Scoring a self-goal? Lebanon’s Christians and the war in Gaza

MAR 27, 2024

(Photo Credit: The Cradle)

Ever since 8 October, when Hezbollah rallied militarily to support the Palestinian resistance in Gaza in their war against Israel, Lebanese Christian political leaders have taken a firm stance opposing the entanglement of the Shia powerhouse – or any other Lebanese faction – in the region’s myriad conflicts. 

Notable figures among these are former President Michel Aoun and Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) leader Gebran Bassil – both long-term Christian allies of Hezbollah since 2006, who now vocally oppose efforts to unite forces in support of Palestine. Even influential figures like the head of Lebanon’s Maronite Church, Patriarch Mar Bechara Boutros al-Rahi, echo this sentiment.

Samir Geagea, leader of the right-wing, pro-US Lebanese Forces, never one to mince words, accused Hezbollah of seeking to “obtain the presidency and Lebanon’s government in return for withdrawing weapons from the border” with Israel. Anyone thinking of a bargain involving the presidency and the border situation, Geagea said, would be “dreaming.”

According to Geagea – who served 11 years in prison for the 1994 bombing of a church and the assassination of top Lebanese political officials and their families – Hezbollah “does not want to engage in a war, but only wants to garner internal gains, while Iran wants to garner additional gains at the regional level.”

The former warlord stressed that “putting Lebanon in the barrel of the cannon will not benefit the Palestinian cause but will bring us total destruction.” 

Lebanon’s political deadlock

For his part, Samy Gemayel, Head of the Kataeb Party, claims:

Hezbollah deceives both Lebanese and Palestinians when it pretends to open a support front in the Gaza war. However, this front practically has no impact on the situation in Gaza … Any barter that protects Israel’s security at the expense of handing over Beirut to Hezbollah … Anyone who thinks that such a settlement will pass is mistaken, as we will be in the face of any new settlement that threatens our future in Lebanon.

It should be noted that the Kataeb and Lebanese Forces parties (the latter existed initially as the military wing of the former) fired the first bullet in Lebanon’s 15-year civil war at Palestinian civilians and are responsible for the notorious Sabra and Shatila refugee camp massacre, in which thousands of Palestinians were gunned down over three days, all while Israeli choppers lit the night skies overhead.

Today, Lebanese political analyst Wael Najm says the country’s political parties are in limbo, “awaiting the outcome of the battle in Gaza and the confrontations in southern Lebanon. Thus, the movement in the presidential file has been frozen.”

These accusations from Lebanon’s Christian leaders come despite Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah stressing that his party would not seek to achieve political gains in Lebanon based on the results of the Gaza war.

As FPM member Rindala Jabbour tells The Cradle:

Hezbollah does not exert its military power in Lebanese internal politics. If it wanted to use its surplus power, it would have done so after the 2006 war, and there have been many opportunities to do so. Hezbollah does not impose its power. Otherwise, there would be many different equations. It would have imposed many things it wanted.

“I don’t think we are any longer in the era of political Shiism, Maronism, or even Sunnism. I think we [Lebanon] have passed those stages,” she adds.

Maronites for the Moqawama 

Highlighting the interconnectedness of regional dynamics, Jabbour says, “There is an awareness that what is happening in Palestine, Syria, and the encirclement countries will inevitably affect Lebanon,” and that many Christians will ultimately support the fight against Israeli aggression. 

Many Christians support the resistance because they know it has a fundamental role in protecting Lebanon and has given the country a deterrent force. This group knows that there are consequences and repercussions of the Palestinian war on Lebanon, especially if the Palestinian resistance is defeated and Israel achieves its goals.

Jabbour clarifies her party’s position: “By separating the squares, we mean not to put Lebanon in a crisis in which it cannot bear the repercussions. The Free Patriotic Movement is indeed with the separation of squares, but it appreciates the wisdom of the resistance in dealing with the different issues.”

