Saudi’s NEOM ’city in the desert’ project falters amid Gaza war

APR 25, 2024

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Faced with financial, logistical, and geopolitical challenges, Riyadh has been forced to review its ambitious project, The Line, and critically reassess “economic normalization” with Israel.
(Photo Credit: The Cradle)

Giorgio Cafiero

Launched in 2017, Saudi Arabia’s NEOM, a sprawling high-tech development on the northwestern Red Sea coast, was introduced as the crown jewel of Vision 2030. 

This futuristic desert megaproject, extending over some Jordanian and Egyptian territory, was cast as a bold leap toward economic diversification under the leadership of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS). But, recent geopolitical setbacks have raised significant concerns about the viability of some of NEOM’s components.

Initially celebrated for its revolutionary design, The Line, a linear city within NEOM, was to redefine urban living. Yet, recent reports suggest a dramatic scaling back. Earlier this month, Bloomberg revealed a massive reduction in the metropolis’ scope – from 105 to 1.5 miles – and a decrease in likely inhabitants from 1.5 million to fewer than 300,000 by 2030. Furthermore, funding uncertainties and workforce reductions indicate a project in jeopardy.

While this adjustment does not signify a wholesale failure of Vision 2030, it does prompt a re-evaluation of the project’s most ambitious elements. 

Experts suggest that The Line’s original scale was overly optimistic, lacking the necessary urban infrastructure for such an innovative endeavor. Financial and geopolitical challenges, including regional instability and insufficient foreign direct investment, further complicate NEOM’s future.

The drastic downsizing of The Line “appears to be a reassessment of timeline feasibility,” Dr Robert Mogielnicki, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, tells The Cradle. “There are many experimental, world-first dimensions within the NEOM gigaproject, and some are eventually going to need rightsizing or rethinking.”

Also speaking to The Cradle, Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, a Baker Institute Fellow at Rice University, believes the project’s contraction to be a good thing:

Reports that The Line may be scaled back significantly is actually a positive move if it injects greater realism into a project whose initial scale appeared fanciful and difficult to translate into reality. Greater pragmatism in designing and delivering the gigaprojects associated with Vision 2030 is a good thing and means there is a greater likelihood of the projects making it off the drawing board.

Given financial and economic factors, The Line was never feasible as initially presented. Ultimately, the amount of wealth the Saudis generate from oil is not enough to finance the most ambitious of MbS’ Vision 2030 projects. And Riyadh has not been able to lure the levels of foreign direct investment needed to make these extremely expensive vanity projects realizable. 

“The vast scope of [The Line] always struck me and many other observers as aspirational rather than realistic,” explains Gordon Gray, the former US ambassador to Tunisia. 

Speaking to The Cradle, Ryan Bohl, a Middle East and North African analyst at risk intelligence company RANE, says: 

I’d argue that the goals for The Line were unrealistic from the start, given that there’s virtually no urban infrastructure in the area, and it’s very difficult for cities to be started from scratch like that, regardless of the amount of investment poured in. Even if Saudi Arabia had, for example, done something extreme like declare NEOM to be their new capital city, it would still probably struggle to attract residents as we’ve seen from other historical examples like Brazil’s shift of its capital to Brasília.

It attracts attention. That sort of discourse – positive or negative – creates a buzz. That buzz was supposed to attract investors who wanted to be a part of this, help Saudi Arabia build a city of the future, and try to do something completely outlandish and absolutely unconventional.

Gaza: a wrench in the works

The leadership in Riyadh has understood that the success of Vision 2030 heavily depends on attracting substantial foreign direct investment into the Kingdom. Ultimately, stability in Saudi Arabia and the wider West Asian region is crucial.

Consequently, Riyadh’s recent foreign policy has been less ideological, focusing instead on maintaining amicable terms with all major players in West Asia to advance Saudi business, commercial, and economic interests. 

Within this context, Riyadh has worked to reach a peace deal with Yemen’s Ansarallah resistance movement, made an effort to preserve the Beijing-brokered 2023 Saudi–Iranian détente, restored relations with Qatar and Syria, and mended fences with Turkiye.

