Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Palestinian (Weekly Update 23-29 March 2023)

March 30, 2023

Violation of right to life and bodily integrity:

Two Palestinians were killed and 7 others, including 3 children, were injured, while dozens of others suffocated in Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF)’s attacks in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

On 23 March 2023, Ameer ‘Emad Abu Khadijah (25), a member of Palestinian armed groups, was killed by IOF’s fire after the latter cordoned off a house, where Abu Khadijah was fortified. According to investigations conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), IOF moved into Izbat Shufa village, southeast of Tulkarm, and cordoned off a house, where Abu Khadijah was fortified. An exchange of fire occurred before IOF raided the house and fired a projectile at it. About half an hour later, IOF withdrew after arresting the house’s owner. Following IOF’s withdrawal, villagers found Abu Khadijah’s body covered in blood inside one of the house’s rooms, as he was shot with several live bullets in his head and lower limbs. Also, there were traces of bullets that were heavily fired at the room’s walls.

On 28 March 2023, medical sources at An-Najah Hospital in Nablus declared the death of ‘Ameer Mohammed Lolah (28), a member of Palestinian armed groups, after he succumbed to an abdomen injury caused by a live bullet fired by IOF during clashes on 22 February 2023 while IOF were surrounding a house in Nablus’s Old City. At the time, those clashes resulted in the killing of 11 Palestinians, including 4 civilians, and the injury of tens of others, including 9 seriously injured.

Meanwhile, those injured were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied IOF’s incursions into the Palestinian cities and villages, or IOF’s suppression of peaceful protests organized by Palestinian civilians, and they were as follows:

On 23 March 2023, a child, who was near his school, was shot with a rubber-coated bullet in his foot by IOF after their incursion into al-Ram village in occupied East Jerusalem. Before their withdrawal, IOF arrested two Palestinians from their houses.

On 25 March 2023, a Palestinian sustained minor wounds and tens of others suffocated in clashes with IOF during their incursion into al-Khader village in Bethlehem.

On 27 March 2023, IOF arrested a child after being shot with a rubber-coated bullet in his foot during clashes that accompanied IOF’s incursion into al-Khader village in Bethlehem.

On the same day in the afternoon, 4 Palestinians were injured, including a child whose leg was amputated, by IOF’s fire during the latter’s incursion into ‘Aqabat Jaber camp in Jericho. Before their withdrawal, IOF arrested a Palestinian whose two of his sons were previously shot dead by IOF on 06 February 2023.

This week witnessed recurrent clashes with IOF in occupied East Jerusalem and Bethlehem’s neighborhoods, where IOF fired teargas canisters, causing suffocations among tens of Palestinians.

In the Gaza Strip, 3 IOF shootings were reported on agricultural lands in eastern Gaza Strip, and 2 shootings were reported on fishing boats off the Western Gaza shores.

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So far in 2023, IOF attacks killed 89 Palestinians, including 45 civilians; 15 of them were children and a woman, and the rest were members of the Palestinian armed groups, including 2 children, as well as 6 killed by settlers, and one died in Israeli prisons. Meanwhile, 398 Palestinians, including 54 children, 2 women and 10 journalists, were injured.

Land razing, demolitions, and notices

IOF demolished a commercial facility and notified to demolish a house, a facility, a mosque, and 7 graves. They also confiscated a garbage truck in the West Bank. Details are as follows:

On 24 March 2023, IOF confiscated Biddya municipality’s garbage truck during their incursion into Qarawat Bani Hassan village, west of Salfit. This was the 3^rd garbage truck to be confiscated by IOF within a month in Salfit, under the pretext of working in Area C.

On the same day, IOF hanged two demolition orders on a 160-sqm concrete house, which is supposed to be resided by a family of 12, including 3 children, and on a 200-sqm agricultural facility built of isolated tinplate and used for breeding livestock in Al-Burj village in Hebron.

Also, upon military order No. (1797), IOF notified to demolish 7 graves in Abu al-Tuq Cemetery in Al-Burj village. Those graves are located in a 140 -dunum land belonging to the Islamic Endowment (Awqaf) Department: 35 dunums remained under the Islamic Endowment’s control while the rest were seized due to the construction of the annexation wall.  

On 27 March 2023, IOF notified to demolish Belal Ibn Rabah Mosque built on an area of 150 square meters in Khashem al-Daraj village in Hebron, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

On 28 March 2023, IOF demolished a 350-sqm commercial facility in Dayr Balut village, west of Salfit, under the pretext of being near the annexation wall.  During the demolition, IOF fired teargas canisters at the villagers to prevent them from confronting the demolition. As a result, many villagers suffocated.

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Since the beginning of 2023, IOF made 64 families homeless, a total of 406 persons, including 81 women and 183 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of 66 houses; 16 were forcibly self-demolished by their owners and 6 were demolished on grounds of collective punishment. IOF also demolished 56 other civilian objects, razed other property, and delivered dozens of notices of demolition and cease-construction in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

Settler-attacks and retaliatory acts:

Settlers carried out 5 attacks against Palestinians and their property in the West Bank, most notably setting a house and 2 vehicles ablaze and attacking 2 Palestinians. Details are as follows:

On 24 March 2023, Israeli settlers brought their sheep to graze the agricultural crops surrounding al-Zowaiden village in southern Hebron. As a result, part of the crops was damaged. Meanwhile, a number of villagers arrived and tried to confront the settlers and force them out of their lands. Afterwards, a large force of IOF and police arrived at the area and forced the villagers to leave after detaining 3 of them and releasing them later. It is worth noting that Israeli authorities declared the lands surrounding Zowaiden village as a military Firing Zone under the so-called “Training Area 917”, while an Israeli settler established a settlement outpost near the village.

On 26 March 2023, Israeli settlers burned a 70-sqm house adjacent to the settlement Street 60, which connects Ramallah with Nablus, in Sinjil village, east of Ramallah. The house is 50 meters away from an IOF military site. The house’s owner said to PCHR’s fieldworker that 4 Israeli settlers attacked his house with Molotov Cocktails and he and his family members managed to exit from the back door before the house was completely burned.

On the same day, Israeli settlers threw stones at Palestinian vehicles passing by “Yitzhar” Bypass Road in Huwara village. As a result, windshield of a truck was broken.

On 27 March 2023, Israeli settlers set a truck and a vehicle ablaze and broke the windows of two ambulances, one of them was carrying samples to Tulkarm Hospital, and 3 other vehicles in widescale attacks on Huwara village.

On 29 March 2023, Israeli settlers attacked a house belonging to an elderly man in Kisan village, east of Bethlehem, and severely beat him and his son. As a result, the elderly man and his son sustained injuries and bruises and were taken to al-Hussain Hospital in Beit Jala village for treatment.

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Since the beginning of the year, settlers have conducted at least 162 attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property. As a result, 6 Palestinians were killed and dozens of others were injured; most of them after being beaten and thrown with stones. Also, dozens of houses, vehicles and civilian facilities were set ablaze.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians:

 IOF carried out 185 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During those incursions, at least 81 Palestinians were arrested, including 10 children and a woman.

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So far in 2023, IOF conducted 2,577 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 1,243 Palestinians were arrested, including 21 women and 158 children. Also, IOF conducted 9 incursions and arrested 23 Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, including 6 fishermen, 14 infiltrators into Israel, and 3 travelers at Erez Crossing.

Israeli closure, restrictions on freedom of movement and collective punishment:

Israeli occupation maintains its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s monthly-update in the Gaza crossings.

In the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, IOF continue to impose restrictions on the freedom of movement. On top of its 110 permanent checkpoints, IOF established 105 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

On 23 March 2023, IOF closed the vehicles lane at the military checkpoint 300 in northern Bethlehem and it is expected to remain closed throughout the month of Ramadan.

On 24 March 2023, IOF closed the metal detector gate established at the western entrance to Husan village and reopened it later.

On 25 March 2023, IOF declared Huwara village, southeast of Nablus, as a closed military zone and imposed a cordon on it. They closed the internal streets with sand berms, established more checkpoints and placed cement cubes on the village’s main street, as part of the collective punishment policy following the shooting attack against IOF in the village. IOF’s restrictions extended to affect all Nablus, as they closed all military checkpoints leading to the village, rendering entry into the city almost impossible.

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So far in 2023, IOF established 1,558 temporary checkpoints and arrested 63 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

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AS ISRAEL PUSHES TO ANNEX THE JORDAN VALLEY, IS THE THREAT ALREADY HERE?

FEBRUARY 8TH, 2023

ESSICA BUXBAUM

Before being re-elected in 2019, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed to annex the Jordan Valley, which makes up approximately 30% of the occupied West Bank, if he remained in power. After months of speculation, Netanyahu nixed his promise in the summer of 2020 as part of Israel’s normalization agreement with the United Arab Emirates.

Yet with Netanyahu back in office again and leading a right-wing extremist coalition, annexation of the Jordan Valley is back on the agenda.