There is a point of view that supports the resistance, but it expresses its fear of provoking an Israeli war and giving an excuse for Israel to invade Lebanon. Especially since Lebanon currently can’t handle any war.

Jabbour laments the shortcomings of some Christians who distance themselves from the resistance, expressing concerns that their words and actions may inadvertently align with Israel’s interests, as was the case with the Phalangists during the Lebanese Civil War. 

Writer and researcher Qasem Qassir explains to The Cradle that many critics of Hezbollah’s battle on the southern border are so caught up in Lebanon’s endless, internal political squabbles that they can’t see the forest for the trees: 

Hezbollah confirms, through all of its officials, that participation in the war has to do with confronting the Israeli enemy and supporting the Palestinian people and has nothing to do with any internal issue, regardless of the results of the war and its connotations. Hezbollah further confirms that with the implementation of the Taif Agreement and with the internal dialogue on all files, including the presidential file, no amendment will be put forward to the system and that it respects the Lebanese formula.

The Taif Agreement, for those uninitiated in Lebanon’s sect-based political system, is the 1989 deal struck between feuding Lebanese warlords to end the country’s 1975–1990 Civil War, in which all sides endorsed a plan to divide parliamentary seats equally between Muslims and Christians. 

Concerning the negative repercussions that could impact Lebanese Christians in the widening regional war, Qassir believes that “First and foremost, the Israeli danger is a danger to all of Lebanon, not only to Palestine or Gaza, and there is an Israeli objective to displace Palestinians to Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon. Therefore, it is important to support the resistance and face Israel,” regardless of one’s views on the region’s Iran-led Axis of Resistance.

Gaza affects Lebanon

A recent survey conducted by the Jewish People’s Policy Institute revealed that 63 percent of Israelis believe that their military should attack Hezbollah with full force at the first available opportunity or after the war in Gaza subsides. These results are consistent with the official Israeli rhetoric calling for the invasion of Lebanon – irrespective of whether a lasting ceasefire is struck with Gaza. 

Speaking to The Cradle, Palestinian political analyst Iyad al-Qara laments the shortsightedness of Lebanon’s naysayers: “The positions of some Christian parties, unfortunately, were negative, both regarding the resistance operations in southern Lebanon and those they had during the Gaza war. This is surprising.”

“If Gaza falls, this could be a prelude to the occupation of Lebanon,” he warns. Qara further points out:

The steadfastness of Gaza helps protect Lebanon from Israel’s attacks. Therefore, Christians should not look at the current conflict from the perspective of disagreements and wars with some Palestinians, especially since the circumstances are different from before. They must reconsider their position because the victory of Gaza is a victory for both Lebanon and Palestine. Thus, their position should be more positive.

“The Israeli army’s attempts to displace people from Gaza will continue, whether optional or mandatory,” Qara concludes. 

In this context, extremist Israeli activist Daniella Weiss, the “godmother” of the Zionist settler movement, which for the first time in Israel’s history has powerful cabinet members representing its interests at every level, recently told CNN: “No Arab, I’m speaking about more than two million Arabs. They will not stay there. We Jews will be in Gaza … 500 families have already signed up to resettle in Gaza.”

Be careful what you wish for 

According to UNRWA, there are 1.2 million Palestinians in the Rafah area, south of Gaza, who are currently surviving in catastrophic humanitarian conditions.

report by Lebanese academic and researcher Abbas Assi, published on the Carnegie Endowment For International Peace website, states, “The Christian community in Lebanon has several concerns about the ongoing war. They fear that if Israel defeats Hamas, it may be tempted to launch a full-scale war on Hezbollah in Lebanon, further impacting the already fragile Lebanese economy.”

Moreover, they worry that Israel’s success in deporting Palestinians from Gaza could impede the return of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon to their homeland, and their naturalization in Lebanon would become inevitable. As a result, the power of the Christian minority, which is already grappling with a demographic decline, would be further weakened.