Therefore, beyond financial and economic constraints that require a reassessment of the most ambitious Vision 2030 projects, such as The Line, Israel’s brutal six-month war on Gaza and the expansion of that conflict into the Red Sea have created headwinds for Saudi Arabia’s geoeconomic plans.

As Arhama Siddiqa, a Research Fellow at the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, explains to The Cradle:

Given the current instability in the Red Sea region, investors may hesitate to support a large-scale project like NEOM due to perceived risks. Even if the direct security threat to NEOM is minimal, the overall instability in the area can deter investors from committing substantial resources to a long-term venture. Additionally, the broader [West Asia] conflict further complicates the situation, adding another layer of uncertainty. Addressing these security concerns could require Saudi Arabia to allocate more resources to regional security measures, potentially diverting funds from the NEOM project.

There is no denying that Saudi Arabia’s economic diversification agenda is vulnerable to naval operations in the Red Sea. NEOM and other Red Sea projects require vessels to be able to freely travel from the Gulf of Aden through the Bab al-Mandab and up to Saudi Arabia’s west coast. 

The Gaza war’s potential spillover into this vital waterway continues to raise concerns for Saudi officials about the impact on the Kingdom’s Vision 2030.

These dynamics help explain Riyadh’s frustration with the White House for not leveraging its influence over Israel to negotiate a ceasefire in Gaza. It has led to Saudi Arabia’s decision to abstain from joining any US-led security initiatives and military operations in the Red Sea and Yemen.

The Israel–NEOM connection 

Israel’s geographic proximity to northwestern Saudi Arabia, its technological advancement, and its vibrant startup culture position the occupation state as a promising partner for Vision 2030 and the NEOM project, particularly in biotechnology, cybersecurity, and manufacturing. 

Writing in March 2021, Dr Ali Dogan, previously a Research Fellow at the Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient, went as far as arguing that “relations with Israel are necessary for Saudi Arabia to complete NEOM.” 

Dr Mohammad Yaghi, a research fellow at Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, similarly stated that NEOM “requires peace and coordination with Israel, especially if the city is to have a chance of becoming a tourist attraction.”

However, Saudi Arabia’s leadership role in the Islamic world, exemplified by the monarch’s title as the “Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques,” makes any formal normalization of relations with Tel Aviv highly sensitive. 

Initially, it was thought that while the UAE and Bahrain could establish overt relations with Israel, Saudi Arabia would continue to engage covertly, ensuring essential collaborations like those rumored in the tech sector could progress discreetly. 

An example being in June 2020, when controversy arose over Saudi Arabia’s alleged engagement with an Israeli cybersecurity firm, which the Saudi embassy later denied.

Yet, almost seven months into Israel’s campaign to annihilate Gaza, can Saudi Arabia still look to Tel Aviv as a partner in NEOM?

It appears that amid ongoing crises in the region, chiefly the Gaza genocide, Riyadh must be careful to avoid being seen as cooperating with the Israelis in covert ways, and full-fledged normalization seems off the table for the foreseeable future. 

Nonetheless, after the dust settles in Gaza and the Red Sea security crisis calms down, Saudi Arabia will likely maintain its interest in fostering ties with Israel as part of an “economic normalization” between the two countries. This could be important to Vision 2030’s future, particularly in NEOM. 

But Israel’s unprecedented military campaign in Gaza will likely alter West Asia in many ways for decades to come. Even after the current war in Gaza is over, anger toward Israel and the US will continue.

Without a doubt, the Israeli–NEOM connection will be increasingly sensitive and controversial, both in the Kingdom and the wider region – a factor that the leadership in Riyadh cannot dismiss.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

How Ansar Allah are schooling the West on the battlefield: Bloomberg

11 Mar 2024 

Source: News Websites

Ansar Allah fighters stage a rally against the U.S. government designating Ansar Allah as a terror group and against the U.S.-led sustained airstrikes on Yemen, near Sanaa, Yemen, January 25, 2024. (AP)

By Al Mayadeen English

An opinion piece published in Bloomberg details the significant challenges the Yemenis pose against the Western maritime coalition, giving them the upper hand in battle.

