraq’s Anbar to army forcesThe US-led coalition officially hands over al-Taqaddum Air base in Iraq’s western province of Anbar to Iraqi government forces.

In their Saturday statement, the PMU also declared their opposition to the designation of Adnan al-Zurfi as Iraq’s prime minster, saying that Zurfi is a corrupt politician, a CIA puppet, and a threat to Iraq’s domestic peace and security.

Iraqi President Barham Salih appointed Zurfi as the new prime minister in mid-March.


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Also read

US Military Forces In Iraq to Be Treated As Occupiers – Iraqi Resistance Statement

US Military Forces In Iraq to Be Treated As Occupiers - Iraqi Resistance Statement

By Staff, Agencies

Eight groups of Iraqi Resistance Movement in a joint statement on Saturday said that US military forces in Iraq are considered as ‘occupiers’, announcing that they would turn Iraq into hell for occupiers.

Three messages were sent in a joint statement issued by Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Al-Awfiya, Kata’ib Jund al-Imam Movement, Al-Nujaba, Sayyed al-Shohada, Imam Ali, Ashura and Al-Khorasani battalions. The first of which is related to the presence of US military forces in Iraq that they [US forces] will be treated with the language of force and the operations that have taken place are nothing but a simple response.

The second message is addressed to the political groups, voicing opposition to Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Adnan al-Zurfi and considered him as an American candidate.

The third message of these groups is addressed to the Iraqi people that these groups have emphasized their strong presence for countering any crisis such as new enemy i.e. Coronavirus global pandemic and that the resistance groups are ready to defend and sacrifice their lives in fighting it.

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Zarif to Trump: ‘Iran starts no war, but teaches lessons to to those who do’. Military chief: If U.S. makes slightest move against Iran it will face the ‘fiercest response’

April 2, 2020 – 12:51

TEHRAN – Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif on Thursday warned U.S. President Donald Trump that Iran does not start a war but will give a lesson to those who start.

“Iran starts no war, but teaches lessons to those who do,” Zarif tweeted.

Zarif warned Trump, “Don’t be misled by usual warmongers, again.”

The warning by the Iranian foreign minister came after Trump claimed on Twitter on Wednesday that Iran was plotting a “sneak attack” on U.S. troops or facilities in Iraq. 

“Upon information and belief, Iran or its proxies are planning a sneak attack on U.S. troops and/or assets in Iraq. If this happens, Iran will pay a very heavy price, indeed!” Trump wrote.

In response Zarif said “Iran has friends” but “no one can have millions of ‘proxies’.”

He added, “Unlike the U.S.- which surreptitiously lies, cheats and assassinates- Iran only acts in self-defense.” 

PA/PA 

Military chief: If U.S. makes slightest move against Iran it will face the ‘fiercest response’

TEHRAN – Iran’s armed forces chief of staff said on Thursday that Iran has no intention to attack U.S. forces in the region but warned if the Americans have an “ill will against our country’s security” or make the slightest move against Iran “they will face our fiercest reactions”.

Major General Mohammad Hossein Bagheri made the warning in response to the U.S. moves in the region.

In recent days U.S. forces have been increasing their military moves in Iraq and the Persian Gulf region, launched an extensive media and psychological operations and have “intentions” against Iraqi resistance forces, including Popular Mobilization Units, the top general told reporters.

He added Iran is “closely monitoring the activities and moves of Americans” in the region and the Iranian armed forces are fully guarding “land, marine and aerial borders”.

The major general went on to say that the moves that have been taking place in recent weeks against American military bases in Iraq are a “normal reaction by the Iraqi people and resistance forces against U.S. ‘satanic measures’ in assassinating General Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the commander of Iraqi resistance forces, and has no nothing to do with us”.

He said the fact that the U.S. is attributing these moves to Iran is a psychological projection.

U.S. President Donald Trump claimed on Twitter on Wednesday that Iran was plotting a “sneak attack” on U.S. troops or facilities in Iraq. 

“Upon information and belief, Iran or its proxies are planning a sneak attack on U.S. troops and/or assets in Iraq. If this happens, Iran will pay a very heavy price, indeed!” Trump wrote.

The Iranian military chief said, “Americans are well aware that the people of the region and the dear people of Iraq are opposed to their military presence in these countries and it is their normal reaction.”