Lebanese journalist Ghassan Saoud says the Lebanese Church is now working to mitigate negative fallout by crafting a national document in cooperation with several Christian political parties. Among the paper’s goals is “to be frank with others about concerns (among Christians in particular) in a calm, rational, and sober language, far from street hooliganism.” 

In the final analysis, the war on Gaza should not be allowed to negatively impact Lebanon’s political fabric – especially during a period of insecurity. 

Rather than banking on the downfall of Palestinian resistance or envisioning a post-Hezbollah Lebanon, Lebanon’s Christian politicos should consider the broader, more immediate ramifications of the growing regional conflict. The loss of Gaza could fundamentally alter their position in West Asia, with the refugee crisis exacerbating their demographic minority status in Lebanon. 

This could potentially necessitate amendments to the Taif Agreement to align with Lebanon’s evolving demographic and political reality. Consequently, Christian political leaders – particularly those aligned with anti-Hezbollah foreign states – are advised to weigh these issues carefully before lashing out at Lebanon’s resistance, the country’s only safeguard against Israel.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

As Israel mulls full-fledged ground invasion of Rafah, spotlight is on Egypt

Sunday, 18 February 2024 9:43 AM  [ Last Update: Sunday, 18 February 2024 9:43 AM ]

By Iqbal Jassat 

As the world increasingly reacts with alarm at Israeli Premier Benjamin Netanyahu’s declared goal of leveling the southern Gaza city of Rafah to the ground, the spotlight has fallen on Egypt.

Will the North African heavyweight stand idly by, allowing the Tel Aviv regime to intensify its ongoing genocide in Gaza, or make good its threat to annul the so-called “peace treaty”? 

Authorities in Cairo would know that plans by Israel to populate Gaza with Jewish settlements require Egypt’s collaboration to absorb Palestinian refugees into parts of the Sinai. 

What it translates to is that Gaza is ethnically cleansed of 2.3 million Palestinians and replaced with an exclusively Jewish settler colony. 

However, the sticky point is Rafah, where more than a million and a half Palestinians who were violently forced to evacuate their homes in the North are huddled in tents and makeshift shelters, facing death from relentless air strikes, hunger, cold and thirst. 

In addition, the dire need for essential medical supplies has spawned the worst humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, something the world has never seen in the modern era. 

So, the big question is, how will Egypt respond to these developments? 

Egypt, of today, under the military rule of General Abdel Fateh el-Sisi, is a far cry from the leadership of Mohamed Morsi. 

During the exciting but short-lived era of the Arab Spring, tens of thousands of protesters across Cairo flooded Tahrir Square demanding the removal of Hosni Mubarak from his thirty-year reign. 

Following the popular mass revolt against his brutal dictatorship, Mubarak was forced to resign. It marked a period that saw the country transitioning from tyranny to democracy when Morsi was elected to lead Egypt in its first free and fair democratic election. 

The change of fortunes did not sit well with Western powers that began a series of dirty tricks to oust him, notwithstanding the fact that Morsi had acquired a comfortable majority during the elections. 

A classic case of a regime-change plot began to be engineered when a number of countries connived to unseat him through a bloody military coup. 

America, Israel, UAE and Saudi Arabia’s candidate for regime change was the head of Egypt’s notorious secret service/intelligence unit – el-Sisi – who was also in charge of the military. 

In an elaborate scheme, a rebellion against Morsi was orchestrated as a prelude to the coup. Reports subsequently revealed that the UAE government funded the uprising. 

These regimes shared common misgivings about Morsi’s ties to the Muslim Brotherhood (Al Ikhwan Al Muslimeen) and were reluctant to have the Arab world’s most powerful nation-state in the hands of the Ikhwan. 

Chatham House reported that recordings leaked from the Egyptian Ministry of Defence and confidential testimony from US officials fingered the UAE as having provided funds to support the activity of Tamarrod, the movement that organized the rebellion against Morsi.