In January, Israeli member of parliament, Danny Danon, announced his plans to put forward a bill to annex the region. According to Jewish News, the bill he is preparing seeks to apply “Israeli law to all areas of the Jordan Valley,” including the “industrial areas that serve them, the archaeological sites in the area and the access roads to these areas.”

Additionally, settler-colonists with the Sovereignty Youth Movement have collected more than 1,000 signatures for a petition demanding the government annex the Jordan Valley. While the Sovereignty Youth Movement and Danon did not respond to MintPress News’ requests for comment, Danon told Jewish News:

The annexation of the Jordan Valley is a significant issue for Israel from an historical, economical as well as crucially, from a security perspective. We know that there is support for the application of Israel’s sovereignty of the Jordan Valley, both in the government’s coalition as well as in the opposition.”

Rabbi Arik Ascherman, an activist and director of Israeli non-profit Torat Tzedek, explained that Israeli proposals to annex the Jordan Valley were not exclusively dominated by the right. Rather, Israelis across the political spectrum largely agree on annexing the Jordan Valley for security purposes.

Settlement construction in the Jordan Valley was initially the brainchild of Israel’s Labor Party brought forth by Labor Minister Yigal Allon as part of the Allon Plan, a draft partition agreement following Israel’s capture of the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 1967. Establishing settlements in the Jordan Valley was seen as a strategic move to defend against then-existing threats from the east. Today, while those threats have disappeared, the argument of security still persists.

Where Infrastructure Means Prisons: A Drive into the Naqab and the Illusion of Israeli Democracy

THE JORDAN VALLEY’S IMPORTANCE

Being in the Jordan Valley is like hiking through a landscape painting. Jagged cliffs soften into plateaus. Mountains transform into sandy waterfalls and eventually descend into lush ravines. The area is coveted for its natural beauty and agricultural capability. The mineral-rich soil, unique climate, and plentiful water resources has made it a hotspot for farming year-round and therefore an economic necessity.

“It’s a very rich area, not just for agribusiness, but even for tourism and enjoying nature,” Rashed Khudairy, Coordinator of the Jordan Valley Solidarity Campaign and resident, told MintPress News.

But in between the flocks of grazing sheep, jumping gazelles, and banana plantations, there are remnants of past lives. On a muddy hilltop, a family home lays in ruins. A lone shoe left on stone floors whose walls have been dismantled serves as just a wisp of a memory. Facing constant violence, families in the Jordan Valley often leave their land of their own accord.

“The settlers just came and they tore down the shepherd’s structures and threatened him with knives,” Ascherman said, referring to a Palestinian shepherd who fled his land after harassment from nearby settlers. In other cases, shepherds plowed their fields but never returned to harvest out of fear of settler attacks.

Construction of outposts – extensions of Israeli settlements built without the government’s approval – began in 2013 in the Jordan Valley, but sharply increased from 2016. While settlements are legal under Israeli law, outposts are not. Both are illegal under international law.

Palestinian farmers harvest onions, whose export was later banned by Israel, in Jordan Valley in the West Bank, Feb. 10, 2020. Majdi Mohammed | AP

The illegal Jewish-only settlement of Ma’ale Efrayim in the Jordan Valley, June 30, 2020. Oded Balilty | AP

There are 20 outposts in the Jordan Valley, according to 2020 data from settlement watchdog, Peace Now. Unlike the first Labor Party settlements, Ascherman explained, these colonies are often made up of violent radicals.

“What’s changed in the last seven years or so has been the influx of all the outposts, which are much more ideological, much more aggressive, much more likely to be violent, much more committed to driving out the Palestinians than some of the veteran settlements were,” Ascherman said. And as the settlements expand, the violence increases. Last February, a new outpost, known as Moshe’s Farm, was established.

A female shepherd, who spoke to MintPress News under condition of anonymity, lives near Moshe’s Farm and explained that the settlement development has significantly impacted the community’s ability to graze their livestock. “They’re suffocating us, because we used to go far in that direction,” she said, pointing toward the mountains. “And now it’s limited because of the new outpost.”

Many of the Bedouin shepherds MintPress News spoke to wished to remain anonymous, given that speaking out may cause the Israeli government to take punitive action against them. “Whenever settlers see us with the sheep, they chase us or they chase the sheep with their tractors, in order to push us further back,” She said. “So this is why many people here have been selling their sheep.”

Lost wages and looming poverty has become the norm in the Jordan Valley, with more and more shepherds selling their livestock.

Ascherman explained that a lack of grazing area has pushed shepherds to rely on store-bought feed instead, thereby reducing their income.  “[Shepherding] can become no longer economically viable,” Ascherman said. “And we know shepherds who have just sold their flock and moved into the cities, which is just what Israel would like to see happen.”

Where Infrastructure Means Prisons: A Drive into the Naqab and the Illusion of Israeli Democracy

ANNEXATION: ON THE HORIZON OR ALREADY HERE?

Proposed annexation of the Jordan Valley would turn the West Bank into Swiss cheese and  erode any possibility of a contiguous Palestinian state there. What a takeover of the valley would look like remains unclear, but the understanding is that rural land would be annexed while major cities like Jericho would fall under control of the Palestinian Authority.

“The very real Israeli policy is not only to try to eventually annex the Jordan Valley, but to clear Palestinians out as much as possible from Area C, which comprises 60% of the occupied West Bank and has fewer Palestinians to begin with, and concentrate them in the urban areas,” Ashcerman said.

Some shepherds in the Jordan Valley fear official Israeli annexation may lead to mass demolitions. Nearly every structure in the Jordan Valley has been served a demolition or stop-work order. Yet these demolitions have not been executed thanks to lawyers’ efforts in receiving temporary injunctions to halt demolitions.

Along with demolition concerns, shepherds have also noticed an uptick in settler violence since December, when Netanyahu formed a coalition government consisting of outspokenly racist politicians. “Settlers have come with their sheep even closer to where we live,” a shepherd who wished to remain anonymous said. “My friend’s car broke down and settlers came and attacked him.”

Throughout the Jordan Valley, settlers and the army work in tandem together to create an unlivable environment for Palestinians. The army has designated large swathes of land as military training zones, served demolition orders, and ignored Palestinian complaints regarding settler violence, while settlers harass, tear down structures, and prevent Palestinians from grazing or harvesting.

Khudairy explained that the army often works at the direction of the settlers. And this military-settler collaboration is really where annexation is manifesting. “Since Netanyahu mentioned they were going to annex the Jordan Valley, settler municipalities and councils started doing the work on the ground,” Khudairy said. “They come with Israeli soldiers to confiscate cars and tractors.”

The majority of Palestinians and solidarity activists in the Jordan Valley are unaware of what the future may hold. But whether annexation is imminent or not, for most, the Jordan Valley is already de facto annexed.

Feature photo | Israeli soldiers guard equipment against the Palestinians as their home is demolished in the northern Jordan Valley in the occupied West Bank. Nasser Ishtayeh | Sipa via AP Images

Jessica Buxbaum is a Jerusalem-based journalist for MintPress News covering Palestine, Israel, and Syria. Her work has been featured in Middle East Eye, The New Arab and Gulf News.

What prompted the urgent, secretive summit in Abu Dhabi?

January 20 2023

Photo Credit: The Cradle

Key Arab heads of state convened this week for an emergency meeting that excluded the Saudis and Kuwaitis. The likely hot topics under discussion were Egypt’s economic collapse and Israel’s aggressive escalations.

By Abdel Bari Atwan

On 18 January, the United Arab Emirates hastily arranged a consultative summit in Abu Dhabi, which included the leaders of four member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

Heads of state of the Sultanate of Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, and the UAE attended the urgent summit, along with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi and Jordan’s King Abdullah II.

The absence of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS), the de facto ruler of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and either Kuwaiti Emir Nawaf al-Ahmad or his Crown Prince Mishaal al-Ahmad was noted with some surprise. No official statements or press leaks have yet emerged to explain the omission of the two GCC leaders or their high-level representatives from the urgent consultations.

This surprise summit came on the heels of a tripartite meeting in Cairo on 17 January, which included President Sisi, King Abdullah, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

Directly afterward, the Jordanian monarch flew to Abu Dhabi carrying a message for Emirati Emir Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ) that prompted him to immediately convene a summit the next day.

What was so urgent to necessitate an emergency meeting of Arab leaders? Why did the top Saudi and Kuwait leaders give the  summit a miss? There are several possibilities behind this swift convening of key Arab leaders in Abu Dhabi.

First, is the rapid deterioration of Egypt’s economy after the decline of the Egyptian pound to its lowest levels in history (32 pounds to the US dollar). Spiraling inflation rates, harsh conditions imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – most notably the floating of the national currency and a heavy reduction of private contracting and trade companies affiliated with the Egyptian army – have added sharply to the economy’s downward turn.