PA/PA

واشنطن تستغلّ كورونا وتحاول تجديد احتلالها للعراق…؟

حسن حردان

يبدو من الواضح أنّ إدارة الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب لا توفر جهداً لأجل استغلال وباء كورونا في الداخل الأميركي وفي الخارج، بهدف أساسي وهو خدمة سياساتها الرأسمالية النيوليبرالية القائمة على الاستغلال والنهب والسيطرة، لمصلحة الشركات وكبار الأثرياء، على حساب حياة الناس وإنقاذ أرواحهم، الذي هو آخر ما يفكر فيه العقل الاستعماري للإدارة الأميركية… وفي هذه اللحظات التي يواجه فيها العالم أجمع حرب فايروس كورونا، وبدل ان يجري توظيف الجهود ودراسة سبل القضاء على هذا الوباء، تخصّص الإدارة الاستعمارية الوقت والجهد للبحث والتخطيط لشنّ الحرب ضدّ العراق، دولة وشعباً ومقاومة، لانه تجرّأ على اتخاذ قرار مطالبة الولايات المتحدة بسحب قواتها من العراق، على اثر ارتكبها جريمة اغتيال القائدين المقاومين الشهيدين قاسم سليماني وأبو مهدي المهندس، وذلك في محاولة يائسة لإرهاب العراقيين وفصائل المقاومة وإعادة إخضاع العراق للهيمنة الاستعمارية الأميركية..

لقد كشفت صحيفة «نيويورك ثايمز» الأميركية فحوى ما دار في اجتماع عُقد قبل أسبوع في البيت الأبيض برئاسة ترامب وحضور كبار القيادات السياسية والعسكرية والمستشارين، خصص لبحث في تنفيذ عملية عسكرية في العراق.. حيث ساد الانقسام بين فريقين…

فريق أول، يؤيد إرسال آلاف الجنود للقيام بعملية عسكرية واسعة تستهدف قيادات ومراكز وقواعد فصائل الحشد الشعبي، لا سيما كتائب حزب الله، ومن أبرز مويدي هذا الخيار، وزير الخارجية مايك بومبيو ومستشار الأمن القومي أوبراين…

وفريق ثان، ويضمّ وزير الدفاع والمسؤولين في البنتاغون، وقائد القوات المشتركة، يعارض مثل هذه العملية، ويحذر من خطورتها على القوات الأميركية، وانها ستكون دموية، وقد تعطي نتائج عكسية، وتقود إلى حرب مع إيران.. ويرى انّ مثل هذه العملية يتطلب إرسال المزيد من الجنود إلى العراق وتحويل الموارد من المهمة الأساسية وهي محاربة داعش، وتدريب القوات العراقية، وهو ما يتعارض مع الاتفاقية المعقودة مع الحكومة العراقية…

أولا، لماذا تصرّ واشنطن على رفض الاستجابة لطلب العراق بسحب قواتها منه؟ ولماذا تتمسك أميركا بالبقاء في العراق رغماً عن ارادة أغلبية أبناء العراق؟

الجواب واضح، وهو انّ العراق مهمّ جداً بالنسبة للهيمنة الاستعمارية الأميركية في المنطقة، للأسباب التالية..

السبب الأول، يحتوي على ثروة نفطية كبيرة.

السبب الثاني، يتميّز بموقع جفرافي هامّ، فهو مجاور لكلّ من سورية وإيران، وفي نفس الوقت مجاور لكلّ من السعودية والكويت والأردن، ويطلّ على الخليج..

السبب الثالث، عدد سكانه متوسط، يبلغ نحو ثلاثين مليون نسمة، ويحوز على كادرات وخبرات علمية…

انّ هذه الأسباب مجتمعة تجعل من العراق، في حال تحرّر بالكامل من وجود القوات الأميركية، وتخلص من كلّ رواسب الاحتلال، لا سيما دستور الحاكم الأميركي بول بريمر، وبالتالي امتلك استقلاله وحرية قراره، تجعل منه دولة قوية وطرفاً أساسياً في حلف المقاومة الذي يضمّ إيران وسورية والمقاومات العربية في لبنان واليمن وفلسطين، مما يشكل تهديداً كبيراً للسيطرة الاستعمارية في المنطقة..

ثانياً، هل أميركا في ظروف تسمح لها بالعودة الى الغرق في حرب جديدة في العراق..

الوقائع والمعطيات التالية تفيد..

1 –

تجربة غزو أميركا للعراق بين 2003 و2011، وكلفته الباهظة، مادياً وبشرياً، والتي أجبرت أميركا على الانسحاب، لا تزال حاضرة وبقوة، وأميركا لا تزال تعاني حتى اليوم من التداعيات والنتائج السلبية لذلك على الاقتصاد الأميركي، الذي دخل اليوم في حالة ركود نتيجة حرب كورونا..التي تحتاج إلى موارد كبيرة لمواجهتها..