As soon as el-Sisi stepped in to take Morsi’s seat, Saudi Arabia and the UAE made no effort to conceal their approval. Both Western-backed oligarchs gleefully displayed their support with transfers of huge chunks of money. 

The background to the massacre is well documented. According to media reports, tens of thousands of Egyptians were out in the streets and city squares to demand the reinstatement of Morsi. 

To illustrate the brazeness of the UAE, its Crown Prince Mohamed bin Zayed led a delegation to Cairo in solidarity with coup leader el-Sisi, less than a fortnight after the horror of the Muslim Brotherhood, when around a thousand people were mowed down. 

On August 14, 2013, as the protests had entered their sixth consecutive week, thousands staged a sit-in at the Rabaa al-Adawiya Square, one of Cairo’s busiest thoroughfares, as they had for more than a month. 

Sisi’s forces moved in using armored vehicles and bulldozers, in addition to ground troops and snipers on rooftops carrying live ammunition, to attack the square from all sides and close off safe exits, according to witnesses and human rights organizations, as reported in media. 

Morsi, the elected president, was jailed where he subsequently died, while el-Sisi has now been in power for just over a decade. To date, there has been no accountability for the Rabaa massacre. 

From Rabaa to Rafah, el-Sisi’s dismal human rights record does not hold any promise that he will deter Netanyahu’s planned incursion into Rafah or stop him from expelling Palestinians from there. 

Egypt under el-Sisi has been reduced to a mere spectator, observing the slaughter of thousands of innocent Palestinians as the genocide intensifies in Gaza without any effort to flex its muscles. 

Iqbal Jassat is an executive member of Media Review Network, Johannesburg, South Africa.

(The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of Press TV)


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Ain Al-Hilweh Clashes Part of US Scheme to Dismantle Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon: Report

 September 19, 2023

Source: Al-Akhbar Newspaper

Smoke billows during clashes in the Ain Al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern coastal city of Sidon (photo from July 30, 2023/ AFP).

Ibrahim Al-Amin*

Translated by Areej Fatima A-Husseini

The perception of conspiracy in the Arab world is ambiguous, to the extent that Arabs could be skeptical of major conspiracies, even if the details are revealed over time. Those who grasp the conspiracy’s details are mostly incapable of tackling it, given its concealed or obscured elements. However, if there are Arabs and Lebanese who remain skeptical of the ongoing conspiracy against the Palestinian cause, then this is certainly an unsolvable dilemma.

US-Led Meetings

The funding for UNRWA, which is in charge of providing relief and jobs to Palestinian refugees, started to dwindle at least 10 years ago, while alternatives were pushed by Western-funded organizations. Hence, the number of those wishing or seeking to immigrate to other countries around the world rapidly increased! During that time, meetings were held under the leadership of the United States, where delegates from Lebanon, the country harboring the greatest number of Palestinian refugees, were present.

In a famous meeting in Amman, Jordan, 9 years ago, a US official apprised the Lebanese to “think rationally” and stop repeating the “chant of Resolution 194″.

In that meeting, and in the presence of Dorothy Shea, the current US ambassador to Beirut, the aforementioned US official called on Lebanon to relocate Palestinian refugees in order to pave the way for their naturalization.

To avoid interrogation, the American official added, “Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are no more than 200,000, some of whom seek to travel to the West, and a minority is considering moving to the Gaza Strip. Thus, Lebanon must welcome those who remain and integrate them residentially by relocating them from camps to cities. In addition, the country must integrate them socially and economically by lifting the ban on practicing certain professions and providing them permanent residency while they await citizenship.”

Palestinian refugee camp of Ain Al-Hilweh near the port city of Sidon (photo from archive).