There are reports that the IMF has asked GCC countries to provide $40 billion in immediate aid to Egypt, otherwise the state’s collapse is imminent and inevitable.

Second, are the dangerous policies currently under consideration by the right-wing government of Israel’s new Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. These include, most notably, threats to storm the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, the practical abolition of Jordan’s Hashemite Custodianship over Jerusalem, the illegal annexation of the West Bank, and the deportation of hundreds of thousands of its Palestinian residents to Jordan.

Third, former Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim, warned his neighbors a few days ago on Twitter of an imminent US-Israeli aggression against Iran that could fundamentally shake the security and stability of the Gulf.

The risk of economic collapse facing Egypt was perhaps the most important and urgent factor on the summit agenda. Financial assistance from the Gulf – once a reliable source of emergency aid – has completely stopped. Even if it continues, funds will no longer arrive in the form of non-refundable grants and unconditional deposits, as in years past.

That approach to funding has changed as Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed bin Jadaan made clear in his speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland on 18 January. In previous statements, Egypt’s President Sisi has confirmed his country’s financial woes by revealing that Gulf states have stopped their aid completely.

The absence of the Emir of Kuwait from the consultative summit may be understandable in this context – if, in fact, Egypt’s economy was the top of the summit’s agenda. The Kuwaiti National Assembly (parliament) has adopted a decision to prevent his government from providing a single dollar in aid to Egypt.

Gulf states have provided Egypt with $92 billion since the ‘Arab Uprisings’ began to tear through the region in January 2011.

Currently, Kuwait’s own internal governmental crisis, in addition to the deterioration of its relationship with Cairo over its deportation of Egyptian workers, can explain the emir’s absence. What is not understood so far, is why Saudi’s MbS was a no-show in Abu Dhabi.

While Emirati leader MbZ’s warm and friendly reception of his Qatari counterpart Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani raised hopes of easing bilateral tensions, news leaks suggested that Saudi-Emirati relations are in their own state of crisis – based on growing differences over the Yemeni war and other regional issues. Perhaps this crisis is what led to a thaw in Qatari-Emirati relations.

In addition, Egyptian-Saudi relations have collapsed to an state unprecedented for years. A report last month by US media outlet Axios revealed that Egyptian authorities have halted practical procedures in their transfer of the strategic Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi sovereignty. Egyptian official media has also launched a fierce attack on the Saudi-owned “MBC Egypt” channel and its presenter Amr Adib, accusing him of working for the Saudis amid fears the station will stop broadcasting from Egypt.

Besides the economic aspects, the differences, squabbles, and fluctuating relations between the countries of this axis, there are other issues of significant gravity that may have been addressed at the Abu Dhabi summit.

A key topic may have been the ambitions of Netanyahu’s unprecedentedly right-wing Israeli government – notably its prevention of Jordan’s ambassador from visiting Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque, as a first step to abolish the Hashemite Custodianship over the ancient city.

While the failure to invite Palestinian President Abbas to the Abu Dhabi summit (there is an Emirati veto against it) may suggest otherwise, Jordan – currently under US and Israeli pressure to participate in the second Negev summit in Morocco – and its monarch may have pressed this issue in Abu Dhabi.

Gulf states that have normalized relations or opened communications with Israel would have been asked to use their influence to de-escalate these pressures. The ramifications of continued Israeli aggressions in Jerusalem and the West Bank are a direct threat to Jordan’s security and stability.

Interestingly, all the states represented at the Abu Dhabi summit – with the exception of the Sultanate of Oman and Qatar – have signed normalization agreements with Israel. The absent Saudis and Kuwaitis, have notably not yet joined that club.

Details of the Abu Dhabi emergency summit of heads of states have not yet emerged, but the days ahead could provide some answers. Will billions flow to Egypt to extract the country from its financial crisis? Or will the Arab House remain the same? We will have to wait to see.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

حكومة نتنياهو السادسة: ائتلاف «عجائبي» غير مسبوق [2]

الأربعاء 11 كانون الثاني 2023

تبدو إسرائيل اليوم أقرب إلى جماعات منفصلة أو شبه منفصلة عن بعضها البعض (أ ف ب)

يحيى دبوق  

تسلّم ائتلاف بنيامين نتنياهو السادس السلطة في إسرائيل، ليعلن أقطابه، بصراحة ووضوح، أنهم سيسعون لتحقيق مصالح فئات وجماعات على حساب أخرى، ما يعني أن هذه الحكومة لن تكون لكلّ مُواطنيها، ليس ربطاً بالتناقض التقليدي بين فلسطينيّي الداخل واليهود فحسب، بل اتّصالاً باليهود أنفسهم، الذين ستتعمّق انقساماتهم وتتزايد، مع ما يفتح عليه ذلك من سيناريوات «سوداوية». في العادة المتّبَعة لدى تداول السلطة في دولة الاحتلال، يعلن المسؤولون المنتخَبون الجدد أنهم سيعملون على تحقيق مصالح كلّ المواطنين أفراداً وجماعات، ممّن صوّتوا أو لم يصوّتوا لهم، أمّا في الحالة الحاضرة، فانشغل نتنياهو بالتأكيد، حتى قبل الإعلان عن الاتفاقات الائتلافية، أنه سيعمل على إرضاء فئات بعيْنها، في مقابل تَحقّق هدفه الرئيس المتمثّل في الإفلات من المحاكمة والبقاء على المسرح السياسي. على أن سياسة «أنا ومِن بَعدي الطوفان» لم تَعُد منحصرةً في ما بين معسكرَين مختلفَين في الرؤى والبرامج السياسية والاقتصادية، بل تعدّتهما لتَحضر داخل الائتلاف نفسه: فـ«الحريديم» مثلاً منقسمون ما بين شرقيين وغربيين، ومتباينون مع المتديّنين القوميين حول إقامة الدولة نفسها والولاء لها؛ وهؤلاء الأخيرون غير موحَّدين بسبب تضارب تطلّعاتهم الشخصية وتسابقهم على إثبات صدارتهم في التطرّف؛ وأمّا العلمانيون فمشغولون في التصارع على المناصب لتحسين مكانتهم وحضورهم داخل حزب «الليكود»، تمهيداً للمعركة اللاحقة على خلافة رئيسه نتنياهو.

هكذا، تبدو إسرائيل أقرب إلى جماعات منفصلة أو شبه منفصلة عن بعضها، تسعى كلّ منها إلى استحصال ما أمكنها في ظلّ حكومة نتنياهو، بما يشمل مطالب من شأنها الإضرار بـ«الدولة ونسيجها العام وحوكمتها». وبات أكثر من نصف الجمهور اليهودي، بالفعل، يستشعر قلقاً من أن تستغلّ الحكومة الجديدة تسلّمها السلطة لإطاحة النظام القائم، والدفع بنظام بديل قائم على التعصّب والفاشية والمصالح الشخصية والاستبداد والأحكام التلمودية، والتثمين المفرط للذات بالاستناد إلى اعتقاد بالتفوّق والتفرّد و«حبّ الإله الخاص» لجماعاته اليهودية، وتفضيله إيّاها على الجماعات الأخرى الدونية والهامشية. ومن هنا، يبدو ذلك القلق مبرَّراً، خصوصاً أن من يتوعّدون بتلك الإجراءات يمتلكون القدرة على تنفيذها، لكن هل يكفي اجتماع النيّة والسلطة لتمكينهم ممّا يريدون؟ الإجابة هنا ليست قاطعة، بل غير مرجَّحة.

عام 1977، طرأ تغيّر كبير على الحياة السياسية الإسرائيلية، تَمثّل في انتقال حزب «الليكود» اليميني من المعارضة إلى السلطة، وتسلّم مناحيم بيغن هذه الأخيرة، وسيطرته ومعسكره على «الكنيست» حيث تستولد إسرائيل قوانينها. آنذاك، وكما هو الحال الآن، عبّر نصف الجمهور الإسرائيلي عن قلقه من وصول متطرّفين إلى مراكز القرار، وصولاً إلى وصْف هؤلاء بـ«الفاشية المتسلّطة» التي ستعمل على ضرب حزب «العمل» وشركائه، والتوجّه المعتدل والوسطي واليساري، وكذلك النُّخب الإسرائيلية على اختلافها. لكن سرعان ما اتّضح أن بيغن أكثر ليبرالية ممّن سبقوه؛ إذ حافظ على قواعد اللعبة الداخلية، كما صان مؤسّسة القضاء ومنَع زعزعة مكانتها وقدرتها على ضبْط اللعبة السياسية، بل إنه استطاع فعْل ما عجز عنه حزب «العمل» تاريخياً، عبر تحييد مصر عن الصراع العربي – الإسرائيلي.