2 –

العراق الذي هزم أميركا، هو اليوم في وضع مختلف عما كان عليه عشية الغزو الأميركي عام 2003.. العراق اليوم يمتلك مقاومة قوية ومتمرّسة ولديها قدرات وخبرات وجاهزة تفوق عشرات المرات ما كانت عليه بين أعوام 2003 و2011، وهي بعد أن خاضت حرب عصابات ضدّ الاحتلال الأميركي وأجبرته على الانسحاب عام 2011، خاضت حرباً لا تقلّ ضراوة ضدّ تنظيم داعش الإرهابي، ونجحت في إلحاق الهزيمة به وتحرير المناطق التي سيطر عليها… ولهذا فإنّ أميركا في حال شنّت حرباً جديدة ضدّ العراق، فإنها ستواجه مقاومة من نقطة متقدّمة قادرة على تكبيد القوات الأميركية خسائر جسيمة وتغرق أميركا في مستنقع من الاستنزاف يفوق حروبها السابقة، وهي غير قادرة على تحمّله…

3 –

كما أنّ العراق اليوم ليس محاصراً دولياً، أو يتعرّض لعقوبات من مجلس الأمن.. وهو اليوم ليس معزولاً، بل يملك حلفاء أقوياء في حلف المقاومة الذي يحقق الانتصارات في مواجهة الإرهاب والاحتلال والاستعمار وأدواته، في حين انّ العالم اصبح منقسماً إلى محورين كبيرين، محور تقوده أميركا ويسعى إلى محاولة الحفاظ على هيمنته الأحادية المتداعية، ومحور تقوده روسيا والصين ويسعى إلى كسر هذه الهيمنة وبناء نظام دولي جديد يقوم على التعددية والتشاركية واحترام القوانين والمواثيق الدولية.. ولهذا فإنّ أميركا لا تحظى بأيّ غطاء او تأييد دولي لتبرير شنّ حرب جديدة، حتى من قبل حلفائها الذين سارعوا مؤخراً إلى سحب جنودهم من العراق..

4 –

ترامب وعد الأميركيين بعدم شن حروب جديدة، وأعلن وما زال انّ الاقتصاد هو أولويته، وهو مقبل على انتخابات في الخريف المقبل، ويدرك جيداً انّ الرأي العام الأميركي باغلبيته لا يؤيد الحرب.. ولهذا أقدم ترامب على عقد صفقة مع حركة طالبان في أفغانستان تقضي بجدولة سحب القوات الأميركية، من هناك، ولوحظ انّ توقيت ذلك جاء عشية الانتخابات، للقول للأميركيين إنه قد نفذ وعده بإعادة الجنود الأميركيين إلى الديار.. وذلك بهدف زيادة شعبيته.. واليوم هو بأمسّ الحاجة إلى ترميم شعبيته المتراجعة على خلفية أدائه السيّئ في مواجهة وباء كورونا..

ثالثاً، أمام هذه المعطيات المذكورة آنفاً، انقسام داخل الإدارة، وعدم تأييد الأميركيين للحرب، واقتراب الانتخابات الرئاسية، وواقع العراق المختلف عن عام 2003، وكذلك الواقع الدولي المتغيّر، فإنّ المرجح ان تقدم واشنطن على اعتماد خطة تقوم على التالي..

1 –

إعادة تموضع بقواتها في العراق، وهو ما بدأته، بحيث تخلي قواعد في مناطق لا تتمتع فيها بأيّ تأييد، لمصلحة تعزيز بقائها في قواعدها الموجودة في مناطق تعتقد انها توفر غطاء لها، مثل مناطق شمال العراق..

2 –

العمل على تغذية التناقضات العراقية العراقية، من خلال دفع الأحزاب والقوى والأطراف الموالية لواشنطن لأجل الاعتراض على طلب البرلمان العراقي سحب القوات الأميركية، وكذلك الحؤول دون تشكيل حكومة جديدة تدعم قرار البرلمان، ومحاولة إثارة صراع طائفي ومذهبي وعرقي، والتحريض ضدّ إيران، وكتائب الحشد الشعبي..

لكن مثل هذه الخطة الأميركية سيكون مصيرها الفشل لسببين..