Fatuous Endeavors

Although many things happened since then, this goal was not achieved, as the outcomes of the Syrian war hindered the project aimed at ending the Palestinian refugee issue in Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Jordan. Also, the resistance powers in Lebanon and Palestine have expanded, and the Palestinians have achieved victories that effectively permit them to return to their homeland. All of this, however, offered another reason for the US to speed up their efforts, the ultimate goal of which was to annihilate the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon.

Official Arab Document: The US Scheme

Back to 2023, when Palestinian General Intelligence Chief Majid Faraj visited Lebanon in the second half of July, many denied that his visit had anything to do with any adverse incidents in Lebanon. At the end of July, under the pretext of an assassination, clashes broke out in the Ain Al-Hilweh refugee camp in Sidon. Such clashes often involve unidentified assailant assassinations and result in open battles. Thereupon, some came out to clarify that there had been no coordination between the US and their allies in the region in a bid to ignite the refugee camps ahead of their removal and destruction.

Those who spoke out about a US scheme were accused (including us) of helping to demonize the Fatah movement and blaming the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority (PA). However, the embassy of a prominent Arab country in Beirut, which has no link with Al-Akhbar newspaper, was observing and gathering data as well as preparing a report for its government that outlined the political and security developments in the past two months in Lebanon. The document concluded that what is happening is part of a US scheme—full stop!

What’s inside the Document?

Al-Akhbar Daily publishes the content (incomplete for professional reasons) of a “top secret” document prepared by the aforementioned embassy, which states:

“For quite some time, there have been early American preparations to eliminate the Ain Al-Hilweh camp in southern Lebanon, as it is a major address for Palestinian asylum seekers in the diaspora. This practice was initiated by military leaders and officers sent by Washington in recent years.” “The repeated clashes in the Ain Al-Hilweh camp between the Fatah movement and extremist groups are not isolated from the secret visits of American military delegations to the area overlooking the camp. At the time, American delegations linked with the US Central Command (CENTCOM) had repeated field visits, resulting in at least three visits in 2018, the most notable of which was to then CENTCOM Commander General Joseph Votel”, the document adds.

General Votel in a meeting with Lebanese Army commander Gen. Joseph Aoun during a visit to Lebanon in June 2017.

The document also attributed to Lebanese security sources that “General Votel requested, during a routine visit to the Lebanese Army Command, to arrange for him a reconnaissance tour to the vicinity of the Ain Al-Hilweh camp along with Lebanese officers who are familiar with this file.”

General Joseph Aoun, the Lebanese Army Commander, was surprised by this request, given that the commander of the CENTCOM, whose military authority extends from Afghanistan to Lebanon, could instead send a team of his officers for this purpose and that the camp does not represent a challenging aspect in terms of strategic military calculations, as per Aoun.

Indeed, the American general got what he sought, as he inspected the refugee camp of Ain Al-Hilweh from Serob Hill overlooking it. Votel was carrying precise maps of the camp and surrounding areas with him, and he asked the army intelligence team that accompanied him specific questions about the following points:

First: The reality of the camp, both geographically and humanly.

Second: The identities of the armed groups in the camp, their numbers and locations. Here, Votel stopped and asked specifically about the Ansar Allah group led by Jamal Suleiman and other Islamic groups.

Third: The number of displaced Palestinians who moved from Syria to Ain Al-Hilweh camp.

Fourth: The nature of the measures taken by the Lebanese army around the camp.

Fifth: Latest developments in the plan to build a cement wall around the camp.

The document also stated that, “As a follow-up to this visit, meetings continued between the American and Lebanese sides, and a technical team from the US CENTCOM visited the Lebanese Army Command in September 2018. The team met with the Army Commander, the Director of Intelligence, and the official in charge of the Palestinian file in the Army.

The incorporation of the “Basateen Al-Tayyar” area, which has served as a training camp for Ain Al-Hilweh’s prominent Islamic faction, the Asbat Al-Ansar (Ansar League), was also discussed. This League had previously been suspected of involvement in assassinations, most notably the deaths of four judges at the Sidon courthouse. However, its relationship with the Lebanese army improved in later years, particularly in terms of assisting in the regulation of smaller organizations’ actions.”