على أن حكومة إسرائيل الحالية قد تكون مختلفة، بل قد لا يمكن تشبيهها بأيّ من الحكومات السابقة. وفي هذا، يُشار إلى الآتي:
– كان قرار حكومة بيغن في ذلك الوقت، «ليكودياً» بحتاً، مع إسناد من جانب الشركاء الذين اكتفوا بفُتات المصالح في المقابل. أمّا اليوم، فإن نتنياهو هو الذي يمثّل موضع ابتزاز، فيما حلفاؤه بأيديهم أوراق قوّة تتعلّق بمصيره السياسي، وربّما الشخصي أيضاً، ما يدفعه إلى التضحية بمصالح كبرى لـ«النفاد بجِلده».

– في الموازاة، لم تَعُد «الصهيونية الدينية» التي كانت ممثَّلة في عهد بيغن في حزب «المفدال»، تعبيراً عن قطاع ضيّق في الحلبة السياسية، يمكن تجاوز إرادته وتطلّعاته، بل باتت مكوّناً حاسماً لديه القدرة على إسقاط الحكومة في حال قرّر الانسحاب منها.

 كذلك، كان «الحريديم»، الذين تَمثّلوا في عهد بيغن بأربعة مقاعد فحسب، على هامش اللعبة السياسية، وجلّ ما طالبوا به حينذاك هو التملّص من الخدمة في الجيش الإسرائيلي، بينما اليوم يمتلكون حصّة وازنة في «الكنيست» قادرة على إطاحة الائتلاف، كما استحصلوا على مطالب كانت بالنسبة إليهم حلماً في السابق، إلى الحدّ الذي باتوا معه يطالبون بفرض نمط حياتهم التلمودية على الآخر اليهودي في إسرائيل.

لم تَعُد «الصهيونية الدينية» كما كانت في عهد بيغن، تعبيراً عن قطاع ضيّق في الحلبة السياسية

– تلقّف بيغن، في حينه، مبادرة الرئيس المصري الراحل، أنور السادات، ليتوصّلا إلى تسوية شملت الانسحاب من شبه جزيرة سيناء، وهو ما أثار «الصهيونية الدينية» التي كانت عاجزة عن فعل أيّ شيء مضادّ. أمّا حالياً، فهي تمنع مجرّد الحديث عن مفاوضات مع الفلسطينيين ولو شكلية، فيما تتطلّع إلى إسقاط اتّفاقات سابقة تمهيداً لضمّ الضفة الغربية كاملة إلى إسرائيل، وطرْد الفلسطينيين منها.

– تمسَّك بيغن بمكانة القضاء الإسرائيلي، بوصفه حَكَماً يجب الامتثال لقراراته، حتى وإنْ عمد إلى إبطال قوانين واجراءات تنفيذية. كما أبقى صلاحيات المستشارين القانونيين في الوزارات والمؤسّسات على حالها، في حين أن نتنياهو وشركاءه يتطلّعون إلى إضعاف القضاء، لا فقط تمكيناً للأوّل من إسقاط محاكمته، بل أيضاً تيسيراً أمام الأخيرين لفرْض إرادتهم عبر قوانين وأنظمة، لن تتمكّن المحكمة العليا من إلغائها، حتى وإن كانت تعبيراً عن عنصرية فجّة وتغليب للمصالح الشخصية أو الفئوية، بما لا يستثني اليهود أنفسهم وعلاقاتهم البينية.

على رغم ما تَقدّم، يَصعب، من الآن، تقدير ما إن كانت حكومة نتنياهو ستتمكّن من تحقيق ما تتطلّع إليه، وبالتالي يتعذّر أيضاً تقدير مآلاتها المحتملة وتأثير سقوطها أو بقائها على إسرائيل. لكن الأكيد أن هذه الحكومة تطمح إلى نقل دولة الاحتلال إلى تموضع وهوية مغايرَين وسياسة اجتماعية مختلفة عمّا هو قائم حالياً، الأمر الذي يمثّل مكمن التهديد الأكبر والأشمل للكيان العبري.

من ملف : أسرى فلسطين: حرب إلغاء الوجود

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

• حكومة نتنياهو السادسة: هجينٌ مفخَّخ [1]
• مناورات مدفعية إسرائيلية غداً في تلال كفرشوبا المحتلة
• عمليات تنقيل مكثّفة… واستعدادات لحملة طرْد: الفاشية تعلن حربها على الأسرى
• أسرى فلسطين: حرب إلغاء الوجود
• جلجلة «أبو رعد»:

Ansarullah: Yemen Has Upper Hand in Deterrence, Seeks ‘Permanent Ceasefire’ with Saudis

January 1, 2023

The spokesman for Yemen’s Ansarullah resistance movement has reiterated the National Salvation Government’s determination to strike a permanent ceasefire, stressing that the military might of the Yemeni Armed Forces and their allies deters all threats.

Mohammed Abdul Salam, who is also head of Yemen’s national negotiating delegation, told the al-Masirah television network that the Sana’a-based government is resolved to reach a strong and permanent truce, and is serious about the separation of humanitarian issues from political and military matters.

“What put the brakes on Saudi-led coalition strikes on Yemeni civilians and pillage of the country’s oil reserves and natural resources was the fear of painful retaliatory opportunities from Yemeni soldiers and their allied Popular Committees,” Abdul Salam noted.

He said the enemy is extremely disappointed because of the unity of the Yemeni society, and the latest parades of troops from various units of the Yemeni Armed Forces also proved that Yemeni troops have the upper hand in terms of self-defense and deterrence.

“Some member states of the Saudi-led coalition sought the extension of the UN-sponsored ceasefire without any additional clauses. We, in return, did not accept such obstinacy. The other party is after a ceasefire, which does not care about humanitarian issues so that it can sort out its priorities within the framework of war and siege,” Abdul Salam pointed out.

The senior Yemeni official went on to emphasize that the National Salvation Government wants to end the humanitarian crisis in the country.

“[The National Salvation Government] is looking for a permanent ceasefire, and has already presented its standpoints to the Omani diplomatic delegation. Any solution to the Yemen conflict must secure payment of salaries to all civil servants from oil and gas revenues, and must draw on the 2014 budget,” the Ansarullah spokesman said.

Abdul-Salam stated that any solution should include the reopening of airports and seaports and the release of prisoners. “Our demands are legitimate and realistic,” he said.

Source: Press TV

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Cambridge Students Say ‘Apartheid’ Israel’s Envoy ‘Not Welcome’

February 4, 2022

Israel’s ambassador to the UK Tzipi Hotovely. (Photo: Arielinson, via Wikimedia Commons)

An upcoming visit to Cambridge University by the extreme right-wing Israeli Ambassador to the UK, Tzipi Hotovely, has sparked outrage amongst student groups, the Middle East Monitor reported on Friday.

Citing Cambridge University’s “proud tradition” of opposing racism and apartheid, the Cambridge Palestine Solidarity Society (PalSoc) has co-written an open letter expressing “dismay” at the decision to invite Hotovely to deliver a ‘monologue’ next Tuesday.

In the letter, PalSoc cataloged Hotovely’s many racist supremacist views which the students insist should have disqualified her from ever appearing at Cambridge University.

As the Cambridge Union took decision to host the Israeli ambassador to the UK, Tzipi Hotovely, we condemn this invitation and affirm that this far-right representative of an apartheid regime is not welcome somewhere.
Take action now:#FreePalestine 🇵🇸 https://t.co/9u2huOc3mq

— Lean ⁦👀 لين (@MeLean203) February 4, 2022

“Hotovely is a proud supporter of Israeli settler colonialism, and an open advocate of a ‘Greater Israel’,” said the letter mentioning Hotovely’s extremist view.

The letter pointed out that as Settlements Minister in 2020, Hotovely was directly involved in the continued dispossession of Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land in the occupied territories.

“Hotovely has repeatedly endeavored to erase the history and existence of Palestinians,” the letter continues, before highlighting the numerous occasions where she publicly made racist anti-Palestinian remarks.

Arab members of the Israeli Knesset have been denounced as “thieves of history” by Hotovely and Palestinians were dismissed as a people without a history. Early into her appointment as ambassador to the UK, Hotovely denied the Nakba – the premeditated ethnic cleansing of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. She has called it an “Arab lie” and a “made-up story”.

The London School of Economics (LSE) has confirmed this week that the students, who protested legally and peacefully against the appearance of Israel’s ambassador to the UK Tzipi Hotovely inside campuses, had done nothing wrong and politicians, were lying.#FreePalestine pic.twitter.com/QblIRrSbtI

— #CeasefireNow #BDS #Yemen #Kashmir #Assange (@ChristineJameis) December 26, 2021

Citing leading human rights groups including the most recent report by Amnesty, the letter argued that Hotovely has “dedicated her life” in pursuit of the forcible dispossession of Palestinians to make way for illegal Israeli settlements and in the service of an apartheid system of racial domination.

The letter insisted that given Hotovely’s extreme racist politics, and enthusiastic support for and involvement with the Israeli state’s practices of settler-colonial expansion, dispossession and ethnic cleansing, her appearance in Cambridge “profoundly” undermined the shared values of human rights, freedom and equality.