السبب الأول، انّ الشعب العراقي وفصائل المقاومة مصمّمون على خوض معركة التحرير الثاني للعراق من وجود القوات الأميركية.. لأنه من دون ذلك لن يتحقق الاستقلال الحقيقي للعراق، ولن ينعم العراقيون بالأمن والاستقرار، واستطراداً لن يستطيعوا إعادة بناء دولتهم الوطنية العراقية الخالية من رواسب الاحتلال وقانون بريمر الفتنوي، ولا استغلال ثروات العراق النفطية لإعادة بناء الاقتصاد وتحقيق التنمية والعدالة الاجتماعية..

السبب الثاني انّ الولايات المتحدة ليس بمقدورها تحمّل تبعات الانزلاق الى حرب جديدة أكثر كلفة من حربها السابقة..

لذلك عندما تستنفد واشنطن محاولة إطالة أمد بقاء قواتها، وتفشل في اللعب على التناقضات الداخلية، وتبدأ المقاومة في تصعيد عملياتها، بعد انقضاء المهلة المتاحة للقوات الأميركية لتنفيذ قرار انسحابها.. عندها سوف تختار الانسحاب باعتباره خيار لا مناصّ منه، وهي مجبرة عليه…

الموقف اليوم – ناصر قنديل

IRAQI POLITICS IN A STORM, HEADING TOWARDS INSTABILITY AND CHAOS

Posted on  by Elijah J Magnier

By Elijah J. Magnier:  @ejmalrai

Following Iraqi president Barham Saleh’s nomination of Adnan al-Zarfi (Zurufi or Zurfi) as the new Prime Minister, Iraq has entered a critical stage.  The Shia block is divided. The 30 days given to al-Zarfi to nominate his cabinet will lead either to a quorum of the parliament recognising his new cabinet and in consequences to a bloody future that could lead to unrest and even partition of Iraq or absence of a quorum. Why did President Saleh nominate al-Zarfi?

In 2018 Speaker Mohamad Halbousi proposed Barham Saleh as President. The proposal was adopted by “Al-Fateh”, the largest Shia coalition, with the agreement of the Sunni. Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani and US presidential envoy Brett McGurk were against the nomination of Saleh. It was Iranian IRGC Major General Qassem Soleimani who pushed for Barham Saleh to become president. Saleh, upon his nomination, promised Soleimani to be “better than Mam Jalal” (Uncle Jalal Talibani, one of Iran’s closest allies). Once Saleh was elected, he was asked by the “Al-Fateh” coalition, to nominate Adel Abdel Mahdi as prime minister, and he complied.  One year later, Abdel Mahdi was asked by the Marjaiya in Najaf to resign in response to street demonstrations demanding reforms, necessary infrastructure and better job opportunities.

Soleimani met with Shia leaders who all agreed– with the exception of Hadi al-Ameri, who wanted to be the Prime Minister of Iraq – to nominate Qusay al-Suheil. Al-Fateh forwarded the name to President Barham Salih who refused to appoint al-Suheil and went to Erbil for a few days, enough time for the street to reject the nomination. It was Sayyed Moqtada al Sadr – who rejected the nomination of al Suheil – who then contacted President Saleh and informed him that he represented the largest coalition, called “Sairoon”. Saleh, who feared Moqtada’s reaction, sent a letter to the parliament and the constitutional court asking them to define the “largest coalition”. None managed to respond clearly to this request.

The Iraqi constitution’s definition of the “largest coalition” is elastic and subject to interpretation. President Barham Saleh maliciously threw this apple of discord between the parliament and the constitutional court. It was Nuri al-Maliki who in 2010 introduced a new definition of “large coalition” to beat Ayad Allawi, who had managed to gather 91 MPs and was eligible to form a government. Al-Maliki formed a broad coalition after the MPs took their oaths and established that he was leading the largest coalition, as defined by the final alliances formed after the parliamentary elections, rather than by the poll results.

President Salih told Soleimani that the Shia coalition was divided and that he was not in a position to decide. At the same time, Salih accommodated the Americans who saw that Soleimani’s candidates were failing to win consensual approval. Iran’s Shia allies were effectively contributing to the failure of Soleimani’s efforts to reach an agreement among Shia over a PM nominee.

By forwarding his resignation on November 29, 2019, to President Salih, Adil Abdel Mahdi made it clear he no longer wished return to power. On February 1, Salih nominated Mohamad Allawi on Moqtada al-Sadr’s demand. Moqtada was given the leading role in choosing a candidate following the US assassination of Soleimani at Baghdad’s airport. This leadership was agreed to in Tehran by General Ismail Qaaani, who believed Moqtada should lead all groups because he was the main instigator of the protests. Even if the people in the street no longer welcomed Moqtada, he remained the only one capable of clearing the road and allowing the formation of a new government. Iran’s priority was for the parliament and the government to concentrate on the withdrawal of all foreign forces, led by the US.