“The construction of a wall around the Ain al-Hilweh camp was originally based on an American proposal,” the document continued, “although the Lebanese army at time justified this step by the need for security measures in light of violations committed by armed factions from within the camp towards the surrounding area. However, opposition to this step did not prevent its fulfillment.”

The document continued: “Several terrorists who had previously left the camp to fight in Syria returned to Ain Al-Hilweh at specific times, contributing to tension within the camp and raising fears that this would be a prelude to blowing up the camp from within on the way to dismantling it and ending the Right of Return. This situation prompted Lebanese security sources to ask whether a specific Gulf country with ties to ‘Islamic’ groups, as well as the US, had pushed for the return of those militants, resulting in labeling the camp as a bastion of terrorism. This plan was accompanied by facilitating for several Palestinian youths in Ain al-Hilweh to travel to European countries, especially Scandinavian ones. Lebanese travel agencies carried out this process.”

In the report’s summary, “diplomatic sources outlined several goals for the tours and visits of American officers, including:

  • Isolating the camp from its surroundings by a wall that allows the events occurring or that will occur within it to be separated.
  • Making it more difficult for “terrorist groups” to enter and exit.  The Americans claimed to know of the existence of roughly 500 armed terrorists inside the camp, including Saudis, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese, during their subsequent conversations with the Lebanese side.
  • The main goal, which the Americans withheld from the Lebanese side, is maintaining the Deal of the Century’s terms, imposing a scenario that exhausts the Palestinians, and forcibly relocating some of them to Lebanon and others to countries that can accommodate them.”

The document’s most significant conclusion appears in noting that “security sources are anticipating the occurrence of tensions and clashes occasionally in the Ain Al-Hilweh camp, under the guidance of Arab and American security services, to aggravate the situation and displace the camp’s residents. This serves the purpose of integrating a portion of these refugees into Lebanese culture while encouraging the remainder to move to foreign nations that provide special facilities in collaboration with the Israeli entity.”

Wall in Ain Al-Hilweh refigee camp (photo from archive).

Votel: The wall and Special Forces in Lebanon

General Joseph Votel, whoserved as the CENTCOM Commander between March 2016 till March 2019, conducted a press conference with correspondents from Arab media at the end of January 2018, following a series of visits to Lebanon and other countries in the region. In response to a question by the Beirut0based newspaper The Daily Star correspondent, Victoria Yan, about the role of US Special Forces in Lebanon, he said: “I make frequent visits to Lebanon. I won’t delve into details about the particular operations we support, but our role is to enhance the capabilities of the Lebanese Armed Forces and help them confront terrorism in Lebanon and prevent its influence on the region.”

In April 2018, the residents of Sidon awoke to extraordinary measures taken by the Lebanese army before a military helicopter carrying an American military delegation with an official at the American embassy in Beirut landed on the city’s sports stadium, supported by another military helicopter. The delegation was led under heavy escort to the Muhammad Zgheib barracks in Sidon. Following a conference with army intelligence officers, the delegation visited the Serob region, overlooking the Ain Al-Hilweh camp, amid security measures along the road leading to the location.

It was later known that Votel was present in the US delegation. However, his deputy, General Charles Brown, undertook the same tour in September 2017, accompanied by officials from the American Embassy in Beirut. The delegation was briefed on the stages of construction of the security wall, which was scheduled to rise to more than 6 meters and be equipped with towers reaching a height of 9 meters, extending west and south of the camp towards Darb Al-Sim and up to the Al-Aytam area. Then, the Americans requested that the Lebanese army meet with the Palestine Liberation Organization factions and inform them that the goal of the wall is to defend the camp and that it should not be labeled a wall but rather a “protection fence” with the aim of “preserving the safety of the camp.”