(MEMO, PC, Social Media)

How the Israel-UAE Pact Undermines International Law

Posted by Lawrence Davidson 

How the Israel-UAE Pact Undermines International Law—An Analysis (22 August 2020) by Lawrence Davidson

Part I—“Normalizing” Relations

Much of the diplomatic world has gone gaga over the 13 August 2020 “normalization” of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—facilitated by years of encouragement coming out of Washington. 

In truth this is but a quasi-new relation, because “Israel and the UAE have been cooperating and normalizing relations under the table for many years.” The UAE’s agreement to the public upgrading of this relationship was reportedly made in exchange for Prime Minister Netanyahu’s “suspension of plans to annex parts of the West Bank.” We can now update the old warning to beware of Greeks bearing gifts—beware of Zionists offering compromise.

Though the Israeli Prime Minister’s suspension of annexation is hailed as a major compromise on the part of Israel, it is more illusory than real. Both the Palestinians and Netanyahu himself pointed out that the suspension is not seen as a permanent one. The Palestinians and their supporters also quickly pointed out that this agreement changed nothing in terms of Israel’s illegal behavior on the ground—particularly the de facto annexation represented by the continuing encroachment of Israeli settlements. Under these circumstances, the agreement actually registers the UAE’s acceptance of this criminal state of affairs. The Palestinian spokesperson Hanan Ashrawi put it succinctly: “May you never be sold out by your ‘friends.’ Israel got rewarded for not declaring openly what it has been doing to Palestine illegally & persistently since the beginning of the occupation.”

Despite the fact that the change from informal relations to something more official and public meant little change on Israel’s part, the leaders of the Zionist state, the U.S., and the UAE were determined to present the event in a way that would convince both themselves and others that something momentous had been realized. 

The joint statement coming from the three governments celebrated a “historic diplomatic breakthrough.” Netanyahu asserted that the agreement marked “a new age in Israel’s relations with the Arab World.” He expected to see more Arab states follow the UAE’s lead. And, indeed, it looks like the disreputable dictatorship in Bahrain might be the next in line. 

President Trump framed the event this way, “By uniting two of America’s closest and most capable partners in the region” — something which his egocentric worldview drove him to insist only his administration could do—“this deal is a significant step towards building a more peaceful, secure, and prosperous Middle East.” Trump’s National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien expressed his opinion that the deal should “solidify a Nobel Peace Prize nomination for Trump.” That would, potentially, put Trump right up there with the ignominious Henry Kissinger.

The Democratic Party candidate for president, Joe Biden, immediately gave his approval. “The UAE’s offer to publicly recognize the State of Israel is a welcome, brave, and badly-needed act of statesmanship. … A Biden-Harris administration will seek to build on this progress, and will challenge all the nations of the region to keep pace.”

Others soon chimed in:

—Egyptian military dictator Abdel Fattah El-Sisi told us “This step will bring peace to the Middle East. We appreciate the efforts of those in charge of this agreement in order to achieve prosperity and stability for our region.”

—Germany’s Foreign Minister Heiko Maas: Germany welcomed the “historic” deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. The normalization of ties between the two countries “is an important contribution to peace in the region.”

—United Kingdom Prime Minister Boris Johnson praised the agreement, saying “The UAE and Israel’s decision to normalize relations is hugely good news.”

Besides the Palestinians, there were only a few others who saw through the facade. Iran labeled the agreement as a betrayal of the Palestinian cause. “The oppressed people of Palestine and all the free nations of the world will never forgive the normalizing of relations with the criminal Israeli occupation regime.” Turkey’s reaction was similar: “Neither history nor the collective conscience of the region will ever forget and forgive the hypocritical behavior of the UAE, which is trying to depict the deal as a sacrifice for Palestine, when in reality it is a betrayal to the Palestinian cause for its own narrow interests.”

I think Iran and Turkey are correct in their reaction to what is certainly a betrayal. However, I am not sure of the “never forgive” part, keeping in mind the fact that collective memories have, historically, proved fickle. Nonetheless, if anything, these two critical countries did not go far enough in their condemnation. This is so because the Israel-UAE deal is a betrayal of more than the hopes for justice and a better future of oppressed peoples. This bilateral agreement, whether it spreads to the rest of the Arab world or not, is nothing less than the forsaking of the world’s prospects for more civilized and humane international relations.

Part II—The Deep Context 

It would appear that the vast majority of world leaders either know very little history or consider it, as Henry Ford did in 1916, as “bunk.” Yet, the Israel-UAE pact should be measured not only against the historical injustices to Palestinians which it reinforces, but also against the harm it does to a number of progressive historical achievements realized immediately following World War II.

After World War II a number of seminal reforms were undertaken. A revived United Nations was established, a Universal Declaration of Human Rights was inaugurated, international conventions outlawing genocide and crimes against humanity were signed. Eventually apartheid was outlawed and an international criminal court established. These steps, spurred on by the horrors of total war culminating in the Holocaust, represented great forward progress for mankind. They should have strengthened the provisions set forth in the pre-existing Geneva Conventions and acted to restrain aggressive nationalism. They should have acted to educate the masses against racist policies and assured accountability for those who would promote government-level criminal behavior. 

If all of these post-World War II reforms had actually been enforced, it would now be easier to exercise effective pressure to settle the differences between Israelis and Palestinians based on the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the provisions of the 4th Geneva Convention. International acceptance of the racist nature of Israeli society and the apartheid-style policies it pursues would be much less likely. Government leaders who promoted near-genocide in places like Myanmar and Sri Lanka would face a truly effective International Criminal Court. George Bush’s unjustified invasion of Iraq in 2003 would have had to be judged every bit as criminal as Saddam Hussein’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait. And the two men’s fates might have been the same. The world would have progressed both in terms of ethics and respect for laws forbidding crimes against humanity.  

The recent Israel-UAE deal is but another sign that these progressive reforms mean nothing. The Israelis can perhaps look forward to “normal” relations with ever greater number of Arab states. The reaction of Western countries to Israeli crimes will be to continue turning a blind eye. All the governments concerned will see the UAE’s behavior as a green light, and thus they too will acquiesce in the destruction of those progressive achievements outlined above.

Part III—Calling Going Backwards Something “New and Innovative”

Back in 2018 I attended a small conference put on by an organization named Middle East Dialogue. The stated aim of this meeting was to “promote dialogue about current policy concerns in the Middle East, and to provide a civil space for discussion across the religious and political spectrum.” The conference theme in 2018 was “A New Collective Vision.” 

While there I attended a presentation on “new and innovative” approaches to foreign policy in the Middle East. The presenters were extolling an environment of national self-reliance—the formation of policy based on assumed national interests without any “unreasonable” restrictions placed on policy by outside organizations. This was, of course, a version of the traditional “realist” approach to foreign policy that conservatives support. However, here the approach was being presented as something new. And, surprise, surprise, the presenters were claiming that Israel was leading the way into this new and bright future.

Come the Q and A session, it took me about 45 seconds to destroy the presenters’ premise. And, if I do say so myself, I did it politely. Their only reply was that my rebuttal was not how they saw things—implying that mine was but another opinion. The presenters were wrong. What I laid out was a short version of the above, based on evidence of the potential progress they sought to destroy. As good Zionists they probably knew that it was only based on the destruction of agreements like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 4th Geneva Convention, that today’s Israel could be accepted as a “normal” state. The United States has long bought into this Faustian restructuring of international relations. Now the UAE leaders can regard themselves as fully part of this ruinous bargain. 

PCHR: Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (23– 28 July 2020)

Source

Summary

Israeli forces continued to commit crimes and multi-faceted violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized by the excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians. This week, the Israeli’s excessive use of force rendered 3 injuries among Palestinian civilians, including a child, during raids and attacks on peaceful protests in the occupied West Bank.

Since announcing its plans to annex West Bank territories, including occupied East Jerusalem, the Israeli state has continued systematic demolitions and land razing, establishment of exclusive roads for settlements in an accelerated manner.

This week, PCHR documented 125 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by Israeli forces and settlers in the oPt. It should be noted that the limitations due to the corona virus pandemic, including closure of certain territories, has limited PCHR’s fieldworkers mobility and ability to conduct field documentation; therefore, the information documented in this report are only part of the continued IOF violations.

PCHR would like to note that its Weekly Report on Israeli Violations of Human Rights in the oPt will not be published next week as Eid al-Adha is celebrated. PCHR confirms that the following report will cover a two-week period.

Israeli forces shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity: Israeli soldiers shot and wounded 3 Palestinians, including a child, in excessive use of force against the weekly peaceful protest in Kufur Qaddoum in Qalqilia; Israeli forces also used live bullets 4 times in raids into West Bank cities.