Mohammad Allawi failed to achieve a parliamentary quorum because he behaved condescendingly towards some of the Shia, the Sunni and the Kurds. Allawi believed that Moqtada’s support was sufficient and that all the other groups and ethnicities would have to accept his choice of ministers. Allawi presented his resignation to Salih on March 2.

According to article 73/3 of the Iraqi constitution, the sole authority for nominating a prime minister belongs to the president, who has 15 days to select a candidate. However, President Salih gave the Shia 15 days to choose a candidate. A coalition of seven members representing all Shia groups was formed—they presented 17 candidates. Three names were offered: Naim al-Suheil, Mohamad al-Soudani and Adnan al-Zarfi. Naim al-Suheil received the most votes but was rejected by Faleh al-Fayad. 

Although al-Zarfi is a member of the al-Nasr party led by former PM Haidar Abadi (al-Nasr was formed in 2018), Nuri al-Maliki pushed hard for al-Zarfi (also a member of al-Da’wa party) and sent him to Beirut to convince the Lebanese to bless his nomination. Iran was against the designation of a US national (al-Zarfi holds a US passport). Confronted by Iran’s rejection, Al-Maliki managed to convince Moqtada al-Sadr to nominate al-Zarfi. Al-Maliki managed even if al-Zarfi was the one who fought against Jaish al-Mahdi – with US support – in Najaf in 2004, persecuted Moqtada in the city and expelled him to Baghdad. Moqtada al-Sadr – who recently refused any prime minister holding dual nationality – put his signature on the agreed paper offered to Salih along with Nuri al-Maliki, Haidar Abadi and Sayyed Ammar al-Hakim as per the newly claimed “largest coalition”.

It was a golden opportunity for Salih, with the absence of Soleimani, to please the Americans, the Kurds, the Sunni and a large group of Shia. Salih used his constitutional authority to nominate al-Zarfi as a prime minister. It will be a blow to Iran if al-Zarfi manages to form his government and present it to the parliament.  With the support of such a large coalition of Shia-Sunni-Kurdish MPs, he will no doubt reach the necessary quorum.

One of the main reasons Moqtada al-Sadr supported al-Zarif (apart from al-Zarif’s promise to satisfy Moqtada’s requests in the new cabinet) is the birth of a new group called “Osbat al-Thaereen” (the “Movement of the Revolutionary Association” – MRA). This group claimed twice its responsibility for bombing al-Taji military base where the US and other members of the coalition have a permanent presence. Sayyed Moqtada rejects any attacks on US forces and prefers acting through diplomatic channels (via the parliament). Many Iraqi groups close to Iran swore to seek the withdrawal of the US forces mainly due to the Pentagon’s refusal to discuss a full removal of troops. The US is only willing to relocate troops. Moreover, the US is reinforcing its presence in crucial bases in Iraq (K1, Ayn al-Assad and Erbil) and is about to bring the Patriot interception missile system to its bases in Iraq, without Iraqi government consent.

If al-Zarfi manages to get parliament approval, he may seek to avoid any withdrawal negotiations with the US. He would also merge Hashd al-Shaabi and attempt to disarm the Iraqi groups close to Iran. But al-Zarfi is not in a position to seek a change of the parliament’s decision related to the US withdrawal. That issue will concern the newly elected parliament. However, al-Zarfi, like any new prime minister, is expected to gather a large number of MPs in the forthcoming parliamentary elections, enough to seek the prolonged presence of the US forces in Iraq.

Osbat al-Thaereen warned the US forces in Iraq.

This scenario is only applicable if al-Zarfi manages to reach the parliament in 30 days with a new cabinet and to retain his allies, notably the Shia. Iran will do everything possible to make things difficult for al-Zarfi. The ex-governor of Najaf was accused of burning the two Iranian consulates in Karbala and Najaf last year and is expected to follow the path of his al-Nasr coalition leader (former PM Abadi) in respecting US sanctions on Iran. That would be devastating to Iran’s economy, already suffering from the harshest US sanctions ever.