A recent op-ed published by Bloomberg detailed the considerations the West must take into account in its war on Yemen and schooled the West on the challenges it has to face before declaring itself victorious against a movement it cannot catch up to, Yemen’s Ansar Allah.

Throughout the confrontations between Ansar Allah and the foreign infiltrative coalition in the Red Sea, author Marc Champion reflects on the military advancements the Yemenis possess. The Yemenis revolutionized the battlefield by utilizing enhanced weapons such as precision missiles and suicide drones, among others, that had only been available to the richest nations. 

The second challenge encompasses the vulnerability of Western nations that have perpetuated a war without calculating all they would lose. For example, Champion discusses the infrastructure of the United States and its offshore projects that could be shrunk in the face of a powerful foe. He proceeds to speculate how much the US per capita gross domestic product, which stands at over $76,000, could be hit, highlighting its fragility. 

The economic structure of the globe should be considered, according to Champion, who claims the disruptions in the maritime supply chain caused by Yemen’s Ansar Allah, which add up to 12% of the global shipping, essentially do not affect Yemen as much as they affect European importers. 

Moreover, the author depicts the discrepancies between the political ideology of the US and Yemen. If Yemen kills US troops that have been deployed to infiltrate and militarize the Red Sea and protect the interests of “Israel” by bombing the defensive force that is supporting Gaza through a US-funded Israeli genocide, then it would transpire as a political problem that backfires at Biden’s administration. On the other hand, when US troops kill Yemeni civilians in the US’ brutal attacks on residential Yemeni areas, then it only fuels Ansar Allah further, and more so the popular support it garners.

Champion then says the US must not escalate tensions against a clearly overpowered movement that regards it as an absolute evil and continues to recruit freedom fighters in the quest for liberation. 

Read more: Much of Yemeni offensive capability is intact after US-led strike: NYT

Yemen refutes the undersea cables matter once again

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On submarine telecommunication cables, the author classifies them as an extension of Western vulnerabilities in the region, that could be a target for the Yemenis. 

It is important to note that Ansar Allah has repeatedly declared its intention to preserve and protect the cables. Earlier in March, the Ministry of Transport and Maritime Affairs in Yemen reiterated that Sanaa “is keen on the security and safety of undersea cables in Yemeni waters, in accordance with international laws, treaties, and agreements.”

It pointed out that “the Republic of Yemen is also keen on the interests of the countries associated with the cables as obligated by laws, agreements, international treaties, and the common interests between Yemen and other states.”

This comes after Israeli newspaper Globes reported earlier that at least four underwater communication cables were damaged in the sea between Jeddah in Saudi Arabia and Djibouti in East Africa, accusing the Yemeni Armed Forces of allegedly being behind the operation.

Sanaa rejected claims made by the United States and Britain regarding the cutting of undersea cables in the Red Sea and condemned the act of sabotage, describing it as “criminal”. The Yemeni government in Sanaa affirmed on Saturday that the US-UK aggressions against the country have disrupted the undersea cables, jeopardizing the security and safety of international communications. 

Read more: Yemen honored to fight for Gaza: Sayyed al-Houthi

The unstoppable Ansar Allah

Previously, a piece published on The Atlantic magazine’s news website suggested that Yemeni Ansar Allah leader Sayyed Abdul-Malik al-Houthi “may now be the most popular public figure in the Middle East.”

The piece pointed out that since the Yemeni Armed Forces began their operations in the Red Sea in November in support of the Palestinian people, Sayyed al-Houthi “has been treated like a latter-day Che Guevara, his portrait and speeches shared on social media across five continents.”

It emphasized that although it remains challenging to assess the consequences of the attacks, the Yemeni operations created a gap in the global economy.

The operations, according to the piece, turned the Yemeni Ansar Allah movement into “heroes for Arab and Muslim youths who embrace the Palestinian cause,” and even influenced Western progressives.

Elsewhere, the piece indicated that the US-British aggression did not deter the Yemeni Armed Forces, adding that “since staking claim to the Palestinian cause,” the Yemeni forces “have come to seem unstoppable.”

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