In Gaza, Israeli forces opened fire at agricultural lands once and 4 times at fishing boats in eastern and western Gaza Strip.

Israeli forces incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: Israeli soldiers carried out 64 incursions into the West Bank. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, inciting fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 64 Palestinians were detained, including 12 children and 1 woman.

Israeli soldiers also conducted two limited incursions into eastern Rafah and northern Beit Hanoun, southern and northern Gaza Strip.

Settlement expansion activities and settlers’ attacks: Israeli authorities continued its settlement expansion operations in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, PCHR documented 14 violations, including:East Jerusalem: 3 warehouses demolished in Wadi al-Hilweh in Silwan village; 14 dunams razed and 5 barracks demolished in al-‘Isawiya; and 1 house vacated in prelude to self-demolishing it;Bethlehem: 3 houses received cease-construction notices; 4 cattle barns (barracks) confiscated;Hebron: 5 cease-construction delivered to 2 houses, an agricultural room and a barracks; 2 demolition notices for a cave used as a house and a barn; and a machine confiscated;Nablus: confiscation of machinery and vehicles used in reconstruction of a road in the Industrial area in Wadi al-Sham area;Salfit: demolition notice delivered of a room.

PCHR also documented 3 illegal Israeli settler attacks: attack on a quarry, wheel loader and excavator set on fire in Nablus; al-Bir wal Ihsan Mosque set on fire in al- Bireh; and suspicion of settler attack on cattle in north-eastern Jericho where 70 sheep died from poisoning.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement: The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst blockade in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

This was amplified by the restrictions put in place by Israeli authorities since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic, that had already had grave implications on the humanitarian and economic situation of the Gaza Strip population. Of all the Gaza Strip’s border crossings, only 2 currently function: Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) for movement of goods and Beit Hanoun (Erez) for movement of individuals. The Israeli authorities continued to impose restrictions on the entry of goods classified as “dual-use items”,[1] despite their importance in reviving the market, manufacturing and maintenance. As to Beit Hanoun crossing, it is almost completely closed except for emergency humanitarian cases. Lately, a very limited number of individual cases of patients who have obtained medical referrals and financial coverage to Israel were able to travel, and some others referred to Israeli organizations working in the field of health for assistance in coordination.

Meanwhile, Israeli authorities continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent military checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to detention.

I. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity

• At approximately 07:00 on Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. Israeli gunboats also fired flare bombs in the same area at 13:10 on the same day. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 13:00 on Friday, 24 July 2020, Israeli soldiers stationed at the northern entrance established on lands of Kufur Qaddoum village, suppressed a protest in which dozens of civilians participated. Israeli troops chased young men who gathered in the area, clashed with them, and fired rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters, resulting in 3 civilians injuries, including a child who was shot with a rubber bullet in his waist.
• At approximately 15:20 on the same Friday, Israeli soldiers stationed at “Eyal” crossing established north of Qalqilia, fired live rounds, rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters at civilians who were present in the area. Israeli soldiers claimed that the locals threw stones. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 03:15 on Saturday, 25 July 2020, while storming Qalqilia, Israeli soldiers fired live and rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs and tear-gas canisters at Palestinian civilians’ homes. Israeli soldiers claimed that locals threw stones. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 07:30, July 25, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 00:00 on the same Saturday, Israeli troops, stationed along the border fence, east of Khan Younis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of Khuza’a village, adjacent to the border fence. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 19:40 on the same Saturday, Israeli troops stationed adjacent to the annexation wall established in Deir Ballut village, west of Salfit, indiscriminately opened fire at Palestinian workers, while attempting to pass through the annexation wall for work in Israel. No casualties were reported.
• At approximately 00:30 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli troops stormed Deir Estia village, north of Salfit and heavily fired sound bombs, claiming that a bus carrying Israeli settlers was stoned on the main street. Israeli troops withdrew from the villages at 03:00 on the same day. Neither casualties nor arrests were reported.
• At approximately 08:00 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest of Beit Lahia in northern Gaza Strip, chased and heavily opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within the allowed fishing area (3 nautical miles). Fishermen, as a result of that, panicked and had to sail back to the shore fearing for their lives. No casualties were reported.

II. Incursions and Detentions:

Thursday, 23 July 2020:

• At approximately 01:30, Israeli forces moved into Jama’een village, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained Hamza As’ad Zeitawi (25).
• Around the same time, Israeli soldiers reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron, and stationed around Wad al-Hareya. They raided and searched Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) secretary Nizar Abdul Aziz Ramadan’s (59) house and detained him and his son Ahmed (27). They took them to an unknown destination.
• Around the same time, Israeli soldiers reinforced with several military vehicles moved into northern Hebron. They raided and searched the former minister Eisa Khayrat al-Ja’bari’s (58) house and took him to where army vehicles were stationed. Meanwhile, Israeli soldiers raided and searched Alaa Mohammed Mujahed’s (50) house, and detained him. Israeli soldiers released al-Ja’bari after investigating with him at the Israeli Intelligence Services’ office in Etzion, who threatened him from committing any illegal activities.
• At approximately 02:00, Israeli soldiers moved into al-Dheesha refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Omar Yousef Mana”s (21) house and detained him.
• At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Jabal al-Mawaleh area, in the central Bethlehem. They raided and searched Ahmed Burhan Daraghma’s (19) house and detained him.
• At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into Aqabat Jabt refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They raided and searched two houses and detained Mohammed Taleb Yaghi (17) and Abdullah Mahmoud Yaghi (19).
• At approximately 04:00, Israeli forces moved into al-Jalazoun refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched Mahmoud Yousef al-Ghalith’s (18) house and detained him.
• At approximately 08:00, Israeli forces moved into Shu’fat refugee camp in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained the Secretary-General of Fatah Movement, Adham al-Hindi.
• At approximately 08:15, Israeli forces reinforced with 5 military vehicles, moved 100-meters to the south of the border fence, at Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing’s eastern security passage, northwest of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza Strip. They razed and combed lands that were previously levelled amidst a sporadic Israeli shooting which caused fear among farmers. At approximately 10:30, Israeli soldiers withdrew, and no casualties were reported.
• At approximately 13:00, Israeli forces stationed at Shu’fat military camp, detained Adam Mansour al-Rashq (17), while passing through the military checkpoint. They took him to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 20:30, a group of Musta’ribeen (Israeli Special Unit disguised as Palestinian civilians), moved into al-‘Isawiya neighborhood in East Jerusalem. When they arrived to Martyr Mohammed Obaid neighborhood in the city, they wore their masks and stepped out of the car and abducted Mo’ath Owaiwi (12). Israeli forces took him to an unknown destination.
• Israeli forces carried out (6) incursions in al-Samoua’, Karza, and Halhoul in Hebron; al-Am’Ari refugee camp, Um al-Sharayet in al-Beira. No detentions were reported.

Friday, 24 July 2020:

• At approximately 01:20, Israeli forces moved into Tubas, north of the West Bank. They raided and searched several houses and detained (3) civilians: Osaid Mahmoud Saleh (20), Emad Sayel Abdul Razik (32), and Lo’ay Rasheed Daraghma (28).
• At approximately 15:00, Israeli forces stationed at a temporary military checkpoint on the entrance of Beit Einoun village, east of Hebron, detained Eisa Adel al-Haroush (26), from Yatta. Israeli soldiers65 took him to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 15:14, Israeli forces stationed at Huwara checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, detained Omar Ahmed Shamasna (27), from Jayyous village in Qalqilia governorate. Israeli soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 15:30, Israeli forces stationed at Huwara checkpoint, southeast of Nablus, detained Yaser Abed Hashash (19), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. Soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 23:30, Israeli forces stationed at Elon Moreh settlement, northeast of Nablus, detained Ahmed Mohammed Hashash (17) and Marwan Bassam Hashash from in Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. They took them to an unknown destination.
• Israeli forces carried out (2) incursions in Hebron and al-Shoyoukh in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

Saturday, 25 July 2020:

• At approximately 03:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians including 2 children. The detainees are: Mohammed Emran Obaid (18), Yazan Emran Obaid (23), Zein el-Dein Muhanna (13), and Mohammed Hamza Obaid (12).
• At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces stationed at Nazlet Zeid checkpoint, west of Ya’bad, southwest of Jenin, detained Rima Abdul Fattah Kilany (16), from the city. Israeli soldiers took her to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 14:00, Israeli forces moved into al-‘Isawiya village, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Ahmed al-Rajabi’s (13) house and detained him.
• At approximately 18:00, Israeli forces severely beat and detained (3) children while present in al-Wad neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s neighborhoods, and took them to one of the police stations in the city. The detainees are: Abdulrahman Ayman al-Bashiti (16), his brother Hatem (14), and Nabil Nidal Sidr (17).
• Israeli forces carried out (4) incursions in Dura, Beit Kahel, Beit Marsm, and Deir al-‘Asal villages in Hebron governorate. No detentions were reported.