Al-Zarfi as prime minister will be a major blow to Iran and to those who support its objectives and ideology in Iraq. The coronavirus will not keep Iran away from the Iraqi theatre; Iran will not allow Iraq to fall under US control. If al-Zarfi comes to power, the stability of Iraq will be shaken, and partition will be back on the table. An era of instability can be expected in Mesopotamia under an Iraqi prime minister considered to be an ally of the US, particularly following the assassination of Qassem Soleimani.

Proofread by:  C.G.B

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‘THE STORY IS NOT YET COMPLETE’: NEW IRAQI GROUP THREATENS U.S. MILITARY IN VIDEO MESSAGE

South Front

On March 17, Usbat al-Tha’ireen (UT), a newly-formed Iraqi armed group, released a video message threatening U.S. forces in the country.
In the video, titled “the story is not yet complete,” a masked member of the group warns that their capabilities are far larger than what they have used so far.
“The movement of Revolutionary Association, Usbat al-Tha’ireen, promises the Iraqi people, the families of martyrs and the people who were wounded by the enemies and their allies, the devil America, we promise that what happened in Taji and Basmea is nothing but a simple message to clarify the fact that this is the least that we can use against them, also to clarify that our victorious, blooming, full of pride and dignity resent has more long rang weapons that can perish you in the land of your spoiled child Israel,” the group’s member said., listen anytime anyplace.
The attack on Camp Taji on March 11 claimed the lives of three U.S.-led coalition service members, two Americans and a British.
Video Here
UT called on President Donald Trump to withdraw all U.S. forces from Iraq. The group threatened the Oklahoma Air National Guard and the 277th Aviation Regiment. Both units are deployed in Iraq as a part of the so-called “International Coalition”.
“Leave vertically, before we force them [U.S. forces] to leave horizontally [in coffins],” the group’s member warned in the video
Lebanon’s Hezbollah General-Secretary, Hassan Nasrallah, made the exact same threat following the assassination of Iran’s Quds Force Commander Maj. Gen. Qassim Soleimani and Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) Deputy-Commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis last January. This again indicates that UT is a Shiite, pro-Iran group.
The U.S, which believes that Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH) is behind the recent attacks on its troops in Iraq, is yet to comment on UT’s message. There is no evidence supporting that the new group is affiliated of KH. However, this is possible.

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U.S. FORCES WITHDRAW FROM KEY BASE NEAR SYRIAN BORDER. MORE ROCKET ATTACKS ON US TARGETS IN IRAQ

South Front

Late on March 17, at least three rockets struck the area near the US embassy in Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone. This was the fourth such attack in the span of a week. A day earlier, a pair of rockets struck the Besmaya base south of Baghdad. This military facility is the second largest military base operated by the US-led coalition in Iraq after Camp Taji.

The threat of rocket attacks already forced the US military to announce that it is evacuating some of its bases in the country. The al-Qaim base, near the Syrian-Iraqi border, is among them. The al-Qaim facility has been an important logistical and operational hub employed by US forces for operations in western Iraq and eastern Syria. Its presence there, as well as in Syria’s al-Tanf, has allowed the US to project its power along the Syrian-Iraqi border more effectively and to support Israeli military actions against Iranian-backed forces in the area.

Al-Qaim is located on the highway between the Iraqi capital of Baghdad and the Syrian city of Deir Ezzor. The town of al-Bukamal, which Israeli and US media often label as a stronghold of Iranian-backed forces, is located on the Syrian side of the border.

Audiobooks from AudibleEnjoy books in a whole new way, listen anytime anyplace.

The withdrawal from al-Qaim is a signal that the US has been forced to admit that its attempts to cut off the land link between Syria, Iraq and Iran have failed. Washington was seeking to prevent a free movement of troops, weapons and other supplies from one country to another.

Meanwhile in Syria, the Idlib zone remains the main focus of tensions. Idlib armed groups and their supporters continue blocking efforts to create a security zone along the M4 highway in southern Idlib, as had been agreed by Turkey and Russia. These actions are accompanied by a fierce war propaganda campaign against the Damascus government, Iran and Russia. If the situation develops in this direction and further, the only remaining option to implement the new de-escalation deal and neutralize the terrorist threat will be a new military operation.

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بين عملية المقاومة والعدوان الأميركيّ… هل دخل العراق معركة التحرير الثانيّة؟

حسن حردان

تتسارع التطورات في العراق، على نحو يؤشر إلى أنّ المواجهة بين المقاومة العراقية على اختلاف تلاوينها، وقوات الاحتلال الأميركية الغربية، باتت شبه محسومة، بعد عملية مباغتة للمقاومة بقصف معسكر التاجي لقوات التحالف الغربي أسفرت عن مقتل جنديين أميركيين وجندي بريطاني، وإصابة العشرات بجراح، وإقدام الطائرات الأميركية على قصف مواقع الحشد الشعبي في منطقة البوكمال السورية، ثم قيامها بشنّ غارات على مراكز للجيش العراقي والحشد في العديد من المناطق العراقية، أسفرت عن سقوط عدد من الشهداء والجرحى… وإعلان البنتاغون أنّ هذه الضربات رسالة واضحة بأننا لن نتهاون إزاء الهجمات التي تستهدف قواتنا.. هذه الاعتداءات الأميركية دفعت فصائل المقاومة العراقية إلى توجيه ما يشبه الإنذار إلى الحكومة العراقية بضرورة حسم مسألة استمرار بقاء القوات الأميركية التي ترفض تنفيذ قرار البرلمان العراقي بالانسحاب من العراق، على اثر إقدام الجيش الأميركي بارتكاب جريمة اغتيال القائدين الشهيدين قاسم سليماني وأبو مهدي المهندس في مطار بغداد، وتأكيد فصائل المقاومة بأنّ العدوان الجديد على السيادة العراقية يستوجب الردّ، وأنّ المعركة ليست محصورة فقط بالحشد الشعبي وإنما بالإرادة الشعبية العراقية، وأنّ الحشد أخذ الاحتياطات وأخلى مقراته، وأنّ فصائل المقاومة، حتى الآن، تحترم دور المؤسسات الحكومية، وتنتظر منها موقفاً واضحاً من العدوان والعمل على تنفيذ قرار البرلمان بوضع جدول زمني لرحيل القوات الأجنبية عن العراق.. منتقدة بشدة مواقف الرئاسة وبعض القوى العراقية التي سارعت الى التنديد بشدة بالهجوم الذي تعرّضت له القوات الأميركية الغربية في معسكر التاجي، فيما هي خجولة في التنديد بالعدوان الأميركي وتمتنع عن المطالبة برحيل القوات الأميركية، بل وتوفر لها الغطاء لعدم تنفيذ قرار البرلمان…

انّ هذه التطورات المتسارعة تؤكّد وتدلّل على ما يلي:

أولاً، إنّ العراق قد دخل فعلياً معركة إخراج القوات الأميركية الغربية من العراق بعد أن تحوّلت إلى قوات محتلة ترفض تنفيذ قرار البرلمان بالانسحاب، وبعد أن أصبحت تمارس العدوان على الجيش العراقي علناً، وتعمل على محاولة استغلال التناقضات بين القوى والأحزاب العراقية وتغذيها، مستفيدة من تبعية وولاء بعض القوى والأحزاب التي تدين بوجودها للاحتلال الأميركي، وانها تعمل على ترجمة توجهات واشنطن بعرقلة تشكيل حكومة عراقية لا تلبّي أهدافها ومصالحها الاستعمارية في العراق… هذا يعني بوضوح انّ العراق بات خاضعاً من جديد لاحتلال القوات الأميركية، بعد ان تسلّلت إلى العراق، اثر انسحابها عام 2011 تحت ضربات المقاومة، بثوب محاربة تنظيم داعش الإرهابي ذات الصناعة الأميركية.. لكنها بعد أن نجح العراق في القضاء على داعش، وسقط مبرّر بقاء القوات الأميركية، تسعى اليوم الى الاستفادة من تأييد بعض القوى التي دعمتها لتبرير بقائها..

ثانياً، انّ عملية المقاومة ضدّ قوات الاحتلال في معسكر التاجي، إنما تندرج في سياق توجيه رسالة بالنار إلى الإدارة الأميركية بانتهاء مرحلة الانتظار، وانه من غير المسموح المماطلة والتسويف في تنفيذ قرار الانسحاب وأنّ عليها ان تختار واحد من أمرين…

1 ـ أما الانسحاب سلماً من دون إبطاء ووفق جدول زمني واضح ومحدّد لا يستغرق وقتاً طويلاً، وعدم التذاكي والمراوغة من خلال محاولة إعادة تموضع القوات الأميركية في بعض المناطق التي تعتقد أنها توفر بيئة حاضنة لها…

2 ـ أو عليها ان تواجه عمليات المقاومة، التي شكلت جبهة موحدة وغرفة عمليات مشتركة على اثر الجريمة الأميركية باغتيال الشهيدين سليماني والمهندس…