Sunday, 26 July 2020:

• At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Qalqilia and stationed in three entrances. They raided and searched a number of houses and detained (3) civilians: Mohammed Nour Yaseen (20), Wajdi Moeen al-Shanti (20), and Wesam Hamadah Yaseen (20).
• At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched the PLC Member of Hamas Movement, Nayef Mohammed Mahmoud Rajoub’s (62) house and detained him. Israeli soldiers released Rajoub from “Ofer” prison, west of Ramallah.
• At approximately 03:20, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into Hebron. They raided and searched the PLC Member of Hamas Movement, Hatem Qafishah’s (58) house and detained him. At approximately 10:00, Qafishah was released from a detention center in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of Bethlehem.
• At approximately 11:00, Israeli forces stationed at Erez crossing, north of the Gaza Strip, detained Sa’eed Harbi Abdul Fattah al-Shurafa (37), from al-Tuffah neighborhood in Gaza City, who is married with 2 children and a Franchise owner of DHL Company. Israeli soldiers detained al-Shurafa after he drove his vehicle into an Israeli gate to deliver and receive mail. They took al-Shurafa to an unknown destination and confiscated his vehicle.
• At approximately 15:00, Israeli forces stationed at Erez crossing, north of the Gaza Strip, detained Mansour Ibrahim Mansour (18), who have a Jerusalemite ID card, while leaving the Gaza Strip to study in Abu Dis University in Jerusalem.
• Mansour’s father, a former prisoner who served 11 years in the Israeli prisons from 1988 to 1999 and married to a Jerusalemite woman who lives in Jerusalem, and he lives in Gaza city, said that his son headed to Erez crossing at 11:00 to go to occupied East Jerusalem to study in Abu Dis University. Mansour’s father added that he received a phone call from his wife’s family informing him that Israeli police informed them that Mansour was detained, and he is detained in al-Ouz detention center.
• At approximately 16:30, Israeli police stationed adjacent to Bab al-Rahma, one of al-Aqsa Mosque’s gates, arrested Mohammed Ma’moun al-Sheikh (28), from Ras al-Amoud neighborhood in Silwan village, in the occupied East Jerusalem and took him to a police station in the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City.
• At approximately 21:30, Israeli forces stationed at a temporary military checkpoint, established at the entrance of Jeet village, north of Qalqilia, and detained Jamila Salman Daghamesh, from Jericho.

Monday, 27 July 2020:

• At approximately 01:00, Israeli forces reinforced with several military vehicles moved into al-Samoua’ village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched three houses and detained (3) civilians: Eisa Mohammed al-Hawameda (25), Mohammed Ibrahim al-Hawameda (29), and Ayman Ali Abu ‘Arqoub (30).
• At approximately 02:00, Israeli forces moved into Silat al-Thuhr village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and detained Maher Abdul Latif al-Akhras (49).
• Around the same time, Israeli soldiers moved into Jaba’ village, south of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and detained Emara Abdul Latif Fashafisha (29).
• At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into ‘Anata village and Shu’fat refugee camp in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and detained (4) civilians: Ya’qoub Qawasmi, Abdullah al-Bakri, Ali al-Rashq, and Ra’fat Kayali.
• At approximately 07:30, Israeli soldiers, reinforced with several military vehicles and bulldozers, moved 100-meters in al-Shawka village, east of Rafah, south of the Gaza Strip. They combed and levelled lands along the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel.
• At approximately 11:00, Israeli soldiers stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, on the eastern entrance of Nablus, north of the West Bank, detained Oday Yehya Hamada (18), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
• At approximately 19:00, Israeli soldiers stationed at Huwara military checkpoint, on the eastern entrance of Nablus, north of the West Bank, arrested Baker Emran Hashash (21), from Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. Israeli soldiers took him to an unknown destination.
• Israeli soldiers carried out (5) incursions in Sebastia and Rujeib in Nablus; al-Zababeda, east of Jenin; Beit Kahel and Hebron in Hebron governorate.

Tuesday, 28 July 2020:

• At approximately 03:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Aqabat Jabr Refugee camp, southwest of Jericho. They raided and searched three houses and broke the back window of Jamal Sukkar’s vehicle, while storming his house, and detained Mahmoud Sami Abu Atta (28).
• At approximately 07:00, Israeli soldiers moved into Wad Qaddoum neighborhood, in Silwan, in East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Nidal Abd al-Wadoud Dandis’s house and detained his two sons: Obada (23) and Oday (18). It should be noted that Obada is a former prisoner who spent 50-months in the Israeli prisons and was released last January.
• Israeli army carried out (7) incursions in Nablus, Sebastia, and Qublan in Nablus governorate; Um al-Tout village, east of Jenin; Deir Samit, Nouba, and Yatta villages in Hebron governorate.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank

a. Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

• On Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli authorities demolished 3 stores in Wadi Hilweh neighborhood in Silwan village, under the pretext of using the land for public utility. Wadi Hilweh Information Center – Silwan stated that joint crews from the Israel Nature and Parks Authority, Israeli Municipality and Israeli forces raided Marwan Siyam’s plot of land in Bab al-Magharebah area in Wadi Hilweh neighborhood. The municipality staff demolished the 3 stores with manual tools, under the pretext of using the land for public utility. Othman Siyam, a store owner, said that the plot of land belongs to his family and the stores are established on the land before occupying Jerusalem. He added that the Israeli Municipality notified his family in October and November 2019, claiming that the land is for public utility, and his family challenged the municipality decision. Siyam also clarified that his family was shocked when Israeli soldiers raided the land and vacated the stores to demolish them, upon a decision issued by the legal advisor at the Israel Nature and Parks Authority. Siyam added that Elad settlement association attempted several times to raid his family land and conducted excavation works on it, but his family confronted them. He said that the municipality notified his family and the Israel Nature and Parks Authority seized the land.
• On Friday, 24 July 2020, Israeli authorities notified to stop construction works in 3 houses in Beit Sakaria village, south of Bethlehem. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that Israeli soldiers moved into Beit Sakaria in the central of “Gush Etizon” settlement, where they distributed 3 cease-construction notices to Mohammed Ibrahim ‘Atallah’s houses, under the pretext of non-licensing. It should be noted that Beit Sakaria village is exposed to a fierce settlement attack, which prevents its residents from urban expansion in order to seize their lands and displace them.
• At approximately 11:00 on Sunday, 26 July 2020, Israeli soldiers backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Khelet al-Forn area in southern Hebron. IOF were deployed between Palestinians’ houses while the Israeli Civil Administration officers distributed 2 cease-construction notices, under the pretext of non-licensing in Area C. The 2 notices included: Yousef Suliman al-Hanjory’s residential rooms, kitchen and bathroom built of tin plates on an area of 80 square meters; and Ja’far Mohammed al-Qadi’s tin-plate house and foundations built on an area of 70 square meters.
• At approximately 09:30 on Monday, 27 July 2020, Israeli soldiers moved into ‘Asirah al-Qabaliyia village, southeast of Nablus. Israeli soldiers seized equipment and machineries that were working to rehabilitate a street located in the industrial area in Wadi al-Sham, north of the village, under the pretext of working in Area C. This equipment belongs to Shahir Hanini’s company. It is noteworthy that the village local council has been working on this street for almost three years without objection, and yesterday they started paving it.
• On the same day, Israeli soldiers seized 4 barracks used for breeding livestock in Nahaleen village, west of Bethlehem. Municipality Mayor, Subhi Zaydan, said that Israeli forces moved into ‘Ain Fares area and seized Ibrahim, Mahmoud and Mousa Hasan Shakarna’s barracks. It should be noted that Nahaleen village is exposed to recurrent attacks by Israeli soldiers and settlers, in addition to distributing cease-construction notices and levelling agricultural lands.
• At approximately 10:00 on Tuesday, 28 July 2020, Israeli forces backed by military construction vehicles and accompanied with Israeli Civil Administration officers moved into Kherbet Bereen, west of Bani Na’iem village in eastern Hebron. Israeli forces were deployed between Palestinians’ houses while Israeli Civil Administration officers stopped a truck belongs to Hebron Municipality and confiscated it. Also, Israeli forces distributed 2 demolition notices to ‘Imran Burqan’s old cave used for breeding animals and to Yousef al-‘Ajlouni’s barn built of tin plates and bricks, under the pretext of non-licensing.
• ‘Abed al-Rahman ‘Abed al-Fattah Tamizy’s 300-square-meter barrack built of tin plates and used for breeding livestock.
• Rezeq Mohammed Isma’il Salimiyia’s 40-square-meter agricultural room built of concrete and roofed with tin plates.
• Fadel Ahmed ‘Abed al-Fattah Salimiyia’s 45-square-meter agricultural room built of concrete and roofed with tin plates.
• On the same day, Israeli forces accompanied with Israeli Municipality staff moved into al-‘Isawiya village in occupied East Jerusalem. Israeli military construction vehicles levelled 14 dunams and demolished 5 barracks. Mohammed Abu al-Humus, Member of al-‘Isawiya Follow-up Committee, said that, Israeli troops accompanied with Israeli Municipality staff levelled lands in northern and western of al-‘Isawiya village and detained vehicles parked near the lands. IOF also confiscated sheep, horses and dogs from the area.
• On the same day, Eyad Abu Subieh was forced to vacate his house in Silwan village in occupied East Jerusalem as a prelude to self-demolish it upon a decision issued by the Israeli Supreme Court. Abu Subieh said that: ” I was shocked when Israeli municipality bulldozers raided my house and vacated it 2 weeks ago. I headed to the Israeli Supreme Court to challenge and the lawyer managed to delay the demolition for 21 days. During this period, I appealed the demolition decision before the court, but in vain.”
• In the evening, Israeli troops placed mobile houses in lands, which were previously levelled in Kisan village, east of Bethlehem. Hasan Breijieh, Head of the Bethlehem office of Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission, said that Israeli troops placed 2 mobile houses in Kisan village lands, near “Ebi Hanahel” settlement.
• At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into al-Zawiyia village, west of Salfit. They handed Ibrahim Mostafa As’ad Shoqair a notice to demolish his agricultural room in the western area, under the pretext of being in Area C.

b. Israeli Settler Violence

• On Thursday, 23 July 2020, Israeli settlers, from ” Price Tag group”, attacked Ayman ‘Abdullah Zitawi’s quarry in Jama’een village, southeast of Nablus. Also, the settlers vandalized the quarry walls with racist slogans, set a digger and a bulldozer ablaze and fled later.
• On Monday, 27 July 2020, Israeli settlers moved into al-Bireh city , where they set al-Bar and al-Ihsan mosque ablaze and vandalized its walls with racist slogans. Mayor of al-Bireh municipality, ‘Azzam Isma’il, said that Israeli settlers moved into the city, vandalized the mosque’s interior walls and set its facilities ablaze. The imam of the mosque, Sheikh Ghassan Abdul Salam al-‘Adassi, said that at approximately 03:00, he went to the mosque before dawn prayer. When he arrived at the mosque, he smelled a smoke from the mosque’s facilities. He entered the bathroom and saw flames. Al-‘Adassi said that flammable materials were poured through the bathroom window on the floor. He also said: “I immediately called the civil defense to put out the fire and they claimed that there was a defect in the mosque’s electrical wires.”
• On Tuesday, 28 July 2020, 70 sheep died after they were poisoned while grazing them in a pastoral area, close to “Naamat” settlement, northeast of Jericho. The sheep’s owner accused the settlers of intentionally poisoning his sheep. According to information obtained by PCHR’s fieldworker that Ahmed Khaled Zawahra (78) headed to a pastoral area in al-‘Ojah village, near “Naamat” settlement, to graze his sheep. In afternoon, Zawahra took his 110 sheep and returned to the barn. After that, he was shocked when he saw his sheep died together within few minutes. He immediately brought a veterinarian to treat them , and it turned out the sheep were poisoned. As a result, 70 sheep died while the rest sustained pain.

On Israel’s Bizarre Definitions: The West Bank is Already Annexed

By Ramzy Baroud

Source

The truth is that Israel rarely behaves as an ‘Occupying Power’, but as a sovereign in a country where racial discrimination and apartheid are not only tolerated or acceptable but are, in fact, ‘legal’ as well.

Wednesday, July 1, was meant to be the day on which the Israeli government officially annexed 30% of the occupied Palestinian West Bank and the Jordan Valley. This date, however, came and went and annexation was never actualized.

“I don’t know if there will be a declaration of sovereignty today,” said Israeli Foreign Minister, Gabi Ashkenazi, with reference to the self-imposed deadline declared earlier by Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. An alternative date was not immediately announced.

But does it really matter?

Whether Israel’s illegal appropriation of Palestinian land takes place with massive media fanfare and a declaration of sovereignty, or whether it happens incrementally over the course of the coming days, weeks, and months, Israel has, in reality, already annexed the West Bank – not just 30% of it but, in fact, the whole area.

It is critical that we understand such terms as ‘annexation’, ‘illegal’, ‘military occupation’, and so on, in their proper contexts.

For example, international law deems that all of Israel’s Jewish settlements, constructed anywhere on Palestinian land occupied during the 1967 war, are illegal.

Interestingly, Israel, too, uses the term ‘illegal’ with reference to settlements, but only to ‘outposts’ that have been erected in the occupied territories without the permission of the Israeli government.

MintPress News · How Israeli Annexation Could Turn the West Bank Into Another Gaza-Style Open Air Prison

In other words, while in the Israeli lexicon the vast majority of all settlement activities in occupied Palestine are ‘legal’, the rest can only be legalized through official channels. Indeed, many of today’s ‘legal’ 132 settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem, housing over half a million Israeli Jewish settlers, began as ‘illegal outposts’.

Though this logic may satisfy the need of the Israeli government to ensure its relentless colonial project in Palestine follows a centralized blueprint, none of this matters in international law.

Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Conventions states that “Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive”, adding that “The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.”

Israel has violated its commitment to international law as an ‘Occupying Power’ on numerous occasions, rendering its very ‘occupation’ of Palestine, itself, a violation of how military occupations are conducted – which are meant to be temporary, anyway.

Military occupation is different from annexation. The former is a temporary transition, at the end of which the ‘Occupying Power’ is expected, in fact, demanded, to relinquish its military hold on the occupied territory after a fixed length of time. Annexation, on the other hand, is a stark violation of the Geneva Conventions and the Hague Regulations. It is tantamount to a war crime, for the occupier is strictly prohibited from proclaiming unilateral sovereignty over occupied land.

The international uproar generated by Netanyahu’s plan to annex a third of the West Bank is fully understandable. But the bigger issue at stake is that, in practice, Israel’s violations of the terms of occupation have granted it a de facto annexation of the whole of the West Bank.

So when the European Union, for example, demands that Israel abandons its annexation plans, it is merely asking Israel to re-embrace the status quo ante, that of de facto annexation. Both abhorring scenarios should be rejected.

Israel began utilizing the occupied territories as if they are contiguous and permanent parts of so-called Israel proper, immediately following the June 1967 war. Within a few years, it erected illegal settlements, now thriving cities, eventually moving hundreds of thousands of its own citizens to populate the newly acquired areas.

This exploitation became more sophisticated with time, as Palestinians were subjected to slow, but irreversible, ethnic cleansing. As Palestinian homes were destroyed, farms confiscated, and entire regions depopulated, Jewish settlers moved in to take their place. The post-1967 scenario was a repeat of the post-1948 history, which led to the establishment of the State of Israel on the ruins of historic Palestine.

Moshe Dayan, who served as Israel’s Defense Minister during the 1967 war, explained the Israeli logic best in a historical address at Israel’s Technion University in March 1969. “We came to this country which was already populated by Arabs, and we are establishing a Hebrew, that is a Jewish state here,” he said.

“Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you, because these geography books no longer exist; not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there, either … There is no one place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population,” he added.

The same colonial approach was applied to East Jerusalem and the West Bank after the war. While East Jerusalem was formally annexed in 1980, the West Bank was annexed in practice, but not through a clear legal Israeli proclamation. Why? In one word: demographics.

When Israel first occupied East Jerusalem, it went on a population transfer frenzy: moving its own population to the Palestinian city, strategically expanding the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem to include as many Jews and as few Palestinians as possible, slowly reducing the Palestinian population of Al Quds through numerous tactics, including the revocation of residency and outright ethnic cleansing.

And, thus, Jerusalem’s Palestinian population, which once constituted the absolute majority, has now been reduced to a dwindling minority.

The same process was initiated in parts of the West Bank, but due to the relatively large size of the area and population, it was not possible to follow a similar annexation stratagem without jeopardizing Israel’s drive to maintain Jewish majority.

Dividing the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C as a result of the disastrous Oslo accords, has given Israel a lifeline, for this allowed it to increase settlement activities in Area C – nearly 60% of the West Bank – without stressing too much about demographic imbalances. Area C, where the current annexation plan is set to take place, is ideal for Israeli colonialism, for it includes Palestine’s most arable, resource-rich, and sparsely populated lands.

It matters little whether the annexation will have a set date or will take place progressively through Israel’s declarations of sovereignty over smaller chunks of the West Bank in the future. The fact is, annexation is not a new Israeli political agenda dictated by political circumstances in Tel Aviv and Washington. Rather, annexation has been the ultimate Israeli colonial objective from the very onset.

Let us not get entangled in Israel’s bizarre definitions. The truth is that Israel rarely behaves as an ‘Occupying Power’, but as a sovereign in a country where racial discrimination and apartheid are not only tolerated or acceptable but are, in fact, ‘legal’ as well.