ثالثاً، من الواضح أنّ عملية المقاومة على معسكر التاجي، والتي لم يعلن ايّ طرف من أطراف المقاومة مسؤوليته عنها، إنما تعكس تكتيكاً مدروساً، للبدء بمقاومة سرية، تاخذ بالاعتبار ظروف وواقع الدولة العراقية، وأن هذه المقاومة تنطلق من نقطة متقدمة جداً، مختلفة كثيراً عن النقطة التي انطلقت فيها اثر احتلال القوات الأميركية للعراق عام 2003، فالمقاومة التي ستواجه القوات الأميركية اليوم، هي التي هزمت هذه القوات عندما أجبرها بعد سنوات على الرحيل عن العراق عام 2011، وهذه المقاومة هي التي هزمت أيضاً تنظيم داعش الإرهابي، المصنّع أميركياً، ولهذا فإنّ المقاومة باتت تملك القدرات والإمكانيات والخبرات في خوض قتال كلّ أنواع الحروب، لا سيما حرب المقاومة الشعبية المسلحة، وهي قادرة على البدء بضربات قوية قاسية وموجعة للقوات الأميركية وبالتالي جعلها تتكبّد خسائر جسيمة في فترة قصيرة، لا تستطيع الولايات المتحدة احتمالها.. وستؤدّي في النهاية إلى إجبارها على الرحيل عن العرق بذلّ ومهانة.. إنْ هي رفضت الانسحاب سلماً…

رابعاً، انّ محاولة واشنطن العودة إلى اللعب على وتر التناقضات العراقية لتبرير استمرار بقاء قواتها، لن يجدي، وأنّ اللجوء إلى العدوان على القوات العراقية وفصائل الحشد لن يؤدّي سوى الى تأجيج العداء ضدّ الولايات المتحدة وقواتها، وبالتالي تعزيز البيئة الشعبية العراقية الداعمة للمقاومة المسلحة.. مع لفت الانتباه إلى أنّ هذه المقاومة، خاضت النضال المسلح ضدّ القوات الأميركية بين 2003 و2011 في ظلّ ظروف أكثر تعقيداً بالنسبة لها من الظروف المراهنة، ومع ذلك تمكّنت من تحويل وجود الاحتلال إلى جحيم أجبره في النهاية على الانسحاب تحت جنح الظلام…

خامساً، لقد تأكد للشعب العراقي وقواه الوطنية والمقاومة انّ عدم الاستقرار في العراق إنما سببه التدخل الأميركي في شؤون العراقيين مستفيداً من التناقضات التي ولّدها الدستور الذي وضعه الحاكم الأميركي بول بريمر اثر احتلال العراق عام 2003، وأنّ السبيل لتحقيق الاستقرار واستطراداً تحقيق الاستقلال والسيادة ووضع حدّ لتدخلات واشنطن إنما يستدعي خوض معركة فرض رحيل القوات الأميركية، التي لن ترحل إلا بالمقاومة، كما أثبتت التجارب مع المحتلّ الأميركي.. لكن هذه المرة سيكون الرحيل أسرع لأنّ إدارة الرئيس الأميركي ترامب لا تحتمل التورّط في حرب استنزاف جديدة مكلفة، في وقت لا تزال تسعى فيه أميركا للخروج من آثار النزف الكبير الذي تكبّدته مادياً وبشرياً نتيجة حربها الخاسرة في العراق وأفغانستان، وهي للتوّ قد وقّعت على اتفاق مع حركة طالبان يقضي بسحب قواتها من أفغانستان.. وفي وقت يدخل فيه ترامب حملة انتخابية للفوز بولاية ثانية، وهو الذي كان وعد ناخبيه الأميركيين بأن يخرجهم من الحروب، وتعهّد لهم عدم شنّ حروب جديدة..

لذلك فإنّ قرار فصائل المقاومة العراقية عدم التساهل والتراخي في تنفيذ قرار البرلمان العراق وإردة الشعب العراقي بفرض انسحاب القوات الأميركية، هو الضمانة لتسريع رحيل هذه القوات عن العراق وتحريره مرة ثانية من احتلالها، واستعمار الولايات المتحدة، وكلّ الآثار التي ولدها وفي المقدّمة إسقاط دستور بريمر الفتنوي… وإدارة ترامب لن يكون أمامها من خيار سوى الإسراع في الانسحاب تجنّباً من الغرق في حرب استنزاف جديدة مكلفة، ستكون نهايتها الهزيمة المؤكدة.. كما أكدت تجربة المقاومة مع الاحتلال الأميركي بين 2003 و2011